The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXXIV, 1519–1522; 1280–1605

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVI

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XXXIV

ILLUSTRATIONS

PREFACE

In the present volume, Pigafetta’s narrative (begun in VOL. XXXIII) is concluded; and a description of the islands written by a Chinese geographer Chao Ju-kua, probably in the thirteenth century, and various documents covering the years 1565–1605 are presented. Chao Ju-kua’s description is especially interesting and valuable as it forms the earliest authentic notice of the Philippines previous to their discovery by Magalhães. The remaining documents treat of secular and ecclesiastical affairs in the islands and cover a wide range of interests. Various details of the first settlements at Cebú and Manila, early explorations, and descriptions of the Philippines and their peoples, supplement the information of previous volumes. The royal intentions in regard to the discoveries of Legazpi and Legazpi himself are set forth in a series of documents, and form an interesting chapter from which one may construct the effect caused in Spain by the New Orient opened for the fourth time to that country. The early efforts of the first missionaries, the complications that arise almost from the very start between them and the secular government, and the internal trouble in the Augustinian Order, receive considerable attention. Of especial interest is Bishop Salazar’s manifesto creating and erecting the cathedral of Manila, in which, in addition to other matters, he outlines the duties of the various officials. Early government matters and problems that arise therein, among them the tribute and commerce, in which one can see the intimate relations between the religious and secular governments of Spain, are touched upon. The documents for 1565–1605 show that the Philippines have had ever since their first permanent settlement in Cebú, a precarious existence, but that they have nevertheless advanced, although totteringly, from a very simple state to the more complicated conditions necessarily brought about by greater stability of government. A synopsis of the documents in this volume follows.

Pigafetta relates that on November 13, a Portuguese named Pedro Affonso de Lorosa, who had gone to Terrenate after the death of Serrão, comes to the ships. From him they learn the efforts made by the Portuguese to prevent their expedition, and various news of the region; and they ply him so well that on departing he promises to return to the ships and go to Spain with them. On November 16 and 17, the Moro king of Gilolo visits the ship, and is delighted with the artillery and fighting qualities of the ships and men, for he had been a great warrior in his youth, and is feared throughout that region. On the eighteenth also, Pigafetta goes ashore to see how the clove grows; and the result of his visit is given in a tolerably correct description of the clove and nutmeg trees. The women of that region, he says, are ugly, and the men are jealous of them and fearful of the Europeans.

Meanwhile, the Ternatans bring daily boatloads of cloves and other things to the boat, but only food is bought from them, as the clove trade is kept for the king of Tidore. The latter returns to the islands on November 24, with news that many cloves will soon be brought. On the following day the first cloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing of the artillery. The king, in accordance with the custom of that district, invites the sailors to a banquet in honor of the first cloves laden. But they, mindful of the fatal May-day banquet, suspect treachery and make preparations for departure. The king, learning of their intended departure, is beside himself and entreats them to stay with him, or if they will go, to take back all their presents, as he would otherwise be considered a traitor by all his neighbors. After his entreaties have availed, it is learned that some chiefs had endeavored in vain to turn the king against the Spaniards, in hopes of currying favor with the Portuguese. On November 27 and 28, many cloves are traded. The governor of the island of Machian comes to the ships on November 29, but refuses to land, as his father and brother are living in exile at Tidore (a curious evidence of Oriental government customs). The king proves his friendliness once more by returning them some of their presents, as their stock had given out, in order that they might give them to the governor. Again on December 2, the king leaves his island to hasten their departure, and on the fifth and sixth the last trading is done, the men in their eagerness bartering articles of clothing for cloves. Then after many visits from the kings and chiefs of the various Moluccas and other islands; after Lorosa, the Portuguese, has come aboard, notwithstanding the efforts of one of the Ternatan princes to seize him; and after the witnessing of various ceremonies between the kings of Batchian and Tidore: the new sails are bent to the yards, and the ships prepare to depart. Leaving the king of Tidore certain of the artillery and powder captured with the junks, and their Bornean captives (having previously given him all their other prisoners); and having made peace with various potentates of the region roundabout: the “Victoria” lifts anchor and stands out to await the “Trinidad.” The latter vessel, however, is unable to lift anchor, and suddenly springs a leak. The “Victoria” puts back to port; the “Trinidad” is lightened; but all endeavors to locate the leak are unavailing. The king, solicitous lest his plans of future greatness go astray, if the ships cannot return to Spain, is tireless in his efforts, but his best divers are unable to accomplish anything. Finally it is decided that the “Victoria” will take advantage of the winds and return to Spain by way of the Cape of Good Hope, while the “Trinidad,” after being overhauled will return by way of the Isthmus of Panama. Having lightened the former vessel of sixty quintales of cloves, as it is overladen, the ships separate, forty-seven Europeans and thirteen natives sailing in the “Victoria” and fifty-three men remaining with João Carvalho. Amid tears from each side, the “Victoria” departs, and passing by the island of Mare, where wood has been cut for them, soon stows the wood aboard, and then takes its path among the numerous islands of the East Indian archipelagoes. To Pigafetta, the world is indebted for the first Malayan vocabulary, and for many descriptions of islands, peoples, and products. Stopping occasionally at various islands, for fresh supplies and wood, the “Victoria” picks its way toward the open Indian Ocean, Pigafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan pilot with questions regarding all the region, and learning much, partly true and partly legendary, of various islands, China, Malacca, and the Indian coast. Their longest stay is at Timur, where two men desert and which they leave on Wednesday, February 11, 1522, passing to the south of Sumatra for fear of the Portuguese. On the way to the cape, some, constrained by hunger, wish to stop at the Portuguese settlement at Mozambique, but the majority, loving honor more than life, decide that they must return to Spain at all hazards. For nine weeks they are buffeted about the cape, which is finally doubled in May, but only after the loss of a mast. They sail for two months longer without fresh supplies, and finally on Wednesday, July 9, reach Santiago, one of the Cape Verde Islands. Sending a boat ashore, with a story invented to throw the Portuguese off the scent, they are given two boatloads of rice for their merchandise. They are surprised to find themselves out one day in their reckoning, a fact that puzzles Pigafetta, until he finds out the reason later, for he has been most sedulous in setting down the record of each day. The boat with thirteen men returns once more, but the secret leaks out in part, and the ship with only eighteen Europeans (for twenty-one men, counting Europeans and Malays, have died since leaving Timur, part of whom have been executed for their crimes), hastily departs to avoid capture. On Saturday, September 6, the ship enters San Lucar, with most of its crew sick, and on Monday, September 8, they are anchored once more at Seville. Next day, the men visit two famous shrines in procession to give thanks for their return. Pigafetta, still restless, goes to Valladolid, where he presents a book to Cárlos I; to Portugal and France, where he tells his wonderful experiences; and finally to Venice in Italy, where he proposes to pass the remainder of his days.

Especially valuable to the student in Philippiniana is the short description of the Philippines by Chao Ju-kua, who probably wrote in the thirteenth century, more than a century before the first European discovery. Chao Ju-kua’s information seems to have been obtained personally from Chinese traders to the Philippines, and although very imperfect and all too short, one can identify almost certainly the islands of Luzón, Mindoro, Mindanao, Paragua, and the Visayas. The people are slightly described; and various products of the islands are given and trading methods described. The existence in the first-named island of small statues of Buddha is interesting and probably points to a long-continued intercourse between Chinese and Filipinos.

Guido de Lavezaris writes to Felipe II (May 30, 1565), referring briefly to his participation in the Villalobos expedition, and his subsequent journey to Spain to give information thereof; also his participation in a Florida exploration expedition under Tristan de Arellano. After aiding in the preparation of Legazpi’s fleet, he sails with it as treasurer. He asks royal reward in behalf of his services in introducing the ginger plant, which has thriven so abundantly, into Nueva España; of which he has been cheated by Francisco de Mendoca who had promised to negotiate it for him. Legazpi’s expedition has reached the Philippines in sixty-four days, and the Spaniards are now settled at Cebú, the best center of all that region, first reaching that island April 27, 1565. Samples of gold, wax, and cinnamon are sent to Spain; and supplies are urgently requested for entrance must be effected by force of arms.

By the same vessel, Andrés de Mirandaola, the factor, writes to Felipe II. The expedition reaches the Filipinas February 16, 1565. There is much land thereabout included in the Spanish demarcation, but it may be necessary to conquer it by force of arms in order to introduce the Catholic religion, for the natives are a treacherous and warlike race. The products yet ascertained are gold, wax, and cinnamon, and the trade therein will increase if fostered by the Spaniards. Natives of the Moluccas, in alliance with the Portuguese, have made a disastrous raid in Bohol, where Legazpi remains for a few days, and have caused great loss and consternation among the natives. Lavezaris and Mirandaola explore a portion of Mindanao, where they ascertain the products and trade relations, and make peace and trade relations with the chief of Butuan; at which place they hear accounts of Borneo. The fleet goes to Cebú, where they settle after a slight skirmish with the natives, with whom after vexatious delays, peace and friendship are in a fair way to be made. The Spaniards find there the Santo Niño and two culverins, probably of the time of Magalhães. Cebú is densely populated with a warlike and treacherous race. Urdaneta is returning in the ship which is about to leave to find the return route, under command of Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre. Men and supplies are needed by the colonists. Mirandaola asks royal confirmation of his office and an increase in salary.

This is followed by a letter from Guido de Lavezaris (July 25, 1567), in which reference is made to his letter of 1565 and his services. The “San Geronimo” despatched from Nueva España in 1566, has arrived, with news of the discovery of the return route, after a voyage flavored with hardship and mutiny; Legazpi and the royal officials sending a detailed relation. Mountains full of cinnamon have been found at Cauit in Mindanao, but in order to be benefitted thereby, a settlement in that region is necessary, and also as a menace to the Portuguese who pass by there en route from Malacca to the Moluccas. Two Portuguese ships anchor at Cebú July 10, 1567, with letters from Pereira, in which the Spaniards are ordered to forsake their settlement and go to India. Pereira has received orders to drive them from the land and is even now on his way thither with nine ships and eight hundred soldiers. The Portuguese together with the Ternatans have committed many depredations among the Philippines. The natives of the rest of the Moluccas are generally well disposed toward the Spanish; and the Tidorans are compelled to pay an annual tribute to the Portuguese. The Portuguese ships leave Cebú in thirteen days, but in that time, Lavezaris has managed to borrow a map and navigation chart from them, of which he copies the portion of the land in the Spanish demarcation. This he encloses with his letter.

The following day, July 26, the royal officials write to the king, giving somewhat more detailed information on some points than Lavezaris has done. The Cebuans and other natives make peace with Legazpi after the departure of the “San Pedro” in 1565, but they are a faithless race, who easily abandon their homes on the show of force. Legazpi wisely refrains from war with them, and consequently the colonists are still alive. The cinnamon obtained in barter is about to be sent to Nueva España. Mindanao, which has gold, has been taken possession of for Spain. Cebú has been visited by Moros from Luzón and Mindoro, who trade gold and rice for silver and pearls; and they report active trade with the Chinese. A mutiny in Cebú, November 28, 1565, is quelled and Legazpi mercifully pardons most of the offenders. The troubles and mutinies of the “San Geronimo” are graphically related. Relations with the Portuguese are discussed, in which it is seen that Legazpi attempts to gain time. Goiti succeeds Mateo del Saz in the office of master-of-camp because of the latter’s death. The royal officials ask for an increase in salary, and state the need of men and supplies, which are ill supplied from Nueva España. A beginning has been made in the conversion; but for greater stability married colonists are needed.

Under date of July 8, 1569, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes to the viceroy of Nueva España, the marquis of Falces, congratulating him on his appointment. He gives various data in regard to the islands of Luzón, Borneo, Panay, and Mindanao. The wealthy village of Manila is only seventy leguas from Cebú. Gold is very abundant throughout the islands and is possessed by all the natives, but they never mine more than will suffice for their immediate wants. Merchants from Luzón, Borneo, and Joló go through the islands constantly seeking gold and slaves. The natives are arrogant and the rule is one of might, for they have no real rulers. Soldiers are not needed to conquer the land; they have done much damage, and the natives are afraid of them, so much so that they abandon villages at their approach. The natives are mostly heathens, although there are some Moros; and they could be easily converted. Legazpi is to blame for his inaction. More harmony is needed. Notwithstanding the abundance of supplies in the islands, famine prevails. There are no boats with which to get out the valuable and abundant timber. A settlement in the Philippines is necessary if the Spanish king desires to conquer China. The religious have not yet begun to baptize in earnest because they are uncertain whether the colony is to be permanent.

Diego de Herrera, O.S.A., also writes (July 25, 1570) to Felipe II, in somewhat the same vein, stating the need for governmental reform; for men who understand warfare; and the bad treatment of natives by Spaniards. He inveighs against the removal from Cebu, the strongest site of the islands seen hitherto, to Panay, which is swampy and unhealthful. He advises against the concession of the petition of the Spaniards to allow them to plunder and enslave the Moros. The Moros of Luzón are scarcely so more than in name and in abstinence from pork, and are of very recent date. Those of Borneo are only slightly more established and only live along the coast. Herrera petitions that regular supplies be given the religious from Nueva España until the Philippines furnish sufficient support. Although they have generally refrained from baptism, because of their uncertainty as to the permanence of their colony, they will, now that that uncertainty has ceased, give themselves to the work.

This is followed by a series of documents bound together (1568–70) consisting of royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. An official letter bearing the king’s rubric (November 16, 1568) replies to two letters of Legazpi written in 1567. He is ordered to continue his policy in the islands. The matter of galleys will receive consideration, as will the question of supplies, which will be sent from Nueva España. He must attend carefully to the conversion of the natives. Encomiendas may be assigned with certain reservations to the crown. Moros may be enslaved if they try to preach Mahometanism. A report on slavery among the Filipinos is to be sent to the royal Council of the Indies. All the Portuguese among the colonists must be sent to Spain as they are a menace to the new colony. By a document dated August 6, 1569, Legazpi is granted the lieutenancy of a fort in Cebú, and shall be received as such, and shall perform the duties incumbent upon that office. On the fourteenth of the same month and year, he is also granted by royal concession the title of governor of the Ladrones. Legazpi is to take possession of the islands for Spain, and he shall be received as governor and captain-general therein with the ordinary powers, and perquisites, and a salary of two thousand ducados. A document of the same date confers upon Legazpi the title of adelantado of the Ladrones. Royal instructions of August 28, 1569, consisting of twenty-two sections, outline the policy to be followed by Legazpi in the Ladrones. These instructions cover such points as colonization, treatment of the natives, fortification, religion and conversion, civil government and public officers, industry, and trade. The final document of the series concedes to Legazpi (August 29, 1570), a grant of two thousand ducados.

The letter of Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A. (June 6, 1573), discusses general conditions in the islands. Ortega narrates the death of Legazpi on August 21, 1572, which is greatly deplored by all for his good qualities and government. Juan de Salcedo has returned from explorations in Luzon, during which he has circumnavigated the island—the first to accomplish that feat. An expedition sent out by Lavezaris fails to discover anything new, the soldiers only overrunning the district formerly explored, where they commit many depredations on the natives, many of whom are killed, while others flee before the Spaniard. The present of gold sent to the king is wrung from the poor natives and is only a trifle when compared to the vast expenses already incurred in Legazpi’s expedition. The only just sources of profit will be the cinnamon and the exploiting of the gold mines, and even this will mean the destruction of the natives. The viceroy should not trust only to what relation Juan Pacheco, who is going to Nueva España, may give, for he is biassed in favor of the governor for favors received. Authentic news and information may be had from Diego de Herrera, who is going to Nueva España and Spain to report concerning secular and ecclesiastical affairs. Ortega complains bitterly of Lavezaris who is a man of bias and passion, and unfair to the religious and the Indians and poor Spaniards. He should be retired as he is over seventy years of age. He has done wrong in regranting vacant encomiendas that had reverted to the crown, which is contrasted strongly with Legazpi’s steadfast refusal to do so. The population of the island has been greatly overestimated. If a new governor is not appointed, an efficient visitor should at least be sent. Ortega lauds Juan de Salcedo and Juan de Moron (the latter of whom has been sent under unjust arrest to Nueva España) and asks rewards for them. He bewails the fact that the Chinese exploration planned by Legazpi and so desired by the religious has not been carried out mainly because of the opposition of Lavezaris and his friend. He offers himself anew to accompany the expedition if it is reorganized, and suggests the exploration of the island of Cauchill, which belongs to China, and has a rich export trade in pepper and Moluccan cloves.

At about the same time as the above letter, must have been written the undated memoranda for Diego de Herrera who sails for Nueva España in 1573 to inform the king of various abuses, and to report on the islands, and make various requests. The memoranda paint the condition of the conquest in the darkest colors, dilating on the cruelty of the Spaniards, which has caused the name of Spaniard to be hated by the Filipino. Justice is almost an unknown quality, and sentences are adjudged in favor of him who pays most. Retaliation for injuries inflicted by the Filipinos is the order of the day, without any heed as to whether the guilty person is punished or not. Many raids are made; and the land is divided into encomiendas, although not yet pacified. The encomenderos only bleed, but do not protect their natives. Slavery is common among the natives and for various reasons, and the Spaniards are quick to make use of the institution unjustly. Various requests, some for reform, are to be made. Above all the wrong to the natives should be corrected, and an investigation made regarding the slaves held unjustly. Honest men should be sent to inspect conditions. Two hospitals are needed, and religious are extremely necessary. Two secular priests are requested to look after the Spaniards. If the Chinese expedition is despatched, the Augustinians wish to be preferred. Aid is needed for the support of the religious. If slavery is allowed various measures are needed regulating it, and the final word regarding slaves should be said by the religious. Natives should not be taken on raids against their will. The chief products of the islands are gold, pearls, spices, and drugs, and the nearby mainlands are rich.

Under date of June 30, 1574, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes the viceroy of Nueva España, discussing events and conditions among the Spaniards and Filipinos. He also draws a dark picture of the rapacity of the Spaniards, who molest the Filipinos by unjust raids and excessive demands for tribute. An expedition made to the Bicol River and Camarines by Salcedo and Chaves has met success only after considerable opposition from the natives who are the bravest of Luzón, and who meet heavy losses in consequence. Chaves is left in Ilocos with a small band to effect a colony. Rada encloses a copy of his “Opinion” regarding tributes. Notwithstanding contrary reports, the islands are but slightly pacified; the natives are restless and piracy is frequent. Unjust wars are waged upon the natives, notwithstanding that the Spaniards attempt to shield themselves behind Urdaneta and Rada. The entrance into Manila was a travesty on justice. The governor takes and solicits bribes, and pays but little attention to the natives. Rada retains those religious who wish to return to Nueva España because of the general conditions. An epidemic of smallpox has spared “neither childhood, youth, nor old age,” and many have died. The document closes with a recital of the classes and causes of slavery among the natives in which many characteristics of the Filipinos are mentioned.

In a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials (July 17, 1574), the king is congratulated on the birth of a son, to whom a present is sent, and also on the great battle of Lepanto won over the Turks by Don Juan of Austria. Ilocos has been divided into encomiendas, while Camarines has been explored and pacified and the land is to be assigned. An attack from Borneo was expected in 1573, but late reports are to the effect that that king desires friendship with the Spaniards. A chief of Mindanao has also signified his desire for peace. There is a steady trade with China, but the Chinese cargoes do not prove very valuable. The king is asked to reorganize commercial communication with Spain and allow private vessels. Cinnamon is abundant, although but little can be shipped for lack of space. Dire need prevails throughout the islands, which is not relieved by the royal officials of Mexico, as they claim to be without royal commission for it. Legazpi had failed to show certain royal decrees, and the king is asked to order the governor not to meddle with the affairs of the royal officials. The trouble with the Augustinians over the tribute is related from the standpoint of the royal officials, the Augustinians going so far as to assert that the king has no legal title in the islands. However, the tribute is being collected on the lines laid out by Legazpi. The officials (Cauchela and Aldave, for Mirandaola has been sent under arrest to Nueva España) petition an increase of salary; and Aldave the confirmation of his appointment as treasurer, given him because of Lavezaris’s appointment to the governorship.

Hernando Riquel, governmental notary, gives (June 2, 1576) a list of encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. These include the islands of Cebú, Panay, Mindanao, Leyte, Luzón, Mindoro, Lubán, Elin, Imarás, Masbat, Capul, Mazagua, Maripipi, Camiguinin, Tablas, Cubuyan, Bohol, Bantayán, Marenduque, Donblón (Romblón), Bantón, and Negros. Many of the names of the early conquistadors are given, and the document possesses value as it denotes early attempts at estimation of population, although those estimates are only vague and very inadequate.

Loarca’s letter of June 15, 1580, complaining of the enmity of Governor Sande, who hates him because he went on the Chinese expedition by order of Lavezaris, while he (Sande) was inside the islands, complains that false reports are sent regarding the conquests, and hence there is a waste of money. He fears to be too specific in his letter lest his letters go astray. He asks for aid, for he has received no salary for some years, and has even spent his own money for public purposes, and has become poor.

In the name of all his brethren, Pablo de Jesus, soon to be elected custodian of the Franciscans in Manila, writes (June 18, 1580) to Pope Gregory XIII a letter (partly doctrinal), giving account of the voyage of the first Franciscan missionaries to the Philippines. On the journey thither a short halt is made at one of the Ladrones, of whose inhabitants the father gives a brief description. At Manila the Augustinians, hitherto the sole religious order in the islands, give them a hearty welcome, but report discouraging progress among the aborigines. Undaunted however, the new missionaries set to work with a will and soon obtain marked results. The evil influence of Mahometanism, which has entered by way of Borneo has made itself felt among some of the natives, but yet with a sufficient supply of missionaries, the Filipinos, whose customs (social and religious) are briefly described, would soon be converted to the faith. The first Franciscan expedition to China, under the guidance of Pedro de Alfaro, which left Manila, May 20, 1579, is also described, and the Chinese characterized. Pablo de Jesus begs the pope to order the authorities in Manila to cease offering obstructions to those religious who desire to go to China to evangelize that great empire.

On October 17, 1581, a council of various religious assembled by Bishop Salazar to discuss the question of the liberation of native slaves held by Spaniards, which has been ordered by a royal decree decide: 1. That an old decree of 1530 prohibits the Spaniards to enslave the natives of the Indies; and that that decree was sufficient by itself to cause all slaves to be freed. Consequently, the new decree must be obeyed. 2. There is not any just reason for awaiting a new order because of petition, for such petition is only a subterfuge to gain time and postpone the liberation of the slaves. 3. The slaves must be freed immediately, although they may be ordered to remain with their masters for twenty or thirty days, in order to give the latter time to adapt themselves to the sudden change.

Of distinct ecclesiastical as well as historical interest is Bishop Salazar’s document of December 21, 1581, creating and establishing the cathedral church of Manila. He provides for the appointment of the various ecclesiastical offices, such as dean, archdeacon, chanter, schoolmaster, treasurer, canons, prebendaries, racioneros, half-racioneros, acolytes, chaplains, sacristan, organist, beadle, econome, notary of the chapter, and the peculiar office of dog-catcher, and outlines the duties of all and names the salary each is to receive. Much of interest is said on the subject of tithes and revenues, benefices, the various parish churches that exist or may be established, and their priests, the failure of duty of any official, chapter meetings (which must occur twice each week), church services, etc. A question to assume vast proportions later, namely, the royal patronage, presentation for benefices, and the episcopal jurisdiction also receives mention. This document presents in germ the ecclesiastical government of Manila.

Antonio Sedeño, S. J., one of the first of his order to come to the Philippines (he having accompanied Bishop Salazar, in company with one other priest—Alonso Sanchez—and two lay-brothers), writes to Felipe II, June 17, 1583, requesting that the governor be appointed from a resident of the islands, instead of sending a new man from Spain to fill that post. Thereby will great occasion for graft be avoided, and the royal expenses be greatly reduced, while the whole land will benefit. He suggests the appointment of Juan Baptista Roman, the factor, a prudent man, who has always opposed wrong. He also requests permission to found a seminary in order that the Jesuits may remain in the country and fulfil their obligations; and royal aid for such foundation.

One day after the date of the above letter (June 18), the bishop Domingo de Salazar writes to Felipe II, urging the establishment of a Jesuit college by royal aid, because of the great advantage that will ensue therefrom. He mentions in general the same reasons for such establishment as are urged by Sedeño; and dwells upon the saving to the royal treasury and the advantage to the land at large. He asks that districts be divided justly among the religious and seculars, and that the members of no order preempt a larger territory than they can attend to. This has caused friction between himself and the religious, which will be eliminated by a royal order to the above effect.

An anonymous relation translated from a printed pamphlet, which bears neither place nor date, follows. Internal evidence shows it to have been written by a religious—Augustinian, Franciscan, or Jesuit, preferably the second—and before 1587 (the year of the arrival of the Dominicans), notwithstanding that the British Museum copy (whence our transcript was procured) queries the date 1595. This relation contains many valuable observations on the islands, and their people, products, and history. The greater part of it consists of a description of the four provinces of Luzón, viz., that of the Tagalogs and Pampangos, Ilocos, Cagayan, and Camarines. The author mentions the important fact that the Tagálogs are mistakenly called Moros, but they are not and have never been Moros. Continuing his relation, the religious describes Borneo briefly and gives the salient points of Sande’s campaign there. The Visayans and their islands are touched upon, some little space being devoted to the first Spanish settlement at Cebú, whence the Spaniards move to Panay after the negotiations with and assault by the Portuguese under Pereira. More men and religious are needed to develop the Philippines and to christianize them thoroughly.

The factor, Juan Baptista Roman, writes to Felipe II (July 2, 1588), relating the chief events of Thomas Candish’s memorable expedition through a portion of the Philippine archipelago. He complains bitterly of the apathy of the governor in not pursuing the English pirate, who is only 22 or 23 years old, and says that good time is wasted by attempting to strengthen the city of Manila to the abandonment of all idea of pursuit. He suggests means by which such expeditions may be rendered impossible in the future. The usual cry of inefficient administration and useless expense is made, as an offset to which Roman proposes the encouragement of private shipping instead of the use of the royal vessels therefor, by means of which the governor, who engages in trade on his own account, becomes rich at the expense and loss of the royal treasury. Finally, the stone fort being built at Manila is useless as it is old style and incapable of defending the city.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas in a letter to either the viceroy of Nueva España or some high official in Spain (June 21, 1591) devotes himself almost entirely to military affairs. He has introduced system and discipline where it was lacking before, and has built a barracks for the soldiers. He complains greatly of the insubordination of the soldiers there before his arrival and the bad example that they furnish to the new soldiers. He has also constructed a stone wall about the city, which gives an appearance of stability and renders the city secure. He asks that he be allowed to reward the services of gentlemen and soldiers who have accompanied him. The provinces of Zambales and Cagayan, which were in revolt have been pacified, and Dasmariñas suggests the advisability of a Spanish colony in the latter, on account of its proximity to China, and its good harbor. He is having considerable trouble with the bishop and friars who oppose him in everything, and act as though they were the rulers of the country.

In 1599, a series of three documents concerning the procuratorship of Tomás Marquez, of the Philippines, and the methods of the Spanish provincials of the Augustinian Order, and addressed to the pope (then Clement VIII), shows well the political means employed by the Augustinians in Spain in their efforts to retain in their own hands the balance of power as over against that of the Augustinians of the Spanish provinces. The first is a short petition from the above father praying that he be restored to his position as procurator-general of the Philippines, of which he has been deprived by the Spanish provincial, and that he be allowed to take to the islands those of his order who desire to accompany him. The second paper has also the same end as the first, but is more specific, as it gives more at length the various methods employed by the Spanish provincials. Marquez prays that the order in the Philippines be subject only to the general of the whole order and not to the Spanish provincials, who claim jurisdiction as vicars-general. The Spanish provincials endeavor to govern the order in the Philippines and other provinces of the Indies, not for the good of the whole order, but for their own interests, using therein methods that are contrary to the constitution and laws of the order, and, in addition, wrong morally. The offscourings of the Spanish convents are sent to the islands instead of men fitted for the task, and those of the latter class who desire are not permitted to go. The third document is evidently the report of the nuncio, and gives the reasons why the Augustinian provinces of the Indies are not subject to the provincials of Spain, but only to the general of the whole order. The pretext upon which the Spanish province urges leadership is the fact that the first Augustinian establishment in the New World was under its auspices. Since ordered to resign all rights to the office of vicar-general by the general chapter of Rome 1592, the provincial has done so.

The king, by a royal decree of January 17, 1593, addressed to Bishop Salazar, notifies him that the governor has been ordered to take possession of the hospitals for the natives in Manila in accordance with the king’s right as patron of the hospitals.

Ecclesiastical matters are discussed in a letter from the Manila ecclesiastical cabildo to Felipe III (July 3, 1602). The royal Audiencia is trying to force the ecclesiastical judge to make arrests by its aid; but such a course would involve much time and expense to the wretched Indian, whose case as now conducted by the ecclesiastical judge is summarily completed, while recourse to the Audiencia would bring into play all the slow legal machinery. Such ecclesiastical arrests are only made in order to correct sin. Some of the religious orders in Manila claim royal concession for universities and appointments therein. Such a course would be unfair to the seculars, for even now the religious have all the best things, and if they found universities, the seculars will have nothing to which to aspire, while the lure of an appointment to a professorship would cause them to take heart and study hard, so that the cathedral would always have men of learning. The Jesuits desire to use the money restored from the tributes collected by the encomenderos, as a result of Salazar’s contentions, for the founding of a hospital. Such use would divert it from its true employment—the ransoming of Filipino captives and the aiding of their hospitals, and therefore the cabildo petitions that the request be not acceded to. The Jesuits are trying to obtain the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of a town opposite Manila (which is now administered by a secular cura) where they have some years before bought an estate, and have been gradually acquiring all the land which they have rented to the Chinese. In addition the Jesuits are also attempting to obtain the spiritual administration of San Miguel, a small village outside Manila, now administered by seculars. The cabildo petitions that the curas now in charge of these two places be allowed to retain them. The Augustinians have also been guilty of depriving the seculars of their jurisdiction in Cavite and in the chapel of Nuestra Señora de Guia. And so unbridled are they that they resist the visitor sent out by their own order. The Franciscans, in spite of their humility, have built a church at Dilao on their own authority. Thus the royal patronage is transcended, and the governor has been cognizant thereto, through his partiality to the orders. The cabildo asks that the alms generally given to the religious be also granted to the cathedral, for it is very poor. In the cathedral is a bench for the wives of the auditors and another for the officials of the Holy Office—both unusual in other cathedrals. The bench belonging to the Holy Office has led to the excommunication of one of the canons of the cathedral who moved it one day, through the passion engendered in the commissary, a Dominican religious. The cabildo asks that both benches be removed, and that justice be shown them, as they are unable to send anyone to Spain to plead their case, as do the religious.

The condition of the redoubt or fort of Manila is discussed in a letter to Felipe III by its castellan Bernardino Maldonado (June 21, 1605). Many interesting deductions as to the social and economic conditions of Manila can be made from this document. Like so many other documents, this is one of complaint and shows the inefficiency of the government. The fort is poorly garrisoned and almost neglected in spite of its importance (as it is used as the arsenal) and the efforts of its castellan. The garrison is only of fifty men (although Tello had promised to increase it at the earnest solicitation of Maldonado) and those are the offscourings of the camp. A lieutenant appointed has to enter suit in order to receive his pay. The artillerymen should live in the fort and should not be taken elsewhere, and should be experienced men, and not those who receive appointments through favor. Tello has used part of the artillery against Oliver van Noordt, and it was in consequence lost, and now Acuña proposes to take a portion of the few pieces left on his Maluco expedition. Maldonado’s efforts to prepare for the feared Chinese insurrection of 1603 were not encouraging, and he was quite unable to obtain food, and was even compelled to aid the other soldiers with what little he did have. Since that insurrection, the Chinese merchants have come to the city each year, and have been housed partly in the city among the inhabitants, as their alcaicería was burned, although the Parián is now rebuilt. Maldonado complains of the companies formed from Filipinos in whom he sees grave danger. The soldiers of the fort are ill paid, and inasmuch as they are permanently in the fort and make no raids, as do the other soldiers, they suffer considerably. Consequently, Maldonado asks that they be paid first, and that their pay of six reals be raised. Arms are needed, especially arquebuses and muskets. Finally Maldonado mentions his own services and asks for various rewards for his faithfulness.

The Editors

January, 1906.

PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO

(concluded)

By Antonio Pigafetta. MS. composed ca. 1525, of events of 1519–1522

Source: Our transcript is made from the original document which exists in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy.

Translation: This is made by James Alexander Robertson.

[PRIMO VIAGGIO INTORNO AL MONDO] (Continued from Vol. XXXIII, page 266.) [FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD] (Continued from Vol. XXXIII, page 267.)
Sul tardi deL medeſimo giorno vene in vno prao pietro alfonſo portugheſe et non eſſendo anchora deſmontato iL re lo mando a chiamare et ridendo diſegli se lui ben era de tarennate ne diceſſe la verita de tuto quello q̃ li domandaſſem Coſtui dice Como Ja ſedize anny ſtaua nela Jndia ma x in maluco et tante erano q̃ maluco ſtaua deſcoperto ascoſamente et era vno anno mancho quindici giornj che venne vna naue grande de malaca quiui et ſe partite caricata de garofali ma ꝓ li mali tempi reſto in bandan alquanti meſi delaqalle era capo triſtan de meneses portughese et Como lui li demando que noue erano adeſſo in chriſtianitatte li diſſe como era partita vna armata de cinque nauj de ſiuiglia ꝓ deſcoprire maluco in nome deL re deſpagnia eſsendo capitano fernando de magallianes portugheſe et como lo re de portugallo ꝓ diſpecto q̃ vno portugueſe lifoſſe conta hauea mandatte alquante naue aL capo de bonna ſperanſa et altre tante aL capo de ſancta maria doue ſtanno li Canibali ꝓ vietargli lo paſſo et Como nõ lo trouo poy il re de portagalo haueua Jnteſo Como lo dicto capitanio haueua paſſato ꝓ vno alto mare et andaua amalucho Subito ſcriſſe aL ſuo capo magiore de la india chiamato diego lopes de ſichera mãdaſſe ſey naue amaluco me ꝓ cauſa del grã turco che veniua amalacha nõ le mande ꝓ che li fu forſa mandare Contra lui ſexanta velle aL ſtreto deLa mehca nella tera de Juda liqalli non trouorono alto ſolum alcãte gallere in ſeco nela riua de qella forte et bella cita de adem leqalle tucte bruſorono[_]dopo Queſto mandaua contro anuy amalucho vno grã galeõe con due mani de bombarde ma ꝓ certi baſſi et corenti de hacqua che ſonno circa malaca et venti Contrarj non puoto paſſare et torno in drieto Lo capo de queſto galiõe era franco faria portugheſe et Como erano poqi giornj q̃ vna Carauella cõ dui Jonci erano ſtati quiui ꝓ Jntendere de nui li Junci andarono abachian ꝓ caricare garofali cõ ſette portugheſi Queſti portugheſi ꝓ nõ hauer̃ reſpecto ale donne deL re et de li ſuoi lo re li diſce piu volte nõ faceſſero taL coſa ma loro nõ volendo reſtare furono amazati Quando qelli de la Carauella intezero queſto ſubito tornorono a malaca et laſciarono li Junci cõ catrocento bahar de garofali et tanta mercantia ꝓ comperar̃ cento alti bahar et Como ogni anno molti Junci veneno de malaca abandan ꝓ pigliare matia et noſce moſcade et da bandan amalucho ꝓ garofali et como queſti populi vanno cõ queſti ſui Junci da maluco a bandan in tre giornj et de bandan amalaca in quĩdici et como lo re de portagalo Ja x anny godeua malucho aſcoſamente acio lo re deſpagnia noL ſapeſſe coſtui ſtete cõ nuy alti inſino a tre hore de nocte et diſcene molte altre coſe operaſſemo tanto q̃ coſtui ꝓmetendolj bõ ſoldo ne ꝓmiſſe de venire cõ nuy in ſpagnia. In the afternoon of that same day, Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came in a prau. He had not disembarked before the king sent to summon him and told him banteringly to answer us truly in whatever we should ask him, even if he did come from Tarennate. He told us that he had been sixteen years in India, but x in Maluco, for Maluco had been discovered secretly for that time.[488] It was a year all but one fortnight, since a large ship had arrived at that place from Malaca, and had left laden with cloves, but had been obliged to remain in Bandan for some months because of bad weather. Its captain was Tristan de Meneses,[489] a Portuguese. When he asked the latter what was the news back in Christendom, he was told that a fleet of five ships had left Siviglia to discover Maluco in the name of the king of Spagnia under command of Fernando de Magallianes, a Portuguese; that the king of Portugallo, angered that a Portuguese should be opposed to him, had sent some ships to the cape of Bonna Speransa [i.e., Good Hope], and a like number to the cape of Sancta Maria, where the cannibals live, in order to prevent their passage, but that he was not found. Then the king of Portagalo had heard that the said captain had passed into another sea, and was on his way to Malucho. He immediately wrote directing his chief captain of India, one Diego Lopes de Sichera,[490] to send six ships to Maluco. But the latter did not send them because the Grand Turk was coming to Malacha, for he was obliged to send sixty sail to oppose him at the strait of Mecha in the land of Juda. They found only a few galleys that had been beached on the shore of the strong and beautiful city of Adem, all of which they burned.[491] After that the chief captain sent a large galleon with two tiers of guns to Malucho to oppose us, but it was unable to proceed because of certain shoals and currents of water near Malaca, and contrary winds. The captain of that galleon was Francesco Faria,[492] a Portuguese. It was but a few days since a caravel with two junks had been in that place to get news of us. The junks went to Bachian for a cargo of cloves with seven Portuguese. As those Portuguese did not respect the women of the king and of his subjects, although the king told them often not to act so, and since they refused to discontinue, they were put to death. When the men in the caravel heard that, they immediately returned to Malaca abandoning the junks with four hundred bahars of cloves, and sufficient merchandise to purchase one hundred bahars more. Every year a number of junks sail from Malaca to Bandan[493] for mace and nutmeg, and from Bandan to Malucho for cloves. Those people sail in three days in those junks of theirs from Maluco to Bandan, and in a fortnight from Bandan to Malaca. The king of Portagalo had enjoyed Malucho already for x years secretly, so that the king of Spagnia might not learn of it. That Portuguese remained with us until three in the morning, and told us many other things. We plied him so well, promising him good pay that he promised to return to Spagnia with us.
Vennere a Quindici de nouembre il re ne diſce como andaua abachian ꝓ pigliar̃ de qelli garofali laſsati da li portugueſi ne dimando duy pñti ꝓ darli ali dui gubernatorj de mutir in nome deL re deſpagnia et paſſando per mezo de le naui volſe vedere Como tirauão li ſchiopeti li baleſtre et li verſi q̃ ſono magiori duno arcubuſo tiro lui tre volti de baleſtra ꝓ chi li piaceua piu q̃ li ſchiopeti Sabato lo re moro de giailolo vene ale naui con molti prao alqualle donaſcemo vno ſayo de domaſcho ꝟde dui bracia de panne roſſo ſpechi forfice cortelli petini et dui bichery dorati ne diſce poi q̃ eramo amici deL re de tadore eramo anchora ſoi ꝓ che amaualo Como ꝓpio ſuo figliolo et ſe may alguno deli noſti andaſſeno in ſua terra li farebe grandiſſimo honnore Queſto re emolto vechio et temuto ꝓ tutte queſte yſole ꝓ eſſere molto potente et chia maſſe raia Jussu Queſta yſola de Jayalolo e tanto grando que tardano catro meſi a circundarla cõ vno prao. Domenicha matina queſto medeſimo re venne ale naui et volſe vedere in que modo combateuão et como ſcaricauamo le nr̃e bombarde dilque piglio grandiſſimo piacer̃ et ſubito ſe parti Coſtui Como ne fu detto era ſtato nela ſua Jouenta grã Combatitor̃. On Friday, November fifteen, the king told us that he was going to Bachian to get the cloves abandoned there by the Portuguese. He asked us for two presents so that he might give them to the two governors of Mutir in the name of the king of Spagnia. Passing in between the ships he desired to see how we fired our musketry, crossbows, and the culverins, which are larger than an arquebus. He shot three times with a crossbow, for it pleased him more than the muskets.[494] On Saturday, the Moro king of Giailolo came to the ships with a considerable number of praus. To some of the men we gave some green damask silk, two brazas of red cloth, mirrors, scissors, knives, combs, and two gilt drinking cups. That king told us that since we were friends of the king of Tadore, we were also his friends, for he loved that king as one of his own sons; and whenever any of our men would go to his land, he would show him the greatest honor. That king is very aged and is feared among all those islands, for he is very powerful. His name is Raia Jessu. That island of Jayalolo is so large that it takes four months to circumnavigate it in a prau. On Sunday morning that same king came to the ships and desired to see how we fought and how we discharged our guns. He took the greatest pleasure in it. After they had been discharged he immediately departed. He had been a great fighter in his youth as we were told.
NeL medeſimo giorno anday in terra ꝓ vedere Como naſcheuano li garofali Lo arburo ſuo he alto et groſſo Como vno homo altrauerſo et piu et meno li ſui ramj ſpandeno alquante largo neL mezo ma neL fine fanno in mo do de vna cima la ſuo foglia e como qella deL lauro la ſcorſa e oliuaſta ly garofoli veneno Jn cima de li ramiti diece ho vinti inſiemi Queſti arbory fanno ſempre caſi piu duna banda q̃ de lalta Segondo li tempi Quando naſcono li garofali ſonno bianqi maturj roſſi et ſecqi negri ſe cogleno due volte alanno vna dela natiuita deL nr̃o redemptore [Quando lanno e piu: crossed out in original MS.] lalta in qella de sto Johã bapta ꝓ che in queſti dui tempi e piu temperato larie ma piu in qella deL nr̃o redemptore Quando lanno e piu caldo et cõ mancho piogie et coglienno trecento et quatrocento bahar in ogni vna de queſte yſolle naſcono ſolamẽte neli monti et ſe alguni de queſti arborj ſonno piantati aL pianno apreſſo li monti nõ viueno la ſuo foglia la ſcorza et il legnio ꝟde et coſi forte como li garofoli ſe non ſi coglieno quãdo ſonno maturi diuentano grandi et tanti duri q̃ non e bono alto de loro ſinon la ſua ſcorſa nõ naſcono aL mondo alti garofali ſinon in cinque mõti de queſte cinque yſolle ſe ne trouano ben alguni in giailolo et in vna yſola picola fra tadore et mutir detta mare ma non ſonno buoni Vede uamo nuy caſi ogni giorno vna nebula diſcendere et circundare mo luno mo lalto de queſti monti ꝓ ilque li garofoli diuentano ꝓfecti Ciaſcuno de queſti populi anno de queſti arbori et ogni vno cuſtodiſcono li ſui ma non li coltiuano Jn queſta yſola ſe trouano alguni arbori de noce moſcada larbore e como le noſtre noguere et con le medeſime foglie la noce quando ſe coglie he grande como vno Codognio picolo cõ qeL pelo et deL medeſimo colore la ſua pima ſcorza et groſſa como la verde dele nr̃e noce Soto de q̃ſta he vna tella ſotille Soto laqalle ſta la matia roſſisimo riuolta intorno la Scorſa della noce et de dento da queſta e La noce moſcade le caſe de queſti populi Sonno facte como le altre ma non cuſſi alte da terra et ſonno circunda te de canne in modo de uno ſieue queſte femine ſonno bructe et vano nude Como le altre con qelli panny de ſcorca de arbore fanno queſti panni intaL modo piglianno vno pezo de ſcorſa et lo laſcianno nelacqua fin que diuenta molle et poy lo bateno cõ legni et lo fanno longo et Largo Como voleno diuenta como vno vello de ſeda cruda cõ certi filecti de dento q̃ pareſta teſuto mangiano panne de legnio de arbore como la palma facto in queſto modo piglianno vno pezo de queſto legnio mole et li Cauano fuora certi ſpini negri longui poi Lo peſtanno et coſi fanno Lo panne luzano quaſi ſolo ꝓ portare in mare et lo chia mano ſaghu Queſti homini vano nudi Como li alti ma ſonno tãto geloſi dele ſue moglie che nõ voleuano andaſſemo nuj in terra cõ Le braguet diſcoperte ꝓ che diceuano le ſue donne penſare nuy ſemp̃ eſſere in ordine. That same day, I went ashore to see how the clove grows. The clove tree is tall and as thick as a man’s body or thereabout. Its branches spread out somewhat widely in the middle, but at the top they have the shape of a summit. Its leaves resemble those of the laurel, and the bark is of a dark color.[495] The cloves grow at the end of the twigs, ten or twenty in a cluster. Those trees have generally more cloves on one side than on the other, according to the season. When the cloves sprout they are white, when ripe, red, and when dried, black. They are gathered twice per year, once at the nativity of our Savior, [when the year is more: crossed out in original MS.] and the other at the nativity of St. John the Baptist; for the climate is more moderate at those two seasons, but more so at the time of the nativity of our Savior. When the year is very hot and there is little rain, those people gather three or four hundred bahars [of cloves] in each of those islands. Those trees grow only in the mountains, and if any of them are planted in the lowlands near the mountains, they do not live. The leaves, the bark, and the green wood are as strong as the cloves. If the latter are not gathered when they are ripe, they become large and so hard that only their husk is good. No cloves are grown in the world except in the five mountains of those five islands, except that some are found in Giailolo and in a small island between Tadore and Mutir, by name Mare,[496] but they are not good. Almost every day we saw a mist descend and encircle now one and now another of those mountains, on account of which those cloves become perfect. Each of those people possesses clove trees, and each one watches over his own trees although he does not cultivate them. Some nutmeg trees are found in that island. The tree resembles our walnut tree, and has leaves like it. When the nut is gathered it is as large as a small quince, with the same sort of down, and it is of the same color. Its first rind is as thick as the green rind of our walnut. Under that there is a thin layer, under which is found the mace. The latter is a brilliant red and is wrapped about the rind of the nut, and within that is the nutmeg.[497] The houses of those people are built like those of the others, but are not raised so high from the ground, and are surrounded with bamboos like a hedge. The women there are ugly and go naked as do the others, [covered only] with those cloths made from the bark of trees. Those cloths are made in the following manner. They take a piece of bark and leave it in the water until it becomes soft. Then they beat it with bits of wood and [thus] make it as long and as wide as they wish. It becomes like a veil of raw silk, and has certain threads within it, which appear as if woven.[498] They eat wooden bread made from a tree resembling the palm, which is made as follows. They take a piece of that soft wood from which they take certain long black thorns. Then they pound[499] the wood, and so make the bread. They use that bread, which they call saghu [i.e., sago], almost as their sole food at sea. The men there go naked as do the others [of those regions], but they are so jealous of their wives that they do not wish us to go ashore with our drawers exposed;[500] for they assert that their women imagine that we are always in readiness.
Ogni giorno veniuão de tarenate molte barche caricate de garofali ma ꝓ che aſpectauamo il re nõ contractauamo alto ſinon victuuaglia Queli de tarenate ſe lementauano molte ꝓ che nõ voleuamo Contractare cõ loro Domenicha de nocte a vinticato de nouembr̃ venendo aL luni Lo re vene ſuonando con qelle ſue borchie et paſſando ꝓ mezo li naui diſca ricaſſemo molte bombarde ne diſſe in fine aquato giornj venirianno molty garofali luni lo re ne mando ſetecento et noranta vno cathili de garofali ſenza leuar La tara la tara e pigliare le ſpeciarie ꝓ mancho de qeL que pezanno ꝓ che ogni giorno ſe ſechano piu ꝓ eſſere li pimy garofali haueuamo meſſi neli nauj diſcaricaſſemo molte bombarde Quiui chiamano li garofali ghomode in ſaranghani doue pigliaſſemo li dui piloti bonghalauan et in malaca chianche. A number of boats came from Tarenate daily laden with cloves, but, as we were awaiting the king, we did not barter for anything except food. The men who came from Tarenate were very sorry because we refused to trade with them. On Sunday night, November twenty-four, and toward Monday, the king came with gongs a-playing, and passed between the ships, [whereat] we discharged many pieces. He told us that cloves would be brought in quantity within four days. Monday the king sent us seven hundred and ninety-one[501] cathils of cloves, without reckoning the tare. The tare is to take the spices for less than they weigh, for they become dryer daily. As those were the first cloves which we had laden in our ships, we fired many pieces. Cloves are called ghomode there; in Saranghani where we captured the two pilots, bongalauan;[502] and in Malaca, chianche.
Marti a vintiſei de nouembr̃ il re ne diſce como non era coſtume de alguno re de partirſi de ſua yſola ma lui ſe era partito ꝓ amore deL re de caſtiglia et per che andaſſemo piu preſto in ſpagnia et retornaſſemo cõ tante naui q̃ poteſſemo vendicare la morte de ſua padre q̃ fo amazato in vna Jſola chiamata buru et poi botato neL mare et diſſenne Como era vzãſa quando li pimi garofali eranno poſti nele naui o vero neli Junci lo re fare vno conuito aqellj dele naui et pregare Lo ſuo dio li conduceſſi ſalui neLo ſuo porto et anche lo volia far ꝓ cagiõe deL re de bachian et vno ſuo fratello che veniuano ꝓ vizitarne faceua netareli vie alguni de nui penſando qalque tradimẽto ꝓ che quiui doue pigliauamo lacha foreno amazati da certi de queſti aſcoſi neli boſchi tre portugheſi de franco ſeranno et ꝓ che vedeuamo queſti Jndi ſuſurare con li noſti preſoni, diceſſemo contra alquanti volentoroſi de queſto conuito nõ ſi douere andare in terra ꝓ conuiti ricordandogli deqeL alto tanto infelice faceſſemo tanto ſe concluſe de mandare dire aL re veniſſe preſto ne le nauj ꝓ che voleuamo ſi partire et conſegniarli li catro homini ꝓmiſſi con altre mercantie Jl re ſubito venne et Jntrando nele naui diſſe adalungunj ſui cõ tanta fidutia entraua in queſte como nele ſue caze. Ne diſſe eſere grandamẽte ſpauentato ꝓ volerne partire coſi preſto eſendo il termine de Carigare le naui trenta giornj et non eſerſi partito ꝓ farne algun maL ma ꝓ fornire piu preſto li naui de garofoli et como nõ ſi doueuamo par tire alora ꝓ non eſſere anchora lo tempo de nauigare ꝓ queſte yſolle et ꝓ li molti baſſi ſe trouano zirca bandan et ꝓ che facilmente hauereſemo potuto incontrarſi in qalque naui de portugheſi et ſe pur era la nr̃a opigniõe de partirſi alhora pigliaſsemo tute le nr̃e merchadantie ꝓ che tucti li re circunuicini direbenno iL re de tadore hauer̃ receuuti tanty pñti da vno ſi grã re et lui nõ hauerli dato coſa alguna et penſarebẽo nuy eſſerſi partitj ſinon ꝓ paura de qalque inganno et ſempre chiama rebenno lui ꝓ vno traditor̃ poi fece portare lo ſuo alchoranno et pima baſan dolo et metendoſelo catro o cinque volte ſoura lo capo et dicendo fra ſe certe parolle, Quando fanno cuſſi Chiamano Zambahean, diſſe in pñtia de tucti q̃ Juraua ꝓ ala et ꝓ lo alcoranno haueua in mano ſemp̃ volere eſſere fidelle amicho aL re deſpagnia diſſe tuto queſto caſi piangendo per le ſue bone parolle le ꝓmeteſſemo de aſpectare anchora quindici giornj Alhora li deſſemo la firma deL re et la bandera realle niente di meno Jntendeſſemo poy ꝓ buona via alguni principali de queſte yſole hauerli dicto ne doueſſe amazare ꝓ che farebe grandiſſimo piacere ali portugueſi et como loro ꝓ donnarianno aqelli de bachian et iL re hauerli riſpo ſto non lo faria ꝓ coſa alguna cognioſſendo Lo re deſpagnia et hauẽdone data la ſua pace. On Tuesday, November twenty-six, the king told us that it was not the custom of any king to leave his island, but that he had left [his] for the love that he bore the king of Castiglia, and so that we might go to Spagnia sooner and return with so many ships that we could avenge the murder of his father who was killed in an island called Buru,[503] and then thrown into the sea. He told us that it was the custom, when the first cloves were laden in the ships or in the junks, for the king to make a feast for the crews of the ships, and to pray[504] their God that He would lead those ships safe to their port. He also wished to do it because of the king of Bachian and one of his brothers who were coming to visit him. He had the streets cleaned. Some of us imagining that some treachery was afoot, because three Portuguese in the company of Francesco Seranno had been killed in the place where we took in water, by certain of those people who had hidden in the thickets, and because we saw those Indians whispering with our prisoners, declared in opposition to some who wished to go to the feast that we ought not go ashore for feasts, for we remembered that other so unfortunate one. We were so urgent that it was concluded to send a message to the king asking him to come soon to the ships, for we were about to depart, and would give him the four men whom we had promised him, besides some other merchandise. The king came immediately and entered the ships. He told some of his men that he entered them with as great assurance as into his own houses. He told us that he was greatly astonished at our intention of departing so soon, since the limit of time for lading the ships was thirty days; and that he had not left the island to do us any harm, but to supply the ships with cloves sooner. He said that we should not depart then for that was not the season for sailing among those islands, both because of the many shoals found about Bandan and because we might easily meet some Portuguese ships [in those seas]. However, if it were our determination to depart then, we should take all our merchandise, for all the kings roundabout would say that the king of Tadore had received so many presents from so great a king, and had given nothing in return; and that they would think that we had departed only for fear of some treachery, and would always call him a traitor. Then he had his koran[505] brought, and first kissing it and placing it four or five times above his head, and saying certain words to himself as he did so (which they call zambahean[506]), he declared in the presence of all, that he swore by Allah and by the koran[507] which he had in his hand, that he would always be a faithful friend to the king of Spagnia. He spoke all those words nearly in tears. In return for his good words, we promised to wait another fortnight. Thereupon, we gave him the signature of the king and the royal banner. None the less we heard afterward on good authority that some of the chiefs of those islands[508] had proposed to him to kill us, saying it would be doing the greatest kind of pleasure to the Portuguese, and that the latter would forgive those of Bachian.[509] But the king had replied that he would not do it under any consideration, since he had recognized the king of Spagnia and had made peace with him.
Mercore a vinteſette de nouembr̃ dopo diſnare lo re fece fare vn bando a tutj qelli haueuano garofali li poteſſeno portare nele nauj tuto queſto gior no et lalto contrataſſemo garofoli cõ grã furia venner ſul tardi vene lo gouuernator̃ de machian con molti prao nõ volſe deſmontare in tera ꝓche ſtauão iui ſuo padre et vno ſuo fratello banditi da machian JL giorno ſequente lo nr̃o re cõ lo gouuernator̃ Suo nepote entraronno nele naui nuy ꝓ nõ hauer̃ piu panno ne mando alore tre bracia deL ſuo et neL dete loqalle con altre coſſe donnaſſemo aL gouuernator̃ partendoſi ſe diſcarico molte bombarde dapoy lo re ne mando ſey bracia de panno roſſo acio lo donnaſemo aL gouuernator̃ ſubito Lo li preſentaſſemo ꝓ ilque ne ringratio molto et diſſe ne mandarebe aſsay garofoli Queſto gouuernatore ſe chiama humar et era forſi vinticinque anny. After dinner on Wednesday, November twenty-seven, the king had an edict proclaimed that all those who had cloves could bring them to the ships. All that and the next day we bartered for cloves with might and main. On Friday afternoon, the governor of Machian came with a considerable number of praus. He refused to disembark, for his father and one of his brothers who had been banished from Machian were living in Tadore. Next day, our king and his nephew, the governor, entered the ships. As we had no more cloth, the king sent to have three brazas of his brought and gave it to us,[510] and we gave it with other things to the governor. At his departure we discharged many pieces. Afterward the king sent us six brazas of red cloth, so that we might give it to the governor. We immediately presented it to the latter, and he thanked us heartily for it, telling us that he would send us a goodly quantity of cloves. That governor’s name is Humar, and he was about twenty-five years old.
Domenica pimo de decembre Queſto gouuernator̃ Se parti ne fu deto iL re de tadore hauergli dato panny de ſeta et algune de qelle borchie acio Cuſtuy piu preſto li mandaſſe li garofoli luni iL re ando fuora de la yſola ꝓ garofoli mercore matina ꝓ eſſere giorno de Sta. barbara et ꝓ la venuta deL re ſe deſcarico tuta lartigliaria la nocte Lo re venne ne la riua et volſe vedere Como tirauamo li rochetti et bombi de fuoco dilque lo re piglio grã piacere Joue et vennere ſe Compero molti garofoli cuſſi nella cita como nelle naui ꝓ catro bracia de frizetto ne danão vno bahar de garofoli ꝓ due Cadenelle de Latonne q̃ valeuão vno marcello ne detero cento libre de garofoli in fine ꝓ nõ hauer piu merchadantie ogni vno li daua qi le cape eqi li ſagli et qi le Camiſe cõ altre veſtimentj ꝓ hauer̃ La ſua quintalada Sabato tre figlioli diL re de tarenate con tre ſue moglie figliole deL nr̃o re et pietro alfonſo portugheſi venironno ale nauj donaſſemo ogni vno deli tre fratelli vn bichier de vetro dorato ale tre donne forfice et altre coſe Quando ſe partironno forenno ſcaricate molte bombarde poy mandaſſemo in tera a la figliola deL nr̃o re Ja moglie diL re de tarennatte molte coſe perche nõ volſe vegnire cõ le alte a le nauj tutta Queſta gente cuſſi homini Comme donne vanno ſempre deſcalſi. On Sunday, the first of December, that governor departed. We were told that the king of Tadore had given him some silk cloth and some of those gongs[511] so that he might send the cloves quicker. On Monday the king went out of the island to get cloves. On Wednesday morning, as it was the day of St. Barbara,[512] and because the king came, all the artillery was discharged. At night the king came to the shore, and asked to see how we fired our rockets and fire bombs,[513] at which he was highly delighted. On Thursday and Friday we bought many cloves, both in the city and in the ships. For four brazas of ribbon, they gave us one bahar of cloves; for two brass chains, worth one marcello,[514] they gave us one hundred libras of cloves. Finally, when we had no more merchandise, one man gave his cloak, another his doublet, and another his shirt, besides other articles of clothing, in order that they might have their share in the cargo. On Saturday, three of the sons of the king of Tarenate and their three wives, the daughters of our king, and Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came to the ships. We gave each of the three brothers a gilt glass drinking-cup,[515] and scissors and other things to the women. Many pieces were discharged at their departure. Then we sent ashore many things to the daughter of our king, now the wife of the king of Tarennatte, as she refused to come to the ships with the others. All those people, both men and women, always go barefoot.
Domenica a octo di decembre ꝓ eſſere giorno dela Conſeptiõe ſe ſcarico molte bonbarde Rocheti et bombe di fuoco luni ſul tardi lo re venne ale naui cõ tre femine li portauão il betre alti non pone menare ſeco donne ſe nõ iL re dopo venne lo re de Jaialolo et volſe vedere nuy vnalta fiata cõbatere inſieme dopo alquanti giornj il nr̃o re ne diſſe lui aſſimigliare vna fanciulo che lattaſſe et cognioceſſe la ſua dulce madre et qella parten doſi lo laſſiare ſolo magiormente lui reſtare deſcoſolato ꝓ che gia ne haueua Cognioſſuto et guſtato alchune coſe di ſpagnia et ꝓ che doueuão tardare molto aL retornare Cariſſamamente ne prego li laſciaſſemo ꝓ ſua defentiõe alquanti de li [ſui: crossed out in original MS.] ꝟſi nr̃i et ne auiſo Quanto foſſemo partiti nauigaſſemo ſe non de giorno ꝓ li molti baſſi sonno in queſte yſolle li reſpondeſſemo ſe voleuão andar in ſpagnia nera forſa nauigar̃ de giorno et de nocte alhora diſſe farebe ꝓ nui ogni giorno oratiõe aL ſuo ydio açio ne conduceſſe a ſaluamẽto et diſſene Como deueua venire le re de bachian ꝓ maritare vno ſuo fratello cõ vno dele ſue figliole ne prego voleſſemo far alchuna feſta in ſegnio dallegreza ma nõ ſcaricaſſemo le bombarde groſſe ꝓ che farebenno grã danno ale nauj ꝓ eſſere carigate in queſti giorni venne pietro alfonſo portugueſe Con la ſua donna et tute le altre ſue coſe aſtare ne le naui deli a duy giornj venne ale naui chechili de roix figliolo deL re de tarennate in vn prao ben fornito et diſſe aL portugueſe decendeſſe vn poco aL ſuo prao li riſpoſe nõ li voleua diſcendere ꝓ che veniua noſco in ſpagnia Alhora lui volſe intrare nele naui ma nuy nõ lo volſemo laſciar Jntrar̃ Coſtui ꝓ eſſere grãde amicho deL capo de malaca portugheſe era venuto ꝓ pigliarlo et grido molto aqelli ſtantiauão apreſſo iL portugueſe ꝓ cio Lo haueuão Laſciato partire ſenſa ſua liſentia. On Sunday, December eight, as it was the day of the conception, we fired many pieces, rockets, and fire bombs.[516] On Monday afternoon the king came to the ships with three women, who carried his betel for him. No one except the king can take women with him. Afterward the king of Jailolo came and wished to see us fight together again. Several days later our king told us that he was like a child at the breast who knew his dear mother, who departing would leave him alone. Especially would he be disconsolate, because now he had become acquainted with us, and enjoyed some of the products of Spagnia. Inasmuch as our return would be far in the future, he earnestly entreated us to leave him some of [his: crossed out in original MS.] our culverins[517] for his defense. He advised us to sail only by day when we left, because of the numerous shoals amid those islands. We replied to him that if we wished to reach Spagnia we would have to sail day and night. Thereupon, he told us that he would pray daily to his God for us, asking Him to conduct us in safety. He told us that the king of Bachian was about to come to marry one of his brothers to one of his [the king of Tidore’s] daughters, and asked us to invent some entertainment in token of joy; but that we should not fire the large pieces, because they would do great damage to the ships as they were laden. During that time, Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came with his wife and all his other possessions to remain in the ships. Two days later, Chechili de Roix, son of the king of Tarennate, came in a well-manned prau, and asked the Portuguese to go down into it for a few moments. The Portuguese answered that he would not go down, for he was going to Spagnia with us, whereupon the king’s son tried to enter the ship, but we refused to allow him to come aboard, as he was a close friend to the Portuguese captain of Malaca, and had come to seize the Portuguese. He severely scolded those who lived near the Portuguese because they had allowed the latter to go without his permission.
Domenica a quindici de decembre ſul tardi iL re de bachian et iL ſuo fratello veni rono in vno prao cõ tre many de vogatorj ꝓ ogni banda eranno tucti cento et vinti con molte bandiere de piuma de papagalo bianque Jalle et roſſe et con molti ſoni de qelle borquie ꝓ que aqueſto ſonny li vogatori voganno atempo et cõ dui alti prao de donzelle ꝓ pñtarle a la ſpoſa Quando paſſarono apreſſo li naui li ſalutaſſemo con bonbarde et loro ꝓ ſalutarne circundorono ly naui et iL porto Jl re noſto ꝓ eſſere coſtume nungune re de deſcendere ne le terre de altrui venne ꝓ congratularſe ſecho. Quando iL re de bachian lo viſte venire ſe leuo daL tapeto oue ſedeua et poſeſſi de vna banda iL nr̃o re non volſe ſedere ſoura lo tapeto ma da lalta parte et coſi niuno ſtaua ſopa Lo tapeto iL re de bachian dete aL nr̃o re cinquecento patolle ꝓ che deſſe ſua figliola ꝓ moglie aL ſuo fratello Queſte patolle ſonno panny de oro et de ſeta facti nela chijna et molti preciati fra coſtoro. Quando vno de queſti more li alti ſoi ꝓ farli piu honnore Se veſtonno de queſti panny danno ꝓ vno de queſti tre bahar de garofali et piu et meno ſecondo q̃ ſonno. On Sunday afternoon, December fifteen, the king of Bachian and his brother came in a prau with three tiers of rowers at each side. In all there were one hundred and twenty rowers, and they carried many banners made of white, yellow, and red parrot feathers. There was much sounding of those gongs, for the rowers kept time in their rowing to those sounds. He brought two other praus filled with girls to present them to his betrothed. When they passed near the ships, we saluted them by firing pieces, and they in order to salute us went round the ships and the port. Our king came to congratulate him as it is not the custom for any king to disembark on the land of another king. When the king of Bachian saw our king coming, he rose from the carpet on which he was seated, and took his position at one side of it. Our king refused to sit down upon the carpet, but on its other side, and so no one occupied the carpet. The king of Bachian gave our king five hundred patols, because the latter was giving his daughter to wife to the former’s brother. The said patols are cloths of gold and silk manufactured in Chiina, and are highly esteemed among them. Whenever one of those people dies the other members of his family[518] clothe themselves in those cloths in order to show him more honor. They give three bahars of cloves for one of those robes or thereabouts, according to the [value of the] robe.
Luni iL nr̃e re mando vno conuito aL re de bachian ꝓ cinquanta donne tucte veſtite de panny de ſeta dela cinta fina aL genochio. Andauano a due a due cõ vno homo in mezo de loro ogniuna portaua vno piato grande pienno de altri piatelli de diuerſe viuande li homini portauão ſolamẽte Lo vino in vazi grandi dieze donne dele piu vechie eranno le maçiere andaro no in queſto modo fina aL prao et apreſentarono ogni coſa aL re q̃ ſede ua ſoura lo tapeto ſoto vno baldachino roſſo et giallo tornando coſtoro indie tro pigliarono alguni deli nr̃j et ſe loro volſero eſſere liberi li biſognio darli qalche ſua coſeta Dopo queſto il re nr̃o ne mando capre cochi vino et altre coſe hogi meteſſemo le velle noue ale naui neleqalle era vna croce de sto Jacobo de galitia cõ litere q̃ diceuão Queſta he la figura de la nr̃a bonna ventura. On Monday our king sent a banquet to the king of Bachian by fifty women all clad in silk garments from the waist to the knees. They went two by two with a man between each couple. Each one bore a large tray filled with other small dishes which contained various kinds of food. The men carried nothing but the wine in large jars. Ten of the oldest women acted as macebearers.[519] Thus did they go quite to the prau where they presented everything to the king who was sitting upon the carpet under a red and yellow canopy. As they were returning, those women captured some of our men[520] and it was necessary to give them some little trifle in order to regain their freedom. After that our king sent us goats, cocoanuts, wine, and other things. That day we bent the new sails in the ships. On them was a cross of St. James of Galitia,[521] with an inscription which read: “This is the sign [figura] of our good fortune.”
Marti donaſſemo al nr̃o re certi pezi de artigliaria Como archibuſi q̃ haueuão pigliati in queſta india et alguni verſi deli nr̃j cõ cato barilli de poluer̃ pigliaſſemo quiui octanta botte de hacqua ꝓ ciaſcuna naue gia cinque giorni lo re haueua mandato cento homini afare legnia ꝓ noy ala yſola de mare ꝓ che conueniuamo paſſare ꝓ iui ogi lo re de bachian cõ molti alti deli ſuoi dicendete in terra ꝓ fare pace cõ nui dinanzi de luy an dauano quato homini cõ ſtochi driti in mano diſſe in pñtia deL nr̃o re et de tucti li alti Como ſempre ſtarebe in ſeruitio deL re deſpagnia et ſaluaria in ſuo nome li garofoli laſciati dali porthugueſi finque veni ſe vnalta nr̃a armata et may li darebe a loro ſenza lo nr̃o conſentimẽto mando adonare aL re deſpagnia vno ſchiauo duy bahar de garofoli gli ne mandaua x male naui ꝓ eſſere tropo Cargate nõ li poterono portar̃ et dui vcceli morti beliſſimi Queſti vcceli ſonno groſſi Como tordi anno Lo capo picolo cõ Lo becquo longo le ſue gambe ſonno longue vn palmo et ſotilli Como vn Calamo non anno ale ma in loco de qelle penne longue de diuerſi colori como gr̃a penachi la ſua coda he como qella deL tordo tute le altre ſue penne eccepto le alle ſonno deL colore de taneto et may nõ volano ſenon Quando he vento Coſtoro ne dicero queſti vcceli venire daL paradiſo tereſtre et le chiamano bolon diuata çioe vceli de dio ognj vno deli re de maluco ſcriſſero aL re deſpagnia q̃ ſemꝓ volenão eſerly Suy veri ſubditi JL re de bachian era forſi de ſetanta anny et haueua queſta vzanſa Quando voleua andare a Combatere ho vero a fare qalche alta coſa importante pima ſil faceua fare due ho tre volte da vno ſuo ſeruitor̃ che nol teniua adalto efecto ſinon ꝓ queſte. On Tuesday, we gave our king certain pieces of artillery resembling arquebuses, which we had captured among those India [islands], and some of our culverins,[522] together with four barrels of powder. We took aboard at that place eighty butts of water in each ship. Five days previously the king had sent one hundred men to cut wood for us at the island of Mare, by which we were to pass. On that day the king of Bachian and many of his men came ashore to make peace with us. Before the king walked four men with drawn daggers in their hands. In the presence of our king and of all the others he said that he would always remain in the service of the king of Spagnia, and that he would save in his name the cloves left by the Portuguese until the arrival of another of our fleets, and he would never give them to the Portuguese without our consent. He sent as a present to the king of Spagnia a slave, two bahars of cloves (he sent x, but the ships could not carry them as they were so heavily laden), and two extremely beautiful dead birds. Those birds are as large as thrushes, and have a small head and a long beak. Their legs are a palmo in length and as thin as a reed,[523] and they have no wings, but in their stead long feathers of various colors, like large plumes. Their tail resembles that of the thrush. All the rest of the feathers except the wings are of a tawny color. They never fly except when there is wind. The people told us that those birds came from the terrestrial paradise, and they call them bolon diuata,[524] that is to say, “birds of God.” On that day each one of the kings of Maluco wrote to the king of Spagnia [to say] that they desired to be always his true subjects. The king of Bachian was about seventy[525] years old. He observed the following custom, namely, whenever he was about to go to war or to undertake any other important thing, he first had it done two or three times on one of his servants whom he kept for no other purpose.
Vn giorno il nr̃o re mando a dire aqelli nr̃i q̃ ſtauão nela caſa de la merchã tia non andaſſero de nocte fora de caſa ꝓ certi deli ſui homini que ſe ongeno et vano de nocte et parenno ſiano ſenza capo Quando vno de queſti truoua vna deli alti li toca la mano et li la ongie vn pocho dento ſubito colui ſe infirma et fra tre o quato giornj more et quando queſti trouano tre o cato inſieme nõ li fanno alto male ſinon q̃ linbalordiſ cono et che lui ne haueua facto impicare molti Quando queſti po puli fanno vna caſa de nuouo pima li vadanno ad habitare dento li fanno fuoco intorno et molti conuiti poy atachano alteto de la caſa vn poco dogni coſa Se troua nela yſola acio nõ poſſino may manchare taL coſe ali habitanti in tucte queſte yſole ſe troua gin gero noy lo mangiauamo ꝟde como panne lo gingero non e arbore ma vna pianta picola che pulula fuora de la terra certi coresini lon gui vn palmo como qelle deli canne et cõ le medeſime foglie ma piu ſtrecte queſti coreſini nõ valeno niente ma la ſua radice he iL gengero et non e cuſſi forte verde como ſecho Queſti populi lo ſechano in calſina ꝓ che altramente non durarebe. One day our king sent to tell our men who were living in the house with the merchandise not to go out of the house by night, because of certain of his men who anoint themselves[526] and roam abroad by night. They appear to be headless, and when any of them meets any other man, he touches the latter’s hand, and rubs a little of the ointment on him. The man falls sick very soon, and dies within three or four days. When such persons meet three or four together they do nothing else than[527] to deprive them of their senses. [The king said] that he had had many of them hanged. When those people build a new house, before they go to dwell there they make a fire round about it and hold many feasts. Then they fasten to the roof of the house a trifle of everything found in the island so that such things may never be wanting to the inhabitants. Ginger is found throughout those islands. We ate it green like bread. Ginger is not a tree, but a small plant which puts forth from the ground certain shoots a palmo in length, which resemble reeds, and whose leaves resemble those of the reed, except that they are narrower.[528] Those shoots are worthless, but the roots form the ginger. It is not so strong green as dry. Those people dry it in lime,[529] for otherwise it would not keep.
Mercore matina ꝓ voler ſe partire de malucho iL re de tadore QueL de Jaialolo qeL de bachian et vno figliolo deL re de tarennate tucti erão venuti ꝓ aCompagniarne infino aliſola de mare la naue victoria fece vela et diſcoſtoſi alquanto aſpectando la naue trinitade ma qella non potendo leuare lanchora ſubito fece hacqua neL fondo a lhora la victoria torno aL ſuo luocho et ſubito Cominciamo a ſcaricare La trinitade ꝓ vedere ſe poteuamo remediarli ſi ſentiua venire dento lacqua Como ꝓ vn canone et non trouauamo doue La entraua tuto ogi et el di ſeguente non faceſſemo alto ſinon dare aLa bomba ma niente li Jouauamo JL nr̃e re Jntendendo queſto ſubito venne nela naue et ſe afatigo ꝓ vedere doue veniua lacqua mãdo ne lacqua cinque de li ſuoy ꝓ vedere ſe haueſſeno potuto trouare la ſfiſſura ſteteno piu de meza hora soto lacqua et may la trouarono vedendo iL re coſtoro non potere Jouare et ogni ora creſcere piu la hacqua diſſe caſi piangendo mandarebe aL capo de la yſola ꝓ tre homini ſtauão molto ſoto hacqua Vennere matina a bona hora venne lo nr̃o re cõ li tre hominj et preſto mandoli ne lacqua con li capilli ſparſi açio cõ qelli trouaſſero lo ſfiſſura Coſtoro ſtetero vna bonna hora ſoto hacqua et may la trouarono iL re quando viſte nõ poterli trouare remedio diſſe piangendo q̃ andaremo in ſpaga daL mio s. et darli noua dime li reſpondeſſemo li andarebe la victoria ꝓ non perdere li leuanti liqalli Cominciauão a la alta fin ſe conciaſſe eſpetarebe li ponenti et poy andaria aL darien che e neL alta parte deL mare nela tera de diucatan iL re ne diſſe haueua duzento vinticinque marangonj q̃ farebeno il tuto et li noſti q̃ reſtauão yui li tenirebe como ſui figlioli et non se afaticarebeno ſe non dui in Comandare ali marangonj como doueſcero fare dice ua queſte parolle cõ tanta paſionne q̃ ne fece tucti piangere nuy de la naue victoria dubitando ſe apariſſe la naue ꝓ eſſere tropo cari cata la ligeriſſemo de ſexanta quintali de garofoli et queſti face ſemo portare nela caſa doue eranno li alti alguni de la nr̃a naue volſero reſtare quiui ꝓ paura q̃ la naue non poteſſe durare fin in ſpagnia ma molto piu ꝓ paura de morire de fame. On Wednesday morning as we desired to depart from Malucho, the king of Tadore, the king of Jaialolo, the king of Bachian, and a son of the king of Tarennate, all came to accompany us to the island of Mare. The ship “Victoria” set sail, and stood out a little awaiting the ship “Trinitade.” But the latter not being able to weigh anchor, suddenly began to leak in the bottom.[530] Thereupon, the “Victoria” returned to its anchorage, and we immediately began to lighten the “Trinitade” in order to see whether we could repair it. We found that the water was rushing in as through a pipe, but we were unable to find where it was coming in. All that and the next day we did nothing but work the pump,[531] but we availed nothing. When our king heard of it, he came immediately to the ships, and went to considerable trouble in his endeavors to locate the leak. He sent five of his men into the water to see whether they could discover the hole. They remained more than one-half hour under water, but were quite unable to find the leak. The king seeing that he could not help us and that the water was increasing hourly, said almost in tears that he would send to the head of the island for three men, who could remain under water a long time. Our king came with the three men early on Friday morning. He immediately sent them into the water with their hair hanging loose so that they could locate the leak by that means. They stayed a full hour under water but were quite unable to locate it. When the king saw that he could be of no assistance, he asked us weeping who of us would go “to Spagnia to my sovereign, and give him news of me.”[532] We replied to him that the “Victoria” would go there in order not to lose the east winds which were beginning to blow, while the other ship until being refitted would await the west winds and would go then to Darien which is located in the other part of the sea in the country of Diucatan [i.e., Yucutan]. The king told us that he had two hundred and twenty-five carpenters who would do all the work, and that he would treat[533] all who remained here as his sons. They would not suffer any fatigue beyond two of them[534] to boss the carpenters in their work. He spoke those words so earnestly[535] that he made us all weep. We of the ship “Victoria,” mistrusting that the ship might open, as it was too heavily laden, lightened it of sixty quintals of cloves, which we had carried into the house where the other cloves were. Some of the men of our ship desired to remain there, as they feared that the ship would not last out the voyage to Spagnia, but much more for fear lest they perish of hunger.
Sabato a vinti vno de decembre giorno de S thomaſo il re nr̃o venne ale naui et ne conſignio li dui piloti haueuamo pagati ꝓ che ne Conduceſſero fora de qʒſte yſolle et diſſeno Como alhora era bõ tempo da partirſe ma ꝓ lo ſcriuere de li nr̃j in ſpagnia nõ ſi partiſſemo ſinon amezo di Venuta lora le naui pigliarono liſentia luna de lalta con ſcaricare le bombarde et pareua loro lamentarſi ꝓ la ſua vltima partita li nr̃j ne aCompagniarono vn pocho cõ loro batello et poi cõ molte lagrime et abraciamentj ſi diſpartiſſemo lo gouuernator̃ deL re venne cõ nuy infino a La yſola deL mare non fuſſemo coſſi preſto Jonti com parſeno quato prao caricati de legnia et in mancho duna hora caricaſſemo la naue et ſubito pigliaſſemo la via deL garbin Quiui reſto Johan caruaio cõ cinquanta tre ꝓſonne deli nr̃j nuy eramo quaranta ſette et tredicj Jndj Queſta yſola de tadore tenne epiſchopo et alhora ne era vno Que haueua quarante moglie et aſsaiſſimi figlioli. On the day of St. Thomas, Saturday, December twenty-one, our king came to the ships, and assigned us the two pilots whom we had paid to conduct us out of those islands. They said that it was the proper time to leave then, but as our men [who stayed behind] were writing to Spagnia, we did not leave until noon.[536] When that hour came, the ships bid one another farewell amid the discharge of the cannon, and it seemed as though they were bewailing their last departure. Our men [who were to remain] accompanied us in their boats a short distance, and then with many tears and embraces we departed. The king’s governor accompanied us as far as the island of Mare. We had no sooner arrived at that island than we bought four praus laden with wood, and in less than one hour we stowed it aboard the ship and then immediately laid our course toward the southwest. Johan Carvaio stayed there with fifty-three[537] of our men, while we comprised forty-seven men and thirteen Indians. The said island of Tadore has a bishop,[538] and he who then exercised that office[539] had forty wives and a multitude of children.
Jn tucte queſte yſolle de malucho ſe trouano garofoli genegero Sagu qeL ſue panne di legnio riſo capre oche galine cochi figui mandolle piu groſſe de le nr̃e pomi granati dolci et garbi naranci limonj batate mele de ape picolle Como formicque leqalli fanno la melle neli arbori Canne dolci olio de cocho et de giongioli Meloni Cocomari zucque vno fructo refreſcatiuo grande como le angurie deto comulicai et vno alto fructo caſi Como lo perſicho deto guaue et altre coſe da mangiare et ſeli trouano papagali de diuerſi ſorte ma fra le altre alguni bianchi chiamati Cathara et alguni tucti roſſi decti nori et vno de queſti roſſi vale vn bahar de garofoli et parlano piu chiaramente que li altri Sonno forſi cinquanta anny Que Queſti mori habitano in malucho pima li habitauano gentilli et non apreciauano li garofali gli ne ſono anchora alguni ma habitano ne li monti doue naſcono li garofoli. Throughout those islands of Malucho are found cloves, ginger, sago (which is their wood bread), rice, goats, geese, chickens, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], almonds larger than ours, sweet and tasty pomegranates, oranges, lemons, camotes [batate], honey produced by bees as small as ants, which make their honey in the trees, sugarcane, cocoanut oil, beneseed oil, watermelons, wild cucumbers, gourds, a refreshing fruit as large as cucumbers [augurie] called comulicai, another fruit, like the peach called guava, and other kinds of food.[540] One also finds there parrots of various colors, and among the other varieties, some white ones called cathara, and some entirely red called nori.[541] One of those red ones is worth one bahar of cloves, and that class speak with greater distinctness than the others. Those Moros have lived in Malucho for about fifty years. Heathens lived there before, but they did not care for the cloves. There are still some of the latter, but they live in the mountains where the cloves grow.
La yſola de tadore ſta de latitudine al polo articho in vintiſete menutj et de longitudine de la linea de la repartitiõe in cento et ſeſanta vna grado et longi de la pima yſola de Larcipelago detta zanial [i.e., Zamal] noue gradi et mezo aLa carta deL meſo Jorno et tramõtana ꝟſo grego et garbin tarenate ſta de latitudine alartico in dui terſi Mutir ſta pontualmente ſocto La linea equinoctialle Machian ſta aL polo antarticho in vn quarto et bachiã ancora lui aL antarticho in vn grado Tarenate tadore mutir et machiã ſonno quato monti alti et pontini oue naſcono li garofoli eſsendo in queſte quato yſolle non ſe vede bachian ma lui emagiore de ciaſcuno de queſte quato yſolle et il ſuo monte de li garofoli non e cuſſi pontino como li altri ma piu grande. The island of Tadore lies in a latitude of twenty-seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation. It is nine and one-half degrees south of the first island of the archipelago called Zamal, and extends north by east and south by west. Tarenate lies in a latitude of two-thirds of a degree toward the Arctic Pole. Mutir lies exactly under the equinoctial line. Machian lies in one-quarter degree toward the Antarctic Pole, and Bachian also toward the Antarctic Pole in one degree. Tarenate, Tadore, Mutir, and Machian are four lofty and peaked mountains where the cloves grow. When one is in those four islands, he cannot see Bachian, but it is larger than any of those four islands.[542] Its clove mountain is not so sharp as the others, but it is larger.[543]
Vocabuli de queſti populi morj AL ſuo ydio alla. AL xp̃iano naceran AL turco rumno AL moro muſulman Jsilam AL gentille caphre. AL ſue meſchite Miſchit Ali ſui preti maulana catip mudin Ali hominj sapientj horan pandita Ali homini ſui deuotj Moſsai. A le ſue ceremonie zambahehan de ala meſchit AL padre bapa Ala madre mama ambui Al figliolo anach. AL fratello ſaudala. AL fratello de queſto capatin muiadi AL germano ſaudala ſopopu AL auo niny AL ſocero minthua AL genero mi nanthu AL homo horan A la femina poran poan A li capili lambut AL capo capala AL fronte dai AL ochio matta Ale ciglie quilai Ale palpebre Cenin AL nazo Jdon Ala boca mulut Ali labri bebere. Ali denti gigi Ale gengiue Jssi. ALa lingua lada. AL palato langhi. AL mento aghai. Ala barba Janghut. Ali moſtaqi miſsai Ala macella pipi. ALa orechie talingha. ALa golla laher. AL colo tun dun. Ale ſpale balachan. AL peto dada. AL core Atti. ALa mamela ſussu. AL ſtomacho parut. AL corpo Tun dunbutu. AL membro botto. A la natura dele donne bucchij. AL vzare cõ loro amput. Ale nalghe buri. Ale coſcie taha. Ala gamba mina. AL ſchinquo de la gamba tula. Ala ſua polpa tilor chaci. ALa cauechia deL pie buculali. AL calcagnia tumi. AL piede batis. Ale ſolle deL piede empachaqi. Ala ongia Cuchu. AL bracio Langhan. AL gomedo ſichu. ALa mano tanghan. AL dito groſſo de la mano Jdun tanghan. AL ſecondo tungu AL terſo geri. AL carto mani AL Quinto Calinchin AL rizo bugax. AL cocho in malucho et in burne Biazzao in Lozon nior in Jaua magiore CalambiL AL figuo pizan. Ale canne dolce tubu. Ale batate gumbili Ale radice como raui ꝟbi Ale ciachare mandicai Sicui AL melone antimon. Ale angurie labu. ALa vacqua Lambu AL porco babi AL bophalo Carban. Ala pecora birj ALa capra Cambin. AL gaLo ſambunghan. Ala galina aiambatina AL caponne gubili AL ouo talor. AL occato Jtich Al ocqua anſa. Al vccelo bolon. Al elephante gagia. AL caualo cuda. AL leonne huriman AL ceruo roza. AL canne Cuiu Alle hape haermadu. Al melle gulla. Ala cera lelin. Ala candela dian. AL ſuo ſtopino Sumbudian AL fuoco appi AL fumo aſap. Ala cenere abu. AL cucinato azap. AL molto cucinato Lambech. AL hacqua tubi. AL oro amax AL argento pirac ALa pietra precioſa premata ALa perla mutiara. AL argento viuo raza AL metalo tumbaga AL fero baci. AL piombo tima Ale ſue borchie agun. Alo cenaprio galuga ſadalinghan AL argento ſoliman danas AL panno de ſeta cain Sutra AL panno roſſo cain mira AL panno negro cain ytam. AL panno biancho cain pute AL panno verde cain igao AL panno giallo cain cunin AL bonnet cophia. AL cortello pixao ALa forfice guntin. AL ſpequio chiela min AL petine ſiſsir AL criſtalino manich. AL ſonaglio giringirin AL annello ſinsin. Ali garopholi ghianche. ALa cannela caiumanis AL peuere lada AL peuere longo Sabi. Ala noce moſcada buapala gosoga AL filo de ramo Canot AL piato pinghan. Ala pigniata prin Ala ſcutela manchu. AL piato de legnio dulan ALa conqua Caiunpan. Ale ſue meſure Socat Ala terra buchit Ala tera ferma buchit tana Ala montagnia gonun. ALa pietra batu. AL yſola polan A vn capo de tera taniun buchit AL fiume ſonghai. Como ſe chiama queſto apenamaito AL oleo de cocho Mignach. AL oleo de giongioli lana lingha AL ſale garan Sira. AL muſchio et al ſuo animale caſtori AL legnio q̃ mangiã li caſtori Comaru ALa ſanſuga linta AL gibeto Jabat AL gato q̃ fa lo gibeto Mozan Al reobarbaro Calama AL demonio Saytan. Al mondo bumi AL fromẽto gandun AL dormire tidor. Ale ſtore ticaL Al cuſſino bantaL AL dolore ſachet A la ſanitate bay Alla ſedola cupia AL ſparauentolo chipas A li ſui panni chebun. Ale camiſe bain Ale ſue caſe pati alam. AL anno tanu. AL meſe bullan. AL di alli Ala nocte mallan. AL tarde malamarj AL mezo di tam hahari. Ala matina patan patan. AL ſolle mata hari Ala luna bulan. Ala meza luna tanam patbulã Ale ſtelle bintan AL ciello Languin AL trono gunthur Al merchadante Sandgar Ale citade naghiri AL caſtello cuta ALa casa rinna AL ſedere duodo ſedeti gentilhomo duodo orancaia ſedeti homo da benne duodo. horandai et anan Signor tuan AL puto Cana cana A vno ſuo alieuo Laſcar. AL ſchiauo a lipin. AL Si ca. AL no tida. AL intendere thao. AL non intendere tida taho. non megardare tida liat guardame liat A eſſere vna medeſina coſa casjcasi. siama siama. AL mazare mati AL mangiare macan. AL cuchiaro Sandoch Ala magalda SondaL grande bassaL Longo pangian picolo chechiL Corto pandach AL hauere Ada AL nõ hauere tida ha da Signior aſcolta tuan diam doue viene il Jonco dimana ajun ALa guquia da cuſire Jalun. AL cuſire banan. AL filo da cuſire pintaL banan Ala ſcufia deL capo daſtar capala. AL re raia ALa reyna putli AL legnio caiu AL Stentar Caraiar. AL Solaſſare buandala. A la venna deL bracio doue se ſalaſſa vrat paratanghan. AL ſangue que vien fora deL bracio dara CarnaL AL ſangue buona dara. Quando ſtratuitano diceno ebarasai AL pece ycam. AL polpo Calabutan. ALa carne dagin AL corniolo Cepot poco ſerich. Meso Satanha SapanghaL AL fredo dinghin AL caldo panas Longi Jan. Ala verita benar. Ala bugia duſta AL robare manchiuri Ala rognia Codis piglia na Dame ambiL graſſo gannich. magro golos. AL capelo tundun capala. Quanti barapa. Vna fiata ſatu chali Vno bracio dapa AL parlare catha. A quiui Siui Ala Sana datan. Bõ Jorno ſalamalichum. AL riſpondere alichum ſalam. Signori bon pro vi facia Mali horancaia macan. gia ho mangiato Suda macan homo leuati deli pandan chita horan. AL diſdisidare banunchan. Buona ſera Sabalchaer. AL riſponder chaer Sandat AL dare minta A dare ad alguno bri pocoL. Ali cepi de fero balanghu o Como puza bosso chini AL homo Jouene horan muda. AL vechio tua AL ſcriuano xiritoles Ala Carta Cartas AL ſcriuere mangurat Ala penna Calam. AL inchioſto dauat AL calamaro padantan. Ala letera ſurat Non lo ho guala. Vien qi Camarj Che volettj Appa man. Che mandati appa ito AL porto de mare Labuan. Ala galia gurap ALa naue CapaL ALa proa aſſon. ALa popa biritan AL nauigare belaiar. AL ſuo arbore tian. ALantena laiar. Alle ſartie tamira ALa vella leier. Ala gabia ſinbulaia. Ala corda de lancora danda ALa anchora San. AL batello ſanpan. AL remo daiun Ala bombarda badiL AL vento anghin AL mare laut huomo vienqi horan itu datan A li ſui pugniali Calix golog. AL ſuo manicho daga nan. ALa ſpada padan gole. Ala zorobotana Sumpitan Ale ſue freze damach A lerba venenata ypu AL carchaſſo bolo. AL archo bolsor. A le ſue freze anat paan. A li gati cochin puchia AL ſorge ticus AL legoro buaia Ali vermi que mangiano le naui Capan lotos AL hamo da peſcare matacanir Ala ſua eſcha Vnpan. ALa corda deL hamo tunda AL lauare mandi Non hauer paura Tangan tacut Straca lala. Vno baſo dolce Sadap manis AL amicho ſandara AL nemicho Sanbat Certo he zonhu AL merchadantare biniaga Non ho anis. A eſſere amicho pugna. due coſe Malupho. Si oue. AL rufo zoroan pagnoro. Adarce piacere Mamain A eſſere agrizato Amala. AL mato gila. AL interprete. giorobaza. Quanti lingagi Sai barapa bahasa tan. Molti bagna AL parlare de malaca chiaramalain doue ſta cului dimana horan ALa bandiera tonghoL Adeſſo Sacaran da matina hezoch. lalto giorno luza hieri Calamarj AL martelo palmo colbasi. AL chiodo pacu AL mortaro Lozon. AL pilone da piſtare Atan. AL balare manarj AL pagare baiar. AL chiamare panghiL A noneſſere maritato Vgan. Aeſſere maritato ſuda babini Tuto vno Sannia ALa piogia Vgian. AL ebriaco Moboch. Ala pelle culit Ala biſſa Vllat AL Conbater guzar. Dolce Manis Amaro azon. Como ſtai Appa giadi Benne bay Malle ſachet Portame qello biriacan. Queſto huomo he vn poltrone. giadi hiat horan itu. Baſta ſuda Words of those Moro people[544] For their God Alla for Christian naceran[545] for Turk rumno for Moro musulman; isilam for Heathen caphre for their Mosque mischit for their Priests maulana catip mudin for their Wise Men horan pandita for their Devout Men mossai for their Ceremonies zambahehan de ala meschit for Father bapa for Mother mama ambui for Son anach for Brother saudala for the Brother of so and so capatin muiadi for Cousin saudala sopopu for Grandfather niny for Father-in-law minthua for Son-in-law mi nanthu for Man horan for Woman poran poan for Hair lambut for Head capala for Forehead dai for Eye matta for Eyebrows quilai for Eyelids cenin for Nose idon for Mouth mulut for Lips bebere for Teeth gigi for Cheeks issi for Tongue lada for Palate langhi for Chin aghai for Beard janghut for Mustaches missai for Jaw pipi for Ear talingha for Throat laher for Neck tun dun for Shoulders balachan for Breast dada for Heart atti for Teat sussu for Stomach parut for Body tun dunbutu for Penis botto for Vagina[546] bucchii for to have communication with women amput for Buttocks buri for Thighs taha for Leg mina for the Shinbone of the leg tula for its Calf tilor chaci for Ankle buculati for Heel tumi for Foot batis for the Sole of the Foot empachaqui for Fingernail cuchu for Arm langhan for Elbow sichu for Hand tanghan for the large Finger of the hand [i.e., the Thumb] idun tanghan for the Second Finger tungu for the Third geri for the Fourth mani for the Fifth calinchin for Rice bugax for Cocoanut in Malucho and Burne biazzao [for Cocoanut] in Lozon nior [for Cocoanut] in Java Major calambil for Fig [i.e., banana] pizan for Sugarcane tubu for Camotes [batate] gumbili for the Roots like turnips ubi for Nangca mandicai sicui for Melon antimon for Cucumbers labu for Cow lambu for Hog babi for Buffalo carban for Sheep biri for She-goat cambin for Cock sambunghan for Hen aiambatina for Capon gubili for Egg talor for Gander itich for Goose ansa for Bird bolon for Elephant gagia for Horse cuda for Lion huriman for Deer roza for Reeds cuiu for Bees haermadu for Honey gulla for Wax lelin for Candle dian for its Wick sumbudian for Fire appi for Smoke asap for Cinders abu for Cooked azap for well cooked lambech for Water tubi for Gold amax for Silver pirac for the Precious Gem premata for Pearl mutiara for Quicksilver raza for Copper [metalo] tumbaga for Iron baci for Lead tima for their Gongs agun for Cinnabar galuga sadalinghan for Silver [color or cloth?] soliman danas for Silk Cloth cain sutra for red Cloth cain mira for Black Cloth cain ytam for White Cloth cain pute for Green Cloth cain igao for Yellow Cloth cain cunin for Cap cophia for Knife pixao for Scissors guntin for Mirror chiela min for Comb sissir for Glass Bead manich for Bell giringirin for Ring sinsin for Cloves ghianche for Cinnamon caiumanis for Pepper lada for Long Pepper sabi for Nutmeg buapala gosoga for Copper wire canot for Dish pinghan for Earthen pot prin for Porringer manchu for Wooden Dish dulan for Shell calunpan for their Measures socat for Land [terra] buchit for Mainland buchit tana for Mountain gonun for Rock batu for Island polan for a Point of Land [i.e., a Cape] taniun buchit for River songhai What is so-and-so’s name? apenamaito? for Cocoanut oil mignach for Beneseed oil lana lingha for Salt garan sira for Musk and its Animal castori for the wood eaten by the castors comaru for Leech linta for Civet jabat for the Cat which makes the Civet mozan for Rhubarb calama for Demon saytan for World bumi for Wheat gandun for to Sleep tidor for Mats tical for Cushion bantal for Pain sachet for Health bay for Brush cupia for Fan chipas for their Cloths chebun for Shirts bain for their Houses pati alam for Year tanu for Month bullan for Day alli for Night mallan for Afternoon malamari for Noon tam hahari for Morning patan patan for Sun mata hari for Moon bulan for Half moon tanam patbulan for Stars bintan for Sky languin for Thunder gunthur for Merchant sandgar for City naghiri for Castle cuta for House rinna for to Sit duodo Sit down, sir duodo orancaia Sit down, honest fellow duodo horandai et anan Lord tuan for Boy cana cana for one of their Foster-children lascar for Slave alipin for Yes ca for No tida for to Understand thao for not to Understand tida taho Do not look at me tida liat Look at me liat To be one and the same thing casi casi; siama siama for to Kill mati for to Eat macan for Spoon sandoch for Harlot sondal Large bassal Long pangian Small chechil Short pandach for to Have ada for not to Have tida hada Listen, sir tuan diam Where is the junk going? dimana ajun? for Sewing-needle jalun for to Sew banan for Sewing-thread pintal banan for Woman’s headdress dastar capala for King raia for Queen putli for Wood caiu for to Work caraiar for to take recreation buandala for Vein of the arm where one bleeds himself urat paratanghan for the Blood that comes from the arm dara carnal for good blood dara When they sneeze, they say ebarasai for Fish ycam for Polypus calabutan for Meat dagin for Sea-snail cepot Little serich Half satanha sapanghal for Cold dinghin for Hot panas For jan for Truth benar for Lie dusta for to Steal manchiuri for Scab codis Take na Give me ambil Fat gannich Thin golos for Hair tundun capala How many? barapa? Once satu chali One braza dapa for to Speak catha for Here siui for There sana datan Good day salamalichum for the Answer [to good day] alichum salam Sir, may good fortune attend you mali horancaia mancan I have eaten already suda macan Fellow, betake yourself off pandan chita horan for to Desire banunchan Good evening sabalchaer for the Answer [to good evening] vchaer sandat for To give minta To give to some one bri pocol for Iron fetters balanghu O what a smell! bosso chini for Young man horan muda for Old man tua for Scribe xiritoles for Writing-paper cartas for to Write mangurat for Pen calam for Ink dauat for Writing-desk padantan for Letter surat I do not have it guala Come here camari What do you want? appa man? Who sent you? appa ito? for Seaport labuan for Galley gurap for Ship capal for Bow [of a boat] asson for Stern [of a boat] biritan for To sail belaiar for the Ship’s mast tian for Yard [of a ship] laiar for the Rigging tamira for Sail leier for Maintop sinbulaia for the Anchor rope danda for Anchor san for Boat sanpan for Oar daiun for Mortar [i.e., cannon] badil for Wind anghin for Sea laut Fellow, come here horan itu datan for their Daggers calix golog for their Dagger hilt daga nan for Sword padan gole for Blowpipe sumpitan for their Arrows damach for the poisonous Herb ypu for Quiver bolo for Bow [i.e., a weapon] bolsor for its Arrows anat paan for Cats cochin puchia for Rat ticus for Lizard buaia for Shipworms capan lotos for Fishhook matacanir for Fishbait unpan for Fishline tunda for to Wash mandi Not to be afraid tangan tacut Fatigue lala A pleasant cup sadap manis for Friend sandara for Enemy sanbat I am certain zonhu for to Barter biniaga I have not anis To be a friend pugna Two things malupho If oue for Crowd (?) zoroan pagnoro To give pleasure to one mamain To be stiff with cold amala for Madman gila for Interpreter giorobaza How many languages do you know? barapa bahasa tan? Many bagna for to speak of Malaca chiaramalain Where is so-and-so? dimana horan? for Flag tonghol Now sacaran Tomorrow hezoch The next day luza Yesterday calamari for Palm-mallet colbasi for Nail pacu for Mortar lozon[547] for Rammer for crushing [rice?] atan for to Dance manari for to Pay baiar for to Call panghil Unmarried ugan Married suda babini All one sannia for Rain ugian for Drunken moboch for Skin culit for Anger ullat for to Fight guzar Sweet manis Bitter azon How are you? appa giadi? Well bay Poorly sachet Bring me that biriacan This man is a coward giadi hiat horan itu Enough suda
AL ſuo ydio alla.
AL xp̃iano naceran
AL turco rumno
AL moro muſulman Jsilam
AL gentille caphre.
AL ſue meſchite Miſchit
Ali ſui preti maulana catip mudin
Ali hominj sapientj horan pandita
Ali homini ſui deuotj Moſsai.
A le ſue ceremonie zambahehan de ala meſchit
AL padre bapa
Ala madre mama ambui
Al figliolo anach.
AL fratello ſaudala.
AL fratello de queſto capatin muiadi
AL germano ſaudala ſopopu
AL auo niny
AL ſocero minthua
AL genero mi nanthu
AL homo horan
A la femina poran poan
A li capili lambut
AL capo capala
AL fronte dai
AL ochio matta
Ale ciglie quilai
Ale palpebre Cenin
AL nazo Jdon
Ala boca mulut
Ali labri bebere.
Ali denti gigi
Ale gengiue Jssi.
ALa lingua lada.
AL palato langhi.
AL mento aghai.
Ala barba Janghut.
Ali moſtaqi miſsai
Ala macella pipi.
ALa orechie talingha.
ALa golla laher.
AL colo tun dun.
Ale ſpale balachan.
AL peto dada.
AL core Atti.
ALa mamela ſussu.
AL ſtomacho parut.
AL corpo Tun dunbutu.
AL membro botto.
A la natura dele donne bucchij.
AL vzare cõ loro amput.
Ale nalghe buri.
Ale coſcie taha.
Ala gamba mina.
AL ſchinquo de la gamba tula.
Ala ſua polpa tilor chaci.
ALa cauechia deL pie buculali.
AL calcagnia tumi.
AL piede batis.
Ale ſolle deL piede empachaqi.
Ala ongia Cuchu.
AL bracio Langhan.
AL gomedo ſichu.
ALa mano tanghan.
AL dito groſſo de la mano Jdun tanghan.
AL ſecondo tungu
AL terſo geri.
AL carto mani
AL Quinto Calinchin
AL rizo bugax.
AL cocho in malucho et in burne Biazzao
in Lozon nior
in Jaua magiore CalambiL
AL figuo pizan.
Ale canne dolce tubu.
Ale batate gumbili
Ale radice como raui ꝟbi
Ale ciachare mandicai Sicui
AL melone antimon.
Ale angurie labu.
ALa vacqua Lambu
AL porco babi
AL bophalo Carban.
Ala pecora birj
ALa capra Cambin.
AL gaLo ſambunghan.
Ala galina aiambatina
AL caponne gubili
AL ouo talor.
AL occato Jtich
Al ocqua anſa.
Al vccelo bolon.
Al elephante gagia.
AL caualo cuda.
AL leonne huriman
AL ceruo roza.
AL canne Cuiu
Alle hape haermadu.
Al melle gulla.
Ala cera lelin.
Ala candela dian.
AL ſuo ſtopino Sumbudian
AL fuoco appi
AL fumo aſap.
Ala cenere abu.
AL cucinato azap.
AL molto cucinato Lambech.
AL hacqua tubi.
AL oro amax
AL argento pirac
ALa pietra precioſa premata
ALa perla mutiara.
AL argento viuo raza
AL metalo tumbaga
AL fero baci.
AL piombo tima
Ale ſue borchie agun.
Alo cenaprio galuga ſadalinghan
AL argento ſoliman danas
AL panno de ſeta cain Sutra
AL panno roſſo cain mira
AL panno negro cain ytam.
AL panno biancho cain pute
AL panno verde cain igao
AL panno giallo cain cunin
AL bonnet cophia.
AL cortello pixao
ALa forfice guntin.
AL ſpequio chiela min
AL petine ſiſsir
AL criſtalino manich.
AL ſonaglio giringirin
AL annello ſinsin.
Ali garopholi ghianche.
ALa cannela caiumanis
AL peuere lada
AL peuere longo Sabi.
Ala noce moſcada buapala gosoga
AL filo de ramo Canot
AL piato pinghan.
Ala pigniata prin
Ala ſcutela manchu.
AL piato de legnio dulan
ALa conqua Caiunpan.
Ale ſue meſure Socat
Ala terra buchit
Ala tera ferma buchit tana
Ala montagnia gonun.
ALa pietra batu.
AL yſola polan
A vn capo de tera taniun buchit
AL fiume ſonghai.
Como ſe chiama queſto apenamaito
AL oleo de cocho Mignach.
AL oleo de giongioli lana lingha
AL ſale garan Sira.
AL muſchio et al ſuo animale caſtori
AL legnio q̃ mangiã li caſtori Comaru
ALa ſanſuga linta
AL gibeto Jabat
AL gato q̃ fa lo gibeto Mozan
Al reobarbaro Calama
AL demonio Saytan.
Al mondo bumi
AL fromẽto gandun
AL dormire tidor.
Ale ſtore ticaL
Al cuſſino bantaL
AL dolore ſachet
A la ſanitate bay
Alla ſedola cupia
AL ſparauentolo chipas
A li ſui panni chebun.
Ale camiſe bain
Ale ſue caſe pati alam.
AL anno tanu.
AL meſe bullan.
AL di alli
Ala nocte mallan.
AL tarde malamarj
AL mezo di tam hahari.
Ala matina patan patan.
AL ſolle mata hari
Ala luna bulan.
Ala meza luna tanam patbulã
Ale ſtelle bintan
AL ciello Languin
AL trono gunthur
Al merchadante Sandgar
Ale citade naghiri
AL caſtello cuta
ALa casa rinna
AL ſedere duodo
ſedeti gentilhomo duodo orancaia
ſedeti homo da benne duodo. horandai et anan
Signor tuan
AL puto Cana cana
A vno ſuo alieuo Laſcar.
AL ſchiauo a lipin.
AL Si ca.
AL no tida.
AL intendere thao.
AL non intendere tida taho.
non megardare tida liat
guardame liat
A eſſere vna medeſina coſa casjcasi. siama siama.
AL mazare mati
AL mangiare macan.
AL cuchiaro Sandoch
Ala magalda SondaL
grande bassaL
Longo pangian
picolo chechiL
Corto pandach
AL hauere Ada
AL nõ hauere tida ha da
Signior aſcolta tuan diam
doue viene il Jonco dimana ajun
ALa guquia da cuſire Jalun.
AL cuſire banan.
AL filo da cuſire pintaL banan
Ala ſcufia deL capo daſtar capala.
AL re raia
ALa reyna putli
AL legnio caiu
AL Stentar Caraiar.
AL Solaſſare buandala.
A la venna deL bracio doue se ſalaſſa vrat paratanghan.
AL ſangue que vien fora deL bracio dara CarnaL
AL ſangue buona dara.
Quando ſtratuitano diceno ebarasai
AL pece ycam.
AL polpo Calabutan.
ALa carne dagin
AL corniolo Cepot
poco ſerich.
Meso Satanha SapanghaL
AL fredo dinghin
AL caldo panas
Longi Jan.
Ala verita benar.
Ala bugia duſta
AL robare manchiuri
Ala rognia Codis
piglia na
Dame ambiL
graſſo gannich.
magro golos.
AL capelo tundun capala.
Quanti barapa.
Vna fiata ſatu chali
Vno bracio dapa
AL parlare catha.
A quiui Siui
Ala Sana datan.
Bõ Jorno ſalamalichum.
AL riſpondere alichum ſalam.
Signori bon pro vi facia Mali horancaia macan.
gia ho mangiato Suda macan
homo leuati deli pandan chita horan.
AL diſdisidare banunchan.
Buona ſera Sabalchaer.
AL riſponder chaer Sandat
AL dare minta
A dare ad alguno bri pocoL.
Ali cepi de fero balanghu
o Como puza bosso chini
AL homo Jouene horan muda.
AL vechio tua
AL ſcriuano xiritoles
Ala Carta Cartas
AL ſcriuere mangurat
Ala penna Calam.
AL inchioſto dauat
AL calamaro padantan.
Ala letera ſurat
Non lo ho guala.
Vien qi Camarj
Che volettj Appa man.
Che mandati appa ito
AL porto de mare Labuan.
Ala galia gurap
ALa naue CapaL
ALa proa aſſon.
ALa popa biritan
AL nauigare belaiar.
AL ſuo arbore tian.
ALantena laiar.
Alle ſartie tamira
ALa vella leier.
Ala gabia ſinbulaia.
Ala corda de lancora danda
ALa anchora San.
AL batello ſanpan.
AL remo daiun
Ala bombarda badiL
AL vento anghin
AL mare laut
huomo vienqi horan itu datan
A li ſui pugniali Calix golog.
AL ſuo manicho daga nan.
ALa ſpada padan gole.
Ala zorobotana Sumpitan
Ale ſue freze damach
A lerba venenata ypu
AL carchaſſo bolo.
AL archo bolsor.
A le ſue freze anat paan.
A li gati cochin puchia
AL ſorge ticus
AL legoro buaia
Ali vermi que mangiano le naui Capan lotos
AL hamo da peſcare matacanir
Ala ſua eſcha Vnpan.
ALa corda deL hamo tunda
AL lauare mandi
Non hauer paura Tangan tacut
Straca lala.
Vno baſo dolce Sadap manis
AL amicho ſandara
AL nemicho Sanbat
Certo he zonhu
AL merchadantare biniaga
Non ho anis.
A eſſere amicho pugna.
due coſe Malupho.
Si oue.
AL rufo zoroan pagnoro.
Adarce piacere Mamain
A eſſere agrizato Amala.
AL mato gila.
AL interprete. giorobaza.
Quanti lingagi Sai barapa bahasa tan.
Molti bagna
AL parlare de malaca chiaramalain
doue ſta cului dimana horan
ALa bandiera tonghoL
Adeſſo Sacaran
da matina hezoch.
lalto giorno luza
hieri Calamarj
AL martelo palmo colbasi.
AL chiodo pacu
AL mortaro Lozon.
AL pilone da piſtare Atan.
AL balare manarj
AL pagare baiar.
AL chiamare panghiL
A noneſſere maritato Vgan.
Aeſſere maritato ſuda babini
Tuto vno Sannia
ALa piogia Vgian.
AL ebriaco Moboch.
Ala pelle culit
Ala biſſa Vllat
AL Conbater guzar.
Dolce Manis
Amaro azon.
Como ſtai Appa giadi
Benne bay
Malle ſachet
Portame qello biriacan.
Queſto huomo he vn poltrone. giadi hiat horan itu.
Baſta ſuda
For their God Alla
for Christian naceran[545]
for Turk rumno
for Moro musulman; isilam
for Heathen caphre
for their Mosque mischit
for their Priests maulana catip mudin
for their Wise Men horan pandita
for their Devout Men mossai
for their Ceremonies zambahehan de ala meschit
for Father bapa
for Mother mama ambui
for Son anach
for Brother saudala
for the Brother of so and so capatin muiadi
for Cousin saudala sopopu
for Grandfather niny
for Father-in-law minthua
for Son-in-law mi nanthu
for Man horan
for Woman poran poan
for Hair lambut
for Head capala
for Forehead dai
for Eye matta
for Eyebrows quilai
for Eyelids cenin
for Nose idon
for Mouth mulut
for Lips bebere
for Teeth gigi
for Cheeks issi
for Tongue lada
for Palate langhi
for Chin aghai
for Beard janghut
for Mustaches missai
for Jaw pipi
for Ear talingha
for Throat laher
for Neck tun dun
for Shoulders balachan
for Breast dada
for Heart atti
for Teat sussu
for Stomach parut
for Body tun dunbutu
for Penis botto
for Vagina[546] bucchii
for to have communication with women amput
for Buttocks buri
for Thighs taha
for Leg mina
for the Shinbone of the leg tula
for its Calf tilor chaci
for Ankle buculati
for Heel tumi
for Foot batis
for the Sole of the Foot empachaqui
for Fingernail cuchu
for Arm langhan
for Elbow sichu
for Hand tanghan
for the large Finger of the hand [i.e., the Thumb] idun tanghan
for the Second Finger tungu
for the Third geri
for the Fourth mani
for the Fifth calinchin
for Rice bugax
for Cocoanut in Malucho and Burne biazzao
[for Cocoanut] in Lozon nior
[for Cocoanut] in Java Major calambil
for Fig [i.e., banana] pizan
for Sugarcane tubu
for Camotes [batate] gumbili
for the Roots like turnips ubi
for Nangca mandicai sicui
for Melon antimon
for Cucumbers labu
for Cow lambu
for Hog babi
for Buffalo carban
for Sheep biri
for She-goat cambin
for Cock sambunghan
for Hen aiambatina
for Capon gubili
for Egg talor
for Gander itich
for Goose ansa
for Bird bolon
for Elephant gagia
for Horse cuda
for Lion huriman
for Deer roza
for Reeds cuiu
for Bees haermadu
for Honey gulla
for Wax lelin
for Candle dian
for its Wick sumbudian
for Fire appi
for Smoke asap
for Cinders abu
for Cooked azap
for well cooked lambech
for Water tubi
for Gold amax
for Silver pirac
for the Precious Gem premata
for Pearl mutiara
for Quicksilver raza
for Copper [metalo] tumbaga
for Iron baci
for Lead tima
for their Gongs agun
for Cinnabar galuga sadalinghan
for Silver [color or cloth?] soliman danas
for Silk Cloth cain sutra
for red Cloth cain mira
for Black Cloth cain ytam
for White Cloth cain pute
for Green Cloth cain igao
for Yellow Cloth cain cunin
for Cap cophia
for Knife pixao
for Scissors guntin
for Mirror chiela min
for Comb sissir
for Glass Bead manich
for Bell giringirin
for Ring sinsin
for Cloves ghianche
for Cinnamon caiumanis
for Pepper lada
for Long Pepper sabi
for Nutmeg buapala gosoga
for Copper wire canot
for Dish pinghan
for Earthen pot prin
for Porringer manchu
for Wooden Dish dulan
for Shell calunpan
for their Measures socat
for Land [terra] buchit
for Mainland buchit tana
for Mountain gonun
for Rock batu
for Island polan
for a Point of Land [i.e., a Cape] taniun buchit
for River songhai
What is so-and-so’s name? apenamaito?
for Cocoanut oil mignach
for Beneseed oil lana lingha
for Salt garan sira
for Musk and its Animal castori
for the wood eaten by the castors comaru
for Leech linta
for Civet jabat
for the Cat which makes the Civet mozan
for Rhubarb calama
for Demon saytan
for World bumi
for Wheat gandun
for to Sleep tidor
for Mats tical
for Cushion bantal
for Pain sachet
for Health bay
for Brush cupia
for Fan chipas
for their Cloths chebun
for Shirts bain
for their Houses pati alam
for Year tanu
for Month bullan
for Day alli
for Night mallan
for Afternoon malamari
for Noon tam hahari
for Morning patan patan
for Sun mata hari
for Moon bulan
for Half moon tanam patbulan
for Stars bintan
for Sky languin
for Thunder gunthur
for Merchant sandgar
for City naghiri
for Castle cuta
for House rinna
for to Sit duodo
Sit down, sir duodo orancaia
Sit down, honest fellow duodo horandai et anan
Lord tuan
for Boy cana cana
for one of their Foster-children lascar
for Slave alipin
for Yes ca
for No tida
for to Understand thao
for not to Understand tida taho
Do not look at me tida liat
Look at me liat
To be one and the same thing casi casi; siama siama
for to Kill mati
for to Eat macan
for Spoon sandoch
for Harlot sondal
Large bassal
Long pangian
Small chechil
Short pandach
for to Have ada
for not to Have tida hada
Listen, sir tuan diam
Where is the junk going? dimana ajun?
for Sewing-needle jalun
for to Sew banan
for Sewing-thread pintal banan
for Woman’s headdress dastar capala
for King raia
for Queen putli
for Wood caiu
for to Work caraiar
for to take recreation buandala
for Vein of the arm where one bleeds himself urat paratanghan
for the Blood that comes from the arm dara carnal
for good blood dara
When they sneeze, they say ebarasai
for Fish ycam
for Polypus calabutan
for Meat dagin
for Sea-snail cepot
Little serich
Half satanha sapanghal
for Cold dinghin
for Hot panas
For jan
for Truth benar
for Lie dusta
for to Steal manchiuri
for Scab codis
Take na
Give me ambil
Fat gannich
Thin golos
for Hair tundun capala
How many? barapa?
Once satu chali
One braza dapa
for to Speak catha
for Here siui
for There sana datan
Good day salamalichum
for the Answer [to good day] alichum salam
Sir, may good fortune attend you mali horancaia mancan
I have eaten already suda macan
Fellow, betake yourself off pandan chita horan
for to Desire banunchan
Good evening sabalchaer
for the Answer [to good evening] vchaer sandat
for To give minta
To give to some one bri pocol
for Iron fetters balanghu
O what a smell! bosso chini
for Young man horan muda
for Old man tua
for Scribe xiritoles
for Writing-paper cartas
for to Write mangurat
for Pen calam
for Ink dauat
for Writing-desk padantan
for Letter surat
I do not have it guala
Come here camari
What do you want? appa man?
Who sent you? appa ito?
for Seaport labuan
for Galley gurap
for Ship capal
for Bow [of a boat] asson
for Stern [of a boat] biritan
for To sail belaiar
for the Ship’s mast tian
for Yard [of a ship] laiar
for the Rigging tamira
for Sail leier
for Maintop sinbulaia
for the Anchor rope danda
for Anchor san
for Boat sanpan
for Oar daiun
for Mortar [i.e., cannon] badil
for Wind anghin
for Sea laut
Fellow, come here horan itu datan
for their Daggers calix golog
for their Dagger hilt daga nan
for Sword padan gole
for Blowpipe sumpitan
for their Arrows damach
for the poisonous Herb ypu
for Quiver bolo
for Bow [i.e., a weapon] bolsor
for its Arrows anat paan
for Cats cochin puchia
for Rat ticus
for Lizard buaia
for Shipworms capan lotos
for Fishhook matacanir
for Fishbait unpan
for Fishline tunda
for to Wash mandi
Not to be afraid tangan tacut
Fatigue lala
A pleasant cup sadap manis
for Friend sandara
for Enemy sanbat
I am certain zonhu
for to Barter biniaga
I have not anis
To be a friend pugna
Two things malupho
If oue
for Crowd (?) zoroan pagnoro
To give pleasure to one mamain
To be stiff with cold amala
for Madman gila
for Interpreter giorobaza
How many languages do you know? barapa bahasa tan?
Many bagna
for to speak of Malaca chiaramalain
Where is so-and-so? dimana horan?
for Flag tonghol
Now sacaran
Tomorrow hezoch
The next day luza
Yesterday calamari
for Palm-mallet colbasi
for Nail pacu
for Mortar lozon[547]
for Rammer for crushing [rice?] atan
for to Dance manari
for to Pay baiar
for to Call panghil
Unmarried ugan
Married suda babini
All one sannia
for Rain ugian
for Drunken moboch
for Skin culit
for Anger ullat
for to Fight guzar
Sweet manis
Bitter azon
How are you? appa giadi?
Well bay
Poorly sachet
Bring me that biriacan
This man is a coward giadi hiat horan itu
Enough suda
li Venti Ala tramõtana Jraga. Al mezo di Salatan. AL leuante timor AL ponente baratapat AL griego Vtara. AL garbin berdaia. AL maeſtrale bardaut AL ſiroco tunghara. The winds for the North iraga for the South salatan for the East timor for the West baratapat for the Northeast utara for the Southwest berdaia for the Northwest bardaut for the Southeast tunghara
Ala tramõtana Jraga.
Al mezo di Salatan.
AL leuante timor
AL ponente baratapat
AL griego Vtara.
AL garbin berdaia.
AL maeſtrale bardaut
AL ſiroco tunghara.
for the North iraga
for the South salatan
for the East timor
for the West baratapat
for the Northeast utara
for the Southwest berdaia
for the Northwest bardaut
for the Southeast tunghara
Numero Vno ſatus dui dua tre tiga catro ampat cinque lima. Sey anam. Sette tugu. octo duolappan. Noue ſambilan diece Sapolo. Vinti duapolo. trenta tigapolo Quaranta ampatpolo. Cinquanta limapolo. ſexanta Anampolo. ſettanta Tuguppolo. octanta dualapanpolo. Nouanta Sambilampolo. Cento Saratus. duzendo duaratus trecento tigaratus Quatro cento Anamparatus Cinque cento Limaratus Sey cento anambratus ſetecento Tugurattus octocento dualapanratus Nouecento Sambilanratus Mille Salibu. due millia dualibu tre millia tigalibu Quatro mille ampatlibu Cinque millia limalibu Sey millia Anamlibu Sette millia tugulibu octo millia dualapanlibu Noue millia Sambilanlibu. diece millia Salacza. Vinti millia dualacza. trenta millia Tigalacza. Quarãta millia Ampatlacza Cinquãta millia limalacza Sesanta millia Anamlacza Settanta millia tugulacza octanta millia dualapanlacza Nouanta millia Sambilanlacza Cento mille Sacati. Ducento millia duacati trecento millia Tigacati Quatro cento millia Ampatcati Cinque cento millia limacati ſey cento millia Anamcati Setecento millia Tugucati Octo cento millia dualapancati Nouecento millia Sambilancati Diece fiate cento millia Sainta. Numbers One satus Two dua Three tiga Four ampat Five lima Six anam Seven tugu Eight duolappan Nine sambilan Ten sapolo Twenty duapolo Thirty tigapolo Forty ampatpolo Fifty limapolo Sixty anampolo Seventy tuguppolo Eighty dualapanpolo Ninety sambilampolo One hundred saratus Two hundred duaratus Three hundred tigaratus Four hundred anamparatus Five hundred limaratus Six hundred anambratus Seven hundred tugurattus Eight hundred dualapanratus Nine hundred sambilanratus One thousand salibu Two thousand dualibu Three thousand tigalibu Four thousand ampatlibu Five thousand limalibu Six thousand anamlibu Seven thousand tugulibu Eight thousand dualapanlibu Nine thousand sambilanlibu Ten thousand salacza Twenty thousand dualacza Thirty thousand tigalacza Forty thousand ampatlacza Fifty thousand limalacza Sixty thousand anamlacza Seventy thousand tugulacza Eighty thousand dualapanlacza Ninety thousand sambilanlacza One hundred thousand sacati Two hundred thousand duacati Three hundred thousand tigacati Four hundred thousand ampatcati Five hundred thousand limacati Six hundred thousand anamcati Seven hundred thousand tugacati Eight hundred thousand dualapancati Nine hundred thousand sambilancati One million [literally: ten times one hundred thousand] sainta
Vno ſatus
dui dua
tre tiga
catro ampat
cinque lima.
Sey anam.
Sette tugu.
octo duolappan.
Noue ſambilan
diece Sapolo.
Vinti duapolo.
trenta tigapolo
Quaranta ampatpolo.
Cinquanta limapolo.
ſexanta Anampolo.
ſettanta Tuguppolo.
octanta dualapanpolo.
Nouanta Sambilampolo.
Cento Saratus.
duzendo duaratus
trecento tigaratus
Quatro cento Anamparatus
Cinque cento Limaratus
Sey cento anambratus
ſetecento Tugurattus
octocento dualapanratus
Nouecento Sambilanratus
Mille Salibu.
due millia dualibu
tre millia tigalibu
Quatro mille ampatlibu
Cinque millia limalibu
Sey millia Anamlibu
Sette millia tugulibu
octo millia dualapanlibu
Noue millia Sambilanlibu.
diece millia Salacza.
Vinti millia dualacza.
trenta millia Tigalacza.
Quarãta millia Ampatlacza
Cinquãta millia limalacza
Sesanta millia Anamlacza
Settanta millia tugulacza
octanta millia dualapanlacza
Nouanta millia Sambilanlacza
Cento mille Sacati.
Ducento millia duacati
trecento millia Tigacati
Quatro cento millia Ampatcati
Cinque cento millia limacati
ſey cento millia Anamcati
Setecento millia Tugucati
Octo cento millia dualapancati
Nouecento millia Sambilancati
Diece fiate cento millia Sainta.
One satus
Two dua
Three tiga
Four ampat
Five lima
Six anam
Seven tugu
Eight duolappan
Nine sambilan
Ten sapolo
Twenty duapolo
Thirty tigapolo
Forty ampatpolo
Fifty limapolo
Sixty anampolo
Seventy tuguppolo
Eighty dualapanpolo
Ninety sambilampolo
One hundred saratus
Two hundred duaratus
Three hundred tigaratus
Four hundred anamparatus
Five hundred limaratus
Six hundred anambratus
Seven hundred tugurattus
Eight hundred dualapanratus
Nine hundred sambilanratus
One thousand salibu
Two thousand dualibu
Three thousand tigalibu
Four thousand ampatlibu
Five thousand limalibu
Six thousand anamlibu
Seven thousand tugulibu
Eight thousand dualapanlibu
Nine thousand sambilanlibu
Ten thousand salacza
Twenty thousand dualacza
Thirty thousand tigalacza
Forty thousand ampatlacza
Fifty thousand limalacza
Sixty thousand anamlacza
Seventy thousand tugulacza
Eighty thousand dualapanlacza
Ninety thousand sambilanlacza
One hundred thousand sacati
Two hundred thousand duacati
Three hundred thousand tigacati
Four hundred thousand ampatcati
Five hundred thousand limacati
Six hundred thousand anamcati
Seven hundred thousand tugacati
Eight hundred thousand dualapancati
Nine hundred thousand sambilancati
One million [literally: ten times one hundred thousand] sainta
Tucti li cento li mille li diece mille li cento mille et diece fiate cento mille se congiungenno cõ il numero de Satus et dua et &c. All the hundreds, the thousands, the tens of thousands, the hundreds of thousands, and the millions are joined with the numbers, satus, dua, etc.[548]
Andando aL nr̃o camino paſaſſemo fra queſte yſolle Caioan laigoma Sico giogi Caphi in queſta yſola de caphi naſcono homini picoli Como li nanj piaceuoli liqalli Sonno li pigmei et ſtanno ſubiecti ꝓforſa aL nr̃o re de tadore Laboan toliman Titameti bachian Ja deto Lalalata Tabobi Maga et batutiga paſſando fuora aL ponente de batutiga Caminaſſemo fra ponente et garbin et diſcoperſemo eL mezo giorno alquante yſolete ꝓ ilque li piloti de malucho ne dicero ſe ariuaſſe ꝓ cio ne caciauamo fra molte yſolle et bassi ariuaſſemo aL Siroco et deſcemo in vna yſolla q̃ ſta de latitudine aL polo antartico in dui gradi et cinquãta cinque legue Longi de maluco et chiamaſſe ſulach li homini de queſta ſonno gentili et non hanno re mangião carne humana vano nadi coſi homini Como femine ma ſolamẽte portano vn pezo de ſcorſa larga dui diti intorno la ſua ꝟgonia Molte yſolle ſonno ꝓ Quiui que mangiano carne humana li nomy de algune ſonno queſti Silan noselao biga atulabaou leitimor tene tun gondia pailarurun manadan et benaia poi coſtegiaſemo due yſole dete lamatola et tenetun da ſulach circa x. legue a La medeſima via trouaſſemo vna yſola aſſay grande nelaqalle ſe troua riſo porci capre galine cochi canne dolci Sagu vno ſuo mangiare de fighi elqalle chiamano Chanali Chiachare aqueſte chiamão nangha le chiachare ſonno fructi Como le angurie de fora nodoſe de dentro año certi fructi roſſi pocoli come armelini non hanno oſſo ma ꝓ qello hanno vna medola como vn fazolo ma piu grande et al mangiar tenere Como caſtagnie et vn fructo facto como la pignia de fuora Jallo et biancho de dentro et al tagliare Como vn pero ma piu tenero et molto megliore deto Connilicai la gente de queſta yſola vanno nudi Como qelli de ſolach ſonno gentili et non hanno re Queſta yſola ſta de latitudine al polo antartico in tre gradi et mezo et longi da malucho Setantacinque [gradi: crossed out in original MS.] leghe et chiamaſſe buru la leuante de queſta yſola diece legue ne ſta vna grande q̃ confina cõ Jiaalolo laqalle he habitata de mori et da gentili li morj ſtanno apreſſo iL mare et li gentili de dentro nella terra et queſto mãgião carne humana naſce in queſta le coſe Ja dete et ſe chiama ambon fra buru et ambon Se trouano tre yſole circondate da baſſi chiamate Vu dia Cailaruri et benaia circa de buru cato leghe aL mezo di ſta vna yſola picola et chiamaſſe ambalao. Proceeding on our way we passed amid those islands [those of] Caioan, Laigoma, Sico, Giogi, and Caphi.[549] In the said island of Caphi is found a race as small as dwarfs, who are amusing people, and are pigmies.[550] They have been subjected by force to our king of Tadore. [We also passed the islands of] Laboan, Toliman, Titameti, Bachian, of which we have already spoken, Lalalata, Tabobi, Maga, and Batutiga.[551] Passing outside the latter on its western side, we laid our course west southwest, and discovered some islets toward the south. And inasmuch as the Malucho pilots told us to go thither, for we were pursuing our course among many islands and shoals, we turned toward the southeast, and encountered an island which lies in a latitude of two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and fifty-five leguas from Maluco. It is called Sulach,[552] and its inhabitants are heathens. They have no king, and eat human flesh. They go naked, both men and women, only wearing a bit of bark two fingers wide before their privies. There are many islands thereabout where the inhabitants eat human flesh. The names of some of them are as follows: Silan, Noselao, Biga, Atulabaou, Leitimor, Tenetun, Gondia, Pailarurun, Manadan, and Benaia.[553] Then we coasted along two islands called Lamatola[554] and Tenetun, lying about x leguas from Sulach. In that same course we encountered a very large island where one finds rice, swine, goats, fowls, cocoanuts, sugarcane, sago, a food made from one of their varieties of figs [i.e., bananas] called chanali,[554] and chiacare, which are called nangha. Nangcas are a fruit resembling the cucumber [augurie]. They are knotty on the outside, and inside they have a certain small red fruit like the apricot. It contains no stone, but has instead a marrowy substance resembling a bean but larger. That marrowy substance has a delicate taste like chestnuts. [There is] a fruit like the pineapple. It is yellow outside, and white inside, and when cut it is like a pear, but more tender and much better. Its name is connilicai. The inhabitants of that island go naked as do those of Solach. They are heathens and have no king. That island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and is seventy-five[555] [degrees: crossed out in original MS.] leguas from Malucho. Its name is Buru. Ten leguas east of the above island is a large island which is bounded by Jiaalolo. It is inhabited by Moros and heathens. The Moros live near the sea, and the heathens in the interior. The latter eat human flesh. The products mentioned above are produced in that island. It is called Ambon.[556] Between Buru and Ambon are found three islands surrounded by reefs, called Vudia,[557] Cailaruri, and Benaia; and near Buru, and about four leguas to the south, is a small island, called Ambalao.[558]
Longi da Queſta yſola de buru circa trentacinque leghe a la carta deL mezo Jorno verſo garbin Se truoua bandan bandan et dudici yſole in ſey de queſte naſce la matia et noſce moſcada et li nomi loro ſono queſti Zoroboa magiori de tucte le altre CheliceL Samiãapi pulac pulurun et roſoghin le altre ſey ſonno queſte Vnuueru pulan baracõ lailaca manucan Man et meut in queſte nõ li trouano noſce moſcade se nõ Sagu rizo cochi figui et alti fructi et ſonno vicine luna de lalta Ly populi de queſto ſonno morj et non hanno re Bandan ſta de latitudine aL polo antarticho in Sei gradi et di longitudine dela linea repartitionalle in cento et ſexantre gradi et mezo et ꝓ eſſere vn pocho fuora deL nr̃o Camino nõ fuſſemo iui. About thirty-five leguas to the south by west of the above island of Buru, are found Bandan. Bandan consists of twelve islands. Mace and nutmeg grow in six of them. Their names are as follows: Zoroboa, the largest of them all, and the others, Chelicel, Samianapi, Pulac, Pulurun, and Rosoghin. The other six are as follows: Unuueru, Pulanbaracon, Lailaca, Manucan, Man, and Meut.[559] Nutmeg is not found in them, but only sago, rice, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], and other fruits. Those islands are located near together, and their inhabitants are Moros, who have no king. Bandan lies in a latitude of six degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-three and one-half degrees from the line of demarcation. As it was a trifle outside of our course we did not go there.[560]
Partendone de quella yſola de baru a la carta deL garbin verſo ponente circa otto gradi de longitudine ariuaſſemo a tre yſolle vna apreſſo lalta dette zolot nocema mor et galiau et nauigando ꝓ mezo di queſte ne aſſalto vna grã fortuna ꝓ ilque faceſſemo vno pelegrino a la nr̃a donna de la guida et pigliando apopa lo temporale deſſeme in vna yſola alta et inanci ajungeſſemo iui Se afaticaſſemo molto ꝓ le refegue decendeuão de li ſui mõti et ꝓ li grandi Corenti de hacqua li homini de queſta yſola ſonno ſaluatici et beſtialli mã gianno carne humana et non hanno re vanno nudi cõ qella ſcorſa como li alti ſenon Quando vanno a Combatere portanno certi pezi de pelle de bu phalo dinanzi et de drieto et neli fianchi adornati cõ corniolli et denti de porci et con code de pelle caprine atacate denanzi et de drietto portano ly capili in alto cõ certi petini de cana longui q̃ li paſſano da parte aparte et li tieneno alti anno le ſue barbe riuolte in foglie et poſti in canuttj de canna coſa ridicula aL vedere et ſonno li piu bruti ſianno in queſta india li ſui archi et le ſue freze Sonno de canna et anno Certi ſachi facti de foglie de arbore ne liqalli portanno lo ſuo mangiare et bere Le ſue femine Quando ne viſtenno ne venirono in contra cõ archi ma dandoli alguni ꝓ ſenti Subito diuentaſſemo ſui amici Qiui tardaſſemo quindici giornj per Conciare La naue ne li Coſtadi Jn queſta yſola ſe troua galine Capre cochi cera ꝓ vna libra de fero vechio ne donorono quindici de cera et peuere lõgo et rotondo JL peuere longo he como qelle gatelle q̃ fanno li nizolle quãdo he linuerno il suo arbure e Como elera et atacaſſe ali arbori Como quella ma le ſue foglie ſonno como qelle diL moraro et lo chiamano luli JL peuere rotondo naſce Como queſto ma in ſpigue como lo fromẽtone della india et se deſgrana et lo chiamano lada in queſte parte ſonno piennj li campi de queſto peuere facti in modo de pergoladi pigliaſſemo quiui vno homo açio ne cõduceſſe ad alguna yſola haueſſe victuuaria Queſta yſola ſta de latitudine aL polo antarticho in octo gradi et mezo et cento et sesantanoue et dui terzi de longitudine de la linea repartitionalle et chiamaſſe malua. Leaving the above mentioned island of Baru, and taking the course toward the southwest by west, we reached, [after sailing through] about eight degrees of longitude, three islands, quite near together, called Zolot, Nocemamor, and Galiau.[561] While sailing amid them, we were struck by a fierce storm, which caused us to make a pilgrimage to our Lady of Guidance. Running before the storm we landed at a lofty island, but before reaching it we were greatly worn out by the violent gusts of wind that came from the mountains of that island, and the great currents of water. The inhabitants of that island are savage and bestial, and eat human flesh. They have no king, and go naked, wearing only that bark as do the others, except that when they go to fight they wear certain pieces of buffalo hide before, behind, and at the sides, which are ornamented with small shells,[562] boars’ tusks, and tails of goat skins fastened before and behind. They wear their hair done up high and held by certain long reed pins which they pass from one side to the other, which keep the hair high. They wear their beards wrapped in leaves and thrust into small bamboo tubes—a ridiculous sight. They are the ugliest people who live in those Indias. Their bows and arrows are of bamboo. They have a kind of a sack made from the leaves of a tree in which their women carry their food and drink. When those people caught sight of us, they came to meet us with bows, but after we had given them some presents, we immediately became their friends.[563] We remained there a fortnight in order to calk the sides[564] of the ship. In that island are found fowls, goats, cocoanuts, wax (of which they gave us fifteen libras for one libra of old iron), and pepper, both long and round.[565] The long pepper resembles the first blossoms of the hazelnut in winter.[566] Its plant resembles ivy, and it clings to trees as does that plant; but its leaves resemble those of the mulberry. It is called luli.[567] The round pepper grows like the former, but in ears like Indian corn, and is shelled off; and it is called lada. The fields in those regions are full of this [last variety of] pepper, planted to resemble arbors.[568] We captured a man in that place so that he might take us to some island where we could lay in provisions. That island lies in a latitude of eight and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and sixty-nine and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation; and is called Malua.[569]
Ne disse iL nr̃o piloto Vechio de maluco como apreſſo quiui era vna yſola chiamata arucheto li homini et femine delaqalle non ſonno magiorj dun cubito et anno le orecquie grande como loro de vna fanno lo ſuo lecto et de lalta ſe copreno vanno tosi et tuti nudi corenno molto anno la voce ſotille habitano in caue ſoto terra et mangiano peſce et vna coſa q̃ naſce fra larbore et la ſcorſa che chiancha et rotonda como coriandoli de cõfeto deta ambulõ ma ꝓ li grã corenti de hacqua et molti baſſi nõ li andaſemo. Our old pilot from Maluco told us that there was an island nearby called Arucheto,[570] the men and women of which are not taller than one cubit, but who have ears as long as themselves. With one of them they make their bed and with the other they cover themselves. They go shaven close and quite naked, run swiftly, and have shrill voices. They live in caves underground, and subsist on fish and a substance which grows between the wood and the bark [of a tree], which is white and round like preserved coriander, which is called ambulon. However, we did not go there because of the strong currents in the water, and the numerous shoals.
Sabato a vinticinque de Jennaro m vcxxij Se partiſſemo de la yſola de ma lua et la dominica a vinti ſey ariuaſſemo a vna grande yſola longi de qella cinque legue fra mezo di et garbin Jo ſolo andai in terra a parlare aL magiore duna vila deta amaban açio ne deſſe victuuaria me riſpoſe ne darebe buphali porci et capre ma nõſi poteſſemo aCordare per che voleua molte coſe ꝓ vno bufalo noi auendone pocque et conſtrigẽdone la fama reteneſſemo ne la naue vno principalle cõ vno ſuo figliolo de vnalta vila deta balibo et ꝓ paura nõ lo amazaſſemo Subito ne dette ſei buphali cinque capre et dui porci et ꝓ compire lo numero de diese porci et diece capre ne dete vno bufalo perche cuſſi Laueuamo dato taglia poi li mandaſſemo in tera Contentiſſimi cõ tella panny Jndiani de ſeta et de bombaſo accete cortelizi indiani forfice Spechi et cortelli qeL Signiore a cui anday a parlare teniua ſolum femine Lo ſeruiuano tutte vano nude Como le altre et portano atacate ale orechie Schione picole de horo cõ fiocqi de ſeta pendenti et ne li braci anno molte maniglie de oro et de latonne fin aL cubito li homini vanno Como le femine Se non anno atacate aL colo certe coſe de horo tonde Como vn tagliere et petini de canna adornatj con schione de oro poſti neli capili et algu ni de queſti portanno coli de zuche Seche poſti ne le orechie ꝓ schione de oro. On Saturday, January 25, MCCCCCXXII,[571] we left the island of Malua. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth,[572] we reached a large island which lies five leguas to the south southwest of Malua. I went ashore alone to speak to the chief of a city called Amaban to ask him to furnish us with food. He told me that he would give me buffaloes,[573] swine, and goats, but we could not come to terms because he asked many things for one buffalo. Inasmuch as we had but few things, and hunger was constraining us, we retained in the ship a chief and his son from another village called Balibo.[574] He for fear lest we kill him, immediately gave us six buffaloes, five goats, and two swine; and to complete the number of ten swine and ten goats [which we had demanded] they gave us one [additional] buffalo. For thus had we placed the condition [of their ransom]. Then we sent them ashore very well pleased with linen, Indian cloth of silk and cotton, hatchets, Indian knives, scissors, mirrors, and knives.[575] That chief to whom I went to talk had only women to serve him. All the women go naked as do the other women [of the other islands]. In their ears they wear small earrings of gold, with silk tassels pendant from them. On their arms they wear many gold and brass armlets as far as the elbow. The men go as the women, except that they fasten certain gold articles, round like a trencher, about their necks, and wear bamboo combs adorned with gold rings[576] in their hair. Some of them wear the necks of dried gourds in their ears in place of gold rings.
Jn Queſta yſola ſe truoua lo ſandalo biancho et nõ altroue gengero bufali por ci capre galine rizo fighi canne dolci naranci limonj cera mandolle fa zoli et altre coſe et papagali de diuerſi colorj de lalta parte de liſola ſtano catro fratelli q̃ ſonno li re de queſta yſola doue ſtauamo nuy erano ville et alguni principalle de qelle. Ly nomi de li catro habitatiõe deli re ſonno queſti oibich lichsana suai et Cabanaza oibich e la magiore. Jn cabanaza ſi Como ne fu deto ſe truoua aſay oro in vno monte et Comperano tute le Sue coſe cõ pezetti de oro tuto lo ſandalo et la cera q̃ contractano queli de Jaua et di malaca Contractano da queſta banda aqui trouamo vno Jonco de lozon venuto ꝓ merchadantare Sandalo Queſti populi ſonno gentilli et quando vanno a taglaire lo ſandalo Como loro ne diſcero ſeli moſta lo de monio en varie forme et li dice ſe anno biſognio de qalque coſa li la demãdino ꝓ Laqalle aparitione ſtanno infermi alquanti giornj lo ſandalo ſi taglia a vno certo tempo de la luna ꝓ che altramente nõ ſarebe bonno la mercã tia q̃ vale Quiui ꝓ lo ſandalo e panno roſſo tella accete fero et chiodi Queſta yſola he tuta habitata et molto longa da leuante a ponente et poco larga de mezo di a la tramõtana ſta de latitudine aL polo antartico in dieci gra di et cento et Settanta catro gradi et mezo de longitudine dala linea de la repartiõe et se chiama timor. Jn tutte le yſolle hauemo trouate in queſto arcipelago regnia lo maL de S. Jop et piu Quiui q̃ in alto luocho et Lo chiamano foi franchi çioe maL portugheſe. White sandal wood is found in that island and nowhere else.[577] [There is also] ginger, buffaloes, swine, goats, fowls, rice, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, oranges, lemons, wax, almonds, kidney-beans,[578] and other things, as well as parrots of various colors. On the other side of the island are four brothers, who are the kings of that island. Where we were, there were cities and some of their chiefs. The names of the four settlements of the kings are as follows: Oibich, Lichsana, Suai, and Cabanaza. Oibich is the largest. There is a quantity of gold found in a mountain in Cabanaza, according to the report given us, and its inhabitants make all their purchases with little bits of gold. All the sandal wood and wax that is traded by the inhabitants of Java and Malaca is traded for in that region. We found a junk from Lozon there, which had come thither to trade in sandal wood. Those people are heathens. When they go to cut the sandal wood, the devil (according to what we were told), appears to them in various forms, and tells them that if they need anything they should ask him for it. They become ill for some days as a result of that apparition. The sandal wood is cut at a certain time of the moon, for otherwise it would not be good. The merchandise valued in exchange for sandal wood there is red cloth, linen, hatchets,[579] iron, and nails. That island is inhabited in all parts, and extends for a long distance east and west, but is not very broad north and south. It lies in a latitude of ten degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-four and one-half[580] degrees from the line of demarcation, and is called Timor.[581] The disease of St. Jop was to be found in all of the islands which we encountered in that archipelago, but more in that place than in others. It is called foi franchi[582] that is to say “Portuguese disease.”[583]
Longi vna giornata de qui tra iL ponente et iL maeſtrale ne fu deto trouarſe vna Jſola in laqalle naſcie assai cannella et se chiama Ende eL ſuo populo he gentille et nõ hanno re et como ſonno a la medeſma [Jſo: crossed out in original MS.] via molte yſolle vna dietro a lalta in fina a Jaua magiore et aL capo de malaca li nomi de leqalle ſonno queſti ende tana butun creuo chile bimacore aranaran Mani Zumbaua lomboch chorum et Jaua ma giore Queſti populi nõ la chiamano Jaua ma Jaoa le magiorj ville ſono in Jaua Sonno queſte Magepaher iL ſuo re Quando viueua era magiore de tutte queſte yſolle et chiamauaſſe Raia patiunus Sunda in queſta naſce molto peueri da ha dama gaghi amada Minutarãghan Cipara Sidaiu tuban creſſi Cirubaia et balli et como Jaua minore eſſere la yſola de Madura et ſtare apreſſo Jaua magiore meza legha Ancho ne diſſero Quando vno homo de li principali de Jaua magiore more Se bruſa Lo ſuo corpo La ſua moglie piu principalle adornaſſi cõ girlande de fiori et faſſi portare de tre ho catro hominj ſoura vno ſcanno ꝓ tuta qella vila et ridendo et confortando li ſui parenti que piangeno dice nõ piangere ꝓ cio me vado queſta cera a Cennare coL mio caro marito et dormire ſecho in queſta nocte poy et portata aL foco doue ſe bruſa Lo ſuo marito et ley voltandoſi contra li ſui parẽti et confortando li vnalta fiata Segetta neL fuocho oue ſe bruſa lo ſuo marito et ſe queſto nõ faceſſe nõ ſaria tenuta donna da benne ne vera moglie deL marito morto et Como li Joueni de Jaua Quando ſono Jnamo rati in qalque gentiL donna ſe ligano certi ſonagli cõ fillo tra iL membro et la peleſſina et vanno ſoto le feneſtre de le ſue Jnamorate et facendo moſtra de horinare et Squaſando Lo membro ſonano cõ qelli ſonagli et fin tanto le ſue Jnamorate hodeno lo ſono ſubito qelle veneno Ju et fanno ſuo volere Sempre cõ qelli ſonagliti ꝓ che loro donne ſe piglianno grã ſpaſſa aſen tirſi Sonare de dentro Queſti ſonagli ſonno tucti Coperti et piu ſe copreno piu ſonano JL nr̃o piloto piu vechio ne diſſe Como in vna yſola deta acoloro ſoto de Jaua magiore in Quella trouarſi ſinon femine et quelle Jnpregniarſi de vento et poi Quando parturiſcono ſiL parto et maſchio Lamazano ſe he femina lo aleuano et ſe hominj vanno aqella ſua yſola loro amazarli purche poſſianno. A day’s journey thence toward the west northwest, we were told that we would find an island where quantities of cinnamon grow, by name Ende.[584] Its inhabitants are heathens, and have no king. [We were told] also that there are many islands in the same [isl: crossed out in original MS.] course, one following the other, as far as Java Major, and the cape of Malaca. The names of those islands are as follows: Ende, Tanabutun, Creuo, Chile, Bimacore, Aranaran, Mani, Zumbaua, Lomboch, Chorum,[585] and Java Major.[586] Those inhabitants do not call it Java but Jaoa. The largest cities are located in Java, and are as follows: Magepaher (when its king was alive, he was the most powerful in all those islands, and his name was Raia Patiunus); Sunda, where considerable, pepper grows; Daha; Dama; Gagiamada; Minutaranghan; Cipara; Sidaiu; Tuban; Cressi; Cirubaia;[587] and Balli.[588] [We were told] also that Java Minor is the island of Madura, and is located near to Java Major, [being only] one-half legua away.[589] We were told also that when one of the chief men of Java Major dies, his body is burned. His principal wife adorns herself with garlands of flowers and has herself carried on a chair through the entire village by three or four men. Smiling and consoling her relatives who are weeping, she says: “Do not weep, for I am going to sup with my dear husband this evening,[590] and to sleep with him this night.” Then she is carried to the fire, where her husband is being burned. Turning toward her relatives, and again consoling them, she throws herself into the fire, where her husband is being burned. Did she not do that, she would not be considered an honorable woman or a true wife to her dead husband.[591] When the young men of Java are in love with any gentlewoman, they fasten certain little bells between their penis and the foreskin. They take a position under their sweetheart’s window, and making a pretense of urinating, and shaking their penis, they make the little bells ring, and continue to ring them until their sweetheart hears the sound. The sweetheart descends immediately, and they take their pleasure; always with those little bells, for their women take great pleasure in hearing those bells ring from the inside.[592] Those bells are all covered, and the more they are covered the louder[593] they sound. Our oldest pilot told us that in an island called Acoloro,[594] which lies below Java Major, there are found no persons but women, and that they become pregnant from the wind. When they bring forth, if the offspring is a male, they kill it, but if it is a female they rear it. If men go to that island of theirs, they kill them if they are able to do so.
Ancho ne diſcero de ſoto de Jaua magiore ꝟſo la tramõtana neL golfo de la chijna Laqalle li anticqui chiamano ſigno magno trouarſi vno arbore grandisso neLqalle habitano vcceli deti garuda tanto grandi q̃ portano vn bufalo et vno elefante aL luoco doue he labore re chiamato puza thaer et Lo arbore cam panganghi aL ſuo fructo bua panganghi eLqalle he magiore q̃ vna anguria li mori de burne haueuamo ne li naui ne diſcero loro hauerne veduto ꝓ che lo ſuo re haueua dui mandatigli daL regnio de ſiam niun Jonco ne altra barcha da tre ho catro legue ſe po aꝓximare aL luoco de larbore ꝓ li grandi reuolutiõe de hacqua que ſonno circa queſto La pima fiata que ſi ſepe de queſto arbure fu vn Jonco ſpinto da ly vẽti ne la riuo lutiõe iLqalle tuto ſe diſfece tutti li homini ſe anegorono ecceto vn puto picolo ilqalle eſſendo atacato ſoura vna tauola ꝓ miraculo fo ſpinto apreſſo queſto arbore et mõtato ſoura lo arbore nõ acorgendoſi ſe miſſe ſoto lala a vno de qelli vcceli lo giorno ſeguento Lo vccelo andando in tera et hauendo pigliato vn bufalo iL puto venne de ſoto a la hala aL meglio puoto ꝓ cuſtui ſe ſepe Queſto et alhora Cogniobero qeli populi vicini li fructi trouauano ꝓ iL mare eſſere de queſto arbore. They also told us that a very huge tree is found below Java Major toward the north, in the gulf of Chiina (which the ancients call Signo Magno), in which live birds called garuda. Those birds are so large that they carry a buffalo or an elephant to the place (called Puzathaer), of that tree, which is called cam panganghi, and its fruit bua panganghi.[595] The latter is larger than a cucumber. The Moros of Burne whom we had in our ship told us that they had seen them, for their king had had two of them sent to him from the kingdom of Siam. No junk or other boat can approach to within three or four leguas of the place of the tree, because of the great whirlpools in the water round about it. The first time that anything was learned of that tree was [from] a junk which was driven by the winds into the whirlpool. The junk having been beaten to pieces, all the crew were drowned except a little boy, who, having been tied to a plank, was miraculously driven near that tree. He climbed up into the tree without being discovered, where he hid under the wing of one of those birds. Next day the bird having gone ashore and having seized a buffalo, the boy came out from under the wing as best he could. The story was learned from him, and then the people nearby knew that the fruit which they found in the sea came from that tree.
JL capo de malacha ſta in vn grado et mezo aL antarticho a loriente de queſto capo a longo la coſta ſe trouão molte ville et cita de li nomi de algune ſono aq̃ſti Cinghapola q̃ ſta neL capo pahan Calantan patani bradlun benan lagon Che regigharan tumbõ prhan Cui brabri bangha Jndia Queſta e la cita doue habita iL re de siam eLqalle chiamaſſe Siri Zacabedera Jandibum Lanu et Langhon pifa Queſte citade ſonno edificade como le nr̃e et ſubgecte aL re de ſiam Jnqueſto regnio de ſiam ne le riue de li fiumi Si como ne fu deto habitanno vcceli grandi liqalli no mangerianno de alguno animale morto ſia portato iui ſe pima nõ vienne vno alto vccelo amangiarli iL core et poi Loro Lo mangiano dopo ſiam ſe troua Camogia iL ſuo re e deto Saret zacabedera chiempa eL ſuo re raia brahaun maitri inqueſto locho naſce lo reubarbaro et ſe troua in queſto modo ſe acaodunano vinti o vinti cinque hominj inſieme et vanno dentro ne li boſchi Quando he venuta la nocte montano ſoura li arbori ſi ꝓ ſentire Lodore deL reobarbaro como ancho ꝓ paura de leonnj elefanti et altre fere et daqella parte doue he lo reubarbaro iL vento li porta lodore poi venuto lo giorno vanno in qella parte doue li he venuto iL vento et lo cercanno fin tanto lo trouano Lo reubarbaro he vno arbure groſſo putrefato et ſenon foſſe cuſſi putrefacto non darebe lo hodore iL megliare de queſto arbore he la radice niente dimeno iL legnio he reobarbaro iLqaL chiamano Calama poi ſe truoua Cochi eL ſuo re e detto raia Seribumni pala dopo Queſto ſe troua la grã chijna iL ſuo re he magiore de tuto eL mõdo et chiamaſſe Santhoa raia iLqalle tenne ſetanta re de coro na ſoto de ſe alguni de liqalli anno dieci et quindice re de ſoto ſe eL ſuo porto he deto guantan fra le altre aſayssime citade ne ha due principalle dette namchin et Comlaha neliqalli ſta queſto re tienne catro ſui principali a preſſo Lo ſuo palatio vno verſo iL ponente lalto aL leuante lalto amezo de et lalto ala tramõtana ogni vno de queſti danno audientia Se nõ aqelli che veneno de ſua parte tucti li re et ſignori de la Jndia magiore et ſuperiore hobediſcono aqueſto re et ꝓ ſegnialle q̃ ſianno ſui veri vaſali ciaſcuna ha in mezo de la ſua piaza vno animale ſcolpito in marmore piu galiardo que iL leonne et chiamaſſe chinga Queſto chinga e lo ſigilo deL dito re de chijna et tucti qelli q̃ vanno ala chijna Conuieneno hauere Queſto animale ſcolpito in cera in vn dente de elephante ꝓ che altramente nõ potrianno intrare neL ſuo porto Quando alguno Signiore he in hobediente a queſto re lo fanno ſcorticare et ſecanno la pelle aL ſolle con ſale et poy la empi enno de paglia ho de alto et lo fanno ſtare cõ lo capo baſſo et cõ le many Jonte ſoura lo capo in vno luocho eminente ne la piaza acio Alhora ſi veda Cului far zonghu cioe riuerentia Queſto re nõ ſi laſcia vedere de algũo et Quando lui vole vedere li ſui Caualcha ꝓ iL palatio vno pauone facto maeſtralmente coſa richiſſima acompagniato de ſey donne de le ſue piu principalle veſtite Como lui fin che entra in vn ſerpente deto nagha rico Quanto altra coſa ſi poſſa vedere ilqalle e ſopa la corte magiore deL palatio iL re et le donne entranno dento açio lui nõ ſia cognioſſuto fra le donne vede li ſui ꝓ vno vedro grando q̃ e neL pecto deL ſerpente lui et le donne ſe ponno vedere ma nonſi puo diſcernere qaL he lore. Cuſtui ſe marita ne le ſue ſorelle acio lo ſangue realle nõ ſia miſſidiato cõ alti Circha lo ſuo pa latio ſonno ſette cerche de muri et fra ogni vna de queſte cerche ſtano diece millia homini q̃ fanno la gardia aL palatio fin q̃ ſona vna Cam pana poi vieneno diece millia alti homini ꝓ ogni cercha et cuſi ſe mudanno ogni giorno et ogni nocte ogni cercha de muro a vna porta ne la pima li ſta vno homo cõ vno granfionne in mano deto ſatu horã con ſatu bagan nella ſecondo vn canne detto ſatu hain nella terza vn homo cõ vna maza ferata deto Satu horan cũ pocum becin nela carta vno homo cõ vno archo in mano deto Satu horan con anat panan nella Quinta vn homo con vna lancia deto Satu horan con tumach ne la ſexta vno leonne deto Satu horiman nella ſeptima duy elefantj bianchi detti duo gagia pute in Queſto palatio li ſonno ſetanta noue ſalle doue ſtanno ſe non donne q̃ ſerueno aL re et li ſonno ſempre torcie acceſe Se tarda vno Jorno aſercare queſto palatio Jn cima de queſto li ſonno catro ſalle doue vanno alguna volta li principali a parlare aL re vna he hornata de metalo coſi de ſoto como de ſuura vna tuta de argento vna tuta de noro et Lalta de perle et petre precioſe Quando li ſui vaſſali li portanno horo ho altre coſe p̃ci oſe ꝓ tributo le butano ꝓ Queſte ſalle dicendo Queſto ſia a honnore et gloria deL nr̃o Sant hoa raia tute queſte coſe et molte altre de queſto re ne diſſe vno moro et lui hauerle vedute la gente de la chijna e biancha e veſtita et mangiano ſoura taule como nuy et anno croce ma non ſi ſa ꝓ che tengonno Jn Queſta chijna naſce Lo muſchio iL ſuo animale e vno gato Como qello deL gibeto et non mangia alto ſenon vn legnio dolce Sotile como li diti chiamato chamaru Quando voleno far lo muſchio atacano vno ſanſuga aL gato et li la laſcianno atacata infin ſia ben pienna de ſangue poi La ſtrucano in vno piato et meteno iL ſangue aL ſolle per cato ho cinque giornj poy lo bagniano cõ orina et il metenno altre tante fiate aL ſolle et cuſſi diuenta muſchio ꝓfeto ogniuno que tienne de queſti animali Conuien pagare vno tanto aL re Quelli pezeti que parenno ſian grani de muſchio ſonno de carne de capreto peſtatagli dento iL vero muſchio et ſe non iL ſangue et ſe ben diuenta in pezetti Se diſfa aL muſchio et al gato chiamano caſtori et ala ſanſuga lintha Seguendo poy la coſta de qʒſta chijna ſe trouano molti populi q̃ ſonno queſti li chienchij et ſtano in Jſole ne leqalli naſconno perle et cannela Li Lechij en tera ferma ſopa lo porto de Queſti trauerſa vna montagnia ꝓ laqaL ſe Conuien deſarburare tucti ly Jonqui et naui voleno Jntrare neL porto Jl re Mom in terra firma Queſto re ha vinti re ſoto diſe et e hobediente aL re de la chijna la ſua cita he deta bara naci Quiui e iL grã catayo orientalle Han yſola alta et frigida doue ſe truoua metalo argento perle et Seta iL ſuo re chiamaſſe raia Zotru Mli Janla eL ſuo re e detto raia chetisqnuga gnio lo ſuo re raia ſudacali tucti Queſti tre luogui Sonno frigidi et in terra ferma Triaganba Trianga due yſolle nelle Qualle vieneno perle metalo argento et ſeta il ſuo re raia Rrom Baſſi baſſa terra ferma et poi Sumbdit pradit due yſole richiſime de oro lihomini deleqalle portanno vna grã ſchiona de oro ne la gamba Soura iL piede Apreſſo Quiui ne la tera ferma in certi montagnie ſtano popoli che amazano li ſui padri et madre Quando ſonno vechi acio nõ ſe afati cano piu tucti li populi de Queſti luogui ſonno gentilli The cape of Malacha[596] lies in one and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. Along the coast east of that cape are many villages and cities. The names of some of them are as follows: Cinghapola, which is located on the cape; Pahan; Calantan; Patani; Bradlun; Benan; Lagon; Cheregigharan; Tumbon; Phran; Cui; Brabri; Bangha; India, which is the city where the king of Siam, by name Siri Zacabedera, lives; Jandibum; Lanu; and Longhonpifa.[597] Those cities are built like ours, and are subject to the king of Siam. On the shores of the rivers of that kingdom of Siam, live, as we are told, large birds which will not eat of any dead animal that may have been carried there, unless another bird comes first to eat its heart, after which they eat it.[598] Next to Siam is found Camogia,[599] whose king is called Saret Zacabedera; then Chiempa, whose king is Raia Brahaun Maitri.[600] Rhubarb which is found in the following manner grows there. Twenty or twenty-five men assemble and go together into the jungles. Upon the approach of night, they climb trees, both to see whether they can catch the scent of the rhubarb, and also for fear of the lions, elephants, and other wild beasts. The wind bears to them the odor of the rhubarb from the direction in which it is to be found. When morning dawns they go in that direction whence the wind has come, and seek the rhubarb until they find it. The rhubarb is a large rotten tree; and unless it has become rotten, it gives off no odor. The best part of that tree is the root, although the wood is also rhubarb which is called calama.[601] Next is found Cochi,[602] whose king is called Raia Seribumni Pala. After that country is found Great Chiina, whose king is the greatest in all the world, and is called Santhoa Raia.[603] He has seventy crowned kings subject to himself, and some of the latter have ten or fifteen kings subject to them. His port is called Guantan [i.e., Canton]. Among the multitude of other cities, there are two principal ones called Nanchin [i.e., Nanking] and Comlaha[604] where the above king lives. He keeps his four principal men near his palace—one toward the west, one toward the east, one toward the south, and one toward the north. Each one of those four men gives audience only to those who come from his own quarter. All the kings and seigniors of greater and upper[605] India obey that king; and in token that they are his true vassals, each one has an animal which is stronger than the lion, and called chinga,[606] carved in marble in the middle of his square. That chinga is the seal of the said king of Chiina, and all those who go to Chiina must have that animal carved in wax [or] on an elephant’s tooth, for otherwise they would not be allowed to enter his harbor. When any seignior is disobedient to that king, he is ordered to be flayed, and his skin dried in the sun and salted. Then the skin is stuffed with straw or other substance, and placed head downward in a prominent place in the square, with the hands clasped above the head,[607] so that he may be seen then to be performing zonghu, that is, obeisance. That king never allows himself to be seen by anyone. When he wishes to see his people, he rides about the palace on a skilfully made peacock, a most elegant contrivance, accompanied by six of his most principal women clad like himself; after which he enters a serpent called nagha,[608] which is as rich a thing as can be seen, and which is kept in the greatest court of the palace. The king and the women enter it so that he may not be recognized among his women. He looks at his people through a large glass which is in the breast of the serpent. He and the women can be seen, but one cannot tell which is the king. The latter is married to his sisters, so that the blood royal may not be mixed with others. Near his palace are seven encircling walls, and in each of those circular places are stationed ten thousand men for the guard of the palace [who remain there] until a bell rings, when ten thousand other men come for each circular space. They are changed in this manner each day and each night. Each circle of the wall has a gate. At the first stands a man with a large hook in his hand, called satu horan with satu bagan; in the second, a dog, called satu hain; in the third, a man with an iron mace, called satu horan with pocum becin; in the fourth, a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anat panan; in the fifth, a man with a spear, called satu horan with tumach; in the sixth, a lion, called satu horiman; in the seventh, two white elephants, called two gagia pute.[609] That palace has seventy-nine halls which contain only women who serve the king. Torches are always kept lighted in the palace,[610] and it takes a day to go through it. In the upper part of it are four halls, where the principal men go sometimes to speak to the king. One is ornamented with copper [metalo], both below and above; one all with silver; one all with gold; and the fourth with pearls and precious gems. When the king’s vassals take him gold or any other precious things as tribute, they are placed in those halls, and they say: “Let this be for the honor and glory of our Santhoa Raia.[611] All the above and many other things were told us by a Moro who had seen them. The inhabitants of Chiina are light complexioned and wear clothes. They eat at tables as we do, and have the cross, but it is not known for what purpose.[612] Musk is produced in that country of Chiina. Its animal is a cat[613] like the civet cat. It eats nothing except a sweet wood as thick as the finger, called chamaru.[614] When the Chinese wish to make the musk, they attach a leech to the cat, which they leave fastened there, until it is well distended with blood. Then they squeeze the leech out into a dish and put the blood in the sun for four or five days. After that they sprinkle it with urine,[615] and as often as they do that they place it in the sun. Thus it becomes perfect musk. Whoever owns one of those animals has to pay a certain sum to the king. Those grains which seem to be grains of musk are of kid’s flesh crushed in the real musk and not the blood.[616] Although the blood can be made into grains, it evaporates. The musk and the cat are called castor and the leech lintha.[617] Many peoples are to be found as one follows the coast of that country of Chiina, who are as follows. The Chienchii[618] inhabit islands where pearls and cinnamon grow. The Lechii live on the mainland; above their port stretches a mountain, so that all the junks and ships which desire to enter that port must unstep their masts. The king on the mainland [is called] Mom.[619] He has twenty kings under him and is subordinate to the king of Chiina. His city is called Baranaci. The great Oriental catayo[620] is located there. Han[621] [is] a cold, lofty island where copper [metalo], silver, pearls, and silk are produced, whose king is called Raia Zotru; Mli Ianla, whose king is called Raia Chetisqnuga;[622] Gnio, and its king, Raia Sudacali. All three of the above places are cold and are located on the mainland. Triaganba[623] and Trianga [are] two islands where pearls, copper [metalo], silver, and silk are produced, and whose king is Raia Rrom. Bassi Bassa [is] on the mainland; and then [follow] two islands, Sumbdit and Pradit,[624] which are exceedingly rich in gold, whose inhabitants wear a large gold ring around the legs at the ankle. On the mainland near that point live a race in some mountains who kill their fathers and mothers as age comes on, so that they may have no further trouble. All the peoples of those districts are heathens.
Marti de nocte venendo aL mercore a vndici de febraro 1522 partendone de La yſola de timor ſe in golfaſſemo neL mare grande nominato Laut chidoL et pigliando lo nr̃o Camino tra ponente et garbin laſciaſemo a La mano drieta a La tramõtana ꝓ pagura deL re de portoghala la Jſola Zamatra antichamẽte chiamata Traprobana pegu bengala Vriza che lui nelaqalle ſtanno li malabari Soto iL re de narſingha Calicut ſoto Lo medeſimo re Canbaia nelaqalle ſonno li guzerati Cananor ghoa Armus et tutta laltra coſta de la india magiore in queſta india magiore li ſonno ſey ſorte de homini Nairi panichali yranai pangelini Macuai et poleai Nairj ſonno li principali panichali ſonno li Citadini Queſte due ſorte de hoj̃ Conuerſano inſieme Jranai Colgeno lo vino de la palma et fighi pagelinj Sonno li marinarj Macuai ſonno li peſcatorj poleai ſeminano et colgeno lo rizo Queſti habitanno ſempre neli campi mai intrano in cita alguna et quando ſe li da alguna coſa la ſe ponne in tera poy loro la piglianno coſtoro Quando vanno ꝓ le ſtrade cridano po po po çioe gar date damj, acadete ſi como ne fu referito vno nair eſſere tocho per diſgratia da vn polea ꝓ iLque iL nair ſubito ſe fece amazare açio non rimaneſſe cõ qeL deſhonnore Et ꝓ Caualcare lo capo de bonna ſperãza andaſſemo fin a Quaranta dui gradi aL polo antarticho ſteſſemo ſoura queſto Cauo noue ſetimane cõ le velle amaynate ꝓ lo vento accidentale et maiſtralle ꝓ proa et cõ fortuna grandiſsima iLqaL capo ſta de latitudine in trenquato gradi et mezo et mille et ſey cento legue longi daL capo de malaca et e lo magiore et piu pericoloſo capo ſia neL mondo aL guni de li noſti a malati et ſani voleuão andare a vno luoco de portu gheſi deto Mozanbich ꝓ la naue q̃ faceua molta hacqua ꝓ lo fredo grande et molto piu ꝓ nõ hauere alto da mangiare Se non rizo et hacqua ꝓ cio la carne haueuamo hauuta ꝓ non hauere ſale ne era pu trefata Ma alguni de li alti piu deſideroſi deL ſuo honnore q̃ de la ꝓpria vita deliberorono viui o morti volere andare in ſpagnia finalmente cõ lo ajuto de dio a ſey de magio paſaſſemo Queſto capo apreſſo lui cinque legue ſe non la ꝓximauamo tanto may Lo poteuão paſſare poi nauigaſſemo aL mayſtrale dui meſi continui ſenza pigliare refrigerio alcuno in queſto pocho tempo ne morſeno vinti vno homo Quando li butauamo neL mare li xp̃iani andauão al fondo con lo volto in ſuſo et li Jndij ſempre cõ lo volto in giu et ſe dio non ne conduceua bon tempo tucti moriuão de fame alfine conſtrecti de la grande neceſitade andaſſemo a le yſole de capo verde Mercore a noue de Julio agiungeſſemo a vna de queſte deta sto. Jacobo et ſubito madaſſemo lo batelo in tera ꝓ victuuaglia con queſta Jnuẽtiõe de dire ali portugheſi como ne era rocto lo trinqueto Soto la lignea equino tialle ben che foſſe ſoura lo capo bonna ſperanza et Quando lo conciauão Lo nr̃e capo generalle cõ le altre due naui eſerſi andata in ſpagnia con queſte bonne parolle et cõ le nr̃e mercadantie haueſſemo dui batelli pi ennj de rizo Cometeſſemo a li nr̃j deL batelo Quando andarono in tera domandaſſero que giorno era ne diſcero como era a li portugheſi Joue Se marauigliaſſemo molto ꝓ che era mercore anuy et nõ ſapeuamo Como haueſſemo herato ꝓ ogni Jorno yo ꝓ eſſere ſtato ſempre ſanno haueua ſcripto ſenza niſſuna Jntermiſſione ma como da poy ne fu deto non era erore ma iL viagio facto ſempre ꝓ occidente et ritornato a lo iſteſſo luocho Como fa iL ſolle haueua portato qeL vantagio de hore vinti catro como chiaro ſi vede eſſendo andato lo batello vnalta volta in tera ꝓ rizo furonnore tenuti tredici homini cõ lo batello ꝓ che vno de qelli como da poy ſapeſemo in ſpagnia dice ali portugheſi Como lo nr̃o capo era morto et alti et que noi nõ andare in ſpagnia dubitandone de eſſere ancho nuy preſi ꝓ certe carauelle ſubito ſe partiſſemo. Sabato a ſey de ſeptembre 1522 Jntraſſemo nella baia de S. lucar ſe nõ diſdoto homini et la mogior parte Jnfermy iL reſto de ſexanta q̃ partiſſemo da malucho qi morſe de fame chi fugite nela yſola de timor et qi furenno amazati ꝓ ſui delicti daL tempo q̃ ſe partiſſemo de queſta baya fin aL giorno pñte haueuão facto catordicy mille et quatro cento et ſaxanta leghe et piu Compiuto lo circulo deL mõdo deL leuante aL ponente. Luni a octo de ſeptembre butaſſemo lanchora ap̃ſo Lo molo de ſeuiglia et deſcaricaſſemo tuta lartigliaria Marti nuj tucti in Camiſa et diſcalci andaſſemo cõ vna torcia ꝓ vno in mano auiſitare iL luoco de sa. maria de la victoria et qella de sta. maria de lantiqua. On Tuesday night as it drew near Wednesday, February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timor and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol.[625] Laying our course toward the west southwest, we left the island of Zamatra, formerly called Traprobana,[626] to the north on our right hand, for fear of the king of Portoghala;[627] [as well as] Pegu, Bengala, Uriza, Chelin where the Malabars live, who are subject to the king of Narsingha, Calicut, subject to the same king, Cambaia, where the Guzerati live, Cananor, Ghoa, Armus, and all the rest of the coast of India Major.[628] Six different classes of people inhabit India Major: Nairi, Panichali, Yranai, Pangelini, Macuai, and Poleai.[629] The Nairi are the chiefs; and the Panichali are the townspeople: those two classes of men have converse together. The Iranai gather the palm wine and figs. The Pangelini are the sailors. The Macuai are the fishermen. The Poleai are the farmers and harvest the rice. These last always live in the country, although they enter the city at times.[630] When anything is given them it is laid on the ground, and then they take it. When they go through the streets they call out Po! po! po! that is “Beware of me!”[631] It happened, as we were told, that a Nair once had the misfortune to be touched by a Polea, for which the Nair immediately had the latter killed so that he might erase that disgrace. In order that we might double the cape of Bonna Speranza [i.e., “Good Hope”], we descended to forty-two degrees on the side of the Antarctic Pole. We were nine weeks[632] near that cape with our sails hauled down because we had the west and northwest winds on our bow quarter and because of a most furious storm.[633] That cape lies in a latitude of thirty-four and one-half degrees, and is one thousand six hundred leguas[634] from the cape of Malaca. It is the largest and most dangerous cape in the world. Some of our men, both sick and well, wished to go to a Portuguese settlement called Mozanbich,[635] because the ship was leaking badly, because of the severe cold, and especially because we had no other food than rice and water; for as we had no salt, our provisions of meat had putrefied.[636] Some of the others however, more desirous of their honor than of their own life, determined to go to Spagnia living or dead. Finally by God’s help, we doubled that cape on May six at a distance of five leguas. Had we not approached so closely, we could never have doubled it.[637] Then we sailed northwest for two months continually without taking on any fresh food or water [refrigerio]. Twenty-one men died during that short time. When we cast them into the sea, the Christians went to the bottom face upward, while the Indians always went down face downward.[638] Had not God given us good weather we would all have perished of hunger. Finally, constrained by our great extremity, we went to the islands of Capo Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we reached one of those islands called Sancto Jacobo,[639] and immediately sent the boat ashore for food, with the story for the Portuguese that we had lost our foremast under the equinoctial line (although we had lost it upon the cape of Bonna Speranza), and when we were restepping it,[640] our captain-general had gone to Spagnia with the other two ships. With those good words[641] and with our merchandise, we got two boatloads of rice. We charged our men when they went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was, and they told us that it was Thursday with the Portuguese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wednesday with us, and we could not see how we had made a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I had set down every day without any interruption. However, as was told us later, it was no error, but as the voyage had been made continually toward the west and we had returned to the same place as does the sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as is clearly seen. The boat having returned to the shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat were detained, because one of them, as we learned afterward in Spagnia, told the Portuguese that our captain was dead, as well as others, and that we were not going to Spagnia.[642] Fearing lest we also be taken prisoners by certain caravels, we hastily departed.[643] On Saturday, September six,[644] 1522, we entered the bay of San Lucar with only eighteen men and the majority of them sick, all that were left of the sixty men who left Malucho. Some died of hunger; some deserted at the island of Timor; and some were put to death for crimes.[645] From the time we left that bay [of San Lucar] until the present day [of our return], we had sailed fourteen thousand four hundred and sixty leguas, and furthermore had completed the circumnavigation of the world from east to west.[646] On Monday, September eight, we cast anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and discharged all our artillery. Tuesday, we all went in shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle, to visit the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria [i.e., “St. Mary of Victory”], and that of Santa Maria de l’Antiqua [i.e., “St. Mary of Antiquity”].[647]
Partendomi de ſeuiglia andai a vagliadolit oue apreſentai a la ſacra mageſta de D. carlo non oro ne argento ma coſe da eſſere aſſay apreciati da vn ſimiL Signiore fra le altre coſe li detti vno libro ſcripto de mia mano de tucte le coſe paſſate de giorno in giorno neL viagio noſto me parti de li aL meglio puoti et andai in portagalo et parlay aL re don Johanny de le coſe haueua vedute paſſando ꝓ la ſpagnia veni in franſa et feci donno de algune coſe de lalto emiſperio a la madre deL xp̃ianiſſimo re don franciſco madama la regenta poi me venni ne la Jtalia oue donnay ꝓ ſempre me medeſimo et Queſte mie poche faticque a lo Jnclito et Illuſtriſſimo Signor philipo de Villers lisleadam grã maeſto de rhodi digniſſimo. Leaving Seviglia, I went to Vagliadolit [i.e., Valladolid], where I presented to his sacred Majesty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but things very highly esteemed by such a sovereign. Among other things I gave him a book, written by my hand, concerning all the matters that had occurred from day to day during our voyage.[648] I left there as best I could and went to Portagalo where I spoke with King Johanni of what I had seen. Passing through Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I made a gift of certain things from the other hemisphere to the mother of the most Christian king, Don Francisco, Madame the regent.[649] Then I came to Italia, where I established my permanent abode, and devoted my poor labors to the famous and most illustrious lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam, the most worthy grand master of Rhodi.
JL Caualier The Cavalier
anto pagaphetta Photographic facsimile of last page of Pigafetta’s relation showing signature [From the Pigafetta MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy] Antonio Pagaphetta[650]

Map of eastern Asia and the eastern archipelago, showing the Moluccas; drawn by Diego Homem, ca. 1558 (on vellum)

[Photographic facsimile of original manuscript map in the British Museum]

NOTES

[488] This passage of Pigafetta, had the Portuguese been aware of it, would have effectually answered the Spaniards in their assertions of priority of discovery in the Moluccas, in the celebrated Junta of Badajoz (see VOL. I, pp. 165–221).

[489] Tristão de Meneses was sent by Aleixo de Menezes to Malacca, and while on his way thither sailed among the islands of Java, Banda, and the Moluccas. He is mentioned by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) as being at Ternate.

[490] Diogo Lopes de Siqueira, a Portuguese naval officer, and captain-general and governor of India (1518–22), was despatched from Lisbon, April 5, 1508, with four ships on an expedition for the discovery and exploration of Malacca. On his arrival at India he was offered the position of chief-captain of India but declined. In December, 1509, he left for Malacca, where his carelessness and sense of security almost lost him his life because of Malay treachery. See Birch’s Alboquerque, Guillemard’s Magellan, and Mosto, p. 96, note 1.

[491] Juda is the town of Jidda or Djeddah, the port of Mecca. The feud between the Turks and Arabs and the Portuguese was of some years’ standing, for with the advent of the latter into the eastern world, the former had suffered greatly in their commerce, which had been extensive. Alboquerque fought against them at Aden (for descriptions and history of which, see Varthema’s Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 59–64; Birch’s Alboquerque, iv, pp. 10–14; and Lucas’s Hist. geog. Brit. Col., i. pp. 53–62), and at Goa. Many men were sent (1515) from Egypt to aid the Arabs at Aden, and the Portuguese were in constant fear of attack.

[492] MS. 5,650 reads: “Francisque Sarie.” This is probably Pero de Faria who was given command of a ship at Malacca by Alboquerque (Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, p. 166), and who was sent by the governor (Diogo Lopes de Siqueira) to build a fort at Maluco (Mosto, p. 96, note 4).

[493] The Banda, or Nutmeg Islands, which belong to the Dutch, are small and ten in number, some of which are uninhabited. Banda (properly Bândan) means in Javanese “the thing or things tied or united,” or with the word “Pulo,” “united islands.” The group lies between south latitudes 3° 50′ and 4° 40′. Sontar or the Great Banda is the largest island, but the principal settlement is on Nera. They are volcanic in origin and frequent eruptions and earthquakes have occurred. The population is scant, and the raising of nutmegs constitutes almost the entire source of revenue. Abreu was the first Portuguese to visit them (in 1511, at the order of Alboquerque), but Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 243, 244) seems to have visited them before that time. The Portuguese held the islands peacefully until 1609, when the Dutch attempted to settle, but were resisted by the natives, and many of the Dutch massacred, from which followed a war of extermination until 1627. Most of the natives fled, so that it became necessary for the Dutch to introduce slave labor for the cultivation of the nutmegs. At the Dutch conquest the nutmeg plantations were given to the persons taking part in it, and are still held by their heirs, under the name of Parkeniers, on condition of delivering the whole product to the government at a fixed and low rate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 33–36.

[494] MS. 5,650 reads: “than the other weapons [bastons].”

[495] MS. 5,650 reads: “of the color of the fruit.” Cf. Pigafetta’s description of the clove tree with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 246) and Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 81–84. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 101–105, and VOL. XIV, p. 58, note 5. Crawfurd remarks that Pigafetta’s account is even yet a good popular one.

[496] Probably Pottebackers Island to the south of Tidore.

[497] Cf. Pigafetta’s description of the nutmeg with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), p. 245, and Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 84–86. See also Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 304–306, and VOL. XX, p. 258, note 48.

[498] This method of making cloth from tree-bark is also mentioned by Combés (Historia, Madrid, 1667).

[499] MS. 5,650 adds: “and bruise.” There are supposed to be five palms that produce the product called sago, which is probably the word for the meal, as each of the palms has its own specific name. The most frequently cultivated are the râmbiya, Sagus Konigii or Metroxylon sago, and the bamban or Sagus lævis. The shell of each species is very thin, and the yield of sago very abundant, as it comprises all the pith of the tree. Sago trees grow throughout the Malayan archipelago and Philippines as far as Mindanao. They require a boggy ground and propagate by lateral shoots, as well as by seeds, so that a sago plantation is perpetual. Three trees will yield more nutritive matter than an acre of wheat, and six trees more than an acre of potatoes. Sago is the sole bread of the Moluccas and New Guinea and its neighboring islands, but of no other part of the Archipelago. In the Malay countries it is only the food of the wild tribes, and is hardly used by the Malays themselves. Only the poorer classes in Mindanao use it, while in other islands, such as Java, where rice is abundant, it is not used at all. It is the lowest kind of farinaceous food. The pearl sago of commerce was introduced by the Chinese. The method of preparation is essentially that described by Pigafetta. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 371, 372; and Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), pp. 115, 116.

[500] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. Stanley (p. 135, note) says that the dress of the soldiers of Pigafetta’s time was indecent.

[501] MS. 5,650 reads: “seven hundred and ninety.”

[502] These native names for cloves are “ghomodo” and “Bongalauant” in MS. 5,650. The principal names current for the clove in the eastern archipelago are foreign rather than native. In the Moluccas they are called gaumedi, which is a Sanskrit word meaning “cow’s marrow.” The most frequent name is cângkek which is said to be a corruption of the Chinese name theng-hia, meaning “odoriferous nails.” Another name is lawan to which the Malays prefix the words “flower” or “fruit” (as Pigafetta’s bongalauan), and is the name of the Telingas of India, who have always conducted the largest trade between India and the Malayan countries. Sec Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 101, 102.

[503] Still so called and located to the south.

[504] MS. 5,650 adds: “Ala.”

[505] MS. 5,650 reads: “crown.”

[506] Spelled zzambachean in MS. 5,650. This is the word subhan, “giving praise” (Stanley, p. 138).

[507] MS. 5,650 reads: “by Ala his god, and by his crown.”

[508] MS. 5,650 reads: “of that island.”

[509] MS. 5,650 reads: “the king of Bacchian.” These counselors were those well affected to the Portuguese who hoped by such an act to ward off Portuguese vengeance for the murder of the Portuguese at Bachian because of their licentiousness (see p. 41).

[510] MS. 5,650 reads: “As we had no more cloth, we sent to ask the king for three brasses of his cloth, which he gave to us.”

[511] MS. 5,650 reads: “some silk and other presents.”

[512] St. Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a virgin who was martyred at Heliopolis, December 4, 306.

[513] MS. 5,650 reads: “our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets.”

[514] MS. 5,650 reads: “three sous.” The marcello was a silver Venetian coin weighing sixty-three grams. Two marcelli equaled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one quarter Italian lire. It was later also the name given to a silver coin of Francesco III, duke of Mantua, 1540–50. See Mosto, p. 98, note 7; and Hazlitt’s Coinage of European Continent.

[515] MS. 5,650 says that a couple of drinking-cups were given to each of the brothers.

[516] MS. 5,650 reads: “many pieces of artillery.”

[517] MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts and culverins.”

[518] MS. 5,650 reads: “relatives and friends.”

[519] MS. 5,650 reads: “as mistresses of the function, and arranged everything.”

[520] MS. 5,650 adds: “for a jest;” but omits the remainder of the sentence.

[521] St. James of Compostella, located in the Spanish province of Galicia. Alboquerque, the great Portuguese viceroy of India, bequeathed a large silver lampstand to St. James of Galicia, and a hundred thousand reis (about £20 16s 8d), in cash for oil at his death. The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Palmela, and under the charge of the Augustinians was the head-quarters of Santiago or St. James in Portugal. See Birch’s Alboquerque, iii, pp. 18, 19.

[522] MS. 5,650 reads: “hagbuts.”

[523] MS. 5,650 reads: “quill.”

[524] In Eden (p. 259) manuccodiata; and in Transylvanus, Mamuco Diata (VOL. I, pp. 331, 332). This mention by the latter is perhaps the first mention in European literature of the bird of paradise, the skins of which seem to have been a regular article of commerce. These skins were supposed to render the wearer safe and invincible in battle. (Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 285, 286). The method of hunting, as described by Wallace (Malay Archipelago, New York, 1869) is by bow and arrow, the latter with “a conical wooden cap fitted to the end as large as a teacup, so as to kill the bird by the violence of the blow without making any wound or shedding any blood.”

[525] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty.”

[526] In place of the remainder of this sentence MS. 5,650 reads: “and cast spells.”

[527] MS. 5,650 reads here in addition to what follows: “bewitch and.”

[528] MS. 5,650 adds: “and shorter.”

[529] MS. 5,650 reads: “in lime and in large jars.” Cf. with Pigafetta’s description of the ginger plant and root, that of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 58). See also the prices quoted by Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 220, 221), and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 143.

[530] In Eden (p. 260) the “Trinidad” springs its leak in the island of Mare, after stowing provisions and fuel for the return trip.

[531] Bomba: a Spanish word.

[532] MS. 5,650 reads: “‘Who will go,’” etc.

[533] MS. 5,650 adds: “and regard.”

[534] MS. 5,650 does not specify any number, but makes it general of all who remained.

[535] MS. 5,650 adds: “and sadly.”

[536] MS. 5,650 reads: “afternoon.”

[537] MS. 5,650 reads: “fifty.” Juan Carvalho was later superseded by Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa the alguacil who had rendered so signal service to Magalhães at the time of the mutiny at Port St. Julian.

Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 305, 306, 311) gives his connection with the men of the “Trinidad” as follows:

“I have already written from Banda the news which I found there regarding the Castilians, and sent the letters of one Pedro de Lorossa who went with them. I left Banda May 2, 522, to ascertain whether I could seize the ship which left last, as the other one had already left about three months before. I reached Tidore May 13, 522, where the Castilians had been, and where they laded two of the five ships that sailed from Castilla. I learned that the first one had gone four months before and the other one a month and a half. The second had not left with the first because of a leak which had opened when they were on the point of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargo and after it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians, one a factor, with merchandise, and another who was a gunner. I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [of Tidore] demanding the surrender of the Castilians, artillery, and property to me, and to ask him why he had admitted Castilians since that region had been discovered so long before by the Portuguese. He answered that he had admitted them as merchants, and for fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent me three Castilians and a small amount of their goods. I had already taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he had gone to get information of the country and of trade. The fifth Castilian was absent in the island of Moro, 60 leguas from Maluco. The following day the king came to see me. He announced himself as a good vassal of your Highness, and had excuses for everything, all of which was proved by the Castilians themselves. I had him give his testimony in writing, in order to have a check on him at all times, for I assure you that those Castilians had surrendered to his power as if they were Christians and his natives. I found the whole country full of tin crosses ([although] some were of silver), with a crucifix on one side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards, muskets, crossbows, swords, darts, and powder. I brought all those crosses above mentioned to your Highness, which those people were selling with full knowledge of what they were.

“After I had been there two days a bastard son of the king of Ternate came to take me to his island. That man is the one who is governing in the name of the heir, a child of eight or nine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival. This island [of Ternate] is the largest and chiefest of Maluco, and is the one where Francisco Serrano always lived, as well as Don Tristan when he came here. Then the mother of the king, who has more authority, came, and they proclaimed themselves as your Highness’s vassals. I said nothing of a fortress as I wished first to see all the islands. After I had seen them, I thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and there is no port in Tidor.

“While I was ashore my men fell sick, and within two months, I only had 50 well men out of the 200 I had brought with me. About 50 of them died, and with so few men the fortress was started.

“On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the back of these islands. I thought it must be the Castilians, since they took that course. I sent three ships with orders to bring it in, and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians. They said that not caring to return by the way they had come as it was so long a voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien. They found but light winds, for they could not take the monsoon, and [accordingly] went to 40 degrees north. According to their account they had made 900 leguas when they put back. When they left they had 54 men, 30 of whom died at 40 degrees. The goods of the king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the maps and astrolabes were seized. The ship, which was old and leaking badly, was begun to be lightened. In a week it opened and 40 bahars of cloves were lost. The wood was used for the fortress and the equipment for the other ships there....

“I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that they might pay what they owe to Jorge de Alburquerque, so that he might send them thence to the chief captain of India according to the instructions given me in your Highness’s orders. Those men are Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, captain; Juan de Campos, factor, who remained with the goods in Tidore; Alfonso de Costa, who was going to examine the trade in Banda; Luis del Molino; Diego Diaz; Diego Martin; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship; Juan Roiz; Ginés de Mafra; Juan Novoro; San Remo; Amalo; Francisco de Ayamonte; Luis de Veas; Segredo; Master Otans [the German gunner, Hans Vargue]; and Anton Moreno.

“I left four here: 1st, the master of the ship, named Juan Bautista, who is the most skilful of them all, and has sailed in ships belonging to your Highness, and who is the one who took command, and who after the death of Magallanes must have taken his fleet to Maluco; 2nd, the clerk, who is a good sailor and pilot; 3d, the boatswain; and 4th, a carpenter who is needed to repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of Burneo....

“In regard to the master, clerk, and pilot, I am writing to the chief captain that it will be more to the service of your Highness to order them beheaded than to send them there. I detained them in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the intention of having them die there, as I did not dare order them beheaded for I was ignorant whether such action would meet your Highness’s approval. I am writing to Jorge de Alburquerque to detain them in Malaca, which is also a country that is very unhealthy.”

Navarrete describes the adventures of the “Trinidad” and the fate of her crew in his Col. de viages, iv, pp. 98–107; for a translation of which see Stanley’s First Voyage, pp. 237–241. Cf. also the account in Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 298–307, where many details not in Navarrete are to be found. The mortality of the crew of the “Trinidad” was terrible, and of the 53 men left with Juan Carvalho at Tidore, only the following returned to Spain, and that only after a number of years: Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, alguazil; Ginés de Mafra, sailor; Leon Pancado [mentioned above by Brito], sailor; and Juan Rodriguez of Seville, sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, also reached Lisbon with Espinosa and Ginés de Mafra, but died almost immediately upon his arrival there, in prison. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 338, 339.

The goods left and accumulated in Tidore by the Spaniards is thus given by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 310): “The goods which remained in Tidor belonging to the Castilians amounted to 1,125 quintals 32 libras of copper, 2,000 libras of quicksilver, two quintals of iron, three bombards with iron blocks (one is a pasamuro and two are roqueiras), 14 iron culverins without any chamber, three iron anchors (consisting of a fugareo, one large one, and one broken one), 9 crossbows, 12 muskets, 32 breast-plates, 12 serveilheras, 3 helmets, 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 iron culverins, 2 iron falconets, 2 large iron bombards with four chambers, and 1,275 quintals of cloves.”

[538] So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religious matters of Tidore, which had embraced the Mahometan worship.

[539] MS. 5,650 adds: “was forty-five years old.”

[540] MS. 5,650 omits mention of the camotes. The comulicai becomes comulicar in MS. 5,650. Eden reads: “and a marueilous coulde frute which they name Camulicai.” The comulicai is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach called guava is evidently the mango or manga (Mangifera Indica). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 263 (who fails to note that Pigafetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas). It is mentioned by the Italian traveler Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 159, 160).

[541] The generic name for “parrot” is loony. Its correct Malay form is noyras (Crawfurd, Dictionary, p. 221, nuri and Javanese nori). The corruption nori began to be common in the seventeenth century. (See Linschoten’s Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 307). Nicolò de’Conti says that there are three species of parrots in Banda. The first two species are both known by the name of nori, “bright,” and are about the size of doves, one species having red feathers and a saffron-colored beak and the other being of various colors. The third species are white and as large as the common domestic fowl, and are called cachi, “better.” They imitate human speech better than the others. Bellemo says that the lori [i.e., nori] are parrots with red feathers, giachi those which speak more easily, while the white ones cockatoos which do not speak (Mosto, p. 100, note 3).

[542] The modern names of the Moluccas are Ternate, Tidor, Mortier, Makian, and Batjian; or in a more correct orthography, Târnati, Tidori, Mortir, Makiyan, and Bachian (see Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 283). Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) includes Gilolo among the Moluccas.

[543] In describing the five Moluccas Islands, Eden (p. 260) says that Tidore lies in 171 degrees of longitude. “Terenate, is vnder the Equinoctial line foure minutes vnder the pole Antartike.... Theſe Ilandes are lyke foure ſharpe mountaynes, except Macchian which is not ſharpe. The byggeſt of all theſe, is Bacchian.”

Main events while at the Moluccas, are related substantially the same by the “Roteiro” (Stanley, pp. 23–25) as by Pigafetta, although much shorter. The “Roteiro” says however that the king of Tidore sent twenty-five divers to locate the leak of the “Trinidad.” The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, pp. 31, 32) names the five Moluccas and mentions the island of Banda. See A. Bastian’s Indonesian oder die Inseln des Malayischen Archipel, which contains sections entitled: Die Mölukken (Berlin, 1884); Timor and umliegende Inseln (Berlin, 1885): and Borneo und Celebes (Berlin, 1889).

[544] MS. 5,650 omits this vocabulary; as does Stanley. Mosto has mistranscribed a few of the Malay words. This vocabulary is the most ancient specimen of Malay extant, for in that language there exist neither old inscriptions nor old manuscripts; and it is wonderfully accurate. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 352; also R. N. Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878); and Wallace’s East India Archipelago, pp. 608–625.

[545] Naceran is evidently a corruption of an Arabian word meaning “Nazarene;” in some of the following words used to denote worship, one may see traces also of words brought in with the conquering religion of Mahomet.

[546] See VOL. XXXIII, p. 315, note 160.

[547] See VOL. XXXIII, p. 349, note 391.

[548] At this point in the original Italian MS. are shown two charts: 1. On folio 68b, the islands of Laigoma, Caioian, Giogi, Sico, Labuac, Caphi (with the inscription “The Pigmies live in this island”), Tolyman, Tabobi, Bachiam, Latalata, Batutiga, Maga, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 104); shown on folio 84a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Bacchian, Toliman, Sico, Caioan, Laigoma, Gioggi, Caphi, Labuan, etc.” 2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambalao, Ambon, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 110); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 84b, preceded by the words “Below is shown the chart of the islands of Ambalao, Ambon, Buru, and others.”

[549] A number of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightly differently in Eden (p. 260). Mosto (p. 104, note 1) conjectures that Caioan is the Cayoan of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 224), which he seeks to identify with the island of Kayoa or Kiou; Laigoma is Laigama, one of the islands among the Molucca group; Sico is Siku; Giogi is perhaps Gumorgi; and Caphi is Gafi. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 1–5.

[550] Throughout the remainder of his narrative, it is seen that Pigafetta has often lent a credulous ear to the Malayan pilots of the ships and to current report. Marco Polo (book iii, xiii), explodes the belief in pigmies, which he declares to have been cleverly made for trade purposes. Pigafetta’s account may possibly refer to an aboriginal people, although more probably it is a reference to the orang-outang.

[551] MS. 5,650 spells some of these islands differently (Labuan, Toliman, and several others), but in general the changes in spelling are very slight, consisting in a change of vowel or a doubling of a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southern part of the island of Batchian; Toliman is Twali Bezar; Titameti is perhaps Tawalie Ketijl; Latalata is Latta-latta; Tabobi is perhaps Tappi; Maga is perhaps Loemang; Batutiga is perhaps Oby Major, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 6–12.

[552] Called “Sulan” by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). It is one of the Xulla Islands (see Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 289, and Mosto, p. 104, note 13).

[553] It is impossible to identify these names with complete assurance. The first four probably correspond to the group of islands near Amboina, which contains those of Honimoa, Moelana, Oma, and Noesfa Laut; Leitimor (Ley-timur) is a peninsula of Amboina; Tenetun (called “Tenado” by Albo-Navarrete, iv. p. 225) is perhaps one of the Xulla islands; the last four correspond perhaps to the group east of Ceram known as Bonoa, Babi, Kelang, Manipa, Toeban, and Smangi. Benaia is again named lower down, and two other islands in its group. See Mosto, pp. 104, 105, notes.

[554] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) calls it Lumutola. It is perhaps the island of Lisamatula. See Mosto, p. 105, note 2.

[554*] MS. 5,650 reads: “a food made of figs [i.e., bananas], almonds, and honey, wrapped in leaves and smoke dried, which is cut into rather long pieces and called canali.” That MS. omits the remainder of this, and the following six sentences.

[555] MS. 5,650 reads: “sixty-five.” On modern maps this name is given as Boeroe. It is called Buró by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225), and he says that it was “necessary to coast along its eastern side.” This was on December 27.

[556] The native name of Amboina is Ambun, which is said to be derived from its chief town, the island itself being called by its inhabitants Hitoe or Hitu. The inhabitants have been converted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church. They attend public schools and are taught to read and write the Malay language in Roman characters. Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 11.

[557] MS. 5,650 gives this name as “Undia.” It is probably the Bidia of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225).

[558] Now Amblau. It has an area of about seventy square geographical miles, and a small population. It lies in latitude 3° 15´ south, and longitude 125° 15´ east.

Following this paragraph in the original Italian MS. (folio 72a) is shown the chart of the islands of Bandam, namely, Lailaca, Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach, Saniananpi, Chelicel, Man, Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa (q.v., p. 114). This chart is shown on folio 85b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words, “Chart of the islands of Bandan, Rossonghin, Man, Zzorobua, and others.”

[559] The names of the ten islands comprising the Banda group are Banda (“United”), Pulo Nera (“the island of Palm Wine”), Lontar (“Palm”), Pulo Ai (properly Pulo Wai; “Water Island”), Pulo Pisang (“Banana Island”), Pulo Run (Rung; “Chamber Island”), Pulo Suwanggi (“Sorcery Island”), Gunung-api (“Fire Mountain” or “Volcano”), Pulo Kapal (“Ship Island” or “Horse Island”), and Rosingen (the Rosoghin of Pigafetta, and the Rosolangium of Barros, which Crawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay words roso, “strength” and langgâng, “firm,” “assured”). See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 33; and ante, note 493.

[560] At this point (folio 73a) of the original Italian MS. follows the chart of the islands, of Mallua, Batuombor, Galiau, Zolot, and Nocemamor (q.v., p. 118). This chart is shown on folio 87a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the islands of Zzolot, Galliau, Nocemamor, Batuanbor, and Mallua.”

[561] These are the islands of Solor, Nobokamor Rusa, and Lomblen (Mosto, p. 105, notes 6–8). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 289, note) says that the passage taken by the “Victoria” was either Flores or Boleng Strait.

[562] MS. 5,050 reads: “little horns.” The Italian is corniolli.

[563] MS. 5,650 reads: “They have a kind of sack made from the leaves of trees, in which they carry their food and drink. When their women saw us they came to meet us with bows,” etc. Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The Italian MS. will allow this translation, although the most natural translation both in the structure and the sense is the one of our text. This might be recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part of the adapter of the Italian to the French.

[564] MS. 5,650 reads: “in order to inspect and overhaul.”

[565] MS. 5,650 mentions only the long pepper here, though the round variety is also described as in the Italian MS.

[566] MS. 5,650 omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sentence, compares the leaves of the pepper plant to those of the mulberry. Gatelle (Gattelli), the diminutive of Gatto “cat,” is the vulgar name for amento, the botanical name for the first flowers of the walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree, and other trees.

[567] MS. 5,650 reads: “lubi.” Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 335) says that the long pepper (Piper longum) is called chave by the Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. It is probably a native of Java, although grown in other parts of the archipelago. It is not named by Barbosa. Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 73) says that the long pepper is grown only in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini (from the Sanskrit pippali).

[568] The black pepper (Piper nigrum), called lada in Malayan, lada in the Philippines, and maricha (pure Sanskrit) in Javanese, was probably introduced into the archipelago from Malabar. It is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantly so in the mountains and valleys of most of the countries of the western side of India. It is produced in some parts of the Philippines, but little is exported, as sufficient attention has not been paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with that raised in other parts of the East Indies. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 333–335; and Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 114. See also Yule’s Jordanus (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 27 (who confuses the long with the black pepper); Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 156, 157; Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 219; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 72–75; and VOL. III, p. 77.

[569] They reached this island on January 8, 1522, the day of the storm. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv, p. 226).

At this point in the original Italian MS. (folio 74a) is the chart of the islands of Botolo, Chendam, Nossocamba, Samaute, and Timor (q.v., p. 124). This chart appears on folio 89a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: “Chart of the island of Timor and of its four settlements, and four other islands.”

[570] Mosto (p. 106, note 4) conjectures that Arucheto is one of the Aru Islands or the island of Haruku, east of Amboina. Eden (p. 260) says of the island of Arucheto (Arucetto): “But owr men wolde not ſayle thyther, bothe bycauſe the wynde and courſe of the ſea was ageynſte theym, and alſo for that they gaue no credite to his reporte.” This last reason may have been obtained from Maximilianus Transylvanus.

[571] Amoretti reads erroneously: “Saturday, January 25, at 22 o’clock;” and Stanley (p. 151), reproducing his error, explains this as the Italian method of reckoning time.

[572] MS. 5,650 omits the date.

[573] MS. 5,650 reads: “beef,” here and throughout this paragraph, and elsewhere.

[574] The large island was Timur, and Amaban and Balibo were villages located on its coast. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 226) says that they coasted along Timor “to the village of Manvay, first arriving at the village of Queru.”

[575] MS. 5,650 reads: “linen, silk and cotton cloth, knives, scissors, mirrors, and other things.”

[576] MS. 5,650 reads: “adorned with gold,” and the last sentence of the paragraph reads: “Some of them wear other gold ornaments in their ears.” Guillemard conjectures from Pigafetta’s description that these people were of Papuan origin (Magellan, p. 290). His translation of this passage is not exact.

[577] The white sandal wood (Santalum album) is a low tree resembling a large myrtle, although belonging to another family. It is a native of several islands in the Malay Archipelago, but more especially of Timur and Sumba (Sandal Wood Island). It is also found in the South Sea islands and in Malabar. The Malays and Javanese call it “chandana” (a Sanskrit word, written “sandana” by the Filipinos, but used there for another tree), and it was probably first made known to the natives of the archipelago by the Hindu traders. Both Varthema and Barbosa mention it as an article of commerce, and the latter gives prices. The greatest users of sandal-wood as a perfume, incense, or fancy wood are the Hindus and Chinese, especially the latter. Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 375.

[578] MS. 5,650 omits mention of beans.

[579] MS. 5,650 reads “steel” instead of “hatchets.”

[580] MS. 5,650 reads: “one hundred and sixty-four and one-half.”

[581] Timur is wrongly classed with the chain of islands called the Sunda, being different in location, structure, fauna, and botany. It is mountainous and rather desolate. Its inhabitants are Malayans and Negritos, and two languages are spoken there—Timourese in the west, and Teto or Manatoto in the east. The religion is a sort of demonology. An annual sacrifice of a virgin to the sharks and alligators was made until recent times, when the practice was abolished by the Dutch. It is about 370 miles long by 50 broad in its widest part and contains about 9,808 square geographical miles. The island belongs to the Dutch and Portuguese. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 432–435, and Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878), p. 143.

[582] MS. 5,650 reads: “St. Job,” and “for franchi.” Eden (p. 260) says of this disease: “In al the Ilandes of this Archipelagus, rayneth the diſeaſe of ſaynt Iob (whiche wee caule the frenche poxe) more then in any other place in the worlde.” Evidently this passage of Pigafetta is a reference to the disease of syphilis. This disease was not first introduced in the Orient by the Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in America, for Varthema found it in Calicut in 1505, and it was observed in China long before it was noticed in Europe. Littré discovered a mention of it in a work of the thirteenth century, and it is mentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under the name of upadamça. It is doubtless an old disease. Stanley (p. 153) following Amoretti, wrongly believes the leprosy to be meant by this passage. From the fact that the Filipinos had a name for the disease (see vol. i, p. 189), it is conjectured that its existence was well known. See Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, p. 239.

The following information is received from Walter G. Stern, M. D., of Cleveland, Ohio, regarding this disease: “The maladie de Job is considered by many authors to be syphilis (lues venerea). At least all of the symptoms complained of by Job can be readily explained upon the theory that Job was afflicted with this disease. That syphilis is as old as mankind, there can be no doubt, although for centuries popular belief and tradition claimed that it was introduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The coincidence of the terrible epidemic of malignant syphilis with the discovery of the New World, the ignorance of the medical profession of those times, and the silence of the popular medical writers of former ages as to the previous existence of such a complex contagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an axiom. The finding of undoubted syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the most remote historic periods is undisputed evidence of the antiquity of syphilis. The sexual excesses of the ancients, the Baal and Astarte worship of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cult of the Romans, were at least most favorable means of spreading venereal diseases. Not taking into account references in Roman and Grecian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic Izdebar and the “papyrus Ebers,” we find the first reference to syphilitic disease in Indian literature of the Brahman period (800 B. C.). There is also a reference in the Chinese work of Musi-King, which very possibly dates from 2637 B. C.; also one in a Japanese MS. Daido-rui-shim-ho of about 810 B. C. Hippocrates, Celsus, and Pliny also mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis, while the Roman satirists describe venereal afflictions identical to it. It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was of a very mild type—endemic, as seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey. Its place of origin is unknown. It probably came from India, where it has been endemic at least from 800 B. C., and brought by the Assyrians, Phœnicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and Rome and the rest of Europe. (See Neuman’s Syphilis, Wien, 1899).” Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, in “The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal” for January and February, 1905, has the following note: “American origin of syphilis. In his ‘Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis (Lustseuche) in der europäischen Kulturwelt’ (Jena, 1903, p. 35) Iwan Bloch sustains the thesis of its pre-Columbian existence in America and transference to Europe in the wake of the discovery of the new world. Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis ‘Der Ursprung der Syphilis’ (1901), in which he set forth similar views. The new work contains data concerning the first appearance of this terrible malady in Europe, and of a like sexual disease among the American Indians.”

[583] In the original Italian MS. at this point (folio 76a) follows the chart of Laut Chidol, that is, Great Sea (q.v., p. 124). This chart is given on folio 89b of MS. 5,650, without other inscription than that of the chart itself, which is the same as the above.

[584] Endé, also called Floris and Mangarai, lies between latitudes 7° and 9° south, and longitudes 120° and 123° east. It is two hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from forty-two to fifty miles. It is volcanic in origin. It is said to possess six distinct languages, and the natives are intermediate between Malayan and Papuan. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 138, and Cust, ut supra, p. 143.

[585] Tanabutun—Mani (in MS. 5,650, “Moiu,” and in Mosto “Main”) inclusive, probably refer to the islands between Endé or Floris and Sumbawa. Zumbaua is Sumbawa, which is so called from its principal people. It is the fifth island of the Sunda chain from the westward. Its length is 140 miles, greatest breadth, 50, and its area about 278 square geographical leagues. The island belongs to the Dutch, but the more civilized people are Mahometans, while some of the mountaineers are still pagans. Three languages or dialects are found there. Lomboch or Lomboc is the second island due east of Java. The name is taken from the Javanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lomboc is now called Sasak (in Malay and Javanese, “a raft” or “temporary bridge”), and sometimes Selaparang. It is volcanic and mountainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable rivers, and a number of mountain lakes. The vegetation resembles that of Java, but its fauna is considerably different. The inhabitants call themselves Sasak, who are Mahometans and subject (along the seacoast) to the Balinese who profess Hinduism (a unique example of a nation professing Mahometanism being held in permanent subjection by another professing Hinduism). The language of the Sasaks is similar to that of the western end of Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali, the island just east of Java. See Mosto, p. 107, notes 6–9; Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Cust’s Modern Languages of East Indies.

[586] Java (a Dutch dependency), the most important island of the East Indies, is correctly called Jawa, a name derived from its principal people. It was first named among Europeans by Marco Polo. Varthema’s account of the island is almost worthless, but Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately, while Pigafetta’s account is still more accurate. The botany of Java is rich and diversified, and the island is extremely fertile. The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The people whether Javanese or Sundanese are Malayan. The Javanese are industrious and honest, and are only semi-Mahometan. The Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the western part are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chief language of the island, and is one of the most copious languages in the world. The Javanese are the most civilized of all Malayan peoples and could boast of civilization before the advent of Europeans in the Orient. They have cultivated certain of the arts and have many industries. They have a literature that is sufficiently abundant in both the ancient and modern languages. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 165–192; Cust’s Modern Languages of the East Indies, pp. 137, 138; and Lucas’s Historical Geography of British Colonies (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 99.

[587] The name of the king of Megepaher seems to be given as “Patiunus Sunda” in MS. 5,650. That manuscript continues: “Considerable pepper grows there. The other cities are.” Magepaher is the ancient capital Majapait; Sunda is probably the western district of Java, occupied by the Sundanese (it must be remembered that Pigafetta’s information is derived orally from the Malay pilots); Daha is the ancient Javanese kingdom of Däa; Cipara is Japara; Sidaiu is Sidayu; Tuban is the same; Chessi is Gressik or Gârsik (the first place in Java visited by the Portuguese d’Abreu); and Cirubaia is Surabaya. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 166.

[588] Balli is not properly a city of Java, but the island of Bali, located about 1–1/2 miles east of Java. The name in Javanese and Malay signifies “to return.” Its area is about 1685 square geographical miles, and it is lofty and mountainous. Its numerous rivers are navigable for native vessels only, and as far as the reach of the tide; and its mountain lakes ensure a constant water supply. The people live in villages of from five hundred to three thousand inhabitants, surrounded by walls built of clay, without stone or brick. They are said to be more skilful agriculturists than the Javanese. The religion is Brahmanical and Buddhist, although blended with Pagan forms and beliefs. The caste idea prevails among them. Their dialect is called Balinese, and although rude and simple is above those of the Sundanese and Madurese. Writing is on the palm-leaf only. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 28–31; and Cust’s Modern Languages, pp. 138, 139.

[589] Eden reads (p. 260): “Giaua the leſſe, is as bygge as the Ilande of Madera, and is but half a leaque diſtante from Giaua maior;” thus confusing the island of Madura with the Portuguese island of Madeira. Madura has the same formation, vegetation, and manners and character of its inhabitants, as Java. The name is derived from the Hindu legend, which represents it as the kingdom of the hero and demi-god Baladewa, and is a corruption of the Sanskrit Mathura. The greatest length of the island is about ninety miles. The language although poorer and ruder than the Javanese, resembles the latter. It has one dialect, termed Sumanap. Many of its inhabitants have emigrated to Java. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 233, 234; and Cust’s Modern Languages, p. 138.

[590] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence.

[591] This ceremony, as it was practiced in the island of Bali (the only one of the East Indies to preserve the custom) is described by Crawfurd (Dictionary, pp. 30, 140–142). “The ordinary funeral rites of the Balinese much resemble those of the Buddhists of Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a modification of the Hindu Suttee, and the bloody ceremony of krising, a barbarism peculiar to the people of Bali themselves.” In that island, unless the dead man were of great wealth, the woman sacrificing herself was stabbed to death with a kris, instead of being burned with her husband’s corpse, as the expense accompanying the burning was so great. Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 93) mentions this custom of one of the countries of India. See also Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 249, 250, and note).

[592] MS. 5,650 adds: “of their vagina.”

[593] MS. 5,650 adds: “and more pleasantly.” This custom is also mentioned by Barbosa (ut supra, p. 184) in connection with the people of Pegu. His account, which is left untranslated by Stanley, is as follows:

“They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk’s-bells sewn and fastened in the head of their penis between the flesh and the skin in order to make them larger. Some have three, some five, and others seven. Some are made of gold and silver, and others of brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The custom is considered as quite the proper thing. The women delight greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go without them. The most honored men are those who have the most and largest ones. I will say nothing more of this custom, for it is a shameful one.” Stanley says that this custom is also mentioned by Nicolo Conti in the fifteenth century.

[594] In MS. 5,650 and in Mosto: “Ocoloro.” Yule (Book of Ser Marco Polo, ii, p. 395) conjectures that this is the modern island of Engano.

[595] In MS. 5,650 “caiu paugganghi,” and “bua paugganghi.” Stanley (p. 155, note 2) says that garuda is Sanskrit and Malay for “griffin,” and (note 1) that campong anghin means “the place of wind.” Yule (Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 511, note) says: “Garuda is a term from the Hindu mythology for the great bird that carries Vishnu; its use among the Malays is a relic of their ancient religion.... To an island of the Indian Sea also Kazwini attributes a bird of such enormous size, that, if dead, the half of its beak would serve for a ship.” De Gubernatis (Memorie intorno ai viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie orientali, Firenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is perhaps the mythical tree, whose fruit gives felicity in the Hindu paradise; and the bird is the one with the golden feathers, into which Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the Hindu mythology. Mosto, p. 108, note 5.

[596] Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca.

[597] Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, so called from the Sanskrit singa, “lion,” and pura, “city.” It is an island and town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula, and is a busy mart of trade. Pahan is Pahang (called Pam by the Portuguese, and properly spelt Päang), which is a city and district or province of the eastern part of the Malacca Peninsula. Calantan (Kalantan) and Patani are districts of the eastern part of the peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the same names. Both states were from early times tributary to Siam. Lagon is the Siamese province of Ligor (called Lâkon by the Siamese). Phran is perhaps the same name as seen today in the Pran River. Cui figures on the maps of Ortelius and Mercatorius; and Valentyn gives an island “Couir.” Brabri is perhaps Bangri, and Bangha, Bang-kok. India (error of ancient amanuensis for Iudia) is Yuthia, which became the Siamese capital in 1350. Mosto believes that Jandibum, Sanu, and Langhonpifa are also the names of Siamese kings, but they are probably the names of cities. MS. 5,650 makes Zacabedera the name of a city, but it appears later as part of a sovereign’s name. Stanley (following Amoretti, who mistranscribed) has Bradlini, Trombon, Joran (for Phran), Laun (in MS. 5,650 “Lauu”), and Langonpifa. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, and Mosto (p. 109, notes 1–8).

[598] MS. 5,650 reads: “the rest.”

[599] MS. 5,650 reads: “Cameggia.” This is the country of Cambodia or Camboja (Kamboja), called also Champa by the Malays. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, pp. 80, 81.

[600] Champa, the name of an ancient Malay settlement on the eastern side of the gulf of Siam, in the country of Cambodia. Stanley makes the name of its king “Brahami Martu.” Mosto (p. 109, note 10) makes Chiempa, Binh-Thuan in Anam. See preceding note; and Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 93.

[601] Stanley (p. 156, note) says: “Pigafetta has confounded rhubarb with the decayed wood of a tree found in Siam, which, when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and which sells at a high price.”

[602] MS. 5,650 confuses this country with the cocoanut, and translates accordingly: “Cocoanuts are found there.” It is, of course, the country of Cochin. MS. 5,650 also makes the Seribumni (Scribumni, in Mosto) Pala (Seribumnipala, in MS. 5,650) the ruler of Champa, although a ruler has already been named for that country.

[603] This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong, of the Ming dynasty, who succeeded to Woutsong in 1519 and reigned for forty-five years. See Boulger’s Short History of China (London, 1900, pp. 94–96).

[604] In Eden (p. 260) the names of these Chinese cities are “Canthan, Nauchin, and Connulaha.” The last is the city of Peking which was called Khan-palik (the city of the Khan) by the Mongols, a form which was changed into Cambalu in the accounts of those times. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, p. 55.

[605] MS. 5,650 reads: “great and little.” See VOL. XXXIII, p. 331, note 273.

[606] Eden (p. 261) calls the Chinese emblem a “linx;” an allusion doubtless to the Chinese emblem, the dragon, called lung. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, ii, p. 267.

[607] MS. 5,650 continues from this point: “so that he may furnish an example.” See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 408–420, for modes of Chinese punishments (the obeisance made by criminals being mentioned on p. 315). The zonghu of the text is perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called kung shau, which consists in joining the hands and raising them before the breast (ii, p. 68).

[608] MS. 5,650 adds: “also artificially made.” Naga in Sanskrit is the name of a fabulous snake or dragon, and is found in all the cultivated languages throughout the Indian Archipelago. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, p. 290.

[609] This passage reads as follows in MS. 5,650: “Each circle or enclosure of the wall has a gate. At the first is a porter who holds in his hand a large stout iron club called satu horan. In the second is a dog called satu hain; in the third a man with an iron mace called satu horan with pocun bessin; in the fourth a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anach panan; in the fifth a man with a lance called satu horan with satu tumach; in the sixth a lion called satu hurimau; and in the seventh, two white elephants called two gaggia pute.” Mosto has houman for the horiman of our text and the hurimau of MS. 5,650; while Stanley has hurimau. Mosto also prints the word con meaning “with,” as a part of the various Malayan words. The meaning of these words as given by Stanley and corroborated by Mosto are as follows: satu orang, “one man;” anjing, a “dog;” pokoh bisi, “club of iron;” panah, a “bow;” tombak, a “lance;” horiman, a “tiger.”

[610] MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence; and continuing reads: “If one stops to examine the palace thoroughly, he finds four halls, where the principal men go at times to visit and converse with the king.” Eden (p. 261) says: “In this pallaice are lxxix. haules, in the which is an infinite number of women that ſerue the kynge hauynge euer lyght torches in theyr handes for the greater magnifycence.”

[611] See description of Peking with map showing the palace in Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 55–66.

[612] Eden (p. 261) reads: “They haue the croſſe in ſum eſtimation, but knowe not the cauſe whye.”

[613] The remainder of this sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650.

[614] “Commaru” in MS. 5,650.

[615] MS. 5,650 reads: “Then it is steeped in the urine of the said cat.”

[616] MS. 5,650 adds instead of the following sentence: “But the real musk comes from the blood abovesaid, and if that be made into little round pellets, it evaporates.”

[617] Mosto (p. 110, note 5) thinks it more probable that this passage refers to the animal Moschus moschiferus, or the musk deer, which is found in the high Himalayas, Tibet, and Eastern Siberia, rather than to the civet cat, which Pigafetta names. Castor is derived from the Sanskrit kasturi, which is used by the Malays and Javanese for the perfume of the civet cat (although they also use native and Arabic names). It is very probable that Pigafetta has confused musk and civet. However, Cosmas says also that the Kasturi produces the musk (see Yule’s Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. clxxiv). Friar Jordanus gives a very superficial account of the musk deer and the preparation of musk (Wonders of the East, pp. 47, 48). Early descriptions of preparing musk and prices are given by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 102), Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 186, 187, 222), who mentions the leeches, and Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 149, ii, pp. 94, 95), who also describes civet (ii, pp. 95, 96). Wallace (Malay Archipelago, p. 41) notes that leeches are very abundant and annoying on the peninsula of Malacca.

[618] Chienchii are probably the people of Chincheo (Chinchew; the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo), a name formerly often applied to a province of China. See VOL. III, p. 41, note 6.

[619] Bellemo, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguans proper are called Mon, says (Mosto, p. 110, note 6) that Burmah is here referred to. It would seem rather to be one of the northern districts of China, possibly about the Yellow River, and Lechii may refer to the city of Linching. Mosto and Amoretti transcribe Moni, and MS. 5,650, Mon.

[620] Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part of the country now called China, became later (in the Middle Ages) the name for the entire country. See Yule’s Cathay, i, preliminary essay.

[621] MS. 5,650 reads: “Hau.” Han was a small Chinese state which gave name to the first national Chinese dynasty, and it may be the Han referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger’s Short History of China, p. 10.

[622] “Chetissirimiga” in MS. 5,650.

[623] “Triagomba” in MS. 5,650.

[624] These names appear before (see VOL. XXXIII, p. 321, note 177) where they are given as the name of one island.

[625] Javanese for “South Sea.”

[626] Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first mentioned with that spelling by Varthema, but it had been visited previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less); and probably by Nicolò de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before him by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batûta (ca., 1330), who calls its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah. Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea the largest island proper, being about 1,000 miles long and having an area of about 128,560 square miles. The ancestral home of the Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and spread to outlying islands. A number of tongues akin to the Malay and many dialects are spoken in the island. Neither the English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island until after 1816, since when the latter have entered upon a system of conquest. See Crawfurd’s Dictionary, Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition); Cust’s Modern Languages; and Lucas’s Historical Geography British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101.

[627] Eden (p. 261) reads: “Fearyng leaſt if they ſhuld ſayle toward the firm land, they myght bee ſeene of the portugales who are of great power in Malaccha.”

[628] Pegu (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded great influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and Orissa (Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was incorporated with the Ghôrî or Patan empire of Hindustân toward the end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separate province under the second emperor. It became an independent kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state until conquered by Akbar in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, but an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century. Narsinga or Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greater part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus) were all important centers of trade before and during Portuguese occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: “Gon” and “Armux.” See Varthema’s Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), and Mosto (p. 111, notes 3–11).

[629] In MS. 5,650 “Irauai,” “Poleni,” and “Poleai.” Stanley gives the first as “Franas.” The names of the castes as given by Varthema (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows: “Brahmins (or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans), Mechua (or fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine, and nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap rice). There are only four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang from the mouth of Brahma; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri, or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen class, who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the feet of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law. Each caste is further subdivided within its own ranks, and specific laws govern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of western civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed. Pigafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses the various other divisions. For early descriptions of caste, see Barbosa’s East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 121–144; Linschoten’s Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, pp. 278–284 (very defective and inadequate); Gray and Bell’s Voyage of François Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371–420; and Ball’s Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier (London and New York), ii, pp. 181–189.

[630] MS. 5,650 reads: “and never enter any city.”

[631] Malayâlam for “go.” Linschoten (i, p. 281), and Pyrard de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384), make the Nairs give this warning cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter may keep out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta. The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i, p. 281, note 1).

[632] Eden says (p. 261): “ſeuen weekes.”

[633] Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522, that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape of Good Hope.

[634] MS. 5,650 reads: “one thousand and sixty.”

[635] The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from 1498, when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi. A number of settlements were founded there in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by agreement with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886 and 1890. It has an area of 310,000 square miles, and has great vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was abolished in the colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out by Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed to his translation of the history of the converted Moor Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896) says (i, p. 58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was “so called of three small islets, situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude, which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called Promontorium Prassum.” Continuing he says that notwithstanding its unhealthful site, the chief of the three islands, where there was a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, became the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the East Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have been the settlement mentioned by Pigafetta. See also Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London, 1879), pp. 80–97.

[636] MS. 5,650 adds: “and stank.”

[637] On March 14, the crew of the “Victoria” worked at repairs on the ship until noon, and then set sail again. On the eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs. April 16, the course was altered to the north. Land was sighted on May 8, and on the following day they anchored on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the loss of a mast. After many struggles they were finally clear of the cape on May 22, and directed their general course northward. See Albo’s log (Navarrete, iv), and Guillemard’s Magellan. Considering Albo’s date as correct, Pigafetta is in error by almost half a month in his date for the doubling of the cape.

[638] Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon (Mosto, p. 111, note 15). The official list shows a record of fifteen deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the desertion of two others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number that tallies if Pigafetta does not include himself in the forty-seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had died during the voyage. (Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 291, note).

[639] Eden adds: (p. 261): “that is, ſaynte Iames Ilande, parteyning to the kyng of Portugale.” This is the island of Santiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape Verde Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): “On the ninth of the said month [i.e., July], I did not take the sun. We anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were given a hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That day was Wednesday, but they [i.e., the Portuguese] maintained that it was Thursday. Consequently, I believe that we were mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday night, and then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the port. In the morning we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice, of which we had need, while we sailed about on various tacks until its return.”

[640] This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650.

[641] These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650.

[642] MS. 5,650 reads: “and that we did not dare to go to Spain.”

[643] Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the island of Santiago as follows: “On Monday, the fourteenth, we sent the ship’s boat ashore for more rice. It returned next day, and went back for another load. We waited until night, but it did not return. Then we waited until next day, but it never returned. Then we went nearer the port to discover the reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded our surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that was coming from the Indias, and that they would place their men in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We requested them to send us our men and ship’s boat. They replied that they would bear our request to their officials. We answered that we would take another tack and wait. Accordingly we tacked about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men, both sick and well. That happened on Tuesday, the fifteenth of the month of July.” See also Transylvanus’s account, VOL. I, pp. 336, 337. The names of the men detained at this island are given as follows by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 94):

Martin Mendez ship’s accountant
Pedro Tolosa steward
Ricarte de Normandia carpenter
Raldan de Argote gunner
Master Pedro
Juan Martin sobresaliente
Simon de Burgos sobresaliente
Felipe de Rodas sailor
Gomez Hernandez sailor
Socacio Alonso sailor
Pedro Chindurza common seaman
Vasquito Gallego boy

Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338, and note 5) who mentions thirteen men (the number given by Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent to Seville (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337).

[644] Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 246, 247), says that Cape St. Vincent was sighted on September 4, 1522.

[645] The official death list records two desertions, which must have been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions a mutiny at Timur: “There was a mutiny and conflict, in which a considerable number of the crew were killed.” Oviedo says also: “Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their crimes.” Guillemard conjectures that both accounts are borrowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291, note). The survivors of the “Victoria” who reached Spain, as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 96) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows:

Juan Sebastian de Elcano captain
Francisco Albo pilot
Miguel Rodas master
Juan de Acurio boatswain
Martin de Yudicibus merino
Hernando de Bustamente barber
Aires gunner
Diego Gallego sailor
Nicolao de Nápoles sailor
Miguel Sanchez de Rodas sailor
Francisco Rodriguez sailor
Juan Rodriguez de Huelva sailor
Anton Hernandez Colmenero sailor
Juan de Arratia common seaman
Juan de Santander common seaman
Vasco Gomez Gallego common seaman
Juan de Zubileta boy
Antonio Lombardo sobresaliente

Cf. the list as given by Guillemard (Magellan, pp. 337, 338), who attempts to correct the various lists, and which shows several differences from Navarrete’s list. Navarrete (ut supra, iv, pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: “Among the Indians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and these kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis one real, and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing himself from shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished a reason for his not returning to his country, although the others did.” See also Guillemard’s Magellan, p. 296.

[646] The value of the spices brought to Spain by the “Victoria” exceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their entire equipment by about £200. The cargo consisted of cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, mace, and sandalwood. The “Victoria” afterward made one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See Guillemard’s Magellan, pp. 297, 310.

[647] Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give thanks “to almyghtie god who had brought them ſafe to theyr owne countrey, and reſtored them to theyr wyues and chyldren.”

[648] The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his brief records as set down from day to day, and not in any sense the relation as here published. The relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta’s return to Italy. Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition made by Pigafetta to the doge and council of Venice, asking permission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows:

“M.D. xxiv. of the month of August.

“Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies:

“Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jerusalem, who desiring to see the world, have sailed, in past years, with the caravels of his Cesaræan Majesty, which went to discover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is a feat which no man had [before] accomplished, I have composed a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to have printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it for xx years, except myself, under penalty to him who should print it, or who should bring it here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magistrate of this city who shall be informed of it; and that the fine be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of your Highness, one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose it. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v.” The docket follows.

[649] Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French by Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography, at end of this series). Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Bibliothéque Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even later than MS. 5,650.

[650] The signature in MS. 5,650 is “Anthoyne Pigaphete.”

DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

By Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese official and geographer, ca. 1280.

Source: This document is obtained from the Filipino paper Periódico Hebdomadario Escolar, issue of November 9, 1901.

Translation: This is by James Alexander Robertson.

CHAO JU-KUA’S DESCRIPTION OF THE PHILIPPINES

[The following description is translated from a copy of the Periódico Hebdomadario Escolar (i.e., “Students’ Weekly Paper”) for November 9, 1901, being no. 6 in order of issue of that paper. It was there published by Clemente J. Zulueta (now deceased), then professor of history, and later engaged in archival researches in Spain for the Philippine branch of the United States government, who was a man of real ability. He himself communicated the existence of this publication to us; the copy of the paper, which is rare, was lent us by James A. LeRoy. An editorial note at the beginning of the chapter reads as follows: “As we consider it of some importance to the historical, or rather pre-historical, cartography of Filipinas, we transcribe the following lines, which are a Spanish translation of chapter xl of the geography of the Chinese writer Chao Ju-kua.[1] Professor Blumentritt translated it from the English, and Dr. Hirth translated directly into English the MS. of Chao Ju-kua [ca., 1891] who according to Blumentritt, flourished in the thirteenth century—that is, three centuries before Magallanes’s expedition.” Our search for the translation by Dr. Hirth has been unavailing, and we are therefore compelled to retranslate Blumentritt’s translation. Concerning this translation we are furnished the following information in a letter from James A. LeRoy, dated January 27, 1904: “Zulueta owns the original letter and the translation of this chapter as written out by Ferdinand Blumentritt and sent to Rizal while the latter was in exile in 1894. Blumentritt made the annotations to the chapter, as is proved by his letter. In his letter to Rizal enclosing the translation of the chapter, Blumentritt tells Rizal that the previous year (1893) a friend of his in Madrid had published (how or where is not told) his hastily-made version of this chapter, with hasty notes, which he had sent this friend for his own use in a study of the prehistoric Philippines, but had no idea that it would be used independently.” A Spanish version with parallel English translation appeared in Revista historica de Filipinas (i.e., “Filipino Historical Review”) for June, 1905 (vol. 1, no. 2), which is signed by P. L. Stangl. His version differs from that of Blumentritt given by Zulueta, being divided into two chapters—xl, called “Ma-yi,” and xli, called “San-Hsii.” We have, however, preferred to use Zulueta’s version, as we do not know whence Stangl’s version has proceeded. We subjoin Blumentritt’s notes accompanying Zulueta’s version, signing such notes “B.”]

CHAPTER XL

Ma-yi

The country Ma-yi[2] is located north of Poni.[3] About one thousand families inhabit the shores of a river which has many windings.[4] The natives dress in linen, wearing clothes that look like sheets; or they cover their bodies with sarongs.[5] In the thick woods are scattered copper statues of Buddha, but no one can tell the origin of those statues.[6] Pirates seldom visit those districts. When [Chinese] merchantmen arrive at that port they cast anchor at a place [called] the place of Mandarins. That place serves them as a market, or site where the products of their countries are exchanged. When a vessel has entered into the port, (its captain) offers presents consisting of white parasols and umbrellas which serve them for daily use. The traders are obliged to observe these civilities in order to be able to count on the favor of those gentlemen.

In order to trade, the savage traders are assembled,[7] and have the goods carried in baskets, and although the bearers are often unknown, none of the goods are ever lost or stolen. The savage traders transport these goods to other islands, and thus eight or nine months pass until they have obtained other goods of value equivalent to those that have been received [from the Chinese]. This forces the traders of the vessel to delay their departure, and hence it happens that the vessels that maintain trade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest to return to their country.

The most noteworthy places of this country are: San-hsii; Pai-pu-yen; Pu-li-lu, which is located near San-hsii; Li-yin-tung; Lin-hsin; and Li-han.[8] The products of that country are yellow wax,[9] cotton, pearls, shells,[10] betel nuts, and jute [yu-ta] textiles.[11] Foreign traders import porcelain, commercial gold,[12] iron vases for perfumes, leaden objects, glass, pearls of all colors,[13] and iron needles.[14]

San-hsii, or the “Three Islands,” belong to Ma-yi. Their names are Ka-may-en, Pa-lao-yu, and Pa-chi-neng.[15] Each of these islands is inhabited by its own races, who are scattered throughout them. But upon the arrival of the vessels, the natives assemble in order to trade. Their general name is San-hsii. Their customs are about the same as those observed in Ma-yi. Each tribe[16] consists of about one thousand families. The country has many lofty hills and rugged rocks which rise up like gigantic walls. The houses of the inhabitants are built of bamboo. The high region of the country has few springs, but the women go to the banks of the rivulets and creeks and thence back to the mountain bearing on their heads two or three jars filled with water, a load that does not bother them. They ascend the mountain with the same ease as if they were on the level. The interior of the valleys is inhabited by a race called Hay-tan. They are of short stature, have round yellow eyes, curly hair, and their teeth can be plainly seen [showing] from between their lips.[17] They build their nests in the forking of the branches of trees, and a family, usually consisting of from three to five individuals, lives in each nest.[18] They wander through the fastnesses of the thickets and invisible to the sight, shoot their arrows at the passers-by. On this account they are greatly feared. When the trader takes them a porcelain jar, they bow and take it, and then uttering cries of joy, run away with it.

When foreign traders come to one of their villages,[19] they must not touch the ground, but must remain aboard their vessel, which is anchored in the middle of the current[20] and announce their presence by beat of drum. Thereupon the savage traders approach in their light craft, in which they carry cotton,[21] yellow wax, strange cloth,[22] cocoanuts, onions,[23] and fine mats, and all those things they offer for sale in exchange [for the articles of the Chinese]. In case of misunderstanding in the price of the goods, it is necessary to summon the chief of the traders of that place, so that he may present himself in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfaction of all. The imported objects are silk umbrellas, porcelain, and a kind of basket woven from rattan. Foreign traders receive twice or thrice the value of the goods sold aboard, in order to serve them as a bond of security. Afterward the foreign traders disembark and perform their contracts there, and then return to their vessel. The goods pledged by the natives remain only three or four days aboard the vessel, and then after the expiration of that term they are restored [to shore]. Then the vessel visits another village of the savages, for the coast villages of the Three Islands do not have one common jurisdiction.[24] The hills keep the winds from the vessels during the continuance of the northeast monsoon. But when the southwest monsoon begins, the dashing of the waves against the coast is so violent that great currents are formed that do not allow the vessels to remain at anchor. This is the reason why those who maintain trade with the Three Islands delay their return for four or five months. Porcelain, black damask, and other silk fabrics, pearls of various colors, lead, fishnets, and tin are imported. Pu-li-lu is near Three Islands. Its villages are very densely populated,[25] but its inhabitants are very cruel and inclined to piracy. The sea is full of reefs and shoals, and the beach has rocks which are indented like dry wood, and their points are very sharp like those of swords and spears.[26] In order that the vessels may reach that country, they take a long and circuitous route, in order to avoid those shoals.[27] There are corals there, but it is very difficult to get them. The popular and trading customs are the same as those which exist at Three Islands.

“India tercera nova tabula”—map of the Eastern archipelago; from Mattiolo’s edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia (Venetia, M. D. LXVIII)

[From a copy of this work in possession of Frank A. Hutchins, Madison, Wisconsin]

[1] There is no direct reference as to the time in which Chao Ju-kua lived, but his name is mentioned in the Imperial Catalogue, whence it appears that he was probably descended from some member of the imperial family of the Sung dynasty, whose real name was Chao; and that he was born after the beginning of the second half of the twelfth century. He was inspector of the salt gabel in the province of Fo-kien, and his title was probably Shih-po, which means “Superintendent of Sea Trade.” As this post existed in Fo-kien only during the years 1277–1287, it is probable that those dates fix the period of Chao Ju-kua. His work is called the Chu-fan-chih, and the greater part of his notes are copies from older records. His position, however, gave him opportunity to gather information personally from the traders who anchored at his port. At that time more foreign traders frequented Chinese ports than either before or after, and it would be comparatively easy to gather information. The Chu-fan-chih contains more geographical information than do the court records. See F. Hirth’s China and the Roman Orient (Leipsic and Munich; and Shanghai and Hong-kong, 1885), pp. 21–25. [↑]

[2] “Ma-yi,” the ancient name for Luzón, is derived from “Bahi” or “Bahy,” former names of the lake of Bay. In other Chinese dialects, the name is given as “Ma-yit,” “Ba-hi,” or “Ba-yit.” As the chief Tagálogs of Bulakan at the time of the conquest bore the title of “Gat-maytan,” I infer that the name “Ma-yi” might very reasonably be derived from the ancient name of Bulakan, for that province was always the richest district of Luzón. The whole of the Philippine archipelago was called “Ma-yi” by the Chinese author. Dr. Hirth says also that the Chinese character “Ma-hi,” may also be read. “Mo-yat,” “Ba-ek,” “Ma-i,” “Ma-yek,” etc.—B. [↑]

[3] Ancient Chinese name for the island of Borneo.—B. [↑]

[4] Probably the river is the Pasig, and the settlement, Manila.—B. [↑]

[5] Sarong is the Malay word for skirt.—B. [↑]

[6] This confirms the statement that the Philippine Islands were once under the influence of Buddhism, from India.—B.

It is far more likely that such images were traded by the Chinese to the superstitious people, and that Buddhism never had any foothold and was never introduced in the Philippines; notwithstanding P. L. Stangl’s belief that Buddhism was introduced into the Philippines from Java. [↑]

[7] The Chinese call all foreigners savages except the Japanese, Koreans, and people of Anam.—B. [↑]

[8] San-hsii signifies the “Three Islands” and is attributed to the Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu-li-lu may be Mindanao; Li-yin-tung, Lingayen; Lin-hsin sounds like Lin-hsing (called Lin-sung by Stangl), a Chinese name corresponding to their name for modern Luzón. However, Lin-hsin appears to be the Chinese name for Calilaya (modern Tayabas). Li-han is the primitive Chinese name for the present Malolos, whose princes bore the title of “Gat-Salihan” or “Gat-Salian.”—B. [↑]

[9] Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin resembling wax, and somewhat like but not exactly the same as white pitch, and today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax. [↑]

[10] i.e., Tortoise-shell.—B. [↑]

[11] Yu-ta seems to be the abacá.—B. Stangl prints “yii-ta.” [↑]

[12] Coins of Siam and Java? For it appears that such coins circulated in the country.—B.

Stangl reads the second half of this note “But how did it come to pass current in the country?” It is probable that the commercial gold was in the form of gold dust or ornaments of gold. If there were any Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country (and it is highly improbable), they must have been taken there by the Chinese, who were keen traders who early penetrated to all parts of the eastern archipelagoes. [↑]

[13] Stangl inserts here “iron fixtures” [enseres de hierro]. [↑]

[14] The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl. [↑]

[15] Ka-may-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro; and Pa-lao-yu, Paragua. “Pa-chi-neng” may also be read “Pa-kat-lung” and “Ba-ki-lung.” It seems to be the term for the true Visayans, while under the name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper, together with the islands of Mindoro and Palawan.—B. [↑]

[16] I believe that the word “tribe” means here village or settlement; for I think that the author meant to say that the villages usually had one thousand families.—B. [↑]

[17] This phrase needs explanation. The Indians were accustomed to stain the teeth black, a custom quite general among many Malay nations. The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stain them.—B

In Chao Ju-kua’s description, Stangl translates “round eyes of a shining appearance,” instead of “round yellow eyes.” [↑]

[18] These “Hay-tan” are the Aetas, Itas, or Negritos of modern authors. The antiquity of this ethnographical name surprises us. The description of the Negritos seems to have been written yesterday. The Chinese author, in speaking of the nests of the Negritos, seems to have confused them with the houses that are built today in the forking of the branches of trees by some heathen tribes of Mindanao.—B.

Mr. James A. LeRoy, in a letter dated March 14, 1905, says that it is at least doubtful that the Negritos were ever tree-dwellers in the true sense of the word, i.e., building solid, defensible structures like those of the typical tree-dwellers. The Negritos do indeed spend a portion of their time in the treetops and often hunt their game in that way. It is probable that the tree-dwellers of the Philippines are Malays, although some of them may have a strain of Negrito blood. [↑]

[19] This refers to the Indians and not the Negritos.—B. [↑]

[20] Of the mouth of the rivers?—B. [↑]

[21] By cotton, the author evidently means cotton textiles.—B.

This is not necessarily so. Stangl remarks that the author’s meaning must be the tree cotton, which is called kapok, basing his assertion upon the word that is used, presumably in the Chinese. The cotton plant is called kapas in Java. Apropos of tree cotton, Census of the Philippines, iv, p. 120, says: “A species of tree cotton (Ceiba pentandra) is found growing in a wild state in many of the islands; the cotton is useless for spinning purposes, the staple being very short, but it is used for making cushions and other articles.” [↑]

[22] Foreign cloth: sinamay [↑]

[23] Camotes?—B. [↑]

[24] The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages had no common jurisdiction. This appears to imply that several villages in Luzón were under the jurisdiction of one king or prince.—B. This does not necessarily follow. [↑]

[25] The island of Mindanao was also more populous during the period of the Spanish conquest than now. The islands of Sarangani which have now 1,500 Bilanes and 100 Moros, were very thickly populated by the latter in 1548, and they had a large fort on a hill there.—B.