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PICTORIAL HISTORY
OF THE
WAR FOR THE UNION.
A COMPLETE AND RELIABLE
History of the War
FROM ITS
COMMENCEMENT TO ITS CLOSE:
GIVING A GRAPHIC PICTURE OF ITS ENCOUNTERS, THRILLING INCIDENTS, FRIGHTFUL SCENES, HAIR BREADTH ESCAPES, INDIVIDUAL DARING, DESPERATE CHARGES, PERSONAL ANECDOTES, ETC., GLEANED FROM EYE-WITNESSES OF, AND PARTICIPANTS IN, THE TERRIBLE SCENES DESCRIBED—A TRUTHFUL LIVING REFLEX OF ALL MATTERS OF INTEREST CONNECTED WITH THIS THE MOST GIGANTIC OF HUMAN STRUGGLES.
TOGETHER WITH A COMPLETE CHRONOLOGICAL ANALYSIS OF THE WAR.

By MRS. ANN S. STEPHENS.

EMBELLISHED WITH OVER TWO HUNDRED ILLUSTRATIONS.

TWO VOLUMES.

VOL II.

NEW YORK:

BENJAMIN W. HITCHCOCK, No. 14 CHAMBERS STREET,

PUBLISHER Of SUBSCRIPTION BOOKS.

1867.

Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1866,

By BENJAMIN W. HITCHCOCK,

In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York.

TO

MAJOR-GENERAL

WILLIAM T. SHERMAN,

ONE OF THE BEST MEN AND BRAVEST PATRIOTS THAT EVER FOUGHT FOR A GRATEFUL COUNTRY,

THESE VOLUMES ARE

RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED.

ANN S. STEPHENS.

New York, January, 1886.

CONTENTS

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.
VOLUME II.

PORTRAITS.

LIEUTENANT-GENERAL U.S. GRANT.

THE WAR FOR THE UNION.

The month of May, 1862, found the great armies of the Union threatening the forces of the rebellion at all points. A firm determination filled every northern bosom. Many a glorious battle field had taught the soldiers on both sides how to fight and how to endure. Unbounded heroism filled the whole nation. Never on this earth had so broad and glorious a country groaned under a harvest of iron. The defeat of Bull Run, instead of disheartening the people, fired them with new courage and that unconquerable resolution, which is the best part of National heroism.

New Orleans had been captured by the invincible Farragut, by a series of brilliant naval victories. He was then a commodore, but has since been raised by these really wonderful exploits to the highest rank in the navy.

The sea coast had been blockaded from Fortress Monroe to the Rio Grande. Generals Butler and Burnside had carried their fleets in safety to Hatteras Inlet, and had set up the old flag upon the shores of the Carolinas. General Hunter had established himself in Florida. The Army of the West, moving southward along the banks of the Mississippi, aided by the gunboat flotilla of Commodore Foote, had captured Island Number Ten, fought and won the great battle of Pittsburg Landing, and led by General Halleck, had invested Corinth. In the East, General McClellan, at the head of the Army of the Potomac, was moving up the Peninsula, in the advance upon Richmond. The whole nation watched his movements with anxious hopefulness, inspired by his successes in the West, backed by General Scott’s high recommendation. This history has already recorded the siege and capture of Yorktown, and the victory of Williamsburg, and has touched upon the engagement of West Point. The latter took place on the 7th of May, and was but one of the many lesser battles, which formed a stormy prelude to the terrible Seven Days’ Fights, among the swamps before the city of Richmond. Its purpose was the establishment of the Union arms at West Point, which would necessarily force the Rebels to abandon all their works on the Peninsula, between Yorktown and that place. Its success crowned the triumph that had meanwhile been achieved at Williamsburgh. It lasted from about ten o’clock in the morning, till about three o’clock in the afternoon, and ended in the repulse of the Rebels, who were thus, at all points, retiring before the gallant soldiers of the Union. The losses at the battle of West Point, as reported by General Franklin, were forty-nine killed, one hundred and four wounded, and forty-one missing.

THE MARCH TO WHITE HOUSE.

The narrative, terminating at the close of the first volume of this history, with the battle of West Point, now concerns itself with the onward march of the Army of the Potomac. On the 9th of May, General McClellan effected a junction with the forces under the command of General Franklin, at West Point; and hence, partly by land and partly by water, the whole army moved up the Pamunkey river towards a place called White House, twelve miles distant. The roads at this time were in a bad condition for travel, owing to heavy rains; and therefore the advance was made but slowly. It was not until the 16th inst., that General McClellan established his headquarters at White House, where he organized a permanent depot for supplies. These coming up the York river by water, could be landed at West Point and brought hence by railroad. From White House the march continued toward the Chickahominy river. No material opposition was anywhere encountered. The rebels were massing their forces beyond the Chickahominy, in front of Richmond, and preparing for the desperate, decisive struggle.

On the 20th of May the left wing of the Union Army reached the Chickahominy, at a point called Bottom’s Bridge. The bridge had been destroyed by the enemy, but the stream was immediately forded by General Casey’s troops, and the bridge was rebuilt. In the mean while the centre and the right wing were advanced to the river above, driving the rebels out of the village of Mechanicsville. The lines now extended from Mechanicsville, on the right, to Seven Pines, on the left, the latter being a strong position on the Bottom’s Bridge road, on the further side of the Chickahominy.

GENERAL M’CLELLAN AND THE GOVERNMENT.

Here the advance was stayed. As early as the 10th of May, General McClellan, well assured of the strength of his foe, and of the nature and place of the opposition that would be made by the rebels, had represented to the War Department the comparative numerical weakness of his army, and the necessity for its reinforcement. Much correspondence now ensued, between him and the President, on this subject. It was General McClellan’s desire to rest his army on the James river, to receive his reinforcements by that channel, and to move on Richmond from that quarter. On the other hand, it was the opinion of the President, and the Secretary-of-War, that his army ought to rest upon the Pamunkey, receive reinforcements by land, if at all, and move on Richmond by means of bridges across the Chickahominy. General McDowell, at the head of between 35,000 and 40,000 men, was, at this time, in the neighborhood of Fredericksburg. The proper disposition of this force was also a point in controversy between General McClellan and the authorities at the capital. The former requested that McDowell’s troops might be sent to him, and sent by water. The latter dreaded to send them, lest, by so doing, they might uncover the City of Washington, and expose it to a rebel raid. On the part of General McClellan it was urged that no such apprehension need be entertained; that the bulk of the enemy’s forces were massed for the defence of Richmond; that to conquer the rebels there, would be the surest method of securing the safety of Washington; that the presence of McDowell’s corps would so strengthen his hands as to make victory certain; that, should the rebels attempt a raid on Washington, their route would be by way of Gordonsville and Manassas, on which they could readily be checked; and, finally, that the coming of McDowell’s troops by land would render their timely arrival less certain than it would be in the event of their coming by water, while it would equally render them unavailable for the defense of Washington. The opinion of the Government, however, prevailed; and, in the end, the plan of General McClellan’s campaign was materially changed. He had designed to approach Richmond by the east and south. Resting on the Pamunkey, his purpose was now to approach it by the north. This change in the plan of the campaign necessitated the division of his army by the Chickahominy river, and the bridging of that river in many places. On the 18th of May the Secretary-of-War notified him that General McDowell’s corps would be sent forward by land from Fredericksburg, to form a junction with the right wing of the Array of the Potomac. Awaiting this reinforcement, General McClellan employed himself in strengthening his position, and in building the necessary bridges across the Chickahominy. On the 24th of May he was notified that the critical position of General Banks’ troops, consequent upon a sudden raid, by Stonewall Jackson, up the Valley of the Shenandoah river, had occasioned the recall of General McDowell, and that the Army of the Potomac must proceed without reinforcements.

General McClellan has been bitterly censured for his alleged slothfulness and hesitation, at this juncture; nor can it be denied that his advance towards Richmond was made slowly and with extreme caution. It must be remembered, however, that to march through sloughs of mire, in the face of a powerful and well intrenched foe, is far less easy than to advance on paper, and conquer enemies with printers’ ink. This is not a partisan history—its design is simply to record facts and to do justice. Subsequent events have shed much light upon General McClellan’s Peninsular Campaign. That he had not over-estimated the power of the rebel forces, was conclusively shown in the bloody and terrible seven days’ battles. That he was obliged to deviate from his own chosen plan is evident, and is not denied: yet that plan was the same which was ultimately adopted by General Grant, in the final campaign of the war. Richmond when finally taken, was approached from the east and south, and not from the north. General McClellan may have been overcautious; but his tactics were wise, and his patriotism stainless.

The following is the language of General McClellan’s Report, as to several essential points: “The land movement obliged me to expose my right in order to secure the junction; and as the order for General McDowell’s march was soon countermanded, I incurred great risk, of which the enemy finally took advantage, and frustrated the plan of my campaign. Had General McDowell joined me by water, I could have approached Richmond by the James, and thus avoided the delays and losses incurred in bridging the Chickahominy, and would have had the army massed in one body, instead of being necessarily divided by that stream....

“In view of the peculiar character of the Chickahominy, and the liability of its bottom land to sudden inundations, it became necessary to construct between Bottom’s Bridge and Mechanicsville, eleven new bridges, all new and difficult, with extensive by-way approaches.

“The entire army could, probably, have been thrown across the Chickahominy immediately after our arrival, but this would have left no force on the left bank to guard our communications or to protect our right and rear. If the communication with our supply depot had been cut by the enemy, with our army concentrated upon the right bank of the Chickahominy, and the stage of water as it was for many days after our arrival, the bridges carried away, and our means of transportation not furnishing a single day’s supplies in advance, the troops must have gone without rations, and the animals without forage, and the army would have been paralyzed.

“It is true I might have abandoned my communications and pushed forward toward Richmond, trusting to the speedy defeat of the enemy and the consequent fall of the city, for a renewal of supplies; but the approaches were fortified, and the town itself was surrounded with a strong line of intrenchments, requiring a greater length of time to reduce than our troops could have dispensed with rations.

“Under these circumstances, I decided to retain a portion of the army on the left bank of the river until our bridges were completed.”

STONEWALL JACKSON’S RAID: RETREAT OF GEN. BANKS.

While the Army of the Potomac was thus occupied in bridging the Chickahominy, and while General McClellan and the President were in correspondence, the rebels did not remain idle. On the 23rd of May commenced the well-remembered raid, up the valley of the Shenandoah, which was the occasion of a serious panic at Washington, and even further north than New York; which prevented the junction of McDowell’s and McClellan’s forces; and which involved the splendid retreat of General Banks from Strasburgh to Winchester, and thence to Williamsport on the Potomac river. The distance is fifty-three miles, and the retreat was accomplished in forty-eight hours. The Army of the Shenandoah, commanded by General Banks, consisted of about six thousand men, while the forces of the rebel raiders numbered upwards of twenty thousand, and were led by the brilliant and dashing Stonewall Jackson. The advance of the rebels was made up the valley, to the westward of the Blue Ridge, and the first point attacked was Front Royal. Here the enemy encountered the First Maryland Regiment, Col. Kenly, which was attacked with great fury, and driven back towards Strasburgh. Col. Kenly fought with wonderful valor, and was heartily sustained by his men. The fighting, indeed, was of almost unexampled severity, but the regiment was soon overpowered by numbers. Colonel Kenly, when asked to surrender, shot the rebel who thus summoned him to yield: and finally, when overpowered, broke his sword in halves, to avoid surrendering it. He was shot, but only wounded, and was placed in an ambulance. In that ambulance he was subjected to much suffering, for want of surgical aid.

As soon as General Banks received news of this disaster at Front Royal, and knew that General Jackson was advancing in force, he perceived his danger and ordered a retreat. And now commenced a race between the two armies, for the town of Winchester. Had Jackson reached that point first, he would have intercepted the little band of Union soldiers, cut off their supplies, and forced their surrender. But the celerity and courage of General Banks’s forces proved their salvation. They retired, indeed, in the face of superior numbers; but they retired fighting. At Newtown, at Kernstown, and at Winchester they were closely pushed by the pursuing foe; but, at every point of attack, the enemy was checked and held at bay. The severest encounter took place at Winchester. General Gordon’s brigade was here engaged, and gained great honor by its gallantry and coolness. The regiments constituting it were the Second Massachusetts, Lieut-Col. Andrews; the Third Wisconsin, Col. Ruger; the Twenty-seventh Indiana, Col. Colgrove; and the Twenty-ninth Pennsylvania, Col. Murphy. The stability with which this brigade opposed itself to overwhelming numbers undoubtedly saved General Banks’ Army. General Gordon thus describes its final retreat:

“I fell back slowly, but generally in good order. The Second Massachusetts in column of companies moving by flank, the Third Wisconsin in line of battle moving to the rear. On every side above the surrounding crest surged the rebel forces. A sharp and withering fire of musketry was opened by the enemy from the crest upon our centre, left and right. The yells of a victorious and merciless foe were heard above the din of battle, but my command was not dismayed. The Second Massachusetts halted in a street of the town to reform its line, then pushed on with the column, which, with its long train of baggage-wagons, division, brigade, and regimental, was making its way in good order towards Martinsburgh.

“My retreating column suffered serious loss in the streets of Winchester: males and females vied with each other in increasing the number of their victims by firing from the houses, throwing hand-grenades, hot water, and missiles of every description. The hellish spirit of murder was carried on by the enemy’s cavalry, who followed to butcher, and who struck down with sabre and pistol the helpless soldier sinking from fatigue, unheeding his cries for mercy, indifferent to his claims as a prisoner of war.

“This record of infamy is preserved for the females of Winchester. But this is not all: our wounded in hospital, necessarily left to the mercies of our enemies, I am credibly informed were bayoneted by the rebel infantry. In the same town, in the same apartments, where we, when victors on the field of Winchester, so tenderly nursed the rebel wounded, we were even so more than barbarously rewarded.”

THE INVESTMENT AND OCCUPATION OF CORINTH.
May 12–30, 1862.

The decisive battle of Pittsburgh, on Monday, April 7th, terminated in the retreat of the vast army of rebels, which fell back to Corinth. During the latter part of the same week, Gen. Halleck arrived on the field to assume the chief command of the Federal Army. The success of Gen. Pope’s division at New Madrid, and at Island No. 10, placed his superb army of about twenty thousand strong, at Halleck’s disposal; and they were now ordered to join the grand army under the commander-in-chief. They were assigned position at Hamburgh, four miles above Pittsburgh Landing, fronting on the extreme left of the Federal lines. Several changes were now made in the organization of the Federal army. The divisions of Sherman and Crittenden were added to Grant’s corps d’armée. This gave Grant eight divisions. The reserve of Grant’s forces were composed of the divisions of Gen. Lew. Wallace, Crittenden, and McClernand; the former command of the latter being conferred upon Brig.-Gen. John A. Logan. While McClernand was placed in command of this reserve, Gen. Thomas was placed in chief command of the remaining divisions of Grant’s forces.

In the field position, Grant’s forces constituted the right, Buell’s the centre, and Pope’s the left.

The first advance was ordered on April 29, the entire army moving toward the common centre, Corinth. Wallace held the extreme right. McClernand moved along the lower Corinth road, to a point one and a half miles west of Monterey. Sherman moved directly for a hill commanding Monterey, and occupied it on the morning of the 30th of April.

Every thing on the route indicated the haste with which the enemy had retreated, after his defeat. Gun carriages, caissons, wheels, tents, and all the apparatus of war, broken or burned, strewed the whole line of march.

On the same day Gen. Wallace dispatched a force to cut the Ohio and Mobile railroad at Bethel, south of Purdy, in order to sever the rebel communication to the northward. Three battalions of cavalry, and one of infantry, under command of Col. Morgan L. Smith, executed this commission. They found the rebels in position near Purdy, in a piece of woods. While the infantry and a detachment of cavalry engaged the enemy, Colonel Dickey, with two battalions of cavalry moved to the railroad. They destroyed a bridge a hundred and twenty feet in length, and the conductor, engineer, and four others were taken prisoners.

Buell struck direct from Pittsburgh Landing toward Corinth, while Pope’s division pushed forward from Hamburgh towards the lower point.

On the 3d of May, a reconnoissance in force toward Farmington was ordered. The country is uneven and difficult to penetrate, and both time and caution were necessary. Generals Paine and Palmer of Pope’s command, were detailed for this important duty. The regiments selected were the Tenth, Sixteenth, Twenty-second, Twenty-seventh, Forty-second and Fifty-first Illinois Volunteers, Tenth and Sixteenth Michigan Volunteers, Yates’ Illinois Sharpshooters, Houghtaling’s and Hercock’s batteries, and the Second Michigan cavalry. The column proceeded about five miles on the Farmington road, where they encountered the enemy’s cavalry pickets. A skirmish ensued, in which the rebels lost eight killed, and the same number of their wounded, were made prisoners. The enemy was compelled to fall back, after a second skirmish, and at 3 o’clock, p. m., the vanguard came up from a swamp they had crossed, and the fight commenced in earnest. The enemy was strongly posted on an elevated piece of ground which was flanked by a part of the force, and the rebels were obliged to fall back half a mile, yielding their former position to the Federals, who pressed them closely. The two regiments of infantry having secured a position commanding the left flank of the rebels, poured upon them such a destructive fire, that their infantry abandoned their artillerists. The latter, finding themselves forsaken, hastily withdrew their guns to a new position, from which they were soon dislodged, and fled with all speed to Corinth. General Pope’s advance was thus put in possession of Farmington.

This successful movement of General Pope’s advance was a cause of great annoyance to the rebels, and on the 9th of May they came out in overwhelming force to drive him back. The enemy numbered about thirty-five thousand, under command of Bragg, Price, Van Dorn, and Ruggles. General Pope had been specially directed not to engage the enemy in force. Under these circumstances he was obliged to encounter the shock of this large body, with only a single brigade, which, however, was advantageously posted. The enemy threw forward five or six regiments, with artillery, to engage this brigade, holding their immense reserve in readiness to attack the Federal reinforcements, which they supposed would be brought on the field. After five hours of desperate resistance, General Pope withdrew his advance, with a loss of forty killed, and about one hundred and twenty wounded. The rebels, surprised by the obstinate resistance of this small force, and their sudden retreat, made no pursuit, but fell back to their own intrenchments, after having suffered a much greater loss.

Three different “parallels” were constructed along the Federal lines, from the time of the first investment to the occupation of Corinth. The construction of these works compelled the rebels to fall back further upon their centre, until the last was completed.

On the 17th of May a brilliant engagement took place, under the command of General W. T. Sherman which resulted in the capture of a position known as Russell’s house, the place being owned and occupied by a gentleman of that name. The possession of this ground being important to the Federal advance, General Sherman directed General Hurlbut to take two regiments and a battery of artillery up the road to Russell’s house. General Denver with an equal force, composed of the Seventieth and Seventy-second Ohio, and Barrett’s battery, took a different road, so as to arrive on the enemy’s left, while his front was engaged. General Morgan L. Smith, with his brigade, and Bouton’s battery, were directed to follow the main road, and drive back a brigade of the enemy that held the position at Russell’s. General Smith conducted his advance in a very handsome manner, the chief work as well as the loss falling upon his two leading regiments, the Eighth Missouri and the Fifty-fifth Illinois. The firing was very brisk, but the enemy’s pickets were driven steadily back till they reached their main position at Russell’s, where they made an obstinate resistance. At first the Union artillery worked to a disadvantage, owing to the nature of the ground, but then finally succeeded in gaining an elevation whence they shelled the house, when the enemy immediately retired in confusion, leaving the field in possession of the victors. The Federal loss was ten killed, and thirty-one wounded. The enemy left twelve dead on the ground.

Preparations were constantly progressing for the final assault, which was appointed for the 28th of May. Occasional skirmishes took place in which the rebels always lost ground, as the great body of the Federal forces slowly but surely closed around them. On the morning of the 28th, General Pope sent Colonel Elliott to cut the line of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad. This was accomplished with great skill. On the same day the whole army slowly advanced to the point of attack. On the left, the division under General Pope approached so near the rebel lines as to discover that the retreat of the enemy had begun.

It was nine o’clock on the morning of Wednesday the 28th, before Pope opened on the left and began the reconnoissance, which soon became general, as was evinced by rapid firing in McKeon’s division, and further to the right in Sherman’s. The right and center had encountered no enemy until they had reached the swamp and pushed through it toward the creek. Pope, on the contrary, met a determined resistance, and at night his line was but little further advanced than the third parallel of the center and right. Operating in an open space of some miles in extent he had not been able to advance his lines with the rapidity of Buell and Thomas. But the engagement began when the right and center reached the swamp, and while yet the left was striving to obtain the same position. There was no distinguishing anything. Along the whole line where the fight was raging, sharp reports, shouts, commands, and cheers, were heard, but nothing could be seen, save occasionally the white smoke rising from the leveled weapons which had just been discharged. The ambulances were slowly filled. The wounded soldiers were brought from the swamps, and the surgeons gathered around them. Cries of pain, curses, and groans, mingling with the wilder shouts of the excited combatants, who were hidden by the woods, arose distinctly. This style of skirmishing was kept up during the whole day. The combatants on the right and center maintained their original position, and Thomas and Buell bivouacked where they had fought—in the damp, miry swamps. The night was spent in preparations for an advance in the morning.

The resistance of the rebels to Pope’s advance was more stubborn, and the conflict during the day was more determined, more exciting, and resulted in greater loss than in both the other corps. He was opposed both by infantry and artillery. The crossing at the creek was defended by a battery of rifled guns, which Pope had found exceedingly effective, and he was content, when night came, to rest in the plain, and make his preparations for reducing the battery at early dawn. The troops of the three divisions bivouacked on the field, where they had stood mostly inactive the whole day, Hamilton’s left resting on the Farmington road.

The position obtained at Russell’s House on the 17th, had been strongly intrenched as a base for the operations of W. T. Sherman’s division on the 28th. On that day he was ordered to advance and secure a log-house standing on a ridge, giving a near and commanding position. The place was then held by the enemy—supposed to be in strong force.

The house was a double log-building standing on a high ridge on the southern end of the large field to which the Union pickets had advanced. The enemy had taken out the chinks and removed the roof, making it an excellent block house, from which he could annoy the Union pickets, in security. The large field was perfectly overlooked by this house, and by the ridge along its southern line of fence, which was covered by a dense grove of heavy oaks and underbrush. The main Corinth road runs along the eastern fence, while the field itself, three hundred yards wide, by five hundred long, extended far to the right into the low land of Phillip’s creek, densely wooded and impassable to troops or artillery. On the eastern side of the field, the woods were more open. The enemy could be seen at all times, in and about the house and the ridge beyond, but the Federal pickets could not appear on that side of the field without attracting a shot.

General J. W. Denver, with his brigade and the Morton battery of four guns, was ordered to march from the Union lines at eight A. M., keeping well under cover as he approached the field; General Morgan L. Smith’s brigade, with Barrett’s and Waterhouse’s batteries, was ordered by Sherman to move along the main road, keeping his force well masked in the woods to the left; Brigadier-General Veatch’s brigade moved from General Hurlbut’s lines through the woods on the left of and connecting with General Morgan L. Smith’s, and General John A. Logan’s brigade moved down to Bowie Hill Cut of the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, and thence forward and to the left, connecting with General Denver’s brigade on the extreme right.

Two twenty-pound rifled guns of Silfversparre’s battery, under the immediate supervision of Major Taylor, chief of artillery, were moved silently through the forest to a point behind a hill, from the top of which could be seen the house and ground to be contested. The guns were unlimbered, loaded with shell and moved by hand to the crest. The house was soon demolished by Major Taylor’s battery, when the troops dashed forward in splendid style, crossed the field, drove the enemy from the ridge and field beyond, into another dense and seemingly impenetrable forest. When the enemy reached the ridge, he opened with a two-gun battery on the right, and another from the front and left, killing three of General Veatch’s men. The Union artillery soon silenced his, and by ten A. M. the Federals were masters of the position. Generals Grant and Thomas were present during the affair and witnessed the movement, which was admirably executed both by the officers and men.

The enemy, evidently annoyed at this unexpected repulse, sallied out in some force to regain the lost position, but they were repulsed after a brisk fire of musketry and artillery. The new position won was near Corinth, and the work of intrenching went on during the night of the 28th. On the morning of the 29th, a line of defences was constructed, which gave the Federals a powerful foothold within thirteen hundred yards of the enemy’s main works.

The whole division of Sherman lay in a slightly curved line, facing south; his right resting on the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, near a deep cut known as Bowie Hill Cut, and his left resting on the main Corinth road, at the crest of the ridge, there connecting with General Hurlbut, who, in turn, on his left, connected with General Davies, and so on down the whole line to its extremity. So near was the enemy, that the sound of his drums and sometimes of voices in command could be heard, while the rumble of the railroad cars, coming and going to and from Corinth was easily distinguished. For some days and nights, cars had been arriving and departing frequently. On the night of the 29th, they had been more active than usual, and Sherman’s suspicions were aroused. Before daybreak on the 30th, he instructed the brigade commanders and the field officer of the day, to feel forward as far as possible, but all reported the enemy’s pickets still in force in the dense woods to his front. About six A. M., a curious explosion, sounding like a volley of large siege pieces, followed by others singly, and in twos and threes, arrested attention. Soon after a dense smoke arose from the direction of Corinth. Sherman immediately put in motion two regiments of each brigade by different roads, and soon after followed with the whole division, infantry, artillery and cavalry. To his surprise, the enemy’s chief redoubt was found within thirteen hundred yards of the inner line of intrenchments, but completely masked by the dense forest and undergrowth. Instead of a continuous line of intrenchments encircling Corinth, his defenses consisted of separate redoubts, connected in part by a parapet and ditch, and in part by shallow rifle-pits; the trees being felled to afford a good field of fire to and beyond the main road.

General Morgan L. Smith’s brigade moved rapidly down the main road, entering the first redoubt of the enemy at seven A. M., May 30th. It was completely evacuated, and he pushed on into Corinth and beyond, to College Hill, there awaiting Thomas’ orders and arrival. General Denver entered the enemy’s lines at the same time, seven A. M., at a point midway between the wagon and railroads, and proceeded on to Corinth, about three miles from his camp; and Colonel McDowell kept further to the right, near the Mobile and Ohio Railroad. By eight A. M., all Sherman’s division was at and beyond Corinth.

On the whole ridge extending from Sherman’s into Corinth, and to the right and left could be seen the abandoned camps of the enemy; flour and provisions were scattered about, everything indicating a speedy and confused retreat. In the town itself, many houses were still burning, and the ruins of warehouses and buildings containing commissary and other stores were yet smouldering; but there still remained piles of cannon balls, shells and shot, sugar, molasses, beans, rice, and other property, which the enemy had failed to carry off or destroy.

The enemy had for some days been removing their sick, and their valuable stores, and had sent away on railroad cars a part of their effective force on the night of the 28th. But, of course, even the vast amount of their rolling stock could not carry away an army of a hundred thousand men.

The rebels were, therefore, compelled to evacuate the place, and began the march by ten o’clock on the night of the 29th—the columns filling the roads leading south and west all night; the rear-guard firing the train which led to the explosion and conflagration, that gave the first intimation that Corinth was evacuated.

OCCUPATION OF NORFOLK, VA.

While these events were happening, before Richmond and in the valley of the Shenandoah, the rebels were not idle elsewhere.

On the evening of the 10th of May, General Wool verified his opinion as to the easy capture of Norfolk, by landing his troops at Ocean View, under the direction of Captain Cram, and commenced his march upon the city.

The route lay through pine woods and over roads in only tolerable condition. The infantry regiments being first landed, started at once upon their march, the principal object being to secure the bridge across Tanner’s Creek, which would be a shortening of the route by several miles. The leading regiments under General Weber, reached the bridge about one o’clock, and found it burning, it having been fired by a small force of rebels then on the opposite bank. They had also planted a couple of small guns, with which they now opened fire upon our advance. General Mansfield considered that this effort to beat back our approach could not be resisted without artillery and a larger force; and started on a return to hurry forward the batteries and a reinforcement. General Wool in the mean time decided to push forward, and led the column by a roundabout route toward Norfolk.

In spite of the heat of the day, the Union troops reached the entrenched camp at about half past four o’clock, and were in possession at twenty minutes before five. The entrenchments were strongly fortified with earthworks, on the top of which were found twenty-nine pieces of artillery. When just about to enter the city the troops were met by a flag of truce. The Mayor of the city, who had come out under the flag, was met by General Wool and Secretary Chase. They entered a cottage by the road side, for the purpose of conferring together, and there the Mayor of Norfolk informed General Wool of the purport of his visit, explaining that he had come to surrender the city into the hands of the United States, and to ask protection for the persons and property of the citizens. General Wool’s reply was that the request was granted in advance. He then immediately took possession of the city, and appointed Brigadier-General Egbert L. Viele to be Military Governor, with directions to see that the citizens were protected in all their civil rights.

At this point it is necessary to look backward for a few days at the doings of the rebels, in order to explain the burning of the Merrimac.

DESTRUCTION OF THE MERRIMAC.

Commodore Tatnall, early in May, received orders to take up his position upon the James river, in such a way as would entirely prevent the Union forces from ascending it. On the next day he was ordered to endeavor to protect Norfolk, too, which placed him in his original position.

On the day following, Commodore Hollins reached Norfolk with orders from the rebel Secretary of the Navy, Honorable S. R. Mallory, to communicate with Commodore Tatnall and such officers as he might select, in regard to the best disposition to be made of the rebel steamer Virginia—better known at the North as the Merrimac.

On the 8th of May the Union forces attacked the Sewell’s Point battery; and Commodore Tatnall immediately undertook its defence, with the Merrimac. Six of our vessels, including the Monitor and Naugatuck, were actively engaged in the bombardment of the rebel batteries on Sewell’s Point and Craney Island. The Merrimac evinced a decided disinclination to come out into the roadstead; and, as the National vessels were equally disinclined to go up to her, the combat ceased.

The Monitor had orders to engage the Merrimac, in only such a position as would enable the Union iron-clad, and other vessels engaged, to run her down.

The demonstration had one good effect; that of ascertaining the fact that the number of guns, at the principal work on Sewell’s Point, was greatly reduced, and the force of men posted there comparatively small. On the 10th of May the rebels learned that a large force of Union men were marching rapidly upon Norfolk, and later in the day that the Union troops occupied the city. They at once endeavored to put in force a design to get up the river, and aid in the defence of Richmond, trusting to be able to do this before the Union officers should learn of their intention. Before daybreak the next morning, however, it was found that the Merrimac was not fit for action; and the rebel flag-officer in command determined, with the concurrence of the first and flag-lieutenants, to land the crew at Craney Island, the only means of retreat left open to them; and, as it was otherwise impossible to prevent the Merrimac from falling into our hands, to destroy her before we could capture her. The vessel was accordingly put ashore, near the main land, the crew was landed, and in a few minutes sheets of flame rose into the air fore and aft of the proud rebel iron-clad. For more than an hour she burned fiercely; tongues of fire licked her sides and shot up livid streams of light through the dense smoke, and at 5 o’clock on the morning of May 11th, with a loud report, like a roar of baffled rage, agony, and mortification, she blew up, scattering her ruins far and wide; and the morning sun shone down on nothing of the Merrimac save wreck and smoke.

THE BATTLE OF HANOVER COURT-HOUSE.
May 23, 1862.

On Wednesday, May 28th, one of the most brilliant achievements was consummated which distinguished the great, patriotic war for the Union.

For several days previously to the above date, the rebels, returning from their raid up the Shenandoah valley, had been extending their pickets towards Old Church, throwing forces upon McClellan’s right flank, and otherwise indicating that they meant mischief. These threats of battle were answered by his suddenly throwing out a heavy Union force, between Hanover and Richmond, which cut off their communications by the Virginia Central, and the Richmond and Petersburg railroads. By this means the Union army totally dispersed the enemy, in two short, sharp engagements, cleared its flank, and disabled the rebel railroad operations. But a more important work was ahead; and the force selected for it was General G. W. Morrell’s division, of General F. J. Porter’s Fifth Provisional Army Corps. At midnight of Monday, orders were given to each regiment to be in light marching trim, for the morning. The reveille beat at 3 A. M. A drenching rain was pouring down, so that not so much as a cup of coffee could be heated; and there was nothing but cold rations to give the required strength for the prospective march.

The soldiers marched in silence for some six or eight miles; and then the whisper gathered breath, and passed from man to man, “Where are we going?” Pocket compasses were consulted, and it was discovered that slowly, though gradually, the division was bearing more and more to the right. Few in the column had any idea of the object in view; but no questions were asked.

At 10 o’clock, the dismal, overhanging clouds had disappeared almost entirely, and through their broken masses poured down the rays of a brilliant sun, that soon became almost tropical in its intense heat. The head of the column was suddenly turned to the right; a course due north was pursued for a short time; and then, where the roads intersected each other, a battery was planted, a regiment being detailed to support it. Again the brigades moved rapidly onward. At the halt, the Virginia railroad was reported to be but a mile and a half westward; and, in obedience to orders received, the Twenty-second Massachusetts, Colonel Gore, marched northward to disable the railroad, and subsequently joined the main body a few miles above.

The design in view was to capture a large body of rebels, known to have been at Hanover Court House on the Sunday before, and which had then consisted of the Seventh, Twelfth, Eighteenth, Twenty-third, Thirty-third, and Thirty-eighth, North Carolina troops. Each regiment was represented as numbering one thousand men: and it was further stated that the enemy intended to strongly reinforce the position.

The Union division reached a point about two miles north of the intersection of the roads, when the advance guard, composed of cavalry; the Twenty-fifth New York Infantry, Colonel Johnson, and a section of artillery, discovered the pickets of the enemy. Without an instant’s delay the skirmishers opened fire, when the enemy slowly withdrew for two miles—the Twenty-fifth in rapid pursuit, keeping ahead even of Benson’s Light Battery, which was in front. It was in an open field, near the house of Doctor King, that the rebels drew up in line of battle. Colonel Johnson pressed boldly forward, engaged them at close range, and for fifteen minutes, before any support arrived, made hot work for both sides. The rebels had sheltered themselves behind the house, and in support of two of their own field pieces; but they were speedily driven from that protection. A force of the enemy which approached on the right of the Twenty-fifth, coming from the woods, succeeded in taking prisoners a portion of company G, which they immediately carried to their rear. A section of Manin’s Massachusetts Battery, followed by a portion of Griffin’s Regular Battery now came to the Assistance of Colonel Johnson, and speedily fixed the attention of the rebels, who continued to pour in a sharp shower of grape and shell from their twelve-pound howitzers.

But now a turn in affairs took place which was as great a surprise as it was a disaster to the rebels. From their determined stand it was clearly perceived that they supposed the force before them to be our only strength; and they evidently considered that it would be short work to repulse and capture the small body of men so heroically attacking them. But General Butterfield had already ordered the Eighty-third Pennsylvania, Colonel McLane and the Seventeenth New York, Colonel Lansing, to the timber on the left of the enemy’s flank; and before they could suspect the blow that threatened them, our reinforcements appeared in the wheat field on their left. The vitality of the movement was clear to them as soon as perceived; and surprised, then confused, they wavered at the first well-directed volley poured in on them. Their ranks broke; and, turning, they fled confusedly, in every direction. A second volley picked off their men at the guns. Forward, at the double-quick, and with a loud, hearty yell, went the brave Seventeenth. The cannon were abandoned without spiking them, and our victorious troops pursued the retreating enemy to Hanover Court-House. Within an hour sixty prisoners were brought in. Beyond this point the enemy still fled; and the cavalry continued in hot pursuit. At the Court-House the regiments stopped, as the enemy had abandoned it just in time to escape the net so skilfully set for his capture.

At Peake’s Station orders were received from General Porter for the Twenty-second Massachusetts to move up the railroad, several hundred feet of which they had previously torn up. All other regiments, including the Forty-fourth and the battery below, were ordered to move with all possible rapidity, as it was expected that much more sharp fighting remained to be done ahead. They had but just moved forward when a mounted cavalry picket in hot haste rode up and informed General Martindale that a large force of rebels had arrived by rail, and was already hurrying on for an attack upon the rear, evidently hoping to get us between two fires. The Second Maine regiment, in the rear, was faced about, and stationed at the point where the rebel attack was expected. But they advanced under shelter of the timber. The Forty-fourth New York, Colonel Stryker, was ordered to the left of Martin’s battery; the Twenty-fifth regiment, attending on the wounded, having been sent for, arrived and took up a position on the left of the battery, before which the rebels had already appeared. The Forty-fourth started to deploy in the woods to the left, with a view to protect one of the hospitals which was in that direction; but the enemy attacking our right flank made it necessary to have them recalled. They returned to their former position; and engaged their opponents vigorously.

The fight waxed hot and furious. Six rebel infantry regiments were in plain sight. Colonel Johnson was severely wounded, and soon after had his horse shot under him; Adjutant Houghton received a flesh wound in the leg, and Major Chapin of the Forty-fourth was severely wounded in the chest, and the leg. Adjutant Knox, and Lieutenant Fox were both wounded. The enemy pressed fiercely upon the Union lines; their fire was poured in with relentless fury, and their whole strength was put out to crush the patriotic force. But in vain, for though losing severely at every onslaught, the three heroic columns stood their ground with an unflinching bravery that has won for them the highest meed of praise. They would not yield an inch. Finally the Second Maine was out of ammunition, and Colonel Roberts appealed for a chance to charge with the bayonet.

During all the time this furious fight was raging the brigades in the advance were returning on the double-quick.

The Eighty-third Pennsylvania and Sixteenth Michigan were thrown in on the left. The Sixty-second Pennsylvania, Colonel Black, was sent into the timber on the left; the Ninth Massachusetts, Colonel Cass, was placed on the left of the Eighty-third. The Fourteenth New York relieved the Second Maine, and was joined by the Thirteenth New Jersey, from Colonel Warren’s brigade.

Griffin’s battery, which now came thundering in, commenced throwing shell and shrapnell, on the instant after taking position.

The fresh regiments pressed forward. On the enemy’s left, the Sixty-second was doing such execution as forced the rebels to fall back before its destructive fire. The whole advancing columns came on with a steady rush; the enemy was thrown into confusion, and under cover of the forest, beat a disordered and precipitate retreat.

The victory was won, hardly, bravely, and nobly won; and the results were more than the victors had hoped for.

The spoils were over six hundred men; a large number of guns; and a railway train, captured by General Stoneman.

It is worthy of remark that in this engagement the flag of the Forty-fourth New York was pierced by forty-four bullets. The regiment behaved nobly—as did every one engaged. Too much praise cannot be awarded to both officers and men. The following is from a newspaper account of the day.

“General McClellan came up the next morning and was most enthusiastically received by the men. He grasped General Porter by the hand most cordially and congratulated him. Turning to General Butterfield, who was near, he put one hand on his shoulder and said some words that we on the outside could not hear. That they were well merited compliments for brave and gallant deeds, the faces of both showed most plainly. Our brigade was satisfied and confident that under fire, as well as elsewhere, we have the right man in the right place.”

The result of this fight was the firm establishment in position of the right wring of McClellan’s army, which took position without waiting the cooperation of McDowell, and entered upon that scene of bloody days which ended in the retreat to Harrison’s Landing.

BATTLE OF FAIR OAKS, VA.
May 31 and June 1.

On the 29th and 30th of May the National pickets were many times fiercely attacked by detachments of the rebels, endeavoring to ascertain the precise situation of the Federal troops. They were repulsed with considerable loss. There were indications that the enemy was approaching in great force, for the cars coming out from Richmond had been running all the previous night. On the morning of the 30th, General Keyes, stationed at Seven Pines, was informed of the threatening aspect of affairs; and together with Gen. Casey, at once made every possible preparation to repel all sudden attacks, well knowing that the enemy could assail with double or treble the numbers of the Union forces.

General Keyes in his official report, says: “The camp I selected, and which was the next day approved by Major-Gen. McClellan, stretches across the Williamsburgh road between Bottom’s Bridge and Seven Pines, and is distant about a mile from the latter. I caused that camp to be fortified with rifle-pits and breastworks extending to the left about eight hundred yards, and terminating in a crotchet to the rear. Similar works, about three hundred yards further in advance, were constructed on the right, extending towards the Richmond and West Point Railroad.

“Having been ordered by Gen. McClellan to hold the Seven Pines strongly, I designed to throw forward to that neighborhood two brigades of Casey’s division, and to establish my picket-line considerably in advance, and far to the right.”

In the mean time the rebel preparations were of the most powerful description, and seemed to promise to them undoubted success. General Hill, with a force of 16,000 men, was to march from Richmond, along the Williamsburg road, towards Seven Pines. General Longstreet, with 16,000 more, was to support his right wing; and General Huger with a third 16,000, was appointed to protect his left flank, prepared to fall upon the right wing of the Federal troops. General Smith, with still another 16,000 men, was to make a detour through the woods, for the purpose of cutting off the retreat of Casey’s division. Such was the generalship of the rebel officers that often with really inferior numbers, they so massed their troops as to be superior in numbers upon the battle-field.

Throughout the night of the 30th of May, there was a raging storm, the like of which few who listened to its roar and fury could remember ever to have experienced. The thunder roared without intermission; torrents of rain drenched the earth; while the whole sky was on fire with an unceasing blaze of lightning. It was from the peltings of this storm, saturated with rain, which had penetrated the camps, and turned their hard field-beds into pools of mud, that the Federal troops rose, to face an advancing army of six or seven times their own number. The tempest had gradually died away, toward daybreak, but a lowering sky seemed to increase the gloom of the dreary landscape. Nor were the men, after a night of unrest, any brighter than the aspect of surrounding nature. The roads flooded by rain, were almost impassable; and the waters of the Chickahominy, overflowing its banks, were encroaching upon the swamps.

About an hour before noon it was announced that a large body of the rebels had been seen approaching, on the Richmond road. Picket-firing commenced almost immediately, and was instantly followed by the shriek of several shells from the enemy’s artillery, which came tearing through the air, in the neighborhood of General Peck’s headquarters—proving that the enemy was advancing on General Casey’s division.

The troops were, on the instant, summoned to arms. Every man at work on the intrenchments was dispatched to his regiment; the artillery was harnessed up, the batteries placed in position; and the One Hundred and First Pennsylvania Volunteers, was sent down the road, to check the advancing foe and to support the pickets.

Up to this moment it was supposed that nothing more was impending than one of those sharp skirmishes in which the troops had so often engaged. The Pennsylvania troops marched briskly onward, little imagining that they were throwing themselves on the bayonets of an army of 16,000 men; till, to their horror and consternation, as they emerged from the forest, they found themselves face to face with an overwhelming force. A volley of bullets swept, with devastating effect, upon their ranks dealing death on every side, and scattering one-fifth of their number dead or wounded upon the field. It was a moment in which flight was valor; for in fifteen minutes they would inevitably have been surrounded, and every man cut down or made a prisoner.

General McClellan was, at the time, severely criticised for that sentence in his dispatch to Secretary Stanton which read, “Casey’s division, which was the first line, gave way, unaccountably and discreditably.” The retreat of this handful of men, after first losing one-fifth of their number, does not reflect upon their heroism. General Casey says in his official report,—

“In my humble opinion, from what I witnessed on the 31st, I am convinced that the stubborn and desperate resistance of my division saved the army on the right of the Chickahominy from a severe repulse, which might have resulted in a disastrous defeat. The blood of the gallant dead would cry to me from the ground on which they fell, fighting for their country, had I not said what I have to vindicate them from the unmerited aspersions which have been cast upon them.”

It is gratifying to be able to add that General McClellan subsequently owned that he had been mistaken in this particular, and did justice to those brave soldiers.

Five thousand men in an almost open field could do but little to repel the advance of two divisions of the enemy, each numbering 16,000 men. Onward the rebels marched, till within a few yards of Stuart’s battery, when the brave artillerists delivered their last fire, before, at their commander’s order, they retired. The Federals now retreated about a quarter of a mile, toward their second line; and the rebels having paused to secure the captured cannon, again advanced, still pouring in, upon the retreating Union troops, volley after volley of bullets and shells. But the latter maintained their ground for upwards of three hours, without a single regiment arriving to their assistance. After a short conflict, of awful fierceness, the rebels succeeded in taking the redoubt; and General Casey’s devoted little band, fearfully mutilated, exhausted and bleeding, retreated through General Couch’s troops drawn up in line half a mile behind them; and thus sheltered, once more reformed their wasted, broken ranks.

The rebels resumed their march on General Couch’s line, at four o’clock, having halted a moment at the deserted camp.

General Couch having formed his line, already eight thousand strong, was at this moment being reinforced by General Heintzelman’s corps of 16,000 men, with which he advanced to meet in front the combined forces of Generals Hill and Longstreet, numbering together 32,000, and a division of 16,000 under General Smith, which was marching upon his flank.

The ground was rather favorable than otherwise; a few slight intrenchments had been hastily thrown up, and General Couch’s line was formed to the north of the Williamsburg road. The design of the rebels was to make their strongest assault upon General Couch’s right wing, which intent, as soon as perceived, was partly frustrated by his sending troops to strengthen the point of attack. Again the roar of battle thundered forth upon the hot, heavy air; dense clouds of smoke shut out the sky from friend and foe; the ground was literally red with blood, and the field was covered with the dead, dying, and wounded. The whiz of bullets and the appalling, horrible scream of shells kept up a shrill accompaniment to the uninterrupted roar of cannon. General Peck, with two Pennsylvania regiments, passed through an open space, swept with a shower of balls, and poured in a destructive fire on the enemy. It was impossible to resist the advance of the rebels, who greatly outnumbered the Federals; but the courage displayed on both sides was equal.

The brave soldiers of the Union slowly retired, in good order, stubbornly contesting every foot of ground they passed over. At about 5 o’clock they were joined by General Birney, with a brigade of General Kearney’s division. General Sumner was on the other side of the Chickahominy, encamped at New Bridge. He had, at 3 o’clock in the afternoon, received orders to cross and march to the aid of the troops, which were in imminent peril of being overwhelmed. But it required a long time to cross the river, swollen to overflowing by recent rains; and it was five miles to the scene of conflict. But, pressing through rain and mud, with indefatigable energy they struggled forward, till the heroes at Seven Pines were gladdened by the sight of them, and all along the lines ran the shout, “It is General Sumner!”

Almost at the same moment the rebels were thrown into great confusion, on seeing their Commander-in-Chief, General J. E. Johnston struck by a fragment of shell, and hurled from his horse.

Taking advantage of a moment so disastrous to the rebels, General Sumner’s men advanced on the double-quick. They had succeeded in bringing up a battery, which was instantly planted; and they carried real fighting guns, 12-pound howitzers. With these they poured in a rapid and destructive fire upon the enemy. General Sumner, his gray hair streaming on the wind, a picture to inspire heroism, reverence and admiration, rode up and down the lines, shouting encouragement to his brave soldiers. The rebels charged twice, well and bravely; and twice they were repulsed. A third charge was feebly attempted, but overwhelmed by the destruction dealt upon their ranks by the Union men, they broke, turned, and fled wildly, leaving their dead and wounded on the field. The Federals, bayonet in hand, and led by General Sumner, pursued the routed foe, driving them as far as Fair Oaks Station.

THE BATTLE OF SEVEN PINES.
June 1, 1862.

During the night all the Union artillery was brought safely through the marshes and swamps; and was posted for duty, it being well understood that the enemy would, on the following day, throw out all his remaining force, to drive back the Federal troops, and compel them to cross the Chickahominy. Throughout the night was heard the sound of axes, felling trees to protect the rebels from the advance of their foes; and the words of command from the rebel officers were distinctly heard by our soldiers.

The attack was not made at so early an hour as had been anticipated by our officers; it was six o’clock when the enemy first gave signs of their intended movement, and our pickets were driven in. They halted in our front and taunted our line to advance. General French, whose brigade was in front, declined the challenge, and the rebels rushed forward. The battle opened at once, furiously. The enemy fought rapidly and skilfully, adopting tactics which General French construed into a feint to draw him on. At intervals they suspended fire, appeared to be driven back, but continued to send forward new forces—their capacity for reinforcements, as on the previous day, appearing to be inexhaustible. As upon Saturday, both sides fought with equal and determined bravery. When the contest had lasted two hours and a half, with still increasing fury, General Richardson ordered Howard’s brigade to the front; the enemy also again reinforced, and the volume of his fire increased. Meantime our batteries were shelling the forests furiously; and a vigorous bayonet charge, by the Fifth New Hampshire, scattered the enemy, who had appeared in a skirt of the woods, like dry leaves before the autumn wind. General Howard, who had cheered on his brave men in the thickest of the fray, was at length disabled, and carried to the rear; his brother, Lieutenant Howard, also fell wounded; and Colonel Cross of the Fifth New Hampshire took command. The enemy having begun to fall back, Colonel Miller, of the Eighty-first Pennsylvania, and Lieutenant-Colonel Masset, a talented young man, and a brave officer, of the Sixty-first New York, were killed instantly. The Fifth New Hampshire charged again. Colonel Cross at their head was wounded in the forehead with a fragment of shell, but bravely resisted its effect till he was ham-strung by a musket ball, when he allowed himself to be carried to the rear. As he was borne away he was cheered by hearing a shout of triumph that rent the air; and he knew that the Federals had won the day. Colonel Parker then took command of the brigade, and fought till the enemy were completely repulsed. The battle was at an end; the rebels did not again appear that day, nor did they even venture to post their pickets within view of the Federal line.

Major W. W. Cook, of the Fifth New Hampshire was disabled in the same manner as his Colonel. All the officers engaged, both in the fight of Sunday and of Saturday, bore themselves with unflinching bravery. Sedgwick displayed a coolness and courage invaluable in keeping up the spirits of his men; the firmness of Gorman filled the soldiers in his command with enthusiasm, and the quick judgment of General Burns at a most critical moment of the action, had a decidedly inspiriting effect upon his troops. When the balls were flying around them like hail, several horses and three battery teams stampeded, and for an instant the whole line of battle seemed to waver; when General Burns, comprehending the situation at a glance, called out with admirable coolness, “Steady, men, steady!” The effect was like magic. The Zouaves uttered a long loud, hearty series of yells that might have been heard at Richmond; and before they had realized that they had even wavered, the entire lines had dressed up compactly, and were dealing murderous discharges on the enemy. Captain Sedgwick, Assistant Adjutant-General to General Sedgwick, and Lieutenant Stone, his Aid-de-Camp; Captain G. H. Wicks, Assistant Adjutant-General to General Burns; and Lieutenants Blakeney and Camblos are entitled to honorable mention. Colonel Cochrane, Colonel Neill, Colonel Sully, and Colonel Senter showed themselves to be brave soldiers and efficient officers.

The loss of men on both sides was very great. Capt. Achnuff, of the One Hundred and Sixth Pennsylvania, Capt. Marke, First California, Lieut. Camblos and Gen. Burns, and Lieut. Donelson of the First California, were wounded.

General McClellan was wherever duty called him; in the fight of Sunday he was in the field, and rode along the entire battle line, greeted with enthusiastic cheers from every mouth. In the battle of Sunday, Gen. Pettigrew and Col. Champ Davis of South Carolina, and Col. Long of the regular army, were taken prisoners.

On Sunday night, the gallant troops of the Union army again slept on the battle-field; while around them lay the mangled, stiff, and gory dead, with upturned, pallid faces, on which the heavens smiled down in mute approval of the dauntless courage that had dared death and won the victory in a noble cause!

THE BATTLE OF CROSS-KEYS.
June 8, 1862.

At six o’clock on the morning of the 8th of June, the Virginia forces, under General Fremont, commanding the mountain department in West Virginia, left Harrisonburgh, and advanced about seven miles, attacking the rebels near a place called Union Church. The advance was led by General Cluseret, his brigade consisting of the Sixtieth Ohio and Eighth Virginia, afterwards supported by the Garibaldi Guard. The battle commenced at about nine o’clock, and was prosecuted with great fury on both sides. The rebels, consisting of Stonewall Jackson’s command, had the advantage of position.

General Fremont was early on the ground, and was often exposed to the fire of the enemy. On one occasion, a shell from a rebel battery struck the ground within a few feet of the spot on which he stood. The Union line of battle was a mile and a half in length. General Schenck led the right wing. His forces were disposed as follows: at his left was the Eighty-second Ohio, Colonel Cantwell; next came the Fifty-fifth Ohio, Colonel Lee; Seventy-third, Colonel Smith; Seventy-fifth, Colonel McLean, while the Thirty-second Ohio, Colonel Ford, held the extreme right. The centre, under the command of the intrepid Milroy, had the Third Virginia, Lieutenant-Colonel Thompson commanding, on the left; next the Fifth Virginia, Colonel Zeigler; the Second Virginia, Major J. D. Owens commanding; while the Twenty-fifth Ohio, under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Richardson, formed the right. Between Milroy’s right and Schenck’s left lay the Sixtieth Ohio, Colonel Trimble, and Eighth Virginia, Colonel Loeser, commanded by Colonel Cluseret, in addition to the Garibaldi Guards, of Blenker’s division. General Stahl’s brigade, consisting of the Eighth, Forty-first, and Forty-fifth New York, and Twenty-seventh Pennsylvania, with the invincible band of Bucktails, that survived the slaughter of Friday previous, formed the left. General Bohlen’s brigade was to support Stahl, while the remainder of Blenker’s division was a reserve.

The battle lasted until about three o’clock in the afternoon, when, by the misinterpretation of an order, the left wing of the Union forces fell back, exposing the centre, and necessitating a retrograde movement along the whole line. The enemy, intent only upon getting off, made no further advance; and the worn and wasted ranks of the patriots reposed at night upon the field of combat. Early next morning the Union line of battle was reformed, Schenck taking the centre, and Milroy the right, and an advance was commenced, in the direction of Port Republic. As the National forces approached this point, which is on the Shenandoah river, a dense smoke was seen rising ahead, and it was soon found that the rebels had retired across the river, and burned the only bridge by which it was possible to pursue them. Thus did Stonewall Jackson, after a successful raid up the Valley, slip through the fingers of the Union commanders, and make good his escape—though not without severe loss. The Union losses were upwards of six hundred in killed, wounded, and missing. The men behaved with great gallantry in this fight. Generals Milroy and Cluseret especially distinguished themselves.

THE SEVEN DAYS’ BATTLES.

BATTLE OF OAK GROVE.
June 25, 1862.

Time passed on, days lengthening into weeks, and no decisive step was taken, that is, no engagement of great moment with the enemy took place, for circumstances rendered it impossible. The Chickahominy, already so high as to render crossing it impracticable, was still further swollen by heavy rains on the nights of June 3d, 4th and 7th, till finally it flooded all the bottoms to the height of four or five feet, rendering the country, for the time, impassable for either artillery or cavalry. General McClellan meanwhile continued to urge upon the War Department at Washington the necessity for reinforcing his army; and continued to push on the construction of bridges across the river. It was his wish to place the two wings of the army, separated only by the river, in the most direct communication with each other. On the 10th and 11th June, General McCall’s troops commenced landing at the White House. On the 25th, the bridges and intrenchments being at last completed, an advance of the picket lines was ordered, preparatory to a general movement forward. The advance was begun by Heintzelman’s corps, at about 9 o’clock on the morning of the 25th, the object in view being to gain possession of a spot called Oak Grove, which had long been disputed ground. The enemy was in strong force all along the line, and stubbornly resisted the advance of the Union regiments, obliged at first to push forward cautiously, and with great difficulty through the heavy swamps. The rebel pickets were routed, and a brisk engagement opened with their supports. The battle soon became general, and it was impossible to distinguish any thing but smoke, and mounted officers dashing to and fro along the line. It was as easy to distinguish the firing of the enemy from our own, as it is to distinguish the sound of two voices from each other: for they were armed with Harper’s Ferry muskets, we carried Springfield and Enfield guns. The firing of our soldiers was sharp and ringing, that of the enemy slow and dull; but on both sides heavy. In this fight, General Sickles commanded in turn each regiment of his brigade, encouraging his men, and leading, and inspiring them with his own fiery ardor. The fire rapidly extended over Hooker’s entire line to Hinks’s flanking regiment, ever increasing in intensity, as reinforcements of the enemy joined those already engaged. The Union men behaved splendidly. General Hooker’s division merited and obtained great praise. At 5 o’clock the fighting was over; the enemy was entirely driven from their camps in front of redoubt No. 3; and the brave soldiers rested on their laurels, having achieved a dearly bought victory.

Our loss was very heavy. The rebel loss was not so severe.

BATTLE OF GAINES’ MILL.
June 26, 1862.

During the night information was received that Stonewall Jackson, having returned from his raid down the Valley of the Shenandoah, was rapidly moving down the peninsula between the Pamunkey and the Chickahominy with the intention of attacking McClellan’s right flank. This alarming intelligence put a stop, for a time, to any idea of an immediate advance toward Richmond. Our right wing consisted of the divisions of McCall, Morrell, and Sykes. At 12 o’clock on the morning of the 26th of June, the approach of the enemy was perceived. The position of the Union troops was a strong one; extending along the left bank of Beaver Dam Creek, the left resting on the Chickahominy, and the right in thick woods beyond the upper road from Mechanicsville to Coal Harbor. Seymour’s brigade held the left of the line; and Reynolds’ the right; the artillery occupied positions commanding the roads, and the open ground across the creek.

At three o’clock in the afternoon the rebels advanced impetuously, but were bravely resisted by General Reynolds; and after a severe struggle forced back with heavy loss. A rapid artillery fire, with skirmishing, was maintained along the front, while the enemy about two hours later massed his troops for another effort, but was again repulsed with severe slaughter, by General Seymour. At nine o’clock, p. m., the engagement was at an end, with entire success to the Union arms, while the enemy retired slowly and humbled by defeat.

During the night General Porter led a portion of the Union troops across the Chickahominy, Seymour’s brigade covering the movement; and in the darkness it was successfully accomplished. The enemy appeared in front of our new line about noon of the 27th, at which time we were prepared to receive him. In this engagement the rebels were two to one of the Union army; their force numbered seventy thousand; and that of the Federals thirty-five thousand. The loss of the latter under the tremendous fire of the enemy was appalling. At three o’clock in the afternoon the engagement had become so general and so severe that the whole second line and all the reserves were moved forward to meet the overwhelming number of the enemy, and to sustain the first line under the desperate assaults on the front. Slocum’s division was brought into action to guard the weak points of our line, the moment it arrived on the field. On the left the rebels were repulsed with heavy loss; while on the right Sykes’ regulars did signal service in repelling many severe attacks. The position of the Union troops was becoming very critical; and, most of them under arms for two days, and greatly exhausted, were being severely harassed by the masses of fresh troops constantly brought against them. To have the line pressed at any one point now, would have been fatal; and it was absolutely necessary, General Porter being required to hold his position till nightfall, to divide Slocum’s division, and send even single regiments if no more could be spared, to protect the points in the most danger from the enemy.

The peril of the army was hourly becoming more imminent.

At five o’clock the brigades of French and Meagher, Richardson’s division, third corps, were ordered to the support of General Porter.

At six o’clock the enemy again attacked in great force, but failed to break the unwavering line of Union soldiers.

At seven o’clock they rushed forward with increased fury, and finally gained the woods held by Porter’s left. A general confusion followed, with more determined assaults from the enemy, forcing Porter’s men from the position they had so nobly held, to a hill in the rear overlooking the bridge. It was now approaching night, and the hearts of the Union troops were heavy with dire apprehension, when the French and Meagher brigades appeared, sternly driving before them the stragglers who were thronging in disorder toward the bridge. They advanced boldly to the front, and by their steady bearing and their brave example so animated the sinking troops that they rallied, reformed behind the welcome reinforcement, and again advanced up the hill prepared to repulse any attack of the enemy. But what had renewed their courage had filled the rebels with dismay; having been many times in the course of the engagement repulsed with severe slaughter, and now hearing the shouts of the fresh troops, the enemy failed to follow up his advantage; and in the gathering gloom of night the rescued regiments made good their retreat, crossed the bridge in safety, and destroyed it behind them.

In this battle the rebels captured twenty-two guns, three of which were lost by being run off the bridges in the final withdrawal. It is due to the artillery to say that not until the last successful charge of the rebels were the cannoneers driven from their pieces, or struck down, and their guns captured. The batteries of Diedrich, Ranahan, and Grimm took position in front of General Smith’s line and aided by the First Connecticut artillery, with a battery of siege guns, drove back the rebels in front of General Porter.

MAJOR-GENERAL W. T. SHERMAN.

THE CHANGE OF BASE.

The weary hours of the sultry night following the battle of Gaines’ Mill were heavy laden to the soldiers of the army of the Potomac.—While the rear guard was taking positions to beat back the advance of the foe on the next day, the main body of the army continued a retreat which every man felt to be ignominious; and rolled backward, like a mighty stream turned from its source, toward the James river.

On the evening of June 27th General McClellan assembled his corps commanders at his headquarters, and informed them of the proposed change in his base of operations, his reasons, his choice of route and method of execution.

General Keyes was directed to move his corps across White Oak swamp, and to seize strong positions on the opposite side, in order to cover the passage of the troops and trains—a movement which he executed the following morning.

General McClellan spent the day at Savage’s Station, directing the withdrawal of the trains and supplies of the army. Orders were given to load the wagons with all the ammunition, provisions, and necessary baggage of officers and men that could be placed on them, and to destroy all property which could not be transported with the army.

A proper number of surgeons and attendants, with a bountiful supply of rations and medical stores were left with the sick and wounded who could not be removed.

A herd of beef cattle numbering twenty-five hundred head was transferred in safety to the James river, by the Chief Commissary, Colonel Clark.

The enemy opened on General Smiths’ division from Garnett’s Hill, from the valley above, and from Gaines’ Hill on the opposite side of the Chickahominy, while General Franklin was in the act of withdrawing his command from Golding’s farm. A short time after, a Georgia regiment made an attempt to carry the works about to be vacated, but were instantly repulsed by the Twenty-third New Jersey and Forty-ninth Pennsylvania Volunteers, on picket duty, aided by a section of Mott’s battery.

General Porter’s corps was moved across White Oak swamp, and was so placed as to strengthen General Keyes’ right.

McCall’s division, on the night of the 28th, was conveyed across the swamp to aid in covering the remaining trains and troops.

During the same night General Sumner withdrew his troops to a point on the railroad near Savage’s Station; and Heintzelman and Smith took up positions in his close vicinity. The divisions of Sedgwick and Richardson were already there on the railroad facing Richmond; the first line of Richardson’s division being held by General French, and the second supported by General Caldwell.

General Slocum’s division of Franklin’s corps was ordered to Savage’s Station, to be held in reserve.

BATTLES OF ALLEN’S FARM AND SAVAGE’S STATION.

Early on the morning of Sunday, June 29, it was observed by the keen and watchful eye of General Franklin that the enemy had reconstructed the bridges across the Chickahominy, and were advancing in large force on Savage’s Station. He instantly communicated the fact to General Sumner.

At 9 A. M. the enemy furiously attacked General Sedgwick’s right, but was signally repulsed. They next attacked General Richardson on the left, attempting to carry the position of Colonel Brooks. Hazzard’s battery, afterwards replaced by Pettit’s, was served with disastrous effect on the enemy. The Fifty-third Pennsylvania poured in a steady fire on the enemy, compelling them to retreat in disorder. Three times the enemy renewed the attack, and three times they were completely repulsed.

At half past 12 A. M., General Sumner, having united his forces with those of General Franklin, assumed command.

It was about eleven o’clock when the rebels first made their appearance, and commenced their attack by throwing shells into General Sumner’s lines. Orders had been given to Generals Sumner, Franklin, and Heintzelman to hold their position until dark: the latter was ordered to hold himself in readiness to retreat as soon as night fell. Sumner’s and Franklin’s commands were drawn up in line of battle in a large open field to the left of the railroad. General Brooks with his brigade held the wood to the left of the field, bearing himself with true soldierly heroism, and though wounded he retained his command. At 4 P. M., the rebels attacked on the Williamsburg road, but were gallantly met by the brigade of the brave General Burns, supported and reinforced by two lines in reserve and by the New York Sixty-ninth, Hazzard’s and Pettit’s batteries again doing most valuable service. The conflict continued to rage with unabated fury till eight o’clock at night. The enemy deeming their force irresistible, came dashing down now upon this portion of the line, and then upon that, but were invariably repulsed at every point, often with severe slaughter. When night closed upon the combatants the Union soldiers remained unshaken at their posts, and the rebels were driven from the field, with broken, disordered lines, from their unsuccessful conflict.

Under cover of the darkness these indomitable men, after their hard day’s fight, from which they had gained only the ability to retreat, fell back, resuming their unsatisfactory march, and crossed the White Oak Swamp in good marching order before the morning’s dawn. By the morning of the 30th they had crossed White Oak Bridge and burnt the bridge after them, General French, with his brigade acting as rear-guard. The scene along the line of this precipitate, and apparently unnecessary retreat beggars all description. Notwithstanding every effort made by General McClellan, and his personal staff, the roads were blocked with wagons, and the greatest difficulty was found in keeping the trains in motion.

The following is an extract from General McClellan’s official report, and gives in few words an accurate description of the state of affairs in his army at this point:

“The engineer officers whom I had sent forward on the twenty-eighth to reconnoitre the roads had neither returned nor sent me any reports or guides. Generals Keyes and Porter had been delayed—one by losing the road, and the other by repairing an old road—and had not been able to send any information. We then knew of but one road for the movement of the troops and our immense trains.

“It was, therefore, necessary to post the troops in advance of this road as well as our limited knowledge of the ground permitted, so as to cover the movement of the trains in the rear.

“I then examined the whole line from the swamp to the left, giving final instructions for the posting of the troops and the obstructions of the roads toward Richmond, and all corps commanders were directed to hold their positions until the trains had passed, after which a more concentrated position was to be taken up near James river.

“Our force was too small to occupy and hold the entire line from the White Oak swamp to the river, exposed as it was to be taken in reverse by a movement across the lower part of the swamp, or across the Chickahominy below the swamp. Moreover, the troops were then greatly exhausted and required rest in a more secure position.

“I extended my examinations of the country as far as Haxall’s, looking at all the approaches to Malvern, which position I perceived to be the key to our operations in this quarter, and was thus enabled to expedite very considerably the passage of the trains, and to rectify the positions of the troops.

“Every thing being then quiet, I sent aids to the different corps commanders to inform them what I had done on the left, and to bring me in formation of the condition of affairs on the right. I returned from Malvern to Haxall’s, and having made arrangements for instant communication from Malvern by signals, went on board of Captain Rodgers’s gunboat, lying near, to confer with him in reference to the condition of our supply vessels, and the state of things on the river. It was his opinion that it would be necessary for the army to fall back to a position below City Point, as the channel there was so near the southern shore that it would not be possible to bring up the transports, should the enemy occupy it. Harrison’s Landing was, in his opinion, the nearest suitable point. Upon the termination of this interview I returned to Malvern Hill, and remained there until shortly before daylight.”

BATTLE OF NELSON’S FARM.
June 30, 1862.

Up to this time the rebels had felt no doubt of their ability utterly to destroy the Army of the Potomac, lying, as they supposed, at their mercy. Greatly to their surprise and disgust they now awoke to the fact that their prey was escaping them, and would soon be marshalled on the banks of the James, safe under the protection of the Federal gunboats. Maddened with rage and disappointment, they pursued hotly, and it soon became evident that another battle was inevitable. On the morning of the 30th, General Heintzelman ordered the bridge at Brackett’s Ford to be destroyed, and trees to be felled across that road and the Charles City road. General Sumner had been ordered to take position at a place known as Glendale, and sometimes as “Nelson’s Farm.” A line of battle was formed, with Meade’s brigade on the right; Seymour’s on the left, while Reynolds’ was held in reserve, commanded by Colonel S. G. Simmons of the Fifth Pennsylvania. Randall’s regular battery was placed on the right; Kernis’ and Cooper’s batteries opposite the centre, and Diedrich’s and Kannahan’s batteries of the artillery reserve on the left—all in front of the infantry line.

A little before one o’clock the rebels opened a fierce fire upon the divisions of Smith and Richardson and Naglee’s brigade at White Oak swamp bridge. Under cover of this fire, which continued throughout the day, they sent an infantry force across the creek. The Federal artillery, under Captain Ayers, was directed with deadly effect, but the Union forces in return suffered great loss, especially Richardson’s division. Hazzard’s battery was forced to retire, but not till it had lost many gunners, and Captain Hazzard himself was mortally wounded.

At two o’clock a large force of rebels was reported advancing by the Charles City road; and in half an hour afterward the attack was made on General Slocum’s left, and the thunder of war heralded the enemy’s advance as he pressed boldly on in the face of a heavy fire. The battle raged without interruption for two hours; but at length the rebels were compelled to fall back before the dreadful storm of death poured in upon them by both artillery and infantry. Having formed a dense column, in large force, comprising the divisions of Longstreet and Hill, the enemy made a furious charge upon General McCall’s division, which was received with a shower of canister that tore its way through their ranks, leaving gaps on every side. They unhesitatingly closed up, and with desperate fury rushed forward again, forcing the devoted band who had so bravely withstood them, to fall back before their overwhelming numbers. There was no running; the patriot troops retired slowly in good order, boldly disputing the ground as they fell back. The rebels numbered three to one of the Federals. It was now considerably past sundown, and the darkness of night was rapidly succeeding twilight. Reinforcements from the retreating line were sent back, to aid in presenting a successful resistance to the advancing enemy, and our gallant heroes, weary, worn, sleepless and hungry, awaited the next attack from the powerful and exultant foe.

Generals Sedgwick, Sumner, and Hooker, added new laurels to their well-won fame, in this battle. The latter being on McCall’s left, by moving to his right, repulsed the rebels bravely, and with great slaughter to their well-filled ranks. Generals Sumner and Sedgwick, in the rear, drove back the enemy with artillery and infantry. The rebels then vigorously renewed the attack on Kearney’s left, but were repulsed with severe loss.

General Sumner says of this battle, that it was the most severe action since the battle of Fair Oaks, and adds, “The enemy was routed at all points, and driven from the field.”

THE BATTLE OF MALVERN HILL.
July 1, 1862.

Led by General Franklin, the Union troops, during the night succeeding the battle of Nelson’s Farm, retreated toward a point called Malvern Hill. The dawn of the morning of July 1st saw the army massed on this hill, engaged in selecting positions for their batteries. The point selected for resisting the further advance of the rebels on this day was on the left and centre of our lines, resting on Malvern Hill; the right meanwhile curving backward through a wooded country toward a point below Haxall’s, on the James river. A heavy swell of pasture land, about a mile and a half by three-fourths of a mile in area, was the spot called Malvern Hill. It was well cleared of timber; and several intersecting and converging roads ran across it. The ground sloped gradually toward the north and east, leaving clear ranges for artillery in those directions, and in front were many defensible ravines. It was evident from the enemy’s position that the attack would come from the direction of Richmond and White Oak swamp; and of necessity strike the left wing of the Union troops. For this reason the lines at that point were strengthened by massing the troops, and collecting the principal part of the artillery.

The left of the lines was held by Porter’s corps, with the division of Sykes on the left and Morrell on the right; the artillery of the divisions and the artillery of the reserve being disposed in such a manner that a concentrated fire of some sixty guns could, be brought to bear on any point on the front or left.

After much praiseworthy exertion, Colonel Tyler had succeeded in getting ten of his siege guns in position on the highest point of the hill. To the right of General Porter was placed General Couch’s division, and next to him came Kearney and Hooker; then Smith and Slocum, and further to the right, the remainder of Keyes’ corps, extending backward in a curved line that reached almost to the river. The flank was well protected; a Pennsylvania corps was held in reserve. Along the entire front the line was very strong; and by slashing the timber plentifully and barricading the roads, the right was held as secure as possible.

The flotilla on James river, in command of Commodore Rogers, was so placed that the gunboats protected the army’s flank, and commanded the approach from Richmond.

It was about ten o’clock in the morning when the enemy made his first appearance, attracting the attention of the Union troops by light skirmishing and occasional artillery as far to the right as General Hooker’s division. It was an hour of deep anxiety to the Union troops, and the heart of every man beat eagerly and anxiously, but fearlessly, when, at two o’clock in the afternoon a large body of rebels was seen approaching directly in front of Heintzelman’s corps, but beyond the reach of our guns. The preparations made at once to meet its advance proved unnecessary, for it disappeared; and it was generally supposed that it retired by the rear, and, later in the day, participated in the attack made on our left.

About three o’clock the battle began in earnest; a heavy fire of artillery was poured in on Kearney’s left and Couch’s division, which was speedily followed up by a sharp attack of infantry on Couch’s front. The heroic Unionists were prompt to answer, and a roar of artillery replied to that of the enemy. The infantry of Couch’s division remained lying on the ground till the advancing column of rebels was within short musket range, and then, springing to their feet, sent a death-dealing volley into their ranks, that broke the attacking force and drove them in disorder back over their own ground. The Union army availed themselves of the opportunity by following up the advantage; and they pursued the enemy till the right of its line had advanced some seven or eight hundred yards, and rested upon a thick clump of trees that gave them a stronger and more effective position.

The whole line was now carefully surveyed during the lull of a few minutes that followed, while the Union soldiers waited eagerly for the next attack. The rebels now gathered their utmost strength to strike their heaviest blow. At six o’clock they suddenly opened a destructive fire upon Couch’s and Richardson’s divisions; and at the same time followed column after column of infantry from the woods, charging desperately, and evidently intending to take the field.

General McClellan’s report, in describing this part of the battle is as follows: “Brigade after brigade, formed under cover of the woods, started at a run to cross the open space and charge our batteries, but the heavy fire of our guns, with the cool and steady volleys of our infantry, in every case sent them reeling back to shelter, and covered the ground with their dead and wounded. In several instances our infantry withheld their fire until the attacking column, which rushed through the storm of canister and shell from our artillery, had reached within a few yards of our lines. They then poured in a single volley, and dashed forward with the bayonet, capturing prisoners and colors, and driving the routed columns in confusion from the field.”

The position of Porter and Couch was every moment becoming more critical, as everything depended upon the successful resistance of what was felt to be the enemy’s final assault. Sickles and Meagher were ordered to withdraw their brigades, as soon as it was considered prudent, and to reinforce the part of the line which was being so hardly pressed. Certain regiments of Porter’s and Couch’s division had entirely expended their ammunition, and their places were at once filled from the Sickles and Meagher brigades; and batteries from the rear were pushed forward to supply the place of those who were exhausted. The enemy was slow to acknowledge himself beaten, and, until dark, persisted in unwearied efforts to take the position so tenaciously held by the patriots. Despite his vastly superior numbers, however, he was continually repulsed as often as he attacked, till darkness ended the battle of Malvern Hill, though artillery firing continued up to nine o’clock.

The loss sustained by General McClellan’s army, in the course of those bloody engagements that marked the retreat from the Chickahominy to Harrison’s Landing was very heavy. McClellan himself computed the loss at upwards of 15,000 men. The stubborn resistance and gallant courage of the Union soldiers, at Malvern Hill, preserved the army from sad discomfiture, if not destruction. The withdrawal to Harrison’s Landing was, however, regarded with great disfavor by many Union officers, and to the people of the North was the occasion of much criticism and regret. Gloom succeeded cheerful hope, in the bosoms of many patriots, at this juncture, and it was not until good news arrived from the west and southwest, that confidence in the success of the Union arms was again revived. The Army of the Potomac, meanwhile, took a short season of rest, preparatory to new movements.

EVACUATION OF PENSACOLA.
May 9, 1862.

On the night of the 9th of May, the rebels, believing that an attack was about to be made by the Union fleet, under Captain, now Commodore Porter, set fire to the Pensacola Navy Yard, Fort McRea, the Naval Hospital, Warrington, and Pensacola itself. General Arnold, divining their destructive object, immediately opened fire from Fort Pickens, and kept up a heavy bombardment, for five hours, thus preventing the rebels from fulfilling their plan, which contemplated the destruction of the entire town. A demand was then made for the surrender of Pensacola, and, Mayor Bode complying, the Union forces took possession of the place, capturing a quantity of valuable lumber, many thousand dollars’ worth of oil, and rebel arms and equipments. The enemy, however, had succeeded in destroying a good deal of property, and had then retired, about one thousand strong, led by General Bragg, to a camp, five miles outside of Mobile.

On the 12th of May, immediately following the occupation of this point, President Lincoln issued a proclamation, announcing the ports of Beaufort, Port Royal, and New Orleans, to be open to commerce under the laws of the United States.

CAPTURE OF FORTS PILLOW AND RANDOLPH: OCCUPATION OF MEMPHIS.
June 4–6, 1862.

During the time that Major-General McClellan was conducting his army in its retreat towards the James river, much, that was of great moment to the country, was taking place in other directions. The rebels had fled from Corinth, leaving it in the possession of the Federal troops, under General Halleck. Forts Pillow and Randolph now became an easy prey, having been flanked, and, to a great degree, surrounded, by National troops, and having already had a large portion of their garrisons withdrawn, to aid General Beauregard in his unsuccessful defence of Corinth. In this condition the rebels speedily decided that flight was the only safe course left to them, and, on the 4th of June, having previously destroyed every thing that could not be removed, they evacuated the two forts.

All obstructions to the navigation of the river having been now removed, the National fleet, on the morning after the Federals had taken possession of the heights, descended the river to Memphis, and cast anchor, about two miles above the city. The fleet consisted of the five gunboats, Benson, Saint Louis, Carondelet, Cairo, and Louisville; and the four rams, Lancaster, Monarch, Number Three, and Queen of the West—the rams being under command of Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr. The rebel gunboats had also assembled at that point, from above and below—to dispute the further passage of the stream—making a formidable fleet, which consisted of the iron-clads, Little Rebel, Jeff Thompson, Sumter, Beauregard, Bragg, Price, Lovell, and Van Dorn. The rebel fleet was under the command of Commodore E. Montgomery.

It was late in the evening when the Federal fleet anchored for the night; and some of the most eager of the officers, seeing there were no batteries to pass, were anxious to push on to Memphis at once, and were clamorous in asking why they must remain simply within view of the wished-for haven during the whole night.

But the prudence of Captain Davis (in command of the whole National fleet) was amply justified, when the morning came. The whole rebel fleet, under full head of steam, was then discovered by two Federal vessels which were lying close to the shore. These two Union gunboats had steamed cautiously down the river, to reconnoitre the enemy’s position; and having been satisfied with regard to it, had, as cautiously, but with all possible speed, steamed back again to rejoin the fleet. The rebels having seen them, and perceived the haste they made to return, supposed them fleeing in terror, and sent some shots after them, which passed harmlessly, falling into the water beyond. Captain Davis lost no time in preparing his advance to meet the foe. He immediately signalled all his gunboats. In such a case as this transports and mortar-boats were utterly useless. The rams, ready, of course, to render all possible assistance, constituted an independent fleet; and were, therefore, left solely to the command of Colonel Ellet, who was in no way subject to orders from Captain Davis, but was required to report himself only to the Navy Department.

Then began one of the most exciting as well as fearful fights that can be witnessed in warfare. Majestically the Union and the rebel fleets approached in line of battle. When within a mile of each other, the combatants opened fire; and for an hour, the thunder of cannon, the flash of fire, and clouds of smoke filled the air. Each moment the two fleets approached nearer and nearer, till, in a brief time they were but a few hundred yards apart, while broadside after broadside, following in rapid succession, was poured in from the black-mouthed cannon upon either side. The combat had begun at a very early hour of the morning, and while it continued to rage the sun of a glorious day in June broke slowly through the crimson splendor of the eastern sky, and looked warmly down upon a scene, the like of which had long been too familiar to his gaze.

The river, like a sheet of molten silver, lay smiling beneath the summer sky, placidly reflecting its hues and colors and changes, while the sweet morning air rapidly grew thick, dense, and sulphurous with the smoke that hung like a great dark cloud, growing darker and darker, and shutting out the sun.

An incessant roar of cannon, with flash and smoke, followed in rapid succession, and with deafening effect, while the shot and shell that rattled and clattered against the armed ships’ sides rebounded again, and breaking the face of the smooth river sank beneath its quiet waters.

The guns had long since awakened the people of the city, who now crowded in a vast throng down to the edge of the bluffs, upon which Memphis is built. The levee was literally swarming, and black with human beings, straining their sight to peer through the dense overhanging clouds of smoke that was shutting the combatants out of view.

A momentary lull now occurred in the fierce thunder of the battle. Intense anxiety was felt, on both sides, the Union men being hopeful in the strength of their own heroism, as they always were. In this case even from the first, they had been encouraged, by seeing the rebel gunboats, gradually, and almost imperceptibly, fall back, as the Union vessels closely pressed upon them. Suddenly, a strange looking craft steamed around a bend in the river, and with extraordinary speed came up to the assistance of the Union gunboats. Soon another similar looking vessel followed, and as the rebels caught sight of them, alarm and surprise seem to paralyze their efforts. For a moment they hesitated. Then turning slowly they began to fall back on the current of the river. Onward, with almost lightning-like rapidity, steamed the Monarch and the Queen of the West. Their gallant commanders had needed no stronger summons than the booming of the cannon to bring them into the heart of the combat. With extraordinary speed the Queen of the West plunged between the National gunboats, and having previously selected her victim, rushed into the midst of the rebel rams, and drove furiously upon the Beauregard. The pilot of the Beauregard adroitly avoided the coming foe, swung round, and so escaped the collision. But the Queen, determined not to lose the power she had crowded on for the destruction of the Beauregard, plunged forward upon the rebel ram Price, which received the advance with a well-directed fire. But the apparently invulnerable Union vessel, which shook shot and shell from her armed sides as though they had been drops of water, struck her opponent amidships with such a crushing, fatal blow as immediately stove in the Price’s wheel-house, splintered her ribs of iron and oak, like glass, and crushed her side. All was thus over with the Price, which, barely able to reach the margin of the shore, sunk beneath the waves, a complete wreck. Again the Queen of the West challenged the Beauregard; and, head to head, these tremendous iron-clads drove furiously against each other. Again the rebel avoided the death-stroke, and avenged himself by a heavy blow against the Queen’s side, which stove in a gaping hole, that speedily disabled the brave ship for further contest. But, scorning to draw away, the dismantled Queen still held her place, to view the combat, and to watch the avenger of her injuries. She had not long to wait. The Monarch, furious at the disaster of her consort, plunged directly into the Beauregard, and stove in the rebel’s bows. The rushing flood of the mighty river poured in; and, in another moment, the crushed vessel sank beneath the waters of the Mississippi.

In the mean time the gunboat Benton had dealt destruction upon the rebel vessel Lovell: as the wreck settled down, the waters opened to receive their prey, and then rolled calmly over the spot where it had disappeared forever. Many of the wretched crew sank in the wreck; some fifty or more, wounded and scalded, plunged into the river; and a few of them were rescued by boats sent by the Union flotilla to their relief, as they struggled in the waters. The greater number of the unfortunate beings were swept by the rapid current to the same watery grave which had engulfed so many of their fellows. One after another the enemy’s boats were crippled. The Jeff. Thompson was forced to run ashore; and her crew escaping over her bows disappeared in the woods. Hardly had they escaped, when a shell was thrown on board, and exploding, set the ship on fire. For the wounded there was no escape; and they writhed in maddening agony, till a spark at length reached the magazine, and the ship, with a terrific explosion, was blown into innumerable fragments. The Bragg and the Sumter were also forced ashore, crippled and disabled. Their crews escaped into the woods. Of all the rebel fleet the Van Dorn alone escaped, being so swift in her speed down the river, that the fastest runners could not overtake her and so relinquished the hopeless pursuit. The Union fleet now came to anchor in front of the city of Memphis, and sent in a demand for its surrender. The city, having no means of defense, was at once occupied by the Federal troops.

Immediately upon the surrender of the city, the stars and stripes were placed over the post-office by order of Colonel Ellet.

Colonel G. N. Fitch was appointed Provost-marshal of the city; and the Mayor showed his natural good sense by cooperating with him in every way to maintain peace and good order.

The only loss to the Union fleet, in this fierce naval encounter, was the injury to the Queen of the West, and a wound to her brave commander, Colonel Ellet. This wound, at the time it was received, had not prevented Colonel Ellet from continuing at his duties, and it was hoped that it would prove slight; but it grew more and more serious until it resulted in the death of one of the most brilliant and heroic men—to whom the nation owes the capture of the city of Memphis. Colonel Ellet died at Cairo, on the 21st of June, 1862.

Memphis, of course, became one of the most important Union posts on the Mississippi river.

NEW COMBINATIONS. BATTLE OF CEDAR MOUNTAIN, VA.
August 7, 1862.

On the 23rd of July, 1862, Major-General H. W. Halleck arrived at Washington, whither he had been summoned from the west, to assume the chief command of all the armies of the United States. It was felt by the government that there ought now to be a military head of affairs. McClellan was still on the James river. On assuming command, General Halleck visited General McClellan at Harrison’s Landing, and took counsel with him, as to future movements. But the respective plans of the two generals did not coincide; and, of course, the policy of General Halleck prevailed. McClellan wished for reinforcements, and desired once more to advance against Richmond, by way of the Peninsula. General Halleck, however, ordered him to evacuate the Peninsula, and join his forces to those of the Army of Virginia. The latter had, meantime, been formed, by the consolidation of the forces under Banks, McDowell, and Fremont, its command being intrusted to General Pope. This officer took the field on the 27th of July, being charged to protect the city of Washington, guard the valley of the Shenandoah against further rebel raids, and, by bold advances against Richmond from the north, to distract the attention of the foe from the projected movement of McClellan’s forces, from Harrison’s Landing to Acquia Creek. The Army of Virginia consisted, at this time, of twenty-eight thousand men, and was stationed in the vicinity of Culpepper and Fredericksburg, on the northern bank of the Rapidan river.

It was the 7th of August when General Pope learned that the rebels were crossing the Rapidan, in great force. Those of his troops which had been dispersed for the sake of observation, received orders to rally immediately at Culpepper. Crawford’s brigade of Banks’s corps was, during the forenoon of the next day, dispatched towards Cedar Mountain, in order that it might, so far as possible, retard the movements of the enemy. General Banks, on the evening of the 8th, had arrived from Hazel river; and early on Saturday morning he was sent forward with his corps of seven thousand men to join General Crawford.

The rebels had already, on Thursday, the 7th of August, stationed themselves on an eminence near Culpepper Court House, called Cedar Mountain; having crossed the Rapidan under command of General Stonewall Jackson. General Sigel, by forced marches, was hastening to the support of General Banks.

About five o’clock in the afternoon the rebels assailed General Banks with a destructive fire of both artillery and infantry. General Crawford’s brigade was conspicuous in the battle. It consisted of the Tenth Maine, Twenty-eighth New York, Forty-sixth Pennsylvania, and Fifth Connecticut. The enemy’s batteries were stationed on Cedar Mountain, considerably above the positions occupied by the Union troops. The two forces were about a mile from each other: and the battle was waged by artillery alone. The rebels rapidly increased the number of their batteries, and concentrated a fire of terrible severity upon the Union troops.

At last, at six o’clock, the order was given to charge, and the troops sprang forward, at the full run, with bayonets ready for a desperate charge. Before they had proceeded far the enemy opened a most destructive fire upon them, from his batteries. A wake of the dead and the wounded was left in their track as they pressed heroically forward under the terrific fire of the rebels. But at length retreat became inevitable, and the brave patriots reluctantly retired.

Night terminated a most unequal conflict. General Pope’s official account gave the number of General Banks’ troops at seven thousand; while the rebel accounts stated that the enemy on this occasion were fifteen thousand strong. Both parties claimed the victory; but assuredly it did not belong to the Union troops, though they might well feel satisfied with their own conduct. They had held at bay a force outnumbering their own two to one.

Generals Banks, Pope, and Sigel held a conference at about midnight. They had selected for the night bivouac a hill which overlooked the battle-field. Suddenly, while they conferred as to their future movements, the party were put to a flight by an unexpected shower of bullets from some rebel pickets, who had, unawares, crept quite near them.

Sunday morning dawned upon the two armies, and saw each one in the same position which it had occupied on the previous night; but both the Union and rebel army had suffered too severely to renew the fight immediately. Monday was a melancholy day; and was spent in the sad duty of bringing in the dead and wounded. The rebels were slowly retreating, and left many of their dead upon the field. They were pursued, as far as the banks of the Rapidan, by General Buford with a column of cavalry. The National loss on Saturday was fifteen hundred; that of the rebels was much less.

Dispatches of General Lee had been captured by the Federals, and it was ascertained by these documents that the rebel general proposed to destroy General Pope’s small army before he could get reinforcements; and the great strength of Lee’s army, as compared with that of the Union, was indeed appalling. Already that immense army was crossing the Rapidan, and by the 18th of August its whole line confronted the forces under General Pope.

General Pope was obliged to retreat as far as the Rappahannock, where his army took a position beyond the north fork of the river.

The enemy continued to advance, and on the morning of the 20th, drove in the Union pickets and made an effort to cross the river at Kelly’s Ford. It was of the greatest importance to General Pope to retain communication with Fredericksburg, for by that way he was eagerly looking for reinforcements; and, therefore, his army bravely resisted the efforts of the rebels to cross the river, keeping up the resistance for two days. But the rebels slowly began to gain their object; and ascending the river, endeavored to turn the right of the Union army under General Sigel. At Sulphur Springs, they effected a crossing. The position of the Union army at this time was very perilous. General Sigel had orders to resist the rebels at every point below Sulphur Springs, and was at the same time expected to extend his line toward Warrenton. General Lee sent a large detachment of his men up the river, keeping the great ranks of the rebel army in front of General Pope’s line.

There remained one of three things for General Pope to do; to retire by Fredericksburg, and thus lose direct communication with Washington; to abandon the line of the Rappahannock, by falling back on Warrenton; or to bring his whole force to bear upon the rebel flank and rear, then marching up the river. He chose to fight. The attack was made on the 23rd, in the morning, after a heavy rain, which had raised the Rappahannock several feet, carrying away the bridges, and rendering the fords impassable. General Sigel was ordered to attack the rebels at Sulphur Springs; and he did so, driving them back over the river. They destroyed the bridges behind them. He then moved down to Waterloo Bridge, whence General Pope’s line extended to Warrenton.

Further advances of the enemy were perceived on the afternoon of this day. A large force of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, belonging to Stonewall Jackson’s command, were seen in the valley between Blue Ridge and Bull Run mountains, steadily marching toward Rectortown. General Pope now abandoned his line of communication with Fredericksburg, and made no attempt to oppose the rebels crossing at the Rappahannock Station.

General Pope, however, deserves great praise for having, during eight days, resisted this advance of an overwhelmingly large army, But finding it impossible to withstand it on that line any longer, he chose a new position, well adapted for defence, extending his army from Warrenton to Gainesville.

Reinforcements for General Pope’s army had by this time arrived, so that his numbers were increased to fifty-five thousand. But the rebel army numbered one hundred thousand. Day after day, for about a week, raids, skirmishes, battles, surprises, marches and counter-marches rapidly followed each other; and the rebels succeeded in seizing Manassas Junction, where they captured a large amount of stores.

A junction was now effected by the strong forces of the rebel Generals Jackson and Longstreet, at a point east of the Bull Run mountains.

Just before this junction General Pope had attacked Jackson at Manassas; and the engagement was a very fierce one. The conflict raged desperately, and it was difficult to decide which side would win the day; but after a long and deadly fight the patriots were beaten back towards Gainesville. The rebel loss in this battle was very severe—more so than that of the Union army: but the exact numbers cannot be stated, for no official report of the disasters was allowed to be published. The National troops lost six thousand men. During this time General Halleck had sent many dispatches to General McClellan ordering reinforcements to be sent to General Pope: which orders could not, at first, be obeyed, for the reason that General McClellan’s troops, after their long fighting during the retreat, were not in a suitable condition to go into battle.

General McClellan, however, used all possible diligence in sending on reinforcements, and telegraphed General Halleck on the morning of the 29th, “Franklin’s corps is in motion; started about six o’clock, A. M. I can give him but two squadrons of cavalry. I should not have moved him but for your pressing orders of last night.”

Quick dispatches passed between General Halleck and General McClellan till the 30th; by which it appeared clearly that General McClellan’s army was in no condition to send reinforcements to the aid of General Pope; and that he deserved neither the accusations of tardiness, cowardice, or treason, which were hurled against him. On the 29th and 30th the main body of the rebel army, under General Lee, was pressing forward through the mountains, elated with what they claimed as victories, strengthened by strong supports under Longstreet, and confident that they were pursuing a resistless march for the invasion of the North. And they had good right to feel elated; for the men who pushed forward, while they were poorly fed, half-starved, scantily clothed, with bare feet, torn and bleeding, were not made of stuff to anticipate defeat.

The corps of Generals Sumner and Franklin had now arrived to the assistance of General Pope, who could not refrain from bitter complaints that they had not reached him sooner; but he was prompt in preparations to resist the enemy’s advance upon Washington.

The rebel army rapidly gathered all its force before the forces of General Pope. The centre was commanded by Colonel Lee; the right by Longstreet; and the left by Jackson. The Union troops spread out in a line that confronted the enemy; the Union batteries crowned the hill which they had occupied in the disastrous battle of Bull Run. The more advanced portion of the line at Grovetown was composed of the corps of Generals Porter, Sigel, and Reno; General Heintzelman held the right, and General McDowell the left.

Already the pickets of the combatants, so close as to almost blend with each other, had engaged in a brisk skirmish; but this was lost sight of in the destructive, murderous fire of artillery which, from opposite heights, hurled forward missiles dealing swift death upon the infantry alike of patriots and rebels.

The Union forces on both right and left advanced in small numbers, at about one o’clock, to dislodge the enemy’s sharpshooters, who were gradually forced to fall back; but at the same time the Federal army was driven back by the enemy’s artillery. Porter, who supported King’s division, was ordered to advance by the road, and attack the enemy on the left. He took a position which covered the front of Reno and Sigel—the latter being near the centre, and next to Heintzelman. Rickett’s division was detached from McDowell’s corps to aid in the movement of General Porter, but when the rebel column pressed upon the Union left he was speedily returned to his former position.

Porter advanced upon the enemy, who was behind breast works, at about four o’clock, and a furious fire from the rebels was immediately opened upon him. Pressing forward till they came within musket range, they fought fifteen minutes with the utmost desperation. A second and third line advanced from the woods, endeavoring with all their strength to press back the enemy, but the efforts of the patriots proved ineffectual. The rebels were plainly getting the advantage, and as the smoke from the continuous firing died away, the Union soldiers in ever increasing numbers could be seen scattering away toward the woods. Sigel received the men of Porter’s repulsed columns, and they were reformed in the rear. It was about five o’clock, and the rebels were exultantly advancing along the whole line. Jackson, notwithstanding he had suffered much from Porter’s advance, came down heavily on Sigel’s left. Milroy’s brigade received him bravely, and he was boldly repulsed. Supports were being continually pushed forward to the assistance of both sides, and the battle raged furiously. But the rebels continued to gain the advantage, and pressed forward in concentrated masses. The Federals were mowed down as grass before the scythe: but they still dealt dreadful destruction upon the enemy, till they were finally compelled to retreat, which they did slowly and in good order.

It was eight o’clock before the guns ceased to thunder forth from their fearful mouths, but the groans of the wounded and dying still continued, and made the air alive with a noise far more terrible than the thunder of war.

It was a most complete victory to the rebels, and a bloody battle to all. The loss on both sides was very heavy; but that of the Union much greater than the enemy.

Shortly after midnight the whole Federal army had crossed Bull Run. No time was lost in posting batteries to command the bridge; and the rear guard bivouacked till daylight at a point two miles before reaching Centreville. Jackson at the same time led his troops to the north of Centreville, endeavoring to turn the Federals’ right, that their connection with Washington might thus be cut off. General Pope, anticipating such a movement, had drawn back his troops to Germantown, where, on September 1st, he fought a sharp engagement with the rebels, fiercely repulsing them. General Kearney was repelled in this engagement. As the darkness gathered around the combatants, he rode forward to reconnoitre, and passing the Union pickets, approached so close to the enemy that a rifleman’s bullet pierced his body, and he fell to the earth, dead. Here, also, fell Colonel George W. Pratt, of New York, while leading his regiment of Ulster county boys in its first charge. A more accomplished mind, or braver spirit, never yet was given to a country.

The Army of Virginia was ordered to withdraw to Alexandria on the 2nd of September, a movement which made it necessary for General Burnside to evacuate Fredericksburg.

Falmouth Station, containing large quantities of commissary stores, was destroyed. Three bridges across the Rappahannock met a similar fate; and Acquia Creek was shortly afterward abandoned, when the forces removed to Alexandria.

At Alexandria, also, were concentrated the shattered divisions of the splendid Army of the Potomac, awaiting the arrival of Pope’s Army of Virginia.

MOVEMENTS OF M’CLELLAN.

On the 3rd of August, General Halleck issued an order to General McClellan, directing him to remove his army from Harrison’s Landing to Acquia creek. This order was received by McClellan on the 4th inst., and though protesting against this change of plan as impolitic and sacrificial, that officer took immediate measures to obey the unwelcome command. To retire under the eyes of a vigilant foe, was not, however, either a safe or an easy task; and it was not until the 14th of August that the general movement of the Army of the Potomac commenced. The occasion was, to the last degree, critical. Lee, as we have seen, had been imperiling the Army of Virginia, under Pope, since the 7th of August. Step by step that commander had yielded ground. The Capital of the Republic was considered to be in jeopardy. Party feeling ran high. Congress was divided. General Pope, on assuming command had issued a very spirited address to his soldiers, giving them the assurance of certain victory, and reflecting, with unmistakable sarcasm, upon McClellan’s campaign. Then came the discomfiture of Pope, which, of course, gave assurance to the partisans of McClellan. The tardiness of the latter in reaching Acquia creek, and reinforcing the army of Pope, was, in some quarters, confidently ascribed to a desire for that general’s defeat. Danger and difficulty of transportation were in some measure the causes of this tardiness. The movement which commenced at Harrison’s Landing on the 14th of August, continued during ten days. On the 24th inst., McClellan’s headquarters were established at Acquia creek. From that point he held frequent communication with General Halleck at Washington, and thence, also, he detached the corps of Generals Franklin and Sumner to cooperate with General Pope—the latter receiving these reinforcements on the 30th of August. At this juncture, McClellan was detached from the remains of his army, and transferred to the command of the defences of Washington. He arrived at the Capital on the 1st of September. On the following day, the Army of Virginia, led by Pope, was ordered to fall back upon the defences of Washington. This it did, closely pursued by the bold and reckless enemy. The rebels disappeared, however, on the following day, and it soon became evident that they were operating in another direction,—that, in fact, they were making up towards Leesburgh, on the south side of the Potomac. On the 7th of September, General Pope having been relieved of his command, General McClellan left Washington, leading an army to oppose whatever movement against that city might be intended by the rebel General Lee. His advance was made along the north bank of the Potomac, his left wing resting upon that river, his right upon the Baltimore and Ohio railroad. General Banks, meanwhile, was left in command of the defences around Washington. On the 8th, the rebels, who had crossed the Potomac into Maryland, were in the vicinity of Frederick, the main body being in front of McClellan’s advancing forces. Skirmishes now became frequent; but it was not till the 14th of September, that any serious collision occurred. That day, however, witnessed the desperate and important.

BATTLE OF SOUTH MOUNTAIN, MD.
September 14, 1862.

At the point known as Turner’s Gap, the South mountain is about one thousand feet in height, its general direction being from northeast to southwest. At a depression of about four hundred feet in depth the national road from Frederick to Hagerstown crosses the South mountain at right angles, through Turner’s Gap. On the north side of this road, the mountain is divided into two crests or ridges by a narrow valley, which is quite deep at the pass, but becomes only a slight depression at about a mile to the north. There are two country roads, overlooking the principal road, the one on the right, the other on the left; the latter is known as the old Sharpsburgh road, and is nearly parallel to the principal road, and about a half mile distant from it. When it reaches the crest of the mountain it bends off to the left. The other road, which is called the “Hagerstown road” passes up a ravine in the mountains about a mile from the direct road, and heading toward the left along the first crest, enters the turnpike near the summit of the pass. There it was that General McClellan’s army encountered the enemy, and contested the pass called Turner’s gap, where the rebels in very strong force resisted them bravely. The following is General McClellan’s account of his army’s position, when about to fight the battle of South mountain.

On the night of the 13th the positions of the different corps were as follows:

Reno’s corps at Middletown, except Rodman’s division at Frederick, Hooker’s corps on the Monocacy, two miles from Frederick. Sumner’s corps near Frederick. Banks’ corps near Frederick. Sykes’s division near Frederick. Franklin’s corps at Buckeystown. Couch’s division at Licksville.

The orders from headquarters for the march on the 14th were as follows:

Thirteenth, half past eleven, P. M.—Hooker to march at daylight to Middletown. Sykes to move at six, A. M. after Hooker, on the Middletown and Hagerstown road.

Fourteenth, one, A. M.—Artillery reserve to follow Sykes, closely.

Thirteenth, forty-five minutes past eight, P. M.—Turner to move at seven, A. M.

Fourteenth, nine, A. M.—Sumner ordered to take the Shookstown road to Middletown.

Thirteenth, forty-five minutes past six, P. M.—Couch ordered to move to Jefferson with his whole division.

On the fourteenth, General Pleasanton continued his reconnoissance. Gibson’s battery and afterward Benjamin’s battery (of Reno’s corps) were placed on high ground to the left of the turnpike, and obtained a direct fire on the enemy’s position in the gap.

General Cox’s division, which had been ordered up to support General Pleasanton, left its bivouac, near Middletown, at six, A. M. The First brigade reached the scene of action about nine, A. M. and was sent up the old Sharpsburgh road, by General Pleasanton, to feel the enemy and ascertain if he held the crest on that side in strong force. This was soon found to be the case; and General Cox having arrived with the other brigade, and information having been received from General Reno that the column would be supported by the whole corps, the division was ordered to assault the position. Two twenty-pounder Parrotts of Simmons’ battery and two sections of McMullen’s battery were left in the rear in position near the turnpike, where they did good service during the day against the enemy’s batteries in the gap. Colonel Scammon’s brigade was deployed, and, well covered by skirmishers, moved up the slope to the left of the road with the object of turning the enemy’s right, if possible. It succeeded in gaining the crest and establishing itself there, in spite of the vigorous efforts of the enemy, who was posted behind stone walls and in the edges of timber, and the fire of a battery which poured in canister and case-shot on the regiment on the right of the brigade. Colonel Crooke’s brigade marched in columns at supporting distance. A section of McMullan’s battery, under Lieutenant Croome, (killed while serving one of his guns,) was moved up with great difficulty, and opened with canister at a very short range on the enemy’s infantry, by whom (after having done considerable execution) it was soon silenced and forced to withdraw.

One regiment of Crooke’s brigade was now deployed on Scammon’s left, and the other two in his rear, and they several times entered the first line and relieved the regiments in front of them when hard pressed. A section of Sumner’s battery was brought up and placed in the open space in the woods, where it did good service during the rest of the day.

The rebels made several ineffectual attempts to retake the crest, advancing with great boldness, but were on each occasion completely repulsed. Pretty hot fighting had now been going on for about six hours—the battle having began at six o’clock in the morning. About noon, a lull occurred in the contest, lasting nearly two hours; during which the rebels had withdrawn their batteries considerably to the right, and formed columns on both the Union army’s flanks; while the rest of the Union forces were coming up.

General Wilcox’s division was the first to arrive, and took position on the right, having, however, sent one regiment to the extreme left to assist that point against the rebels, who were moving against it.

The division of General Sturgis supported General Wilcox; that of General Rodman was divided, the brigade of Colonel Fairchild being posted on the extreme left; and that of Colonel Hanlan (under General Rodman’s own supervision), on the right.

The enemy continued to make strong efforts to regain the crest; attacking, chiefly, the right of the Union column under General Cox. This division was exposed to a fire directly in front, and also to the rebel batteries on the other side, through which runs the Hagerstown main road. At four o’clock all the reinforcements were in position, and the order was given to either silence or take the rebel batteries, by advancing the whole line upon them. The advance was made with loud shouts and cheers, and the enemy’s desperate resistance was met with fierce assaults on the part of the Federals. The rebels charged on the advancing lines with yells of rage, but meeting such determination from the opposing ranks, they retreated, and fell back in wild confusion.

Wilson’s division suffered the greatest loss; the General gives the highest praise to the conduct of the Seventeenth Michigan in this advance. That regiment had been organized less than a month; but every man met the enemy like a veteran warrior. The Forty-fifth Pennsylvania also signalized themselves by their bravery in the same noble charge.

The batteries across the gap still kept up a constant shower of shot and shell upon the Union lines.

General Sturgis’ division, at about twilight, was moved forward to the front of General Wilcox’s position; and about dark the enemy made a sudden, sharp attack upon it; but was almost instantly driven back. Again, at seven o’clock, the rebels made another effort to regain their lost ground; and for an hour sharp firing was kept up between the two sides. They were finally repulsed, and retreated under cover of the night.

In this engagement Major-General Reno was killed, and General Cox was placed in command. In General Reno, the country lost one of its very best general officers. In recording the sad occurrence, General McClellan says, “He was a skillful soldier, and a brave and honest man.”

The firing ceased entirely about ten o’clock, while the troops slept on their arms, ready to renew the fight when the morning of another day should dawn upon the battle-field. During the night the enemy retired from the front of the Union army, leaving their dead strewn over the field, and abandoning the wounded to their fate.

The right of the column had been actively engaged under General Hooker, while these operations were going forward on the left. Hooker’s corps left the Monocacy early in the morning, and at one o’clock reached the Catoctin creek. As it approached the battle-ground, the greatest enthusiasm was manifested for its gallant commander. General Cox, in his report, gives the following list of his casualties in this well-fought and bravely-won battle; and bestows merited commendation on both officers and men:

“Early in the engagement Lieutenant-Colonel R. B. Hayes, commanding the Twenty-third Ohio, was severely wounded in the arm whilst leading his regiment forward. He refused to leave the field for some time, however, till weakness from loss of blood compelled him. Major E. M. Carey of the Twelfth Ohio, was shot through the thigh late in the action, in which he had greatly distinguished himself by his gallantry and cool courage. Captains Skiles and Hunter, and Lieutenants Hood, Smith, Naughton and Ritter of the Twenty-third Ohio, and Captains Ligget and Wilson of the Twelfth Ohio, were also wounded in the engagement.

“Lieutenant Croome, commanding a section of McMullen’s battery, was killed whilst serving a piece in the place of the gunner who had been killed.

“In the Kanawha division the casualties were five hundred and twenty-eight, of which one hundred and six were killed, three hundred and thirty-six wounded, and eighty-six missing, of all of which a full list will be immediately forwarded.

“I take pleasure in calling attention to the gallantry and efficiency displayed in the action by Colonels Scammon and Crooks, commanding the brigades of the division. The manner in which their commands were handled reflected great credit on them, and entitles them to the highest praise. I beg leave, also, to mention my indebtedness to Captain E. P. Fitch, Captain G. M. Barcom, and Lieutenants J. W. Conine, and S. L. Christie, of my personal staff, for the devotion and courage displayed by them in the laborious and hazardous duties of the day; also to Brigade-Surgeon W. W. Holmes, medical director of the division, for his tireless activity and efficiency in his department. The conduct of both officers and men was every thing that could be desired, and every one seemed stimulated with the determination not to be excelled in any soldierly quality.

“I cannot close this report without speaking of the meritorious conduct of First Lieutenant H. Belcher, of the Eighth Michigan, a regiment belonging to another division. His regiment having suffered severely on the right, and being partly thrown into confusion, he rallied about one hundred men and led them to the front. Being separated from the brigade to which he belonged, he reported to me for duty, and asked a position where he might be of use till his proper place could be ascertained. He was assigned a post on the left, and subsequently in support of the advanced section of Simmons’s battery, in both of which places he and his men performed their duty admirably.”

SURRENDER OF HARPER’S FERRY.
September 15, 1862.

Every patriot in the land was filled with astonishment when he read of the surrender of Harper’s Ferry. This surrender was made by Colonel D. T. Miles, an officer who had received imperative orders to hold this important post, to the last extremity. A natural desire to show all possible gentleness, in judging the act of one no longer living, forbids us to criticise motives, or censure an act which proved a great loss to the country, and which was one that history cannot well defend.

The position of Harper’s Ferry, at the junction of the Potomac and Shenandoah rivers, and on the Ohio and Baltimore railroad, gave it great military importance. General Wool had directed Colonel Miles to fortify Maryland Heights, which is the key to Harper’s Ferry, and to hold the post till McClellan’s arrival. The Heights, however, were left unfortified, and Colonel Thomas H. Ford, of the Thirty-second Ohio, was entrusted by Colonel Miles with discretionary power, for the abandonment of that important position. As soon as he was attacked, therefore, which occurred on the 13th of September, Colonel Ford withdrew from the Heights, and retreated to the Ferry. This movement rendered the position at the Ferry untenable. The Heights were immediately occupied by the enemy, who, on the 14th, commenced cannonading the works at Harper’s Ferry. General McClellan was, at this time, rapidly approaching to the relief of the garrison, which he had been assured by a messenger from Colonel Miles, could hold out two days longer. But though the victory at South Mountain had assured the coming of reinforcements, on the morning of the 15th, after withstanding an attack which lasted from daybreak till seven o’clock, he caused the white flag to be hoisted in token of the surrender of his position. But the firing did not immediately cease, and within the next half hour Colonel Miles was shot, and mortally wounded. The reasons, whatever they may have been, for thus needlessly yielding to his country’s foes the possession of so important a post, went with him to the grave. Eleven thousand five hundred and eighty-three men were thus captured by the enemy. At eight o’clock on the 15th of September, the rebels took possession of Harper’s Ferry. A military commission, held long afterwards at Washington, to inquire into the conduct of the war, exempted all Colonel Miles’ subordinate officers from blame, excepting Colonel T. H. Ford, and Major Baird of the One hundred and Twenty-sixth New York regiment, who were severely censured.

The gallantry of General Julius White, in such defence of Harper’s Ferry as was made, deserves to be recorded and honorably remembered.

BATTLE OF ANTIETAM.
September 17, 1862.

The victors of South Mountain slept upon the field of battle, on the night of September 14th. On the morning of the 15th, at early dawn, the Union pickets were pressed forward, and it was found that the dejected rebels had retired under cover of the night. An immediate pursuit was ordered. The army moved forward at once, in three columns. The first, containing the main force of cavalry, and led by Generals Pleasanton, Sumner, Hooker and Mansfield, advanced along the national turnpike road, by way of Boonsboro’. The second, led by Generals Burnside and Porter, moved by the old Sharpsburgh road. The third, led by General Franklin, went by Pleasant Valley, to occupy Robersville, and relieve Harper’s Ferry. The latter had not gone far, however, when the cessation of firing in the direction of the Ferry, gave notice that Colonel Miles had yielded his post. Still, in all directions, the advance pressed onward. It soon became evident that the rebels were taking up a strong position in front, and that a general battle was impending. General McClellan immediately went forward, examined the ground, to direct the formation of the Union line of battle. The rebels had fortified themselves on the west bank of Antietam creek, where they displayed their infantry, cavalry and artillery, in large force. The Union corps were massed on and near the Sharpsburgh road. During the 15th and 16th, both armies manœuvred for advantages of position; but the general battle—one of the most important that was fought during the war—did not commence until daybreak of the 17th. At this time, the relative positions of the combatants were as follows: Hooker, with his corps, consisting of General Rickett’s, Meade’s and Doubleday’s divisions, had crossed Antietam creek on the afternoon of the previous day; and, after some sharp skirmishing with the enemy, had gained the desired position, and bivouacked for the night. General Mansfield’s corps consisting of the divisions of William and Green, had crossed the creek during the night, and taken up position, a mile in rear of General Hooker. On the right of the turnpike, near the creek, was posted a division of General Sumner’s corps, under command of General Richardson; and, on the left, in line with Richardson, a division of General Porter’s corps, under command of General Sykes. The batteries of Captain Taft, Langrel, Von Kleiner, and of Lieutenant Weaver, each of twenty-pounder Parrott guns, were placed in front of the Sharpsburgh turnpike. Captain Weed’s three-inch, and Lieutenant Benjamin’s twenty-pounder batteries were on the crest of the hill, in the rear and right of bridge number three that crossed the creek; and the division of General Couch with General Franklin’s corps, in front of Brownsville, in Pleasant Valley,—with a large force of the enemy directly in front.

The position of the enemy was a very favorable one. It is thus described by General McClellan:

“The masses of his troops were still concealed behind the opposite heights. Their left and centre were upon and in front of the Sharpsburgh and Hagerstown turnpike, hidden by woods and irregularities of the ground; their extreme left resting upon a wooded eminence near the cross roads to the north of J. Miller’s farm: their left resting upon the Potomac. Their line extended south, the right resting upon the hills to the south of Sharpsburgh, near Shaveley’s farm.

“The bridge over the Antietam, described as No. 3, near this point, was strongly covered by riflemen protected by rifle-pits, stone fences, etc., and enfiladed by artillery. The ground in front of this line consisted of undulating hills, their crests in turn commanded by others in the rear. On all favorable points the enemy’s artillery was posted, and their reserves, hidden from view by the hills, on which their line of battle was formed, could manœuvre unobserved by our army, and from the shortness of their line could rapidly reinforce any point threatened by our attack. Their position, stretching across the angle formed by the Potomac and Antietam, their flanks and rear protected by these streams, was one of the strongest to be found in this region of country, which is well adapted to defensive warfare.”

At dawn of the 17th, skirmishing by the Pennsylvania reserves opened the battle for the day. General Hooker’s entire corps was soon engaged. The right of General Pickett’s line, and the left of General Meade’s reserve, opened fire at about the same moment. A battery was pushed forward into the middle of an open field, where some of the deadliest struggles of the bloody battle subsequently took place. For half an hour, the line did not swerve a hair’s-breadth from the right to the left. At the close of the half hour, the enemy began to fall slowly back. Their first receding movement inspired the brave patriots before them. Forward! was the cry; and the whole line moved forward, with a cheer and a rush; while the rebels in full retreat, running over corn-fields, crossing roads and leaping fences, fled before them.

Close upon the footsteps of the foe, passing over the dead and wounded—for these the rebels were compelled to leave in their wake—followed the soldiers of the Union, till at length the enemy disappeared within a wood. Still the Federals pressed on, and gallantly threw themselves upon the cover; when suddenly, from out the gloom and shadow of the trees, was hurled a fearful volley of fire, that caused their undaunted front to waver, bend and break, and sent them, panic-stricken, many yards back. But, almost instantly closing up their shattered lines, they quickly recovered from this temporary confusion; and, though they could not attempt another advance, their ammunition being expended, those who were left to oppose the advancing masses of the enemy retreated in good order, very slowly, their ranks so thinned that, where brigades had been, scarcely regiments remained—little more than a brigade, where had been a whole victorious division. A contemporary account of the battle speaks as follows of the unexpected reverse, there and then encountered by the gallant patriots.

“In ten minutes, the fortune of the day seemed to have changed; it was the rebels now who were advancing, pouring out of the woods in endless lines, sweeping through the corn-field from which their comrades had just fled. Hooker sent in his nearest brigade to meet them, but it could not do the work. He called for another. There was nothing close enough, unless he took it from his right. His right might be in danger if it was weakened, but his centre was already threatened with annihilation. Not hesitating one moment, he sent orders to Doubleday: ‘Give me your best brigade instantly.’

“The best brigade came down the hill to the right on a run, went through the timber in front swept by a storm of shot and bursting shell and crashing limbs, over the open field beyond and straight into the open corn-field, passing as they went the fragments of three brigades shattered by the rebel fire and streaming to the rear. They passed by Hooker, whose eyes lighted as he saw these veteran troops, led by a soldier whom he knew he could trust. ‘I think they will hold it,’ he said.

“General Hartsuff took his troops very steadily, but, now that they were under fire, not hurriedly, up the hill from which the corn-field begins to descend, and formed them on the crest. Not a man who was not in full view—not one who bent before the storm. Firing at first in volleys, they fired then at will with wonderful rapidity and effect. The whole line crowned the hill and stood out darkly against the sky, but lighted and shrouded ever in flame and smoke. They were the Twelfth and Thirteenth Massachusetts and another regiment—old troops all of them.

“There, for half an hour, they held the ridge, unyielding in purpose, exhaustless in courage. There were gaps in the line, but it nowhere bent. Their General was severely wounded, early in the fight, but they fought on. Their supports did not come—they determined to win without them. They began to go down the hill and into the corn; they did not stop to think that their ammunition was nearly gone; they were there to win that field, and they won it. The rebel line for the second time fled through the corn and into the woods. I cannot tell how few of Hartsuff’s brigade were left when the work was done; but it was done. There was no more gallant, determined, heroic fighting, in all this desperate day. General Hartsuff is very severely wounded, but I do not believe he counts his success too dearly purchased.

“The crisis of the fight at this point had arrived. Rickett’s division, vainly endeavoring to advance and exhausted by the effort, had fallen back. Part of Mansfield’s corps was ordered to their relief, but Mansfield’s troops came back again, and their General was mortally wounded. The left nevertheless was too extended to be turned, and too strong to be broken. Rickett sent word he could not advance, but could hold his ground. Doubleday had kept his guns at work on the right, and had finally silenced a rebel battery that for half an hour had poured in a galling enfilading fire along Hooker’s central line. There were woods in front of Doubleday’s hill which the rebels held, but so long as those guns pointed toward them they did not care to attack.

“With his left, then, able to take care of itself, with his right impregnable, with two brigades of Mansfield still fresh and coming rapidly up, and with his centre a second time victorious, General Hooker determined to advance. Orders were sent to Crawford and Gordon—the two Mansfield brigades—to move forward at once, the batteries in the centre were ordered to advance, the whole line was called on, and the General himself went forward.

“To the right of the corn-field and beyond it was a point of woods. Once carried and firmly held, it was the key of the position. Hooker determined to take it. He rode out in front of his furthest troops on a hill, to examine the ground for a battery. At the top he dismounted and went forward on foot, completed his reconnoissance, returned, and remounted. The musketry fire from the point of woods was all the while extremely hot. As he put his foot in the stirrup a fresh volley of rifle bullets came whizzing by. The tall, soldierly figure of the General, the white horse which he rode, the elevated place where he was, all made him a dangerously conspicuous mark. So he had been all day, riding often without a staff-officer or an orderly near him—all sent off on urgent duty—visible everywhere on the field. The rebel bullets had followed him all day, but they had not hit him, and he would not regard them.

“Remounting on this hill, he had not ridden five steps when he was struck in the foot by a ball. Three men were shot down at the same moment by his side. The air was alive with bullets. He kept on his horse a few minutes, though the wound was severe and excessively painful, and would not dismount till he had given his last order to advance. He was himself in the very front. Swaying unsteadily on his horse, he turned in his seat to look about him. “There is a regiment to the right. Order it forward! Crawford and Gordon are coming up. Tell them to carry those woods and hold them—and it is our fight!”

“It was found that the bullet had passed completely through his foot.”

General Hooker being disabled, General Meade was placed in command of Hooker’s Corps. Gordon and Crawford were sent to the woods, where they fought slowly against a rebel force far outnumbering their own; General Sedgwick’s division was rapidly moving to the aid of Crawford and Gordon, who required the coming assistance, for rebel reinforcements were constantly arriving. Observing that the struggle for the works was about to recommence, General Sumner sent the divisions of French and Richardson to the left of Crawford. General Sedgwick, with the eye of practiced generalship, quickly saw, as he moved his troops in column through the rear of the woods, that, with so broad a space as was between him and the nearest division, he stood in danger of being outflanked, if the rebel line were completed. Under a dreadful fire he was obliged to order the Thirty-fourth New York to move by the left flank, and the consequence was that the regiment broke. The enemy, not slow to perceive his advantage, came round on the weak point, and obliged Crawford to give way on the right. The routed troops poured through the ranks of Sedgwick’s advance brigade, causing great confusion, and forcing it back on the second and third lines; still the enemy’s fire grew hotter, while they steadily advanced upon the disordered Union forces. General Sedgwick, wounded in the shoulder, the leg, and the wrist, still bravely kept his seat, nor thought of leaving the field while any chance remained of saving it. But the position could not be held; and General Sumner, having in vain attempted to stop the confusion and disorder, himself withdrew the division to the rear, abandoning the field to the enemy.

While the conflict to the right was hotly raging, General French was pushing the rebels severely on the left. This division crossed Antietam creek, in three columns, and marched a mile, to the ford. Then, facing to the left, it moved direct upon the enemy. The division was assailed by a brisk artillery fire, but it steadily advanced, driving back the rebel skirmishers, to a group of houses on a piece of land called Roulette’s farm, where the Federals encountered the rebel infantry in large force, but soon drove them from their position. The brigade of General Kimball was next pushed forward, by General French, in obedience to orders received from his corps commander. This brigade drove the enemy before it, to the crest of the hill; but the rebels were there encountered in much stronger force, protected in a natural rifle-pit formed by a sunken road running in a northwesterly direction. Beyond this, in a corn-field, there was yet another body of rebels; and, as the Union line came forward, a severe fire was poured upon them from the corn-field and from the rifle-pit. When the Federals reached the crest of the hill, volleys of musketry burst from both lines, and the fight raged hotly, and with dreadful carnage. An effort of the enemy to turn the left of the line was met and signally repulsed by the Seventh Virginia, and One Hundred and Thirty-second Pennsylvania Volunteers: on being foiled in this effort, the rebels assaulted the Union front, but were again driven back with severe loss, the Unionists capturing three hundred men and several stands of colors. Another attack was made on the right of French’s division, but was met by the Fourteenth Indiana and Eighth Ohio Volunteers, and by a storm of canister from Captain Tompkins’ battery, First Rhode Island Artillery. The enemy now gave up all attempts to regain this ground; and the division, which had been under very hot fire for more than four hours, and had expended nearly all its ammunition, took position below the crest of the heights which they had so nobly won. During this time, Richardson’s division had been engaged on the left. General Richardson was badly wounded in the shoulder. General Meagher’s brigade fought so as to increase its well deserved reputation for courage, and strewed the ground with the foe, till its ammunition gave out, and its brave leader was disabled by a wound, and by having his horse shot under him. The Irish brigade was then ordered to give place to that of General Caldwell; and the second line was formed by General Brooks’ brigade.

The ground over which Generals Richardson’s and French’s divisions were fighting was very irregular, intersected by numerous ravines, hills covered with growing corn, inclosed by stone walls, behind which the enemy could advance unobserved upon any exposed point of our lines, Taking advantage of this, the enemy attempted to gain the right of Richardson’s position in a corn-field near Roulette’s house, where the division had become separated from that of General French’s. A change of front by the Fifty-second New York and Second Delaware volunteers, of Colonel Brooks’s brigade, under Colonel Frank, and the attack made by the Fifty-third Pennsylvania volunteers, sent further to the right by Colonel Brooks to close this gap in the line, and the movement of the One Hundred and Thirty-second Pennsylvania and Seventh Virginia volunteers of General French’s division before referred to, drove the enemy from the corn-field and restored the line.

The brigade of General Caldwell, with determined gallantry, pushed the enemy back opposite the left and centre of this division, but sheltered in the sunken road, they still held our forces on the right of Caldwell in check. Colonel Barlow, commanding the Sixty-first and Sixty-fourth New York regiments of Caldwell’s brigade, seeing a favorable opportunity, advanced the regiments on the left, taking the line in the sunken road in flank, and compelled them to surrender, capturing over three hundred prisoners and three stands of colors.

The whole of the brigade, with the Fifty-seventh and Sixty-sixth New York regiments of Colonel Brooks’s brigade, who had moved these regiments into the first line, now advanced with gallantry, driving the enemy before them in confusion into the corn-field beyond the sunken road. The left of the division was now well advanced, when the enemy, concealed by an intervening ridge, endeavored to turn its left and rear.