WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society

THE STRANGE ADVENTURES
OF
ANDREW BATTELL.

SECOND SERIES.
No. VI.

THE
STRANGE ADVENTURES
OF
ANDREW BATTELL
OF LEIGH,
IN ANGOLA AND THE ADJOINING REGIONS.

REPRINTED FROM “PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES.”

Edited, with Notes and a Concise
HISTORY OF KONGO AND ANGOLA,
BY
E. G. RAVENSTEIN.

Reproduced, by permission of the
HAKLUYT SOCIETY
from the edition originally published by the Society
in 1901
KRAUS REPRINT LIMITED
Nendeln/Liechtenstein
1967

Printed in Germany
Lessing-Druckerei—Wiesbaden

COUNCIL

OF

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Sir Clements Markham, K.C.B., F.R.S., Pres. R.G.S., President.
The Right Hon. The Lord Stanley of Alderley, Vice-President.
Rear-Admiral Sir William Wharton, K.C.B., Vice-President.
Commr. B. M. Chambers, R.N.
C. Raymond Beazley, M.A.
Colonel G. Earl Church.
Sir W. Martin Conway.
F. H. H. Guillemard, M.A., M.D.
Edward Heawood, M.A.
Dudley F. A. Hervey, C.M.G.
E. F. Im Thurn, C.B., C.M.G.
J. Scott Keltie, LL.D.
F. W. Lucas.
A. P. Maudslay.
E. J. Payne, M.A.
Howard Saunders.
H. W. Trinder.
Charles Welch, F.S.A.
William Foster, B.A., Honorary Secretary.

CONTENTS.

INTRODUCTION.

OUR Englishmen are known to have visited Angola towards the close of the sixteenth century, namely, Thomas Turner, Andrew Towres, Anthony Knivet and Andrew Battell. All four were taken by the Portuguese out of English privateers in South-American waters, and spent years of captivity as prisoners of war; happy, no doubt, in having escaped the fate of many of their less fortunate companions, who atoned with their lives for the hazardous proceedings in which they had engaged.

Thomas Turner,[1] although he furnished Samuel Purchas with a few notes on Brazil, never placed on record what happened to him whilst in Portuguese Africa. Towres was sent to prison at Rio de Janeiro for the heinous offence of eating meat on a Friday; he attempted an escape, was retaken, and condemned to spend the rest of his captivity in Angola. He died at Masanganu, as we learn from Knivet. Knivet himself has left us an account of his adventures in Angola and Kongo; but this account contains so many incredible statements that it was with some hesitation we admitted it into this volume, as by doing so we might be supposed to vouch for the writer’s veracity.

Andrew Battell, fortunately, has left behind him a fairly circumstantial record of what he experienced in Kongo and Angola. His narrative bears the stamp of truth, and has stood the test of time. It is unique, moreover, as being the earliest record of travels in the interior of this part of Africa; for, apart from a few letters of Jesuit missionaries, the references to Kongo or Angola printed up to Battell’s time, were either confined to the coast, or they were purely historical or descriptive. Neither F. Pigafetta’s famous Relatione del Reame di Congo, “drawn out of the writings and discourses of Duarte Lopez,” and first published at Rome in 1591, nor the almost equally famous Itinerarium of Jan Huyghen van Linschoten, of which an English translation appeared as early as 1598, can be classed among books of travel.[2] Samuel Braun, of Basel, who served as barber-surgeon on board Dutch vessels which traded at Luangu and on the Kongo, 1611-13, never left the coast.[3] Nor did Pieter van der Broeck, who made three voyages to the Kongo between 1607 and 1612 as supercargo of Dutch vessels, penetrate inland.[4] Nay, we are even able to claim on behalf of Battell that he travelled by routes not since trodden by European explorers.

Of Andrew Battell’s history we know nothing, except what may be gathered from his “Adventures,” and an occasional reference to him by his friend, neighbour, and editor, the Rev. Samuel Purchas. He seems to have been a native of Leigh, in Essex, at the present day a mere fishing village by the side of its populous upstart neighbour Southend, but formerly a place of considerable importance. As early as the fifteenth century it could boast of its guild of pilots, working in harmony with a similar guild at Deptford Strond, the men of Leigh taking charge of inward bound ships, whilst Deptford provided pilots to the outward bound. Henry VIII incorporated both guilds as the “Fraternity of the Most Glorious and Indivisible Trinity and of St. Clement;” and in the venerable church of St. Clement, at Leigh, and the surrounding churchyard may still be seen monuments erected in honour of contemporaries of Battell who were Brethren of the Trinity House; among whom are Robert Salmon (born 1567, died 1661) and Robert Chester (died 1632). But there is no tombstone in memory of Andrew Battell; and if a memorial tablet was ever dedicated to him, it must have been removed when the church was renovated in 1837. Nor do the registers of the church afford a clue to Battell’s death, for the earliest of these documents only dates back to the year 1684. At the present time no person of the name of Battell lives at Leigh.

Samuel Purchas was Vicar of Eastwood, a small village two miles to the north of Leigh, from 1604 to 1613. Battell returned to Leigh about 1610, bringing with him a little negro boy, who claimed to have been kept a captive by a gorilla (see p. 55). Purchas had many conferences with Battell, and the information obtained in this manner was incorporated by him in Purchas His Pilgrimage, the first edition of which was published in 1613,[5] and will be found in this volume, pp. 71-87. Battell’s papers, however, only reached Purchas after the author’s death, and were first published by him in Hakluytus Posthumus, or Purchas His Pilgrimes, in 1625.[6] There is reason to fear that Purchas did not perform his duties as editor, as such duties are understood at the present day. As an instance, we notice that Battell distinctly told his editor in private conference (see p. 83) that in his day nothing was known about the origin of the Jagas, expressly denying that Duarte Lopez could have any information about it; yet, elsewhere (p. 19), Battell is made responsible for the statement that they came from Sierra Leone. Nor is it likely that Battell ever mentioned a lake Aquelunda (p. 74), for no such lake exists; and Purchas’s authority for its supposed existence is once more Duarte Lopez or Pigafetta.

Moreover, there is some ground for supposing that Purchas abridged portions of the MS.; as, for instance, the account of the overland trading trip to Kongo and Mbata. Perhaps he likewise rearranged parts of his MS., thus confusing the sequence of events, as will be seen when we come to inquire into the chronology of Battell’s travels.

There exists no doubt as to the object with which Abraham Cocke sailed for the Plate River in 1589. Philip of Spain had acceded to the throne of Portugal in 1580, and that prosperous little kingdom thus became involved in the disaster which overtook the Armada, which sailed out of Lisbon in May, 1588. English skippers therefore felt justified in preying upon Portuguese trade in Brazil, and intercepting Spanish vessels on their way home from the Rio de la Plata. We do not think, however, that we do Abraham Cocke an injustice when we assume him to have been influenced in his hazardous enterprise quite as much by the lust of gain as by patriotism.

The determination of the chronology of Battell’s adventures presents some difficulty, as his narrative contains but a single date, namely, that of his departure from England on May 7th, 1589. There are, however, incidental references to events the dates of which are known; and these enable us to trace his movements with a fair amount of confidence, thus:—

1. Having left Plymouth in May, 1589, we suppose Battell to have reached Luandu in June, 1590.

2. His journey up to Masanganu, his detention there for two months, and return to Luandu, where he “lay eight months in a poor estate” (p. 7), would carry us to the end of June, 1591.

3. Battell tells us that the Governor, D. João Furtado de Mendonça, then employed him during two years and a half trading along the coast. This, however, is quite impossible: for Mendonça only assumed office in August, 1594; but, as he is the only Governor of Battell’s day who held office for a longer period than two and a half years—his term of office extending to 1602—and as Battell is not likely to have forgotten the name of an employer who gave him his confidence, we assume that he really did make these trading trips, but at a subsequent period. Purchas may be responsible for this transposition.

4. He made a first attempt to escape (in a Dutch vessel), but was recaptured, and sent to Masanganu, where he spent “six miserable years,” 1591-96.

5. Second attempt to escape, and detention for three months in irons at Luandu, up to June, 1596.

6. Campaign in Lamba and Ngazi (see p. 13, note). After a field service of over three years, Battell was sent back to Luandu, wounded. This would account for his time up to 1598 or 1599.

7. I am inclined to believe that, owing to the confidence inspired by his conduct in the field, the Governor now employed him on the trading ships referred to above.

9. Trading trips to Benguella in 1600 or 1601.

10. Battell joins the Jagas, and spends twenty-one months with them. Incidentally he mentions that the chief, Kafuche, had been defeated by the Portuguese seven years before that time (he was actually defeated in April, 1594).

11. Battell was at Masanganu when João Rodrigues Coutinho was Governor (Coutinho assumed office in 1602).

12. Battell was present at the building of the presidio of Kambambe by Manuel Cerveira Pereira in 1604; and stayed there till 1606, when news was received of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and he was promised his liberty. The Queen died March 24th, 1603.

13. A journey to Mbamba, Kongo, etc., may have taken up six months.

14. The Governor having “denied his word,” and a new Governor being daily expected, Battell secretly left the city, spent six months on the Dande, and was ultimately landed at Luangu. (The new Governor expected was only appointed in August, 1607; and his arrival was actually delayed.)

15. In Luangu, Battell spent two years and a half—say up to 1610.

Great pains have been taken by me with the maps illustrating this volume; and, if the outcome of my endeavour does not differ in its broad features from the maps furnished by M. d’Anville, in 1732, to Labat’s Relation Historique de l’Éthiopie Occidentale, this should redound to the credit of the great French geographer, but should not be accounted a proof of lack of industry on my own part. Still, my maps exhibit an advance in matters of detail, for our knowledge of the country has increased considerably since the days of d’Anville. They would have proved still more satisfactory had the Portuguese thought it worth while to produce a trustworthy map of a colony of which they had claimed possession during four centuries. It seems almost incredible that even now many of the routes followed by the Conquistadores and missionaries of old cannot be laid down upon a modern map for lack of information. Sonyo, for instance, through which led the high road followed by soldiers, traders, and missionaries going up to San Salvador (the present route leaves the Kongo River at Matadi), is almost a terra incognita. I am almost ashamed to confess that I have even failed to locate the once-famous factory of Mpinda; all I can say is, that it cannot have occupied the site assigned to it on some Portuguese maps.

I need hardly say that modern research lends no support to the extravagant claims of certain geographers as to the knowledge of Inner Africa possessed by the Portuguese in the sixteenth century. Pigafetta’s fantastic map, with its elaborate system of lakes and rivers, merely proves the utter incapacity of its author to deal with questions of critical geography. This has long since been recognised. The map which accompanies Isaac Vossius’s De Nili et aliorum Fluminum Origine (Hagae Com., 1659) only shows one lake in Inner Africa, which borders on “Nimeamaie vel Monemugi,” and may without hesitation be identified with our Nyasa: for the Monemugi (Muene Muji) is the chief of the Maravi or Zimbas. The “Iages, gens barbara et inculta,” are placed right in the centre of Africa. The “Fungeni,” which are shown as neighbours of the “Macoco,” ought to have been placed to the west of Abyssinia, as they are the Funj, or Fung, of the Egyptian Sudan. If Ludolfus had carried out his intention of compiling a map of the whole of Africa (in 1681), these extravagancies of early map-makers would have been exposed more fully long since.[7]

In collecting materials for the maps and for the notes illustrating Battell’s narrative, I felt bound to consult all accessible literary sources dealing with the history and geography of Kongo and Angola. Whilst ploughing my way through this mass of material, it struck me that a concise history of these African countries, from the time of their discovery to the end of the seventeenth century, might form an acceptable appendix to Battell’s Adventures, and at the same time increase the bulk of the volume dedicated to him to more respectable proportions. Much material of use for such a purpose has seen the light since the publication of J. J. Lopes de Lima’s historical sketches. Yet I am bound to confess that the result of all this tedious labour is disappointing. I may have been able to rectify a few dates and facts; but much remains to be done before we can claim to be in possession of a trustworthy history of that part of Africa. Possibly my little sketch may rouse a Portuguese into taking up the work of the late Luciano Cordeiro. Many documents not yet published should be discoverable in the archives of Portugal, Spain, and Luandu.[8]

The spelling of the proper names mentioned by Battell is retained, as a matter of course; but it is obvious that in the historical appendices the various ways in which native names are spelt had to be reduced to a common system. Much might be said in favour of accepting the Portuguese manner of spelling, but after due consideration I decided to adopt the system now generally followed (even by a few Portuguese writers), viz., that all vowels should be sounded as in Italian, and the consonants as in English, with the only exception that the letter g should always be hard. I therefore write Sonyo, instead of Sonho, Sogno, or Sonjo, as the name of that district is spelt according to the nationality of the writer. In transcribing the native names I have had the unstinted assistance, among others, of the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society; yet I am fully aware that the spelling adopted for many names is at least doubtful, if not absolutely incorrect. This arises quite as much from a defective hearing on the part of my authorities, as from the illegibility of many early manuscripts or the carelessness of copyists. All such doubtful cases are dealt with in the Glossary and Index.

In conclusion, I feel bound to acknowledge with gratitude the kindly assistance rendered me by Mr. R. E. Dennett, who is spending a life-time in Luangu; Mr. R. C. Phillips, who is thoroughly acquainted with the Lower Kongo; the Rev. Thomas Lewis, of the Baptist Missionary Society; Captain Binger, of the French Foreign Office; and last, not least, our ever-obliging Secretary, Mr. William Foster.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

Only the titles of a few books cited merely by the author’s name, or by abbreviated references, are included in this list.

How cited:

Alguns Doc.—Alguns documentos do archivo nacional da Torre do Tombo ácerca das navegações e conquistas Portuguezas. Lisboa (Impr. nac.), 1892.

A Collection of documents, 1416-1554, edited by José Ramos-Coelho. See Index sub Angola, Kongo, Manicongo.

Paiva Manso.—Historia do Congo, obra posthuma do (Dr. Levy) Visconde de Paiva Manso. Lisboa (Typ. da Acad.), 1877.

A collection of documents, 1492-1722.

Boletim.—Boletim da Sociedade de Geographia de Lisboa.

The volume for 1883 contains documents now in the Bibliothéque Nationale (instructions given to B. Dias, 1559; Letters of F. Garcia Simões, F. Balthasar Barretta, and other Jesuits).

Memorias do Ultramar, Viagens explorações e conquistas do Portuguezes. Collecção de Documentos por Luciano Cordeira. Lisboa (Impr. nac.) 1881.

The following Parts have been published:—

Garcia Mendes.

(a) 1574-1620. Da Mina ao Cabo Negro segundo Garcia Mendes Castello Branco (the writer of these reports was one of the companions of Paulo Dias de Novaes).

Rebello de Aragão.

(b) 1593-1631. Terras e Minas Africanas segundo Balthazar Rebello de Aragão. (He went out to Africa in 1593).

Benguella e seu Sertão.

(c) 1617-1622. Benguella e seu sertão per um Anonymo. (The author of this account of the conquest of Benguella may possibly have been Manuel Cerveira Pereira).

Estabelecimentos.

(d) 1607. Estabelecimentos e Resgates Portuguezes na costa occidental de Africa por um Anonymo.

Escravos e Mimas.

(e) 1516-1619. Escravos e Minas de Africa segundo Diversos.

D. Lopez.—Relatione del Reame di Congo e delle circonvicine contrade tratta dalli Scritti e ragionamente di Odoardo Lopez, per Filippo Pigafetta. Roma, 1591.

This work has been translated into Latin, German, Dutch, French and English, but has not hitherto found a competent editor. I quote the English translation by Mrs. M. Hutchinson, published at London in 1881.

Duarte Lopez went out to Kongo in 1578; and the bulk of this volume is based upon information imparted to his editor when he was in Rome in 1591. Pigafetta has most unwisely expanded the information thus obtained into a description of the greater part of Africa.

Cavazzi.—Istorica descrizione de’ tre regni Congo, Matamba, e Angola, accuratamente compilata, dal P. Gio. Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo. Bologna, 1687.

Cavazzi, a Capuchin, visited Kongo and Angola twice (1654-67, 1670-??) and died at Genoa in 1693. This bulky folio only deals with his first visit, and was edited by P. Fortunato Alamandini, of Bologna. Labat (“Relation historique de l’Éthiopie,” Paris, 1732) has given a useful version of it in French, which must, however, be used with some caution. It is by far the most important work we have at the hand of one of the early Catholic missionaries. W. D. Cooley’s observation (“Inner Africa Laid Open,” London, 1852, p. 3), that the works published up to the time of Cavazzi “would hardly furnish twenty pages of sound geographical intelligence,” can apply only to what they say of Inner Africa; whilst Lopez de Lima (“Ensaios,” p. xi) is hardly justified in calling Cavazzi a “fabulista,” unless that opprobrious term be confined to what the friar relates of the miracles wrought by himself and others.

Dapper.—Nauwkeurige beschrijving der Afrikaansche gewesten van Olf. Dapper. Amst., 1668.

I quote the German translation (“Beschreibung von Afrika,” Amst., 1670).

This is a very careful compilation; more especially interesting, as it contains information on the country collected during the Dutch occupation (1642-48), not to be found elsewhere.

Cadornega.—Historia das guerras de Angola (Historia General Angolana), por D. A. de Oliveira Cadornega, in 1680-82.

Cadornega, a native of Villa Viçosa, accompanied D. Pedro Cezar de Menezes to Angola in 1639, and died at Luandu in 1690. His work (in three volumes) only exists in MS. in the library of the Academy of Sciences, Lisbon, and in the Bibliothéque Nationale, Paris. I have not been able to consult it with the minuteness which it deserves. A rough copy of a considerable portion of it is to be found in the British Museum (Add. MS. 15,183, fol. 33). Copious extracts from it are given by Paiva Manso and D. José de Lacerda (“Exame das Viagens do Dr. Livingstone,” Lisbon, 1867).

Catalogo.—Catalogo dos Governadores do Reine de Angola (Collecçao de Noticias para a historia das nações ultramarinas publicada pela Academia real das Sciencias, tome III, pt. 2). Lisboa, 1826.

This is an anonymous compilation, continued to the year 1784. J. C. Feo Cardozo, in his “Memorias contendo a biographia do Vico-Almirante Luiz da Motta Feo e Torres,” Paris, 1825, also printed this chronological history, and continued it to the year 1825. He has added the map drawn in 1790 by Colonel L. C. C. Pinheiro Furtado. The “Catalogue” is useful, but it is not free from very serious errors.

Bentley.—Dictionary and Grammar of the Kongo Language, by the Rev. W. Holman Bentley. 1887.

Cordeiro da Matta.—Ensaio de Diccionario Kimbundu-Portugueze coordenado par L. D. Cordeiro da Matta. Lisboa, 1893.

Lopes de Lima, ensaio.—Ensaios sobre a Statistica das possessões Portuguezes (III. Ensaio sobre a Statistice d’Angola e Benguella), por José Joaquim Lopes de Lima (Imp. nac.), 1846.

This is a fundamental work. The historical account is contained in the Introduction and in chap. v.

Lopes de Lima, an. mar.—Descobrimento, posse, e conquista do reino do Congo pelos Portuguezes no Seculo xvi, por J. J. Lopes de Lima (“Annaes maritimos e coloniaes,” Lisboa, 1845, pp. 93-108).

Lopes de Lima.—Successos do Reino do Congo, no seculo xvii, pelo J. J. Lopes de Lima (ibid., pp. 194-99).

THE STRANGE ADVENTURES
OF
ANDREW BATTELL OF LEIGH IN ESSEX,
SENT BY THE PORTUGALS PRISONER TO ANGOLA,
WHO LIVED THERE, AND IN THE ADJOINING
REGIONS, NEAR EIGHTEEN YEARS.

§ I.

Andrew Battel, his Voyage to the River of Plate, who being taken on the coast of Brasill, was sent to Angola.

[From the Thames to Cape Palmas.]

N the year 1589, Abraham Cocke[9] of Limehouse, began his voyage toward the River of Plate, with two pinnaces[10] of fifty tons apiece: the one was called the May-Morning, the other the Dolphin.

We sailed from the river Thames the twentieth of April; and the six and twentieth of the same month we put into Plimmoth [Plymouth], where we took in some provision for the voyage. The seventh of May we put to sea, and with foul weather were beaten back again into Plimmoth, where we remained certain days, and then proceded on our voyage: And running along the coast of Spain and Barbary we put into the road of Sancta Cruz,[11] and there set our Light-horse-man[12] together which we carried in two pieces. Abraham Cocke made great account hereof, thinking that this boat should have made his voyage. This done, we put to sea, and running along the coast of Guinea we were becalmed, because we were so near the coast.

[St. Thomé and the Gulf of Guinea.]

Here our men fell sick of the scurvy, in such sort, that there were very few sound. And being within three or four degrees of the equinoctial line we fell with the Cape de las Palmas, where we had some refreshing, wherewith our men recovered. The people of the Cape de las Palmas [Cabo das Palmas] made much of us, saying that they would trade with us; but it was but to betray us, for they are very treacherous, and were like to have taken our boat, and hurt some of our men. From this Cape we lay south-west off;[13] but the current and the calms deceived us, so that we were driven down to the isle of St. Thomé,[14] thinking that we had been further off to the Sea than we were. And being in distress for wood and water, we went in on the south end between San Tome and the islands das Rolas,[15] where we rode very smooth, and with our light-horse-man went on shore, thinking to have watered, but we found none in the island. Here we had great store of plantains and oranges. We found a village of negroes, which are sent from San Tome, for the Portugals of San Tome do use, when their slaves be sick or weak, to send them thither to get their strength again. For the islands are very fruitful, and though there be no fresh water, yet they maintain themselves with the wine of the palm-trees. Having refreshed ourselves with the fruit of this island, we burned the village. And running on the east side of San Tome we came before the town;[16] but we durst not come near, for the castle shot at us, which hath very good ordnance in it.

Then we lay east and by south toward the main, and in four and twenty hours we had sight of the Cape de Lopo Gonsalves:[17] and being within three leagues of the said cape we cast about and stood again toward the island of San Tome, and turned up on the west side of the island; and coming to a little river, which runneth out of the mountains, we went on shore with our Light-horse-man, with six or seven butts to fill with water. But the governor had ambushed one hundred men of the island; and when we were on shore they came upon us, and killed one of our men and hurt another: wherefore we retired to our boat and got aboard.

[Across the Atlantic to the Brazils.]

Then Abraham Cocke determined to fetch the coast of Brasil, and lay west-south-west into the sea: and being some fifty leagues off, we fell into a shoal of dolphins,[18] which did greatly relieve us, for they did follow our ship all the way, till we fell [in] with the land, which was some thirty days. And running along the coast of Brasil till we came to Ilha Grande,[19] which standeth in five [sic] degrees southward of the line, we put in betwixt the island and the main, and haled our ships on shore, and washed them, and refreshed ourselves, and took in fresh water. In this island are no inhabitants, but it is very fruitful. And being here some twelve days there came in a little pinnace which was bound to the River of Plate, which came in to water and to get some refreshments: and presently we went aboard, and took the Portugal merchant out of the pinnace, which told Abraham Cocke, that within two months there should two pinnaces come from the River of Plate, from the town of Buenos Aires.

[The Rio de la Plata.]

From this town there come every year four or five caravels to Bahia[20] in Brasil, and to Angola in Africa, which bring great store of treasure, which is transported overland out of Peru into the River of Plate. There Abraham Cocke, desirous to make his voyage, took some of the Dolphin’s men into his ship, and sent the Dolphin home again, which had not as yet made any voyage. This Portugal merchant carried us to a place in this island, where there was a banished man,[21] which had planted great store of plantains, and told us that we might, with this fruit, go to the River of Plate: for our bread and our victuals were almost all spent.

With this hard allowance we departed from this island, and were six-and-thirty days before we came to the Isle of Lobos Marinos,[22] which is in the mouth of the River of Plate. This island is half a mile long, and hath no fresh water, but doth abound with seals and sea-morses,[23] in such sort that our light-horseman could not get on shore for them, without we did beat them with our oars: and the island is covered with them. Upon these seals we lived some thirty days, lying up and down in the river, and were in great distress of victuals. Then we determined to run up to Buenos Aires, and with our light-horseman to take one of the pinnaces that rid at the town. And, being so high up the river as the town, we had a mighty storm at south-west,[24] which drove us back again, and we were fain to ride under the Isla Verde[25]—that is, the green island—which is in the mouth of the river on the north side.

[A Prisoner of the Portuguese.]

Here we were all discomforted for lack of victuals and gave over the voyage, and came to the northward again, to the isle of Sant Sebastian, lying just under the tropic of Capricorn.[26] There we went on shore to catch fish, and some went up into the woods to gather fruit, for we were all in a manner famished. There was at that time a canoe fraught with Indians, that came from the town of Spiritu Sancto.[27] These Indians landed on the west side of the island, and came through the woods and took five of us, and carried us to the River of Janeiro [Rio de Janeiro]. After this mischance our captain, Abraham Cocke, went to sea, and was never heard of more.[28]

[Transported to Angola—A Voyage to the Zaire.]

When we that were taken had remained four months in the River of Janeiro, I and one Torner[29] were sent to Angola in Africa, to the city of Saint Paul,[30] which standeth in nine degrees to the southward of the equinoctial line. Here I was presently taken out of the ship and put into prison, and sent up the River Quansa,[31] to a town of garrison, which is 130 miles up the river. And being there two months the pilot of the governor’s pinnace died: then I was commanded to carry her down to the city, where I presently fell sick, and lay eight months in a poor estate, for they hated me because I was an Englishman. But being recovered of my sickness, Don John Hurtado de Mendoça,[32] who then was governor, commanded me to go to the river of Congo, called Zaire, in a pinnace, to trade for elephants’ teeth,[33] wheat,[34] and oil of the palm-tree. The river Zaire[35] is fifty leagues from the city, to the northward, and is the greatest river in all that coast. In the mouth of that river is an island, called the Isle de Calabes, which had at that time a town in it. Here we laded our pinnace with elephants’ teeth, wheat, and oil of the palm, and so returned to the city again.

§ II.

His trading on the coast; offer to escape; imprisonment; exile; escape and new imprisonment; his sending to Elamba and Bahia das Vaccas; many strange occurrences.

[Trading in Loango.]

When I was sent to Longo [Loango], which is fifteen leagues to the northward of the River Zaire, and carried all commodities fit for that country, as long glass beads, and round blue beads, and seed beads, and looking-glasses, blue and red coarse cloth, and Irish rugs, which were very rich commodities. Here we sold our cloth at a great rate, for we had for one yard of cloth three elephants’ teeth, that weighed 120 pounds; and we bought great store of palm-cloth[36] and elephants’ tails.[37] So, in little time we laded our pinnace. For this voyage I was very welcome to the governor, who promised me my liberty if I would serve him. So I went in his pinnace two years and a half upon the coast.

[An Attempted Escape.]

Then there came a ship of Holland to the city, the merchant of which ship promised to carry me away. And, when they were ready to depart I went secretly on board, but I was betrayed by Portugals which sailed in the ship, and was fetched on shore by sergeants of the city and put in prison, and lay with great bolts of iron two months, thinking that the governor would have put me to death. But at last I was banished for ever to the Fort of Massangano, to serve in the conquest of those parts. Here I lived a most miserable life for the space of six years without any hope to see the sea again.

[A Second Attempt at Escape.]

In this fort there were Egyptians and Moriscoes that were banished as myself. To one of these Egyptians[38] I brake my mind, and told him that it were better for us to venture our lives for our liberty than to live in that miserable place. This Egyptian was as willing as myself, and told me he would procure ten of his consorts to go with us. So we got three Egyptians and seven Portugals. That night we got the best canoe that we could find, and went down the river Cuanza, and being as far down as Mani Cabech,[39] which is a little lord in the province of Elamba [Lamba], we went on shore with our twelve muskets, powder and shot. Here we sunk our canoe, because they should not know where we went on shore. We made a little fire in the wood, and scorched Guinea wheat,[40] which we [had] brought from Massangano, to relieve us, for we had none other food.

As soon as it was night, we took our journey all that night and the next day, without any water at all. The second night we were not able to go, and were fain to dig and scrape up roots of trees, and suck them to maintain life. The third day we met with an old negro which was travelling to Mani Cabech. We bound his hands behind him, and made him lead us the way to the Lake of Casansa.[41] And, travelling all that day in this extreme hot country we came to the Bansa [mbanza], or town, of Mani Casansa, which lyeth within the land twelve leagues from the city of San Paulo. Here we were forced to ask water, but they would give us none. Then we determined to make them flee their houses with our shot; but seeing that we were desperately bent they called their Lord, Mani Casansa, who gave us water and fair speeches, desiring us to stay all night, only to betray us; but we departed presently, and rested that night in (sic) the lake of Casansa.

The fourth day, at night, we came to the river which is towards the north,[42] and passed it with great danger. For there are such abundance of crocodiles in this river that no man dare come near the riverside when it is deep. The fifth day, at night, we came to the river Dande, and travelled so far to the eastward that we were right against the Serras, or mountains of Manibangono,[43] which is a lord that warreth against the King of Congo, whither we intended to go. Here we passed the river, and rested half the night. And being two leagues from the river we met with negroes, which asked us whither we travelled. We told them that we were going to Congo. These negroes said that we were in the wrong way, and that they were Masicongos,[44] and would carry us to Bambe,[45] where the Duke of Bambe lay.

So we went some three miles east, up into the land, till we perceived that we were in the wrong way, for we travelled by the sun, and would go no further that way, and turned back again to the westward; they stood before us with their bows, arrows and darts, ready to shoot at us. But we, determining to go through them, discharged six muskets together and killed four, which did amaze them, and made them to retire. But they followed us four or five miles, and hurt two of our company with their arrows. The next day we came within the borders of Bamba, and travelled all that day. At night we heard the surge of the sea. The seventh day, in the morning, we saw the captain of the city come after us with horsemen and great store of negroes. Hereupon our company being dismayed, seven of our faint-hearted Portugals hid themselves in the thickets. I, and the four Egyptians, thought to have escaped, but they followed us so fast that we were fain to go into a little wood. As soon as the captain had overtaken us he discharged a volley of shot into the wood, which made us lose one another.

[Surrenders to a Portuguese Captain.]

Thus, being all alone, I bethought myself that if the negroes did take me in the woods they would kill me: wherefore, thinking to make a better end among the Portugals and Mulatoes, I came presently out of the wood with my musket ready charged, making none account of my life. But the captain, thinking that we had been all twelve together, called to me and said: “Fellow Soldier, I have the governor’s pardon; if you will yield yourselves you shall have no hurt.” I, having my musket ready, answered the captain that I was an Englishman, and had served six years at Massangono, in great misery; and came in company with eleven Portugals and Egyptians, and here am left all alone; and rather than I will be hanged, I will die amongst you. Then the captain came near unto me and said: “Deliver thy musket to one of the soldiers; and I protest, as I am a gentleman and a soldier, to save thy life for thy resolute mind.” Whereupon I yielded up my musket and myself.

Then the captain commanded all the soldiers and negroes to search the woods, and to bring them out alive or dead, which was presently done. Then they carried us to the city of San Paulo, where I and the three Egyptians lay in prison three months with collars of iron, and great bolts upon our legs, and hardly escaped.

[A campaign in Lamba.][46]

At that time the governor sent four hundred men, that were banished out of Portugal, up into the country of Elambe. Then I was with proclamation through the city banished for ever to the wars, and marched with them to Sowonso,[47] which is a lord that obeyeth the Duke of Bamba; from thence to Samanibansa, and then to Namba Calamba, which is a great lord, who did resist us. But we burnt his town, and then he obeyed us, and brought three thousand warlike negroes to us. From thence [we marched] to Sollancango, a little lord, that fought very desperately with us, but was forced to obey; and then to Combrecaianga,[48] where we remained two years. From this place we gave many assaults and brought many lords to subjection. We were fifteen thousand strong, and marched to the Outeiro,[49] or mountain, of Ingombe. But first we burnt all Ingasia, which was his country, and then we came to the chief town of Ingombe, which is half a day’s journey to go up.[50]

This lord came upon us with more than twenty thousand bows, and spoilt many of our men. But with our shot we made a great spoil among them, whereupon he retired up into the mountain, and sent one of his captains to our general, signifying that the next day he would obey him. The next day he entered our camp with great pomp, with drums, petes,[51] and Pongoes,[52] or waits, and was royally received; and he gave great presents, and greatly enriched the general, and them which marched up. Upon the top of the mountain is a great plain, where he hath his chief town; very fresh, full of palm-trees, sugar-canes, potatoes, and other roots, and great store of oranges and lemons. Here is a tree that is called Engeriay,[53] that beareth a fruit as big as a pome-water,[54] and hath a stone in it, present remedy (sic) for the wind colic, which was strange to the Portugals. Here is a river of fresh water, that springeth out of the mountains and runneth all along the town. We were here five days, and then we marched up into the country, and burned and spoiled for the space of six weeks, and then returned to Engombe again, with great store of margarite stones,[55] which are current money in that land. Here we pitched our camp a league from this pleasant mountain, which remained twelve months: but I was shot in my right leg, and many Portugals and Mulatoes were carried to the city to be cured.

[A Voyage to Benguella.]

Then the governor sent a fregatte to the southward, with sixty soldiers, myself being one of the company, and all kinds of commodities. We turned up to the southward until we came into twelve degrees. Here we found a fair sandy bay. The people of this place brought us cows and sheep, wheat[56] and beans; but we staid not there, but came to Bahia das Vaccas: that is, the Bay of Cows, which the Portugals call Bahia de Torre,[57] because it hath a rock like a tower. Here we rode on the north side of the rock, in a sandy bay, and bought great store of cows, and sheep—bigger than our English sheep—and very fine copper. Also, we bought a kind of sweet wood, called Cacongo,[58] which the Portugals esteem much, and great store of wheat and beans. And having laded our bark we sent her home; but fifty of us staid on shore, and made a little fort with rafters of wood, because the people of this place are treacherous, and not to be trusted. So, in seventeen days we had five hundred head of cattle; and within ten days the governor sent three ships, and so we departed to the city.

In this bay may any ship ride without danger, for it is a smooth coast. Here may any ship that cometh out of the East Indies refresh themselves. For the Portugals carracks[59] now of late come along the coast, to the city, to water and refresh themselves. These people are called Endalanbondos,[60] and have no government among themselves, and therefore they are very treacherous, and those that trade with these people must stand upon their own guard. They are very simple, and of no courage, for thirty or forty men may go boldly into the country and fetch down whole herds of cattle. We bought the cattle for blue glass beads of an inch long, which are called Mopindes,[61] and paid fifteen beads for one cow.

This province is called Dombe,[62] and it hath a ridge of high serras, or mountains, that stretch from the serras or mountains of Cambambe, wherein are mines, and lie along the coast south and by west. Here is great store of fine copper, if they would work in their mines; but they take no more than they wear for a bravery. The men of this place wear skins about their middles and beads about their necks. They carry darts of iron, and bow and arrows in their hands. They are beastly in their living, for they have men in women’s apparel, whom they keep among their wives.

Their women wear a ring of copper about their necks, which weigheth fifteen pound at the least; about their arms little rings of copper, that reach to their elbows; about their middle a cloth of the Insandie tree, which is neither spun nor woven;[63] on their legs rings of copper that reach to the calves of their legs.

§ III.

Discovery of the Gagas: their wars, man-eating; overrunning countries. His trade with them, betraying, escape to them, and living with them; with many strange adventures. And also the rites and manner of life observed by the Iagges or Gagas, which no Christian could ever know well but this author.[64]

[A Second Voyage to Benguella.]

In our second voyage, turning up along the coast, we came to the Morro, or cliff of Benguelle,[65] which standeth in twelve degrees of southerly latitude. Here we saw a mighty camp on the south side of the river Cova.[66] And being desirous to know what they were, we went on shore with our boat; and presently there came a troop of five hundred men to the waterside. We asked them who they were. Then they told us that they were the Gagas, or Gindes, that came from Sierra de lion [Serra Leôa],[67] and passed through the city of Congo, and so travelled to the eastward of the great city of Angola, which is called Dongo.[68] The great Gaga, which is their general, came down to the waterside to see us, for he had never seen white men before. He asked wherefore we came. We told him that we came to trade upon the coast. Then he bade us welcome, and called us on shore with our commodities. We laded our ship with slaves in seven days, and bought them so cheap that many did not cost one real, which were worth in the city [of Loanda] twelve milreis.

[In a marginal note, Purchas adds:—

“He, in discourse with me, called them Iagges, and their chief the great Iagge. I think he writ them Gagas for Giagas, by false spelling.”]

[Among the Jagas.]

Being ready to depart, the great Giaga staid us, and desired our boat to pass his men over the river Cova, for he determined to overrun the realm of Benguele, which was on the north side of the river Cova. So we went with him to his camp, which was very orderly, entrenched with piles of wood; we had houses provided for us that night, and many burthens [loads] of palm-wine, cows, goats and flour.

In the morning, before day, the general did strike his gongo,[69] which is an instrument of war that soundeth like a bell, and presently made an oration with a loud voice, that all the camp might hear, that he would destroy the Benguelas, with such courageous and vehement speeches as were not to be looked for among the heathen people. And presently they were all in arms, and marched to the river side, where he had provided Gingados.[70] And being ready with our boat and Gingados, the general was fain to beat them back because of the credit who should be first. We carried over eighty men at once, and with our muskets we beat the enemy off, and landed, but many of them were slain. By twelve of the clock all the Gagas were over.

Then the general commanded all his drums, tavales,[71] petes, pongos, and all his instruments of warlike music to strike up, and gave the onset, which was a bloody day for the Benguelas. These Benguelas presently broke, and turned their backs, and a very great number of them were slain, and were taken captives, man, woman and child. The prince, Hombiangymbe, was slain, which was ruler of this country, and more than one hundred of his chief lords, and their heads presented and thrown at the feet of the great Gaga. The men, women and children that were brought in captive alive, and the dead corpses that were brought to be eaten, were strange to behold. For these Gagas are the greatest cannibals and man-eaters that be in the world, for they feed chiefly upon man’s flesh [notwithstanding of their] having all the cattle of that country.

They settled themselves in this country and took the spoil of it. We had great trade with these Gagas, five months, and gained greatly by them. These Gagas were not contented to stay in this place of Benguela, although they lacked almost nothing. For they had great store of cattle and wheat, and many other commodities; but they lacked wine, for in these parts there are no palm-trees.

After the five months were expired they marched toward the province of Bambala,[72] to a great lord that is called Calicansamba, whose country is five days up into the land. In these five months’ space we made three voyages to the city of San Paul, and coming the fourth time we found them not.

[March into the Interior.]

Being loth to return without trade, we determined to go up into the land after them. So we went fifty on shore, and left our ship riding in the Bay of Benguela to stay for us. And marching two days up into the country we came to a great lord which is called Mofarigosat; and coming to his first town we found it burnt to the ground, for the Gagas had passed and taken the spoil. To this lord we sent a negro which we had bought of the Gagas, and [who] lived with us, and bid him say that he was one of the great Gaga’s men, and that he was left to carry us to the camp. This lord bade us welcome for fear of the great Gaga, but he delayed the time, and would not let us pass till the Gaga was gone out of his country. This lord Mofarigosat, seeing that the Gagas were clear of him, began to palter with us, and would not let us go out of his land till we had gone to the wars with him, for he thought himself a mighty man having us with him. For in this place they never saw [a] white man before, nor guns. So we were forced to go with him, and destroyed all his enemies, and returned to his town again. Then we desired him that he would let us depart; but he denied us, without we would promise him to come again, and leave a white man with him in pawn.

[Left as an Hostage.]

The Portugals and Mulatos being desirous to get away from this place, determined to draw lots who should stay; but many of them would not agree to it. At last they consented together that it were fitter to leave me, because I was an Englishman, than any of themselves. Here I was fain to stay perforce. So they left me a musket, powder and shot, promising this lord, Mofarigosat, that within two months they would come again and bring a hundred men to help him in his wars, and to trade with him. But all was to shift themselves away, for they feared that he would have taken us all captives. Here I remained with this lord till the two months were expired, and was hardly used, because the Portugals came not according to promise.

The chief men of this town would have put me to death, and stripped me naked, and were ready to cut off mine head. But the Lord of the town commanded them to stay longer, thinking that the Portugals would come. And after that I was let loose again, I went from one town to another, shifting for myself within the liberties of the lord. And being in fear of my life among them I ran away, purposing to go to the camp of the Gagas.

[He joins the Jagas.]

And having travelled all that night, the next day I came to a great town which was called Cashil, which stood in a mighty overgrown thicket. Here I was carried into the town, to the lord Cashil. And all the town, great and small, came to wonder at me, for in this place there was never any white man seen. Here were some of the great Gaga’s men, which I was glad to see, and went with these Gagas to Calicansamba, where the camp was.

This town of the lord Cashil is very great and is so overgrown with Olicondie [baobab][73] trees, cedars,[74] and palms, that the streets are darkened with them. In the middle of the town there is an image, which is as big as a man, and standeth twelve feet high; and at the foot of the image there is a circle of elephants’ teeth, pitched into the ground. Upon these teeth stand great store of dead men’s skulls, which are [were] killed in the wars, and offered to this image. They used to pour palm oil at his feet, and kill goats, and pour their blood at his feet. This image is called Quesango,[75] and the people have great belief in him, and swear by him; and do believe when they are sick that Quesango is offended with them. In many places of this town were little images, and over them great store of elephants’ teeth piled.[76]

The streets of this town were paled with palm-canes, very orderly. Their houses were round like a hive, and, within, hanged with fine mats very curiously wrought. On the south-east end of the town was a mokiso [mukishi] which had more than three tons of elephants’ teeth piled over him.

From this town of Cashil I travelled up into the country with the Gagas[77] two days, and came to Calicansamba, where the great Gaga had his camp, and was welcome to him. Among the cannibal people I determined to live, hoping in God that they would travel so far to the westward that we should see the sea again; and so I might escape by some ship. These Gagas remained four months in this place, with great abundance and plenty of cattle, corn, wine, and oil, and great triumphing, drinking, dancing, and banquetting, with man’s flesh, which was a heavy spectacle to behold.

At the end of four months they marched towards the Serras, or mountains of Cashindcabar, which are mighty high, and have great copper mines, and they took the spoil all the way as they went. From thence they went to the river Longa,[78] and passed it, and settled themselves in the town of Calango,[79] and remained there five or six months. Then we arose and entered into the province of Tondo,[80] and came to the river Gonsa [Coanza],[81] and marched on the south side of the river to a lord that was called Makellacolonge, near to the great city of Dongo. Here we passed over mighty high mountains, and found it very cold.

Having spent sixteen months among these cannibals, they marched to the westward again, and came along the river Gonsa, or Gunza, to a lord that is called Shillambansa,[82] uncle to the King of Angola. We burnt his chief town, which was after their fashion very sumptuously builded. This place is very pleasant and fruitful. Here we found great store of wild peacocks,[83] flying up and down the trees, in as great abundance as other birds. The old lord Shillambansa was buried in the middle of the town, and had a hundred tame peacocks kept upon his grave, which peacocks he gave to his Mokeso, and they were called Angello Mokeso,[84] that is, the Devil’s or Idol’s Birds, and were accounted as holy things. He had great store of copper, cloth, and many other things laid upon his grave, which is the order of that country.[85]

From this place we marched to the westward, along the river Coanza, and came right against the Serras or mountains of Cambambe, or Serras de Prata.[86] Here is the great fall of water, that falleth right down, and maketh a mighty noise that is heard thirty miles. We entered into the province of Casama,[87] and came to one of the greatest Lords, which was called Langere. He obeyed the great Gaga, and carried us to a Lord called Casoch,[88] which was a great warrior, for he had some seven years before overthrown the Portugals camp, and killed eight hundred Portugals and forty-thousand negroes, that were on the Portugals side. This Lord did stoutly withstand the Gagas, and had the first day a mighty battle, but had not the victory that day. So we made a sconce of trees after their fashion, and remained four months in the wars with them. I was so highly esteemed with the great Gaga, because I killed many negroes with my musket, that I had anything that I desired of him. He would also, when they went out to the wars, give charge to his men over me. By this means I have been often carried away in their arms, and saved my life. Here we were within three days’ journey of Massangano, before mentioned, where the Portugals have a fort: and I sought means, and got to the Portugals again with merchant negroes that came to the camp to buy slaves.

[Military Organisation of the Jagas.]

There were in the camp of the Gagas twelve captains. The first, called Imbe Calandola,[89] their general, a man of great courage. He warreth all by enchantment, and taketh the Devil’s counsel in all his exploits. He is always making of sacrifices[90] to the Devil, and doth know many times what shall happen unto him. He believeth that he shall never die but in the wars. There is no image among them, but he useth certain ceremonies. He hath straight laws to his soldiers: for, those that are faint-hearted, and turn their backs to the enemy, are presently condemned and killed for cowards, and their bodies eaten. He useth every night to make a warlike oration upon an high scaffold, which doth encourage his people.

It is the order of these people, wheresoever they pitch their camp, although they stay but one night in a place, to build their fort, with such wood or trees as the place yieldeth: so that the one part of them cutteth down trees and boughs, and the other part carrieth them, and buildeth a round circle with twelve gates.[91] So that every captain keepeth his gate. In the middle of the fort is the general’s house, intrenched round about, and he hath many porters to keep the door. They build their houses very close together, and have their bows, arrows, and darts standing without their doors; and when they give alarm, they are suddenly all out of the fort. Every company at their doors [gates?] keep very good watch in the night, playing upon their drums and tavales.[92]

[A River of Gold.]

These Gagas told us of a river that is to the southward of the Bay of Vaccas,[93] that hath great store of gold: and that they gathered up great store of grains of gold upon the sand, which the fresh water driveth down in the time of rain. We found some of this gold in the handles of their hatchets, which they use to engrave with copper; and they called it copper also, and do not esteem it.

[Palm Wine.]

These Gagas delight in no country, but where there is great store of Palmares, or groves of palms. For they delight greatly in the wine and in the fruit of the palm, which serveth to eat and to make oil. And they draw their wine contrary to the Imbondos.[94] These palm-trees are six or seven fathoms high, and have no leaves but in the top: and they have a device to go up to the top of the tree, and lay no hands on it, and they draw the wine in the top of the tree in a bottle.

But these Gagas cut the palm-trees down by the root, which lie ten days before they will give wine. And then they make a square hole in the top and heart of the tree, and take out of the hole every morning a quart, and at night a quart So that every tree giveth two quarts of wine a day for the space of six and twenty days, and then it drieth up.

[Jaga Raids.]

When they settle themselves in any country, they cut down as many palms as will serve them wine for a month: and then as many more, so that in a little time they spoil the country. They stay no longer in a place than it will afford them maintenance. And then in harvest-time they arise, and settle themselves in the fruitfullest place they can find; and do reap their enemy’s corn, and take their cattle. For they will not sow, nor plant, nor bring up any cattle, more than they take by wars.[95] When they come into any country that is strong, which they cannot the first day conquer, then their General buildeth his fort, and remaineth sometimes a month or two quiet. For he saith, it is as great wars to the inhabitants to see him settled in their country, as though he fought with them every day. So that many times the inhabitants come and assault him at his fort: and these Gagas defend themselves and flesh[96] them on for the space of two or three days. And when their General mindeth to give the onset, he will, in the night, put out some one thousand men: which do ambush themselves about a mile from their fort. Then in the morning the great Gaga goeth with all his strength out of the fort, as though he would take their town. The inhabitants coming near the fort to defend their country, being between them, the Gagas give the watchword with their drums, and then the ambushed men rise, so that very few escape. And that day their General overunneth the country.

[Dress and Ornaments.]

The great Gaga Calando[97] hath his hair very long, embroidered with many knots of Banba[98] shells, which are very rich among them, and about his neck a collar of masoes,[99] which are also shells, that are found upon that coast, and are sold among them for the worth of twenty shillings a shell: and about his middle he weareth landes, which are beads made of the ostrich eggs.[100] He weareth a palm-cloth about his middle, as fine as silk. His body is carved and cut with sundry works, and every day anointed with the fat of men.[101] He weareth a piece of copper cross his nose[102], two inches long, and in his ears also. His body is always painted red and white. He hath twenty or thirty wives, which follow him when he goeth abroad; and one of them carrieth his bows and arrows; and four of them carry his cups of drink after him. And when he drinketh they all kneel down, and clap their hands and sing.[103]

Their women wear their hair with high trompes full of bamba [mbamba] shells, and are anointed with civet.[104] They pull out four of their teeth, two above and two below, for a bravery. And those that have not their teeth out are loathsome to them, and shall neither eat nor drink with them. They wear great store of beads about their necks, arms, and legs; about their middles, silk cloths.

[Infanticide.]

The women are very fruitful, but they enjoy none of their children: for as soon as the woman is delivered of her child, it is presently buried quick [alive], so that there is not one child brought up in all this generation.[105] But when they take any town they keep the boys and girls of thirteen or fourteen years of age as their own children. But the men and women they kill and eat. These little boys they train up in the wars, and hang a collar about their necks for a disgrace, which is never taken off till he proveth himself a man, and bring his enemy’s head to the General: and then it is taken off and he is a freeman, and is called Gonso or soldier.[106] This maketh them all desperate, and forward to be free, and counted men: and so they do increase. In all this camp there were but twelve natural Gagas that were their captains, and fourteen or fifteen women. For it is more than fifty years since they came from Serra de Lion, which was their native country. But their camp is sixteen thousand strong, and sometimes more.[107]

[Human Sacrifices.][108]

When the great Gaga Calandola undertaketh any great enterprise against the inhabitants of any country, he maketh a sacrifice to the Devil, in the morning, before the sun riseth. He sitteth upon a stool, having upon each side of him a man-witch: then he hath forty or fifty women which stand round about him, holding in each hand a zevra [zebra][109] or wild horse’s tail, wherewith they do flourish and sing. Behind them are great store of petes, ponges, and drums, which always play. In the midst of them is a great fire; upon the fire an earthen pot with white powders, wherewith the men-witches do paint him on the forehead, temples, ’thwart the breast and belly, with long ceremonies and inchanting terms. Thus he continueth till sun is down. Then the witches bring his Casengula,[110] which is a weapon like a hatchet, and put it into his hand, and bid him be strong against his enemies: for his mokiso is with him. And presently there is a man-child brought, which forthwith he killeth. Then are four men brought before him; two whereof, as it happeneth, he presently striketh and killeth; the other two he commandeth to be killed without the fort.

Here I was by the men-witches ordered to go away, as I was a Christian, for then the Devil doth appear to them, as they say. And presently he commandeth five cows to be killed within the fort, and five without the fort: and likewise as many goats, and as many dogs, and the blood of them is sprinkled in the fire, and their bodies are eaten with great feasting and triumph. And this is used many times by all the other captains of their army.

[Burial of the Dead.]

When they bury the dead they make a vault in the ground, and a seat for him to sit.[111] The dead hath his head newly embroidered, his body washed, and anointed with sweet powders. He hath all his best robes put on, and is brought between two men to his grave, and set in seat as though he were alive. He hath two of his wives set with him, with their arms broken, and then they cover over the vault on the top. The inhabitants when they die are buried after the same fashion, and have the most part of their goods buried with them. And every month there is a meeting of the kindred of the dead man, which mourn and sing doleful songs at his grave for the space of three days, and kill many goats, and pour their blood upon his grave, and palm-wine also; and use this ceremony as long as any of their kindred be alive.[112] But those that have no kindred think themselves unhappy men, because they have none to mourn for them when they die. These people are very kind one to another in their health; but in their sickness they do abhor one another, and will shun their company.

§ IV.

His return to the Portugals: invasions of diverse countries; abuses; flight from them and living in the woods diverse months; his strange boat, and coming to Loango.

[João Rodrigues Coutinho’s Campaign, 1602.]

Being departed from the Gagas I came to Masangano, where the Portugals have a town of garrison. There was at that time a new Governor, which was called Sienor Iuan Coutinho,[113] who brought authority to conquer the mines or mountains of Cambamba; and to perform that service the King of Spain had given him seven years’ custom off all the slaves and goods that were carried thence to the West Indies, Brazil, or whithersoever, with condition that he should build three castles, one in Demba,[114] which are the salt mines, the other in Cambamba, which are the silver mines, and the other in Bahia das Vaccas, or the Bay of Cows.

This gentleman was so bountiful at his coming that his fame was spread through all Congo, and many mulatoes and negroes came voluntarily to serve him. And being some six months in the city he marched to the Outaba of Tombo,[115] and there shipped his soldiers in pinnaces, and went up the river Consa or Coanza, and landed at the Outaba of Songo,[116] sixty miles from the sea. This lord Songo is next to Demba, where the salt-mines be. In this place there is such store of salt that most part of the country are perfect clear salt, without any earth or filth in it, and it is some three feet under the earth as it were ice; and they cut it out in stones of a yard long, and it is carried up into the country, and is the best commodity that a man can carry to buy anything whatsoever.

Here the Governor staid ten days, and sent a pinnace to Masangano for all the best soldiers that were there. So the captain of the castle sent me down among a hundred soldiers, and I was very well used by the Governor; and he made me a sergeant of a Portugal company, and then he marched to Machimba,[117] from thence to Cauo, and then to Malombe, a great lord. Here we were four days, and many lords came and obeyed us. From thence we marched to a mighty lord called Angoykayongo,[118] who stood in the defence of his country with more than sixty thousand men. So we met with him, and had the victory, and made a great slaughter among them. We took captives all his women and children, and settled ourselves in his town, because it was a very pleasant place, and full of cattle and victuals. And being eight days in this town the Governor sickened and died, and left a captain in his room to perform the service.

[Manuel Cerveira Pereira carries on the war.]

After we had been two months in the country of Angoykayongo we marched towards Cambambe, which was but three days’ journey, and came right against the Serras da Prata, and passed the river Coanza, and presently overran the country, and built a fort hard by the riverside. Here I served two years.

They opened the silver-mines, but the Portugals did not like of them as yet, because they yielded small share of silver.[119]

This new upstart governor was very cruel to his soldiers, so that all his voluntary men left him; and by this means he could go no further.

At this time there came news by the Jesuits that the Queen of England was dead, and that King James had made peace with Spain.[120] Then I made a petition to the Governor, who granted me licence to go into my country; and so I departed with the Governor and his train to the city of St. Paul. But he left five hundred soldiers in the fort of Cambambe, which they hold still.[121]

[A Trading Trip to Congo.]

Then I went with a Portugal merchant to the province of Bamba, and from thence to the Outeiro [“hill”], or city standing upon a mountain of Congo,[122] from thence to Gongon[123] and Batta,[124] and there we sold our commodities and returned in six months to the city [Loanda] again.

[Final Escape from Captivity.]

Then I purposed to have shipped myself for Spain, and thence homewards. But the Governor denied his word, and commanded me to provide myself within two days to go up to the Conquest again. This Governor had served his three years,[125] and the citizens looked every day for another out of Portugal. So I determined to absent myself for ten or twenty days, till the other Governor came, and then to come to the city again. For every Governor that cometh maketh proclamation for all men that be absent, to come with free pardon.

The same day, at night, I departed from the city with two negro boys that I had, which carried my musket and six pounds of powder, and a hundred bullets, and that little provision of victuals that I could make. In the morning I was some twenty miles from the city, up along the river Bengo, and there I staid certain days, and then passed Bengo and came to the river Dande, which is to the northward, purposing to know what news was in the city, for I was near the highway of Congo. And one of my negroes inquired of those that passed, and brought me word that it was certain that the new Governor came not that year.

Now I was put to my shifts, whether I would go to the city again and be hanged, or to stay and live in the woods, for I had run away twice before. So I was forced to live in the woods a month, betwixt the rivers of Dande and Bengo. Then I went to Bengo again, to Mani Kaswea, and passed over the river, and went to the lake of Casansa.[126] Here is the greatest store of wild beasts that is in any place of Angola. About this lake I staid six months, and lived only upon dried flesh, as buffes [buffaloes], deer, mokokes,[127] impolancas,[128] and roebucks, and other sorts, which I killed with my musket, and dried the flesh, as the savages do, upon an hurdle, three feet from the ground, making underneath it a great fire, and laying upon the flesh green boughs, which keep the smoke and heat of the fire down, and dry it. I made my fire with two little sticks, as the savages used to do. I had sometimes Guinea wheat [maize] which my negro boy would get of the inhabitants for pieces of dried flesh.

This lake of Casanze doth abound with fish of sundry sorts. I have taken up a fish that hath skipped out of the water on shore, four feet long, which the heathen call Sombo.[129]

Thus, after I had lived six months with the dried flesh and fish, and seeing no end of my misery, I wrought means to get away.

In this lake are many little island that are full of trees called Memba [bimba][130] which are as light as cork and as soft. Of these trees I built a lergado [Jangada], with a knife of the savages that I had, in the fashion of a box nailed with wooden pegs, and railed round about, because the sea should not wash me out; and with a blanket that I had I made a sail, and prepared three oars to row withall.

This lake of Casanza is eight miles over, and issueth into the river Bengo. So I entered into my gingado [Jangada], and my two negro boys, and rowed into the river Bengo, and so came down with the current twelve leagues to the bar. Here I was in great danger, because the sea was great; and being over the bar I rode into the sea, and then sailed afore the wind along the coast, which I knew well, minding to go to the kingdom of Longo [Loango], which is towards the north; and being that night at sea, the next day I saw a pinnace come before the wind, which came from the city, and was bound to San Thomé, and she came near to me. The master was my great friend, for we had been mates together, and for pity’s sake he took me in, and set me on shore in the port of Longo, where I remained three years, and was well beloved of the king, because I killed him deer and fowls with my musket.

§ V.

Of the Province of Engoy [Ngoyo], and other Regions of Loango, with the Customs there observed by the King and People.

[Kabinda.]

From the Point of the Palmar [Ponta do Palmar],[131] which is the north side of the river Zaire, is the port of Cabenda [Kabinda],[132] where many ships use to water and refresh themselves; and it is five leagues northwards. This place is called, Engoy [Ngoyo], and is the first province of Longo [Loango], and is full of woods and thickets. And seven leagues northwards of that place is the river Cacongo,[133] a very pleasant place and fruitful. Here is great stock of elephants’ teeth, and a boat of ten tons may go up the river.

The Mombales[134] have great trade with them, and pass the river Zaire in the night, because then it is calm, and carry great store of elephants’ teeth to the town of Mani Sonna [Sonyo], and sell them in the port of Pinda to the Portugals, or any other stranger that first cometh.[135]

At four leagues from Cacongo is the river of Caye, or Longo Leuyes.[136] This town of Caye [Kaia] is one of the four seats or lordships of Longo. And then the Angra, or Gulf, das Almadias.[137] In this gulf, or bay, are great store of canoes or fishermen, because the sea is smoother there than upon the coast. And two leagues northward is the port of Longo [Loango]. And it is a sandy bay, and a ship may ride within a musket-shot of the shore in four or five fathoms.

[The Capital of Loango.]

The town of Mani Longo is three miles from the waterside, and standeth on a great plain. This town is full of palm and plantain-trees and very fresh, and their houses are built under the trees. The streets are wide and long, and always clean swept. The King hath his houses on the west side, and before his door he hath a plain, where he sitteth, when he has any feastings or matters of wars to treat of. From this plain there goeth a great wide street, some musket-shot from the place; and there is a great market every day, and it doth begin at twelve of the clock.

Here is great store of palm-cloths of sundry sorts, which is their merchandizes; and a great store of victuals, flesh, hens, fish, wine, oil, and corn. Here is also very fine log wood,[138] which they use to dye withall—it is the root of the log wood which is the best—and molangos[139] of copper. Here is likewise great store of elephants’ teeth, but they sell none in the market-place.

[A Royal Audience.]

The King hath ten great houses, and is never certain to be found but in the afternoon, when he cometh to sit. And then he keepeth always [to] one house. The house is very long, and at twelve of the clock it is full of noblemen. They sit upon carpets upon the ground. The house is always full of people till midnight.

The last king, Gembe [Njimbe],[140] never used to speak in the day, but always in the night. But this king speaketh in the day: howbeit he spendeth most of the day with his wives. And when the king cometh in he goeth to the upper end of the house, where he hath his seat, as it were a throne. And when the king is set, they clap their hands and salute him, saying in their language: Byani Pemba, Ampola, Moneya, Quesinge.[141]

[The King’s Wives.][142]

On the south side of the king’s houses he hath a circuit [compound] or village, where his wives dwell, and in this circuit no man may come on pain of death. He hath in this place one hundred and fifty wives and more. And if any man be taken within this circuit, if he be with a woman, or do but speak to her, they be both brought into the market-place and their heads be cut off, and their bodies quartered, and lie one day in the street. The last king Gymbe [Njimbi], had four hundred children by his women.

[The King Drinks!]

When the king drinketh he hath a cup of wine brought, and he that bringeth it hath a bell in his hand, and as soon as he hath delivered the cup to the king, he turneth his face from the king and ringeth the bell; and then all that be there fall down upon their faces, and rise not till the king have drunk. And this is very dangerous for any stranger that knoweth not the fashions, for if any seeth the king drink he is presently killed, whatsoever he be. There was a boy of twelve years, which was the king’s son. This boy chanced to come unadvisedly when his father was in drinking. Presently the king commandeth he should be well apparelled and victuals prepared. So the youth did eat and drink. Afterward the king commandeth that he should be cut in quarters and carried about the city, with proclamation that he saw the king drink.[143]

[The King at Dinner.][144]

Likewise for his diet, when it is dinner-time, there is a house of purpose, where he always eateth, and there his diet is set upon a bensa,[145] like a table. Then he goeth in, and hath the door shut. So when he hath eaten, then he knocketh and cometh out. So that none see the king eat nor drink. For it is their belief, that if he be seen eating or drinking, he shall presently die. And this is an order with all kings that now are, or shall succeed, unless they abolish this cruel custom.

[The King as a Rain-maker.]

The king is so honoured as though he were a god among them, and is called Sambe and Pongo,[146] that is God. And they believe that he can give them rain when he listeth. So once a year, when it is time to rain, that is in December, the people come to beg rain and bring their gifts to the king, for none come empty.[147] Then he appointeth the day, and all the lords far and near come to the feast with all their troops, as they go in the wars. And when all the troops of men be before the king, the greatest Lord cometh forthwith his bows and arrows, and sheweth his skill with his weapon; and then he hath a merry conceit or jest that he speaketh before the king, and kneeleth at his feet; and then the king thanketh him for his love; and in like manner they do all.

The king sitteth abroad in a great place, and hath a carpet spread upon the ground, which is some fifteen fathoms about, of fine ensacks,[148] which are wrought like velvet, and upon the carpet his seat, which is a fathom from the ground. Then he commanded his Dembes [Ndamba][149] to strike up, which are drums, so great, that they cannot carry them, and others that are very great. He hath also eight Pongos,[150] which are his waits, made of the greatest elephants’ teeth, and are hollowed and scraped light, which play also. And with the drums and waits they make an hellish noise. After they have sported and shewed the king pleasure, he ariseth and standeth upon his throne, and taketh a bow and arrows in his hand, and shooteth to the sky; and that day there is great rejoicing, because sometimes they have rain. I was once there when the king gave rain, and it chanced that day to rain mightily, which made the people have a great belief in their folly.[151]

[Albinos.]

Here are sometimes born in this country white children, which is very rare among them, for their parents are negroes. And when any of them are born, they are presented unto the king and are called Dondos [Ndundu].[152] These are as white as any white man. These are the king’s witches, and are brought up in witchcraft, and always wait on the king. There is no man that dare meddle with these Dondos. If they go to the market they may take what they list, for all men stand in awe of them. The King of Longo had four of them.

[The Nkishi, or Fetishes.]

The king also is a witch, and believeth in two idols which are in Longo. The one is called Mokisso à Longo, the other is called Checocke.[153] This last is a little black image, and standeth in a little house at a village called Kinga, which standeth in the landing-place of Longo. This house of Checocke standeth in the highway, and they that go by clap their hands, which is the courtesy of the country. Those that be craftsmen, as fishermen, hunters, and witches, do offer to this idol, that they may have good luck. This Checocke doth sometimes in the night come and haunt some of his best beloved: sometimes a man, sometimes a boy or a woman. And then they be frantic for the space of three hours; and whatsoever the frantic person speaketh, that is the will of Checocke. And they make a great feast and dancing at his house.[154]

There is another Mokisso which is also in Kinga, and it is called Gomberi. It is the name of a woman, and is in a house where an old witch dwelleth, and she is called Ganga Gomberi, which is, the Priest of Gomberi. Here once a year is a feast made, and Ganga Gomberi speaketh under the ground.[155] And this is a common thing every year. I have asked the negroes what it was, and they told me that it was a strong Mokisso that is come to abide with Checocke.

[Children are born White.]

The children in this country are born white, and change their colour in two days to a perfect black. As, for example, the Portugals, which dwell in the kingdom of Congo, have sometimes children by the negro women, and many times the fathers are deceived, thinking when the child is born it is theirs, and within two days it proveth the son or daughter of a negro; which the Portugals do greatly grieve at, for they rejoice when they have a mulato child, though it be a bastard.

[The Royal Princes.]

The town of Longo [Loango] standeth in the midst of four Lordships, and is governed by four Princes, which are the King’s sisters’ sons, for the King’s sons can never be kings. The first is Mani Cabango,[156] the second Mani Salag, the third Mani Bock, the fourth Mani Cay. This Mani Cay is next to be king, and hath his train and court as a Prince. And when the King dieth he cometh presently into the seat of the King. Then, Mani Bock cometh to Cay, Mani Salag cometh to Bock, and Mani Cabango cometh to Salag. And then they provide another to go to Cabango, so there be four Princes that wait on the King when their turns come.

[The Kings Mother.]

The mother of these Princes is called Mani Lombo,[157] and she is the highest and chief woman in all the land. She maketh choice of her husband, and when she is weary of him she putteth him away, and taketh another. Her children are greatly honoured, and whosoever passeth by them kneel down and clap their hands, which is the courtesy of the country.

These Lordships are champaign grounds, and full of corn and fruit.

[Palm Cloth.][158]

The men in this kingdom make good store of palm-cloth of sundry sorts, very fine and curious. They are never idle: for they make fine caps of needlework as they go in the streets.

[The Royal Tombs.]

There is a place two leagues from the town of Longo, called Longeri,[159] where all their kings be buried, and it is compassed round about with elephants’ teeth pitched in the ground, as it were a Pale, and it is ten roods in compass.

[Europeans Committed to the Sea.]

These people will suffer no white man to be buried in their land,[160] and if any stranger or Portugal come thither to trade, and chance to die, he is carried in a boat two miles from the shore, and cast into the sea. There was once a Portugal gentleman, that came to trade with them, and had his house on shore. This gentleman died, and was buried some four months. That year it did not rain so soon as it was wont, which beginneth about December, so that they lacked rain for some two months. Then their mokisso told them that the Christian, which was buried, must be taken out of the earth, and cast into the sea; and within three days it rained, which made them have a great belief in the devil.

§ VI.

Of the Provinces of Bongo, Calongo, Mayombe, Manikesocke, Motimbas: of the ape-monster Pongo: their Hunting, Idolatries, and divers other observations.

[Bongo.]

To the eastward of Longeri is the Province of Bongo, and it bordereth on Mococke, [of which] the great Angeca[161] is king. In this place is great store of iron, and palm-cloth, and elephants’ teeth, and great store of corn.

[Cango.]

To the north-east is the great province of Cango,[162] and it is fourteen days journey from the town of Longo. This place is full of mountains and rocky ground, and full of woods, and hath great store of copper. The elephants in this place do excel, and there are so many that the people of Longo hath great store of elephants’ teeth, and bring them to the port of Longo.

[Calongo.]

To the northwards of Longo, three leagues, is the river Quelle:[163] and on the north side is the province of Calongo [Chilunga]. This country is always tilled, and full of corn, and is all plain and champaign ground, and hath great store of honey. Here are two little villages that show at sea like two hummocks,[164] which are the marks to show the port of Longo; and fifteen miles northward is the river Nombo,[165] but it hath no depth for any bark to go in. This province, towards the east, bordereth upon Bongo; and towards the north upon Mayombe, which is nineteen leagues from Longo along the coast.

[Yumbe.][166]

The province of Mayombe is all woods and groves, so overgrown that a man may travel twenty days in the shadow, without any sun or heat. Here is no kind of corn nor grain, so that the people liveth only upon plantains and roots of sundry other sorts, very good, and nuts; nor any kind of tame cattle, nor hens. But they have great store of elephants’ flesh, which they greatly esteem, and many kinds of wild beasts; and great store of fish. Here is a great sandy bay, two leagues to the southward of Cape Negro, which is the port of Mayombe. Sometimes the Portugals take logwood[167] in this bay. Here is a great river called Banna.[168] In the winter it hath no bar, because the general winds cause a great sea; but when the sun hath his south declination, then a boat may go in, for then it is smooth because of the rain. This river is very great, and hath many islands, and people dwelling in them. The woods are covered with baboons, monkeys, apes and parrots, that it will fear any man to travel in them alone. Here also are two kinds of monsters, which are common in these woods, and very dangerous.

[Gorillas and Chimpanzis.][169]

The greatest of these two monsters is called Pongo [Mpungu] in their language, and the lesser is called Engeco. This Pongo is in all proportions like a man, but that he is more like a giant in stature than a man; for he is very tall, and hath a man’s face, hollow-eyed, with long hair upon his brows. His face and ears are without hair, and his hands also. His body is full of hair, but not very thick, and it is of a dunnish colour. He differeth not from a man but in his legs, for they have no calf. He goeth always upon his legs, and carryeth his hands clasped upon the nape of his neck when he goeth upon the ground. They sleep in the trees, and build shelters from the rain. They feed upon fruit they find in the woods and upon nuts, for they eat no kind of flesh. They cannot speak, and have no more understanding than a beast.

The people of the country, when they travel in the woods, make fires when they sleep in the night. And in the morning, when they are gone, the Pongoes will come and sit about the fire till it goeth out, for they have no understanding to lay the wood together. They go many together, and kill many negroes that travel in the woods. Many times they fall upon the elephants, which come to feed where they be, and so beat them with their clubbed fists and pieces of wood that they will run roaring away from them.

Those Pongoes are never taken alive, because they are so strong that ten men cannot hold one of them, but yet they take many of their young ones with poisoned arrows. The young Pongo hangeth on his mother’s belly, with his hands clasped fast about her, so that when the country people kill any of the females, they take the young one which hangeth fast upon his mother. When they die among themselves, they cover the dead with great heaps of boughs and wood, which is commonly found in the forests.

[Purchas adds in a marginal note:

“He told me in a conference with him that one of these Pongos took a negro boy of his, which lived a month with them, for they hurt not those which they surprise at unawares, except they look on them, which he [the boy] avoided. He said, their height was like a man’s, but their bigness twice as great. I saw the negro boy.

“What the other monster [the Engeco] should be he hath forgotten to relate, and these papers came to my hand since his death, which otherwise, in my often conferences, I might have learned. Perhaps he meaneth the Pigmy Pongo-killers mentioned.”]

[Hunting Dogs.]

The Morombes[170] use to hunt with their country-dogs, and kill many kinds of little beasts, and great store of pheasants. But their dogs be dumb, and cannot bark at all.[171] They hang wooden clappers about their necks, and follow them by rattling of the clappers. The huntsmen have Petes [whistles], which they whistle their dogs withall. These dogs, in all this country, are very little, with prickt ears, and are for the most part red and dun. The Portugal mastiff dog, or any other great dog, are greatly esteemed because they do bark. I have seen a dog sold up in the country for thirty pounds.

[The Maramba Fetish.][172]

In the town of Mani Mayombe is a fetish called Maramba, and it standeth in a high basket made like a hive, and over it a great house. This is their house of religion, for they believe only in him, and keep his laws, and carry his reliques always with them. They are for the most part witches, and use their witchcraft for hunting and killing of elephants and fishing, and helping of sick and lame men, and to forecast journeys, whether they shall speed well or evil. By this Maramba are all thefts and murders tried, for in this country they use sometimes to bewitch one another to death. And when any dieth, their neighbours are brought before the Maramba; and if it be a great man that dieth, the whole town cometh to swear. The order is, when they come before Maramba, to kneel and clasp Maramba in their arms, and to say: Emeno, eyge bembet Maramba, that is, “I come to be tried, O Maramba.”[173] And if any of them be guilty, they fall down stark dead for ever. And if any of them that swear hath killed any man or child before, although it may be twenty years past, he presently dieth. And so it is for any other matter.

From this place, as far as it is to Cape de Lopo Gonsalves, they are all of this superstition. I was twelve months in this place, and saw many die after this sort.

These people be circumcised,[174] as they are through all Angola, except the kingdom of Congo, for they be Christians. And those that will be sworn to Maramba[175] come to the chief Gangas, which are their priests or men-witches, as boys of twelve years of age, and men and women. Then the Gangas put them into a dark house, and there they remain certain days with very hard diet. After this they are let abroad, and commanded not to speak for certain days, what injury soever they be offered, so that they suffer great penury before they be sworn. Lastly, they are brought before Maramba, and have two marks cut upon their shoulders before, like a half moon, and are sworn by the blood that falleth from them, that they shall be true to him. They are forbidden some one kind of flesh and some one kind of fish, with many other toys [trifles]. And if they eat any of this forbidden meat they presently sicken, and never prosper.[176] They all carry a relique of Maramba in a little box, and hang it about their necks, under their left arms.

The Lord of this province of Mayombe hath the ensign or shape of Maramba carried before him, and whithersoever he goeth; and when he sitteth down it is set before him; and when he drinketh his palm-wine the first cup is poured at the foot of the Mokiso or idol, and when he eateth anything, the first piece he throweth towards his left hand, with enchanting words.

[Sette.]

From Cape Negro northward is a great Lord called Mani Seat,[177] which has the greatest store of elephants’ teeth of any Lord in the kingdom of Longo, for his people practice nothing else but to kill elephants. And two of these negroes will easily kill an elephant with their darts. And here is great store of logwood.