GEOFROY TORY

PAINTER AND ENGRAVER: FIRST ROYAL PRINTER: REFORMER OF ORTHOGRAPHY AND TYPOGRAPHY UNDER FRANÇOIS I.

AN ACCOUNT OF HIS LIFE AND WORKS, BY AUGUSTE BERNARD, TRANSLATED BY GEORGE B. IVES.

THE RIVERSIDE PRESS: MDCCCCIX

PRINTERS' PREFACE.

ERNARD'S monograph on Tory was first published in 1857, when M. Bernard was already a recognized authority on the history of typography. In 1865, after an interval devoted largely to a search for further information concerning Tory, and for probable examples of his work as an artist, a second edition of the book appeared, enlarged by more than one-half, arranged more systematically, and embellished with several additional engravings of designs which are, in the author's opinion, attributable to Tory. The Iconography, which forms the third part of this revised edition, did not appear as such in the first edition, although a small part of the material it contains may be found scattered through that edition. It now occupies more space than the Biography and Bibliography combined. The new arrangement necessitated more or less repetition where, as in many instances, the same book is referred to by M. Bernard in more than one section of his work; and this repetition sometimes reveals discrepancies between the different descriptions. Where such discrepancies have been discovered by him the translator has endeavoured to correct them, generally, in the absence of an opportunity to inspect the volume in question, assuming that the description in the bibliographical section is more likely to be trustworthy; in a number of cases, however, inspection of title-pages themselves, or of reproductions thereof, has enabled him to correct numerous minor errors in transcription.

The kindness of the late Mr. Amor L. Hollingsworth, in lending his fine copy of the first edition of 'Champ fleury,' made it possible to collate therewith M. Bernard's numerous extracts from that rare and interesting book, and to ensure entire accuracy with respect to them.

As M. Bernard writes certain printers' names in different ways, the translator has assumed that the names are printed differently in different books, and has not attempted to make them uniform. Such names are Dubois (Du Bois), Lecoq (Le Coq), Galliot (Galiot). The few notes supplied by the translator are inserted in square brackets.

The translations of Tory's various Latin effusions, including the complete text of the little brochure called forth by the death of his daughter Agnes, were made by Mr. J. W. H. Walden of Cambridge. The Latin originals will be found at the end of the book, in Appendix X.

Since such authorities as M. Bernard and M. Renouvier differ as to the ascription to Tory of many of the designs mentioned in this work, it seemed the wiser course to choose for illustration only such subjects as are described by the author, without questioning the soundness of his reasoning or the infallibility of his deductions. The only exception is the beautiful design reproduced on the first page of the Index. This is taken from Robert Estienne's folio New Testament (in Greek) of 1550, where, with two other similar decorations, it occurs in conjunction with the friezes and floriated Greek letters reproduced elsewhere in this volume. They are unsigned, but all are indubitably from the same hand. Although they are not mentioned by M. Bernard, it seems incredible that he should never have seen them.

The printer of this volume has had more than ordinary good fortune in literally stumbling upon most of the designs here reproduced. The pressure of other work has prohibited systematic research, and the originals of these illustrations were nearly all discovered while he was engaged upon other matters. Many were found in the Harvard Library, some in the reference library of the Riverside Press, some in auction rooms, and some in booksellers' catalogues. The only exception is the series of borders from the Hours of 1524-25, which were expressly photographed from the copy in the library of the British Museum.

That so much has come to hand in so haphazard a way is but an additional proof of Tory's industry and versatility. There seems to be almost no limit to the work which may fairly be credited to him, and M. Bernard hardly exaggerated when he said that there was scarcely an illustrated volume of any importance issued in Paris during the first half of the XVI th century in which the artist of the Lorraine cross did not have a hand. Hours and Classics, Bibles and Testaments, Mathematical and Medical works—all bear evidence to his prolific pen and graver, and were time disregarded, the preparation of this volume might be almost indefinitely prolonged. Incomplete as it is, however, it is hoped that it will measurably fulfill the desire expressed by Mr. A. W. Pollard nearly fifteen years ago, in the first issue of 'Bibliographica.' Speaking of Bernard's monograph, he said, 'It would be pleasant if some French publisher would bring out a new edition worthily illustrated, for in 1865 the modern processes of reproduction were not yet invented, and the few and poor woodcuts in M. Bernard's book give no just idea of the artistic powers of Tory, whose illustrated editions are so difficult to meet with that M. Bernard's admirable commentary loses half its value for lack of a proper accompaniment of text.'

A word regarding the method of reproduction of these illustrations may not be out of place here. More was aimed at than mere photographic copies, which are in many ways inadequate. It was thought desirable to make the decorations an integral part of the typographic treatment of the volume and to preserve when practicable their original relations to the type. To attain this end, more perfect printing plates were necessary than could be obtained directly from the old editions. The designs, therefore, were all redrawn with the greatest care over photographs of the originals, and from these drawings photo-engravings made, which were afterward perfected by hand when the forms were on the press.

Notwithstanding some inevitable slight divergences of line, this method preserves with far greater faithfulness the spirit and effect of the original prints, and the result is more truly a facsimile than a direct photographic copy would have been. Both drawing and engraving of Tory's designs were exquisite, and as a rule they were beautifully printed, especially by Colines and Robert Estienne. Some of them, however, suffered at the hands of inferior printers. Imperfections and irregularities due to the carelessness or unskilfullness of the printer are readily discernible, and in the reproductions in this volume have been eliminated. The preservation, by this treatment, of more of the beauty and interest of the originals is sufficient justification for departing to this extent from the usual methods of facsimile reproduction.

Following the French fashion, the Table of Contents and List of Illustrations are printed at the end of the volume.

G. B. I.
B. R.

January, 1909.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE TO THE
SECOND EDITION.

HE first half of the sixteenth century was with respect to printing (as with respect to the other arts) a period of renovation, not in the matter of processes of execution, which remained about the same as in the fifteenth century, but in the matter of the make-up of books, which was entirely revolutionized. Typographical arrangement, appearance of the letters and ornaments, everything, even to the cover, was changed almost at the same time, or, at all events, within a very few years. At that time printing gave over the servile copying of manuscripts, which had at first served it as models, and adopted special rules, better adapted to its method of execution. For instance, it relegated notes to the foot of the pages, calling attention to them by marks of reference, instead of placing them at the side of the text, as had previously been the custom, at the cost of an enormous amount of labour, without benefit to the reader. It also abandoned the use of red capitals,[1] which, by increasing the labour twofold, made books expensive, and replaced them by floriated letters, which were quite as distinctive, but were set up and printed with the text. This style of ornament, so favourable to artistic results, developed rapidly, and soon extended from the letters to the illustrations, which began to be introduced in books in constantly increasing numbers. Under the general impulsion of the Renaissance, engraving was transformed: instead of the coarse woodcuts, of the so-called criblé style, in which the background was black sprinkled with white dots,[2] and the design stamped in white, as with a punch, engraving in relief came into vogue, just as we have it to-day, identical in form, although the processes have been perfected. A similar revolution took place in the matter of letters: the gothic or semi-gothic characters, which had hitherto been used, were replaced by roman characters of a novel shape, borrowed from the monuments of antiquity (then studied with great ardour), which continued in use until the Revolution. Lastly, the covers of books also underwent a transformation brought about by the force of events: the parchment rolls used by the ancients had been succeeded, during the Middle Ages, by bound volumes, of a shape more convenient for reading; these volumes, of which those who were fortunate enough to own any never owned more than a very small number, being intended to be arranged on the library shelves in such wise as to present one side to the visitor's eye, were adorned with numerous ornaments of various sorts on that side, so that they could easily be distinguished. Later, these ornaments were omitted and the title of the book substituted, in huge black or gauffered letters. But the invention of printing soon caused that device to be abandoned. As the increasing numbers of books made it impossible to give up so much space to them, they were arranged side by side on the shelves, care being taken to print the title in gold letters (so that it might be more legible) on the back of the book, which was the only part of it in sight. This innovation compelled the doing away with raised decorations, especially those in precious stones or in metal, which would have torn the books that stood next them. Thereafter leather binding came into general use; the gauffering on the sides was continued for some time; but in the sixteenth century this in turn was replaced by gold tooling 'à filet,' and the transformation was complete.

THE man who contributed most largely to the threefold evolution I have described was Geofroy Tory, a man who is hardly known to-day,[3] despite all his talents, although he received in 1530, as reward of his labours, the title of king's printer, which François I had never before bestowed upon any one. I say that Tory is hardly known to-day; in truth, it is, in his case, equivalent to being unknown, to be known, as he is, only as a publisher. Some few scholars, to be sure, are aware that he was a printer; but the fact is so little known that his biographer has denied it.[4] As for his noblest title to fame, that of engraver, nobody is aware of it; and yet we owe to Tory the resuscitation of engraving in France. As the historian of typography,[5] I have thought that it was for me to describe with special care one of the fairest jewels in his crown. Such is the purpose of the work here presented, wherein will also be found, in connection with the honour paid to Tory by François I, some information concerning the first royal printers, and a list of those officers from the beginning down to the extinction of the office in 1830, three centuries, year for year, after its creation. François I is, in truth, entitled to be considered the creator of the office of king's printer, for prior to his reign we find but one typographer who bore that title, while, from François I down, the series of king's printers was not again interrupted. The appointment of Pierre le Rouge, on whom the title was bestowed in 1488,[6] may be creditable to Charles VIII, but it was without result. The honour of having made of the eminently literary post of king's printer a permanent office reverts of right and naturally to the prince who has been called the Father of Letters. In truth that prince, as we shall see hereafter, was not content with a single printer; he had several at once, with distinct functions, and appointed successors without loss of time to such as retired or died during his lifetime.

But, I repeat, the principal purpose of my work is to make Tory known as one of the most skilful engravers we have ever had. Of course I cannot forget that he was the learned editor of the 'Cosmographie du Pape Pie II,' the 'Itinéraire Antonin,' etc.; the publisher, of rare taste, who put forth the Hours of 1525, 1527, etc.; the accomplished printer of the 'Sacre de la Reine Eléonore,' and the distinguished philologist of 'Champ fleury,' to whom, as we shall see, we owe the invention of the orthographic forms peculiar to the French language.[7] But what has especially attracted me in Tory is his work as an engraver. In that rôle he was without predecessor or rival, for those persons who may be represented as such may have been his pupils, nothing more. Jean Duvet alone might quarrel with this limitation; but, although he was Tory's contemporary, he was not his teacher; for Tory had gone for his schooling in the art to the very fountain-head, to Italy, before Duvet produced anything. As for Jean Cousin, de Laulne, du Cerceau, Léonard Gauthier, and the rest, they did not come until after Tory. The honour of revivifying the art of engraving in France belongs to Tory alone, bestriding two centuries, the fifteenth and sixteenth; indeed, some of his productions are pure gothic. This I propose to demonstrate in the third part of my book, after I have, in the first part, narrated the general facts of our artist's life, in which we may observe also the development of a revolution in the matter of philology; for Tory was a devoted partisan of the classic tongues before he became one of the sturdiest champions of the French language.

In order to emphasize the importance of the orthographic reform achieved by Tory, I have usually followed the orthography of the time in my quotations from ancient works. It is an anachronism, to be sure, but it is of no consequence when the reader is forewarned. I have also felt at liberty to correct now and then, without calling attention to them, the typographical errors found in the texts quoted.

I will not conclude without thanking publicly those persons who have kindly assisted me in my researches concerning Tory. I have had occasion to mention their names in the course of my work, but that is not enough: I beg them to accept in this place the assurance of my gratitude. There are two to whom I am especially grateful, for they have considerably augmented my store of documents: they are MM. Achille Devéria[8] and Olivier Barbier, of the Bibliothèque Impériale: it is owing to their kind communications to me that the list of Tory's artistic works will be found not far from complete.

GEOFROY TORY

PAINTER AND ENGRAVER: FIRST ROYAL PRINTER: REFORMER OF ORTHOGRAPHY AND TYPOGRAPHY UNDER FRANÇOIS I.

PART I. BIOGRAPHY.

ESS than twenty years after the introduction of printing at Paris, there was born at Bourges a child of the people, destined to impart to French typography a vigorous artistic impulsion, or, to speak more accurately, to work therein a genuine revolution. Geofroy Tory[9] was born in the capital of Berry, about 1480, of obscure, middle-class parents, as he himself tells us.[10] Everything seems to indicate that he first saw the light of day in the faubourg of Saint-Privé, to this day the abode of humble vine-dressers. How, in that most lowly condition of life, he succeeded in acquiring the degree of education which he afterward exhibited, it is hard to say. However, it is proper to remember that Bourges was at that time a metropolitan and university city, where there were several schools, both ecclesiastic and lay. We may well believe that, having, at an early age, aroused the interest of some patron by virtue of his fortunate natural endowments and his intelligence, he was admitted to the schools attached to the chapter, where he learned the first elements of grammar. We shall soon find him dedicating the first fruits of his labours to a canon of the metropolitan church of Bourges, who seems to have been, at that time, his Mæcenas.

Once master of the first rudiments of grammar, Tory perfected himself by following the curriculum of the university, where, as we learn from himself, he had for his teacher a Fleming named Guillaume de Ricke, otherwise called 'le Riche' in French and 'Dives' in Latin; and for a fellow disciple under this Ghent-born master, a certain Herverus de Berna, from Saint-Amand, who afterward wrote a panegyric of the Comtes de Nevers.[11]

Tory then went, to finish his literary education, to Italy, whither he betook himself early in the sixteenth century. He sojourned principally in Rome, where he attended most frequently the famous college called La Sapienza,[12] and in Bologna, where he attended the lectures of the celebrated Filippo Beroaldo, who died in 1505.[13] Tory returned to France a little before that event, and established his domicile in Paris, which he always loved henceforward as one loves one's native city,[14] and where he began his literary career.

The first work of his of which we have any knowledge is an edition of Pomponius Mela, which he prepared for the bookseller Jean Petit; it was printed by Gilles de Gourmont because it required the use of some Greek type.[15] This book was dedicated by Tory to his compatriot Philibert Babou, at that time valet de chambre to the king. The dedicatory epistle is dated Paris, the VI[16] of the Nones of December, 1507; but the printing of the book was not completed until January 10, 1508 (new style).[17] Several articles in this volume, which were written by Tory, are signed by the word CIVIS, which he had adopted for his device. That patriotic designation was well suited to a descendant of those Bituriges who strove vainly at Avaricum[18] to defend the autonomy of Gaul against Cæsar. In any event it is interesting to find, three hundred years before Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a man, justly proud of his learning, which he owed entirely to himself, clothing himself in that title of citizen, which was formerly held in such honour in the provincial cities, and especially in Bourges, whose name Tory never fails to append to his own: 'Geofroy Tory de Bourges.'

This erudite production and the patronage of Philibert Babou were perhaps responsible for Tory's appointment to the office of regent, otherwise called professor, of the College of Plessis, where we find him installed in 1509. It was there that he edited for the first Henri Estienne the 'Cosmographie du pape Pie II.'[19]

The dedication of this book, addressed by Tory to Germain de Gannay, canon of the metropolitan church of Bourges, and recently appointed Bishop of Cahors by King Louis XII,[20] was dated at the College of Plessis, on the VI of the Nones of October,[21] 1509. Tory's edition (the third according to him) contains forty-one quarto sheets of text, and is accompanied by a map of the old world. The 'avis au lecteur,' also written by Tory, is signed, according to his custom, with the word CIVIS. In the following year, in collaboration with a compatriot and fellow pupil, Herverus de Berna, Tory published a short Latin poem on the Passion, written by his former teacher, Guillaume de Ricke. In this wise he acquitted his debt of gratitude.[22] Shortly after, Tory published for the Marnef brothers an edition of Berosus, who was then much in vogue, thanks to the fabrications of Annius of Viterbo. This book, the preface of which is dated May 9, 1510, went to no less than three editions, to say nothing of those issued by other publishers.[23]

In the same year Tory published for the same booksellers a small volume of miscellanies, under this title: 'Valerii Probi grammatici de interpretandis Romanorum literis opusculum, cum aliis quibusdam scitu dignissimis.' It was probably printed by Gilles de Gourmont, for we find in it his unaccented Greek type.[24] This volume, which contains twelve octavo sheets, has two engravings on wood—the mark of the booksellers on the title-page, and a Roman portico a little farther on. There are also a few small cuts engraved on metal in one of the articles. The dedicatory epistle, dated at the College of Plessis the VI of the Ides of May (May 10), 1510, and addressed by Tory to two compatriots, who had probably been his fellow pupils, is signed by his device, the word CIVIS. The dedication begins thus: 'Godofredus Torinus Bituricus ornatissimos Philibertum Baboum et Ioannem Alemanum Iuniorem, cives Bituricos, pari inter se amicitia conjunctissimos, salutat.' Babou and Lallemant were at this time two important personages in Bourges: the former was secretary and silversmith to the king, the other, mayor of the city. We see that Tory had acquired valuable connections in his native place, despite his modest origin. Among the extracts from ancient authors in this book he interspersed several pieces of verse of his own composition.[25]

Finally, in the same year, Tory issued an edition of Quintilian's 'Institutiones,' carefully collated by him with several manuscripts. This work was undertaken at the request of Jean Rousselet, Seigneur de La Part-Dieu, near Lyon, and an ancestor of Château-Regnaud, Maréchal de France. This Rousselet, who died in 1520, belonged to one of the wealthy Lombard families which had settled at Lyon long before; they made, as we see, a noble use of their wealth. His real name was Ruccelli. He had married a young gentlewoman of Bourges, Jeanne Lallemant, daughter of Jean Lallemant, Seigneur de Marmagne, a school friend of Tory, whom I have already had occasion to mention. Doubtless it was this connection which brought Tory into relations with Rousselet. The text is preceded by the following dedicatory letter:

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Jean Rousselet, devoted lover of letters, long life and happiness.

Never, I think, most illustrious Jean, will you omit or cease to have the aspiration of nobly justifying, both by your character and by your good deeds, the great hopes which your relatives and your country have of you. That you might benefit the State by your counsel also, you made it your interest that I should emend Quintilian and have him printed as handsomely as might be. After carefully collating a large number of manuscripts, I industriously set to work and, by eliminating almost countless errors, I made a single manuscript of considerable accuracy. This, in accordance with your orders, I sent from Paris to Lyon. I only hope that the printers will not introduce other, new, errors. Farewell, and love me.

Paris, at the College of Plessis, the third of the Calends of March.[26]

This book, which forms a large octavo volume, unpaged, printed in italic type, and in which we find some most attractive Greek type, with accents, was finished on the VII of the Calends of July (that is to say, June 25), 1510. The printer's name does not anywhere appear, and the place of printing (Lyon) is mentioned only in Tory's letter.[27]

I know of nothing of Tory's dated in 1511[28]; but that does not prove that he produced nothing in that year, for it is certain that about that time he published several works which have not come down to us. In fact, he tells us in his 'Champ fleury'[29] that he has 'caused to be printed and put before the eyes of worthy scholars divers little works in Latin, both in verse and in prose.' Now we know of nothing of his in verse prior to 1524, except what we find at the end of the 'Valerius Probus' of 1510, and of Guillaume de Ricke's 'Passion.' Moreover, the absence of any publication by Tory in 1511 may be explained by the confusion incident to his retirement from the College of Plessis and his installation at the College Coqueret, which seems to have taken place in that year, but concerning which I have no other information than the imprint on two books published by him in the following year.

The first work edited by Tory in 1512 was an architectural treatise entitled: 'Leonis Baptistæ Alberti Florentini.—Libri de re ædificatoria decem,' etc.; a quarto volume of 14 preliminary leaves and 174 leaves of text. This book was printed by Berthold Rembolt (whose mark it bears on the first page), at the joint expense of that printer and the bookseller Louis Hornken, whose mark is at the end of the book. The dedication, which is addressed to Philibert Babou, and dated at the College Coqueret on the XV of the Calends of September (August 18), 1512, informs us that Tory received the manuscript of the book from his friend Robert Dure,[30] principal of the College of Plessis, who gave it to him four years earlier, when Tory himself was professor at the same college. As always, this dedication is signed CIVIS. A note on the last page but one informs us that the printing was finished on August 23, 1512.[31]

The second work put forth by Tory in 1512 was the 'Itinerarium Antonini.' It was the second book that he prepared for Henri Estienne, in whose establishment it has been said[32] (erroneously, I think) that he filled the post of corrector of the press. However that may be, the dedication, addressed by Tory to Philibert Babou, is dated at the College Coqueret the XIV of the Calends of September (August 19), 1512. Tory says to Babou that he had dispatched a copy of the manuscript of this book to him at Tours four years before (that is to say, in 1508), but that the person to whom it was entrusted for delivery to him had given it, in his own name, to somebody else. This time, in order not to be defrauded of the fruits of his labours, he had caused the work to be printed from his own copy, having carefully collated it with a manuscript lent him by Christophe de Longueil.[33] The volume is a sexto-decimo, remarkable for the beauty of its execution. The copy in vellum which I have seen at the Bibliothèque Nationale is still redolent of the fifteenth century. We find in it certain verses of the Burgundian Gérard de Vercel in honour of Tory, which prove that the latter was even then in some repute as a scholar, and as a printer, too; for the author contrasts him with the wretched printers of the day. The preliminary matter, by Geofroy Tory, is signed by the word CIVIS, printed in red. At the end of the volume the same word reappears in a very curious monogram composed of the letters CIVS so arranged that we can read the word CIVIS in all directions. Therein we may detect thus early Tory's taste for ciphers and devices, a taste to which he afterward gave free rein, in his 'Champ fleury.'

At this epoch occurs a momentous event in Geofroy Tory's life. On August 26, 1512, he became the father of a daughter, who was christened Agnes. I do not know the date of his marriage, but it was at least as early as 1511. A document of much later date, to which we shall have occasion to refer hereafter, informs us that his child's mother was named Perrette le Hullin. There is reason to believe that she, like her husband, was of Bourges, as the name of Hullin was common there at that time. Soon after the birth of Agnes, perhaps just at the opening of the term of 1512, Tory entered the College of Bourgogne as regent, or professor of philosophy. His lectures, which were continued for several years, were attended by a large number of hearers, if we may believe a poetical epitaph composed in laudation of him and published by La Caille.[34] Tory himself seems to refer to this professorship in his 'Champ fleury,'[35] but I have been unable to find any record of it, because, presumably, the new direction in which he was then turning his faculties required a certain time of preparation.

This is what happened: Tory, whose activity was very great, did not confine himself to his professorship,[36] but set about learning drawing (probably under the instruction of Jean Perreal, of whom I shall have occasion to speak again), and also engraving, for which he had a special bent. This apprenticeship, with the duties of his professor's chair,—for Tory drove art and philosophy side by side, as the epitaph just quoted has it ('philosophiam simulque artem exercuit typographicam'),[37]—engrossed him completely for three or four years; but at the end of that time, being far from content with his attempts at printing and engraving, or too enthusiastic to be satisfied with a partial result, he determined to study classic forms and outlines in Italy itself, of which country he had retained such agreeable memories that he speaks of it constantly. Consequently he abandoned his professorship and started south again. It was on this journey that he visited the Coliseum 'more than a thousand times,'[38] that he saw the theatre of Orange,[39] and the ancient monuments of Languedoc[40] and of other places in France and Italy,[41] which he cites as his authorities on every page of his 'Champ fleury.'

Tory does not give the precise date of this artistic journey; but it is established by a passage in his book, where he informs us that he saw the 'Epitaphs of Ancient Rome' printed in that city.[42] Now this book of Epitaphs can be no other than the collection published by the celebrated printer Mazochi, under the title: 'Epigrammata sive inscriptiones antiquæ urbis,' folio, dated 1516, but preceded by a license from the Pope, of 1517.[43] This hint of Tory's is doubly valuable to us, for it not only tells us the date of our artist's second journey to Italy, but reveals his predilection for typography. As we see, he was already studying the printing art with interest.

On his return to Paris, about 1518, Tory, who was not a wealthy man, was obliged to think about turning his talents to account, in order to earn his living. His principal resource seems to have been the painting of manuscripts, otherwise called miniature; but, whether because he did not find sufficient work of that sort, or because he considered another branch of art more useful, he soon gave his entire attention to engraving on wood, in which he speedily acquired considerable celebrity. About the same time, Tory also joined the fraternity of booksellers, following a custom then quite general among engravers,—a custom which their predecessors, the miniaturists, had handed down to them, and which was continued down to the eighteenth century.[44] In truth, it was not unnatural that those who decorated books should sell them, or, if you prefer, that those who sold them should decorate them. It was one way of earning more money. Desiring to signalize his début in the career of a bibliopole in a noteworthy way, Tory undertook to engrave for himself a series of borders 'à l'antique,' which he intended for a book of Hours,—a sort of book that was very profitable at that time, because of the great amount of work which it required; but the task was a long one, and he was obliged to work for different printers in the mean time. One of the first who employed him was Simon de Colines. Colines, who became a printer in 1520, as a result of his marriage to Henri Estienne's widow, commissioned Tory to design marks, floriated letters, and borders for the books that he published in his own name; he also entrusted him, I think, with the engraving of his italic type, which he soon began to use in conjunction with the roman type that he had from his predecessor.

But Tory's active mind could not be content with a single occupation. He was a patriot first of all, as his device proves. And so, far from allowing himself to be engrossed by his memories of the literary and artistic treasures of Italy, he began to study with ardour the monuments of his mother tongue, not only in those books printed in French—very few as yet—which he had at hand in his shop, but also, and especially, in divers fine manuscripts on parchment confided to him by 'his good friend and brother, René Massé, of Vendôme, chronicler to the king,' whose merits, entirely forgotten in our day,[45] he warmly extols.[46]

Now, while studying that same French tongue, so decried by the scholars of his time, Tory discovered therein beauties which required only a little cultivation to make of it the finest language in the world. From that moment our Berrichon, hitherto a partisan of the classics, shook off entirely the yoke of Greek and Latin, and thought only of the means of making French take precedence everywhere.

'I see,' he says, 'some who choose to write in Greek and in Latin, and yet cannot speak French well.... To me it seems, with submission, that it would better beseem a Frenchman to write in French than in another tongue, as well for the profit of his said French tongue, as to adorn his nation and enrich his native language, which is as fair and fine [belle et bonne] as another when it is well set down in writing.... When I see a Frenchman write in Greek or in Latin, I seem to see a mason clad in philosopher's or king's garb, who would fain recite a mask on the stage of La Baroche[47] or in the confraternity of La Trinité, and cannot pronounce well enough, as having too thick a tongue; cannot bear himself well, nor walk fittingly, insomuch as his legs and feet are unwonted to the gait of philosopher or king. Who should see a Frenchman clad in the native dress of a Lombard, which is most often long and scant, of blue linen or of buckram, methinks that Frenchman would scarce jest at his ease without soon slashing it and taking from it its true form as a Lombard dress, which is but very rarely slashed, for Lombards do not often work havoc with their belongings. However, I leave all this to the wise guidance of learned men, and will not burden myself with Greek or Latin save to cite them in due time and place, or to talk with such as cannot speak French.'[48]

Tory had found his vocation at last. He resolved to establish the superiority of his mother tongue in a special book, illustrated by engravings by his own hand, and intended particularly for printers and booksellers, who were in a position to distribute it so rapidly with the aid of their connections.

But while he was engaged in his studies, a terrible catastrophe fell upon him without warning, and caused him to forget his new projects for some time. His daughter Agnes, of whom he had conceived the most brilliant hopes, was taken from him on August 25, 1522, at the age of nine years eleven months and thirty days, that is to say, ten years less one day. Entirely absorbed by his grief, Tory wrote a short Latin poem upon the sad event. This poem, dedicated, like most of his other books, to Philibert Babou, was not published until February 15, 1523 (1524, new style). In this little work, consisting of two quarto sheets, are contained some most interesting details of Tory's life. We learn here, for example, that he had grounded his daughter Agnes, young as she was, in Latin and the fine arts.

'Desiring to instruct me in the Ausonian tongue, and also to render me accomplished in the polite arts, he, like a most affectionate father, teaching me night and day, himself laid the foundations, sweet and ample, for my life.'[49]

Farther on, he makes his daughter speak thus, from the depths of the urn in which she is supposed to repose:—

MONITOR

Who made for you this urn set with brilliant gems?

AGNES

Who? My father, famed in this art.

MONITOR

Your father is certainly an excellent potter.

AGNES

He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.

MONITOR

Does he also write melodies and poems?

AGNES

He does. He also blesses with sweet words this lot of mine.

MONITOR

Yes, the skill of the man is wonderful.

AGNES

Hardly has any land produced so famous a man.[50]

We learn from this that Tory was not only a scholar, which we already knew, but an artist of great merit. Who knows? it may be that we had in him the making of a Benvenuto Cellini. What more was necessary that he should reveal himself as such? Very little—perhaps the falling in with a wealthy Mæcenas. In fact, we find these lines in another piece of verse in the same collection:—

WAYFARER

He is certainly well deserving of some Mæcenas.

GENIUS

Few are the Mæcenases who live in the French world. No one to-day either encourages the liberal arts by appropriate gifts or undertakes to encourage them in any way. Uprightness and fair virtue are in no esteem. So powerful is the sway of unhappy Avarice. Treachery, deceit, and vice are in the ascendant. Virtues are put in the background, and every form of wretched evil creeps abroad.

WAYFARER

What, therefore, does he who is trained by the charming Muses?

GENIUS

He takes pleasure in being able to live in his own house.

WAYFARER

He ought to go with hurried step to the courts of kings.

GENIUS

He does not care to, because he has a free heart. Your potentates sometimes take pleasure in looking at songs, but what then? They requite them with nods. Golden songs, drawn from the high heavens, they should reward with jewels and with pure gold. But, frivolous as they are, they instead foolishly give their grand gifts to fools, spendthrifts, and rogues.[51]

Alas! this depiction of the vices of society is not peculiar to the sixteenth century. The world is very old, and it changes little. If Tory were living in our day, it may be that he would use even darker colours; for, after all, he was appreciated in his own time, and perhaps he would die of hunger to-day. As we see, he was not fond of cooling his heels in the antechambers of the great, and lived peacefully in his own house; but honour came there to seek him. Unluckily it was a little late, as will appear hereafter.

At the end of the poem is the design reproduced on the next page, wherein we see for the first time the famous 'Pot Cassé' [broken jar] which Tory adopted thenceforth as the mark of his bookshop; together with the device 'non plus,' which he used thereafter instead of the word 'civis.'

Tory subsequently offered, in his 'Champ fleury,' a very confused explanation of his Pot Cassé, doing his utmost to connect it with the ordinary events of life; but everything tends to prove that it owes its origin to the death of Agnes. This shattered antique vessel represents Tory's daughter, whose career was shattered by destiny at the age of ten. The book secured by padlocks suggests Agnes's literary studies; the little winged figure among the clouds is her soul flying up to heaven. The device 'non plus' suggests the desperate grief of Tory, who seems to say: 'I no longer [non plus] care for anything'; or, more laconically: 'There is nothing more for me'; after the example of Valentine of Milan when he found himself in a similar situation.[52]

Luckily, time, which deadens all sorrows, even those which seem likely to endure for ever, assuaged Tory's grief. Before his funeral poem saw the light, he had returned to his beloved studies, and they had restored tranquillity to his mind. This is proved by the following passage from his 'Champ fleury,' in which he tells us how, on January 6, 1523 (or 1524, according to our method of computing time), that is to say, eighteen months after he lost his daughter, the idea of that curious book came to his mind. We are glad to recognize once more therein the patriotic Berrichon who had taken for his device the word 'civis.'

'In the morning of the day of the feast of Kings,'[53] he says, '... which was reckoned M. D. XXIII, the fancy came to me to muse in my bed, and to move the wheel of my memory, thinking on a thousand petty conceits, both serious and merry, whereamong I bethought me of a letter of ancient form, which I not long since made for the house of my lord the treasurer of the wars, Maistre Jehan Groslier, counsellor and secretary to the king our sire, lover of goodly letters and of all learned persons, of whom also he is greatly beloved and esteemed, as well on this side as the other of the mountains. And while thinking of that said antique letter there came of a sudden to my memory a pithy sentence of the first book and eighth chapter of Cicero's "Offices," where it is written: "Non nobis solum nati sumus, ortusque nostri partem patria vendicat, partem amici."[54] Which is to say, in substance, that we are not born into this world for ourselves alone, but to do service and pleasure to our friends and our country.'[55]

Such was the origin of 'Champ fleury.' Here follows the composition of that work, as the author himself gives it to us, in the form of a table of contents, at the beginning:[56]—

'This whole work is divided into three books.

'In the first book is contained the exhortation to establish and ordain the French language by fixed rule, and to speak elegantly, in good and soundest French.

'In the second is treated the invention of antique letters, and the proportionate coincidence thereof with the natural body and face of the perfect man. With several happy inventions and reflections upon the said antique letters.

'In the third and last book all the said antique letters, in their alphabetical order, are drawn and proportioned in height and width according to their proper formation and required articulation, both Latin and French, as well in the ancient as in the modern fashion.

'In two sheets at the end are added thirteen different sorts of letters, to-wit: Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French,—and these latter in four sorts, which are: "cadeaulx," "forme," "bastarde," and "torneure." Then follow the Persian, Arabic, African, Turkish, and Tartar letters, which have, all five, one and the same type of alphabet. After these are the Chaldaic, the "goffes," which are otherwise called "impériales et bullatiques," the "phantastiques" letters, the utopian letters, which one may call "voluntaires," and, lastly, the floriated letters.[57] With instructions for making ciphers of letters for golden rings, for tapestries, stained-glass windows, paintings, and other things, as may seem best.'

I will say nothing here of the first book, the excellence of which has recently been pointed out by M. Génin,[58] who is much better versed in the subject than I, and who has at the same stroke exculpated the French from the charge that has been brought against them of having allowed themselves to be anticipated by foreigners in the careful study of their language. I will simply call attention to the fact that Tory wrote shortly before Rabelais, who did not hesitate to borrow from him his criticism of the 'skimmers of Latin,'[59] who were then changing the French language on the pretext of perfecting it. The harangue of the Limousin orator, which is found in the sixth chapter of the second book of 'Pantagruel,' is copied verbatim from Tory's epistle to the reader.[60] Rabelais has simply added to it some obscene reflections which did not enter our author's mind. Tory ends with a pathetic appeal to those who are interested in the mother tongue, whose excellence he is never tired of extolling. 'O ye devoted lovers of goodly letters!' he cries, 'God grant that some noble heart may give itself to the task of establishing and ordering our French tongue according to rule! By that means would many thousands of men set themselves to using often goodly words. If it is not established and ordered, we shall find that the French tongue will be in great part changed and ruined every fifty years.'[61] This patriotic prayer was soon granted. As we know, the sixteenth century did not lack great geniuses, who set the French language in order and brought it to a great degree of perfection. Indeed, some most expressive words, the disuse of which Tory deplored,[63] reappeared. For instance, 'affaissé' and 'tourbillonner,' which in his time had been replaced by periphrases, returned into use; many others deserve the same honour and perhaps will receive it some day.

The second book of 'Champ fleury' is, I apprehend, only a paradox; but that paradox is maintained by arguments so ingenious, that one lacks courage to condemn it. Tory holds that the shapes of all the roman capital letters are derived from the different parts of the human body, which he looks upon as the type of the beautiful; and he makes a most admirable use of wood engraving to explain his idea. Moreover, if Tory was mistaken, we must acknowledge that he did not fall into the error inconsiderately. Indeed, I believe that he had for confederate his friend Perreal, to whom we may attribute the greater number of the designs on wood in the second book, judging from those in the third, which are directly attributed to him by Tory, as we shall see hereafter. However that may be, Tory seems to have studied his subject for a long time, not only on ancient monuments, but on modern ones as well, and in the works of contemporary authors who had turned their attention to the shapes of letters. His judgement of these latter is as follows:—

'Frère Lucas Paciol, of Bourg Saint Sepulchre, of the order of Frères Mineurs, and a theologian, who has written in popular Italian a book called "Divina proportione,"[64] and who has essayed to represent the said antique letters, does not give a true account of them nor explain them; and I am not surprised thereat, for I have heard from certain Italians that he stole his said letters and took them from the late Messere Leonard Vince [Leonardo da Vinci], who has of late died at Amboise, and was a most excellent philosopher and admirable painter, and as it were another Archimedes. This said Frère Lucas has caused his antique letters to be printed as his own. In sooth they may well be his, for he has not drawn them in their due proportions, as I shall show when I speak of said letters. Nor does Sigismunde Fante, a noble of Ferrara, who teaches how to write many kinds of letters, speak truly thereof.[65] Nor does Messere Ludovico Vincentino.[66] I know not whether Albert Dürer writes justly thereof,[67] but none the less he goes astray in the due proportion of the figures of many letters, in his book on "Perspective."[68]... I see no man who makes them or understands them better than Maistre Simon Hayeneufve, otherwise called Maistre Simon du Mans. He makes them so well and in proper proportions, that he satisfies the eye as well and better than any Italian master on this side or the other of the mountains. He is most excellent in the restoration of ancient architecture, as one may see in a thousand excellent designs and portraits that he has made in the noble city of Mans and in many a foreign city. He is worthy to be held in honoured memory, as well for his upright life as for his noble learning. And to this end, let us not fail to consecrate and dedicate his name to immortality, naming him a second Vitruvius, a holy man and good Christian. I write this with good will because of the virtues and great praise "which I have heard said of him" by many great and humble good men and true lovers of all goodly and honest things.'[69]

The eulogistic tone in which Tory speaks here and elsewhere[70] of Simon Haieneuve leads M. Renouvier to think[71] that our artist may have learned the art of drawing letters from the Mans architect; but it is a mistaken supposition; the phrase in quotation marks proves that they had never met. Moreover Tory, a little further on, claims most reasonably the honour of having been his own master in this matter: 'I know no Greek, Latin nor French author who gives the explanation of such letters as I have described, wherefore I may hold it for my own, saying that I have excogitated and found it rather by divine inspiration than by anything written or heard. If there be any one who has seen it written, let him say so, and he will give me pleasure.'[72]

We see that Tory does not beat about the bush concerning his theory, which, although it was different from those of his predecessors, was not on that account better than theirs.[73] However, let his opinion concerning the original design of the roman letters be what it may, it is, in my judgement, simply a sort of preface which we may pass over without inconvenience. The real substance of his work is in the third book. But he does not leave the second without returning once more to the charge in favour of his mother tongue.

'I know,' he says, 'that there are many goodly minds who would willingly write many excellent things if they thought they could write them well in Greek or Latin; and yet they abstain for fear of making solecisms or some other fault that they dread; or they choose not to write in French, thinking the French tongue not good nor elegant enough. With all respect to them, it is one of the most beauteous and graceful of all human tongues, as I have shown in the first book by the authority of noble and ancient authors, poets and orators, as well Latin as Greek.'[74]

To be accurate, I will say that this idea of the 'preëxcellence of the French tongue,' which, a little later, was the subject of another special work on the part of another famous printer, the second Henri Estienne, was neither new nor original with Tory. No less than three hundred years before, it had been set forth in honest French by an author who cannot be taxed with patriotic illusions, for he was an Italian. This is what Brunetto Latini wrote at the beginning of a sort of encyclopædia which he prepared in the thirteenth century, under the name of 'Trésor':—

'Et se aucuns demandoit por quoi cist livres est escriz en romans selonc le langage des François, puisque nos somes Ytaliens, je diroie que ce est por deux raisons: lune, car nos somes en France, et lautre, porce que la parleure est plus delitable et plus commune a toutes gens.'[75]

As I have said, the third book is the important part of Tory's work. Laying theory aside, he there gives us the exact design of the letters of the alphabet and the method of executing them. He does not overlook, moreover, this essential fact—that the designer of letters and the printer ought before all else to be grammarians in the ancient meaning of the word[76]; and at the same time that he gives us the shape of a letter, he instructs us as to its value and pronunciation. It is at this point that Tory's book becomes especially interesting to us: he passes in review the pronunciation in vogue in each of the French provinces, or nations, as they were called then. One after another they appear before us, with their special idioms, which have become mere myths to-day,—Flemings, Burgundians, Lyonnaises, Forésiens, Manseaux, Berrichons, Normans, Bretons, Lorrainers, Gascons, Picards, and even Italians, Germans, English, Scotch, etc. His observations do not stop at the somewhat mixed idioms of the men,[77] but extend to the more individual language of the women. For instance, he informs us that 'the ladies of Lyon often gracefully pronounce A for E, as when they say, "Choma vous choma chat effeta,"[78] and a thousand other like expressions'; whereas, on the contrary, 'the ladies of Paris very often pronounce E instead of A, as when they say: "Mon mery est a la porte de Peris, ou il se faict peier"; instead of saying, "Mon mary est a la porte de Paris, ou il se faict paier."'[79]

It will be noticed that in this particular the 'ladies of Paris' succeeded in perpetuating their pronunciation in part, for we do not now say 'paier.' They had equal success in many other cases. For example, it seems to be due to them that the final S of the plural is not pronounced except under exceptional circumstances[80]: as, for instance, when it is followed by a word beginning with a vowel; for, speaking of the cases in which that letter is elided in Latin, Tory expresses himself thus: 'The ladies of Paris for the most part observe this poetic figure of speech, dropping the final S in many words, as when, instead of saying: "Nous avons disne en ung iardin, & y avons menge des prunes blanches et noires, des amendes doulces & ameres, des figues molles, des pomes, des poires & des gruselles," they say and pronounce: "Nous avon disne en ung iardin, & y avon menge des prune blanche & noire, des amende doulce & amere, des figue molle, des pome, des poyre & des gruselle."' The thing that seems especially offensive to Tory is that they make the men join them in this faulty pronunciation. 'This fault,' he says, 'would be pardonable in them, were it not that it passes from woman to man, and that there is entire absence of perfect pronunciation in speaking.'[81]

Moreover, if we are to credit Tory, the provincials have also, in certain cases, succeeded in establishing their pronunciation, as we may conclude from the following passage, relative to the letter T: 'The Italians pronounce it so full and resonant that it seems that they add an E thereto, as when, for and instead of saying: "Caput vertigine laborat," they pronounce: "Capute vertigine laborate." I have seen and heard it pronounced so in Rome at the schools called La Sapienza, and in many another noble place in Italy. Which pronunciation is no wise held or used by the Lionnois, who drop the said T, and do not pronounce it any wise at the end of the third person plural of verbs active and neuter, saying "Amaverun" and "Araverun," for "Amaverunt" and "Araverunt." In like manner some Picards drop this T at the end of some words in French, as when they would say: "Comant cela, comant? monsieur, c'est une jument," they pronounce: "Coman chela, coman? monsieur, chest une jumen."'[82] We see that the Picard pronunciation has prevailed in this instance, for we no longer pronounce the final T at the end of the words 'comment,' 'jument,' and the like.

Tory did not content himself with setting forth the state of things existent in his day: he suggested improvements, almost all of which have been sanctioned by usage. For instance, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, the pronunciation was very difficult to grasp for lack of accents; he proposed to supply them. 'In our French language,' he says, 'we have no symbol of accent in writing, and it is on account of this lack that our language is not yet established nor submitted to fixed rules, like the Hebrew, Greek and Latin. I would like that it should be, as might well be done.... In French,' he says farther on, 'as I have said, we do not write the accent over O vocative, but pronounce it full, as when we say:

'O pain du ciel angelique,

Tu es nostre salut antique.

'In this lack of accent we have an imperfection, which we ought to remedy by purifying and subjecting to fixed rule and art our language, which is the most graceful language known.'[83] Elsewhere he suggests replacing elided letters by an apostrophe, which had not then been done in French. 'I say and allege these things in this place to the end that if it should happen that one had to write in antique letters verses where the S must disappear, one may write them honestly and purposely without using the said letter, ... and place a hooked point over the place where it should be.'[84] In another place he emphasizes the necessity of the cedilla, which we find in French manuscripts from the thirteenth century, but which typography had not as yet adopted. 'C before O,' he says, 'in French pronunciation and language, is sometimes hard, as in saying "coquin," "coq," "coquillard"; sometimes it is soft, as in saying "garcon," "macon," "françois," and other like words.'[85]

Tory could hardly overlook the matter of punctuation, that most essential, and even in our day so sadly neglected, branch of orthography; but as he had only 'antique' letters to deal with, he presented only three sorts of punctuation marks, without going into details as to their use, which, in truth, if we may judge by his own book, was not as yet fully settled. The comma, for instance, which has so much to do with the clearness of the sentence, is frequently there inserted in a far from rational way.

I have said above that Tory had adopted about 1523, for the mark of his bookshop, the Pot Cassé represented in the engraving placed at the end of his poem on his daughter's death. To make it more appropriate for that purpose, he subjected it to various modifications. At first we find it alone, as in the accompanying cut, on the cover,[86] or on the back,[87] of a number of octavo books bound at his establishment. Other bindings, in quarto, exhibit the broken jar with the drill (toret).[88]

Afterward, Tory placed the jar on a closed book, and still later he modified the design by the introduction of other additions.[89]

Finally, we have Geofroy Tory's device, or mark, definitively constituted in his 'Champ fleury,' thus:[90]—

'Behold,' he says, 'my declared device and mark, drawn as I have cogitated and conceived it, imparting moral meaning thereto, to give friendly admonition to the printers and booksellers beyond the mountains[91] to practise and employ themselves in goodly inventions and delectable execution, to show that their wits have not been always useless, but eager to serve the public weal by labouring to that end and living uprightly.'

Then follows his explanation of this mark,[92]—an explanation which does not invalidate that suggested above.[93] In truth, all that Tory says here in general terms may be applied to his daughter Agnes.

'In the first place, there is herein an ancient jar, which is broken, through which is passed a toret. This said broken jar signifies our body, which is an earthen jar. The toret signifies Fate, which pierces and passes through weak and strong. Beneath this broken jar there is a book secured by three chains and padlocks, which signifies that after our body is broken by death, its life is closed by the three fatal goddesses.[94] This book is so firmly closed that there is no man who may come to see anything therein, except he know the secret of the padlocks, and above all of the round padlock, which is locked and signed by letters. Even so, after the book of our life is closed, there is no man who may in any wise open it, except it be he who knows the secrets, and he is God, who alone knows, before and after our death, what has been, what is, and what will be our fate. The foliage and flowers in the said jar signify the virtues which our body may have in itself during its life. The sun-rays which are above and beside the toret and the jar signify the inspiration that God gives us by impelling us to virtue and worthy acts. Near the said broken jar it is written: "Non plvs," which are two monosyllabic words, as well in French as in Latin, signifying that which Pittacus said long since in Greek: ΜΗΔΕΝΑΓΑΝ,[95] "nihil nimis." Let us not say, let us not do aught beyond measure or beyond reason, except it be in the last necessity: "aduersus quā nec Dij quidē pugnant."[96] But let us say and let us do "Sic. vt. vel. vt." That is to say, as we ought, or as little wrongly as we may. If we seek to do well, God will aid us, and therefore have I written above: "Menti bonæ Deus occurrit," that is to say, God goes out to meet the desire to do good, and gives it aid.'

I believe that we should see in the toret an 'enseigne parlante,' alluding at once to Tory's name and to his various professions. The way in which the name of the instrument was pronounced, its shape, resembling that of a T, and, lastly, its use by the engravers, were doubtless the considerations that led Tory to adopt it. But let us not subtilize too far.

Tory was not content with giving us his symbol in 'Champ fleury': he engraved on the first page of that book, that is to say, in the place of honour, what would be called to-day the blazonry of his artistic acquirements,—in other words, a collection of all the tools that he used. Unfortunately, he did not feel called upon, as in the case of his mark, to supply an explanation, deeming the matter clear enough; whereas, in our day it has become rather difficult, because of the changes that have taken place in the customs of artists, to state the exact use of some of the tools. The order in which they are arranged, however, may assist us, to a certain extent, in identifying them. An exact reproduction of this engraving, the initial letter of the first page of the text of 'Champ fleury,' is given at the beginning of this section.[97]

The first series of tools, suspended in the first arabesque, embraces a pair of compasses, a rule, and a square: these are the fundamental instruments of art and of geometry. In the second arabesque, if I am not mistaken, we find an 'échoppe' and a burin, engravers' tools; in the third, a writing-case (or 'galimart'), a pencil, and a knife, above a book; these are the tools of the writer and the draughtsman. In the fourth, we find an object which I take to be a small box of colours, hanging from a case of brushes; these appertain to the painter. Tory was, in fact, draughtsman, painter and engraver.

I have already said that Tory was probably instructed in the art of drawing by the famous Jean Perreal. He was on terms of the closest friendship with that artist, who drew several of the vignettes in 'Champ fleury,' if we may judge by the one positively attributed to him, which is printed on the verso of folio 46. Geofroy informs us that this plate, insignificant in itself (it represents two circles in which are the letters I and K, modelled on the human body), was engraved from the design of a friend of his, 'from that which a noble lord and good friend of mine, Jehan Perreal, who is otherwise called Jehan de Paris, valet de chambre and excellent painter to King Charles VIII, Louis XII, and François, first of the name, made known and gave to me, most excellently drawn by his hand.' Now this engraving is in all respects similar to those to be found in the second book of 'Champ fleury.' Both in form and subject, it is altogether different from those in the third book, in which Tory printed it. Probably Perreal died while the work was on the press, and Tory, who had not thought of naming him while he was alive, in connection with his first drawings, did so after his death, by publishing the last souvenir of this sort which he possessed from the hand of his friend, although it did not fit perfectly with the subject; he laid, as it were, a flower on the dead man's grave.[98]

We give this drawing also, as the only work which can be with certainty attributed to Jean Perreal, and as a specimen of the engravings which serve as a foundation for the reformation of the roman letters proposed by Tory in the second book of his 'Champ fleury.'

From what I have said it will be seen that Tory's book required several years of labour. Nor is one surprised thereat when one considers the great number of engravings which it contains. But even without the engravings, it will readily be understood that a work which necessitated so much observation required a vast expenditure of time. Begun, as we have seen, in 1523 (1524, new style), it was not finally completed until 1529, that is to say, after six years of toil. However, Tory did not propose that those years should be lost for art. Desirous to preach by example rather than by precept, he determined to publish, in the interim, other books wherein he might give utterance to his artistic taste. And he did in fact print books of Hours, admirably executed, which, although in different form, may fitly be compared to the Hours of Simon Vostre, who had acquired so great a reputation in that typographical specialty. Tory received from François I a 'privilége' (license) for this work, to run six years, dated at Avignon, September 23, 1524.[99] This license to print[100] informs us that Tory had 'made and caused to be made[101] certain illustrations [histoires] and vignettes "a lantique" and likewise some "a la moderne," in order to have the same printed, and to serve a plusieurs usages dheures,' and that to that end he had 'expended an exceeding long time and incurred divers great expenses and outlays.'

The first book of this sort which he published, so far as I have learned, is an edition in quarto of the Hours of the Virgin, according to the Roman use, in Latin. It is a superb volume, printed by Simon de Colines, with borders and illustrations 'à l'antique,' perfect in taste and execution.

The book was undoubtedly printed by Colines as a joint venture with Tory, for there are copies in existence in the name of each. Those in the name of Colines bear on the title-page the date 1524, and, at the end, that of the 17th of the Calends of February (January 16), 1525; those in the name of Tory (there are two varieties of these) bear but one date, 1525, and that at the end. I shall speak of this book later, in detail.[102]

Two years later Tory published a new edition of the same Hours, in a small octavo volume, also printed by Simon de Colines, in roman type, with borders and illustrations of the same kind but much smaller.[103] The printing was finished October 21, 1527. It is preceded by a new license from François I, extending Tory's rights for ten years, not for this book alone, but for the earlier one as well, 'for certain illustrations and vignettes "a lantique" by him heretofore printed,' and in consideration of the great outlay which his engravings had caused him to make. This license is dated at Chenonceaux, September 5, 1526, and includes 'Champ fleury,' the printing of which had begun, but which had not yet received its poetic title, for it was still referred to as 'Lart et science de la deue et vraye proportion des lettres.' In the same year Tory published an edition in quarto of these same Hours, according to the use of Paris, printed by Simon Dubois (Silvius). This book, in which we find again the license of 1526, is printed in gothic type, with borders and illustrations of a special style, called 'à la moderne.' The borders are arabesques formed of plants, insects, birds, animals, etc. At the foot we see the F, crowned, of François I, and the salamander; the L, crowned, of Louise of Savoy, the king's mother; and the impaled shield of France and Savoy, etc. Of this book also I shall speak in detail hereafter.[104] Finally, a little later, at a time which I am unable to fix precisely, but prior to 1531, Tory caused to be printed another book of Hours of the same description, that is to say, with borders of plants, insects, birds, etc., but in a smaller format—small octavo. I shall describe it in its place.[105]

These publications did not prevent our artist from giving his attention to literature. While he was overlooking the impression of his Hours and his 'Champ fleury,' he was preparing various works to which we shall have occasion to refer hereafter. Generally speaking, they are translations intended to enrich the French tongue; for Tory did not lose sight of his patriotic purpose. All of these works were printed subsequently, save one, perhaps—a translation of the hieroglyphs of Orus Apollo, which he gave to a 'noble lord and good friend of his.'[106] It is not known whether this translation was ever printed. There are many editions of Orus in existence, but no one of them bears the name of Tory.

'Champ fleury' appeared at last in 1529. We have seen that this book was conceived on 'the day of the feast of Kings, which was reckoned M. D. XXIII,' that is to say, January 6, 1524, new style. The printing was not completed until 'the XXVIII day of the month of April one thousand five hundred XXIX,'[107] as we learn from the subscription at the end; that is to say, it cost nearly six years of toil. The following is an exact copy of the title-page as it appears in the first edition:—

CHAMP FLEVRY. Au quel est contenu Lart & Science de la deue & vraye Proportiõ des Lettres Attiques, quõ dit autremēt Lettres Antiques, & vulgairement Lettres Romaines, proportionnees selon le Corps & Visage humain.—Ce Liure est Priuilegie pour Dix Ans Par Le Roy nostre Sire, & est a vendre a Paris sus Petit Pont a Lenseigne du Pot Casse par Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges/Libraire, & Autheur du dict Liure. Et par Giles Gourmont aussi Libraire demourant en la Rue sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois Coronnes.

It is gratifying to see here the name of the first printer in Greek type in Paris. It was Gourmont himself who printed this learned book, wherein we find some very interesting details concerning the Hebrew, Greek and Latin letters, of which he exhibits models which have not changed since that time.[108] The workshop of Gilles de Gourmont was on rue Saint-Jean-de-Latran; but we see that in 1529 he had a bookshop on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the Trois Couronnes,—an allusion doubtless to the three roses which adorned the chief, or top, of his shield. This shop adjoined the church of Saint-Benoît on the north.[109] As for Tory, he seems to have lived at this time on the Petit-Pont, 'next to Hostel-Dieu.' It was there that he wrote his book, for he dates his epistle to the reader thus: 'En Paris ce. XXVIII. Jour Dapvril sus Petit Pont, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.' He had, however, another abode on rue Saint-Jacques, opposite the 'Écu de Bâle,' the sign of Chrétien Wechel.

At the beginning of 'Champ fleury' is printed the license of September 5, 1526, already published in the two editions of the Hours of 1527, which granted to Tory a ten years' right, not only for the Hours, but also for 'Champ fleury,' which was then being printed, but, as I have already said, had not then received that graceful title. This license makes it clear that as early as 1526 Tory was thinking of joining the brotherhood of printers. He became a printer in fact soon after the publication of his book, and proceeded to print several works of his own composition. I give here a list of these various publications, in the order of their dates.

I. La Table de lancien philosophe Cebes ... Avec trente Dialogues moraulx de Lucian ... translate de latin en vulgaire françois par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges...[110]

The license is of September 18, 1529, for ten years. The printing was finished October 5, 1529. It is a small octavo volume, in two parts, with roughly executed borders on each page. There are twelve preliminary leaves, containing a long list of errata, and two series of signatures, the first running from A to T, the second from a to v. The book was for sale at the translator's shop, 'rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle,[111] a lenseigne du Pot Casse,' and at Jean Petit's on 'rue Sainct Iaques, a lenseigne de la Fleur de lys.' There is nothing to indicate where the book was printed; but as it is set in the type used for the 'Epitaphs' of Louise of Savoy, I am inclined to think that it came from Tory's workshop. In that case it was the first book that he printed.[112] The long list of errata would seem, in truth, to suggest a novice, and would explain why no printer's name is given.

In the letter 'to the readers' at the beginning of this book, Tory returns to the charge against the villains [rufients] who were changing the French language on the pretext of perfecting it. There are some tirades quite worthy of a place in 'Champ fleury.' He ends his preamble with a curious passage which gives us an idea of his tastes. 'I believe that if the ancient and noble painter Zeuxis of Heraclea, if Raphael of Urbino, Michel Angelo, Leonardo da Vinci or Albrecht Dürer[113] should try to paint philosophers and their various aspects, they could not paint them so well nor so to the life as our Lucian paints them herein.' Lastly, he informs the reader that he will soon make him 'another new gift';[114] and he kept his promise by publishing the following work.

II. Summaire de chroniques contenans les vies, gestes et cas fortuitz de tous les empereurs Deurope, depuis Iules Cesar iusques a Maximilien dernier decede ... par ... Iehan Baptiste Egnace, Venicien. Et translate de ladicte langue latine en langaige francoys par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.

An octavo volume, containing 16 leaves of preface, 99 of text, and an index containing 13 leaves—128 in all. At the end, we read: 'The printing of this book was finished at Paris the XIII day of April, M. D. XXIX, for maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, who sells it at said Paris, at the sign of the Pot Casse.' In Tory's preface, addressed 'to all studious and true lovers of honest letters,' he says: 'I promised you of late in the preface to the "Table of Cebes" that in a short space I would make for you another new book.' It was in fulfilment of that promise that he published the 'Summaire de Chroniques' of Egnasio.

The date of printing given above corresponds to April 13, 1530, new style; for Easter fell in that year on April 15. Some bibliographers mention an edition of this book of 1520; but it is an error, for the license is dated 1529. La Caille[115] says that the edition of 1529 was printed by Tory; this is possible, but not certain. It may even be that it was printed by Gourmont, for it is set in the same type used in 'Champ fleury.'[116] There are three later editions of this book, printed by Charles l'Angelier in 1541, 1543, 1544 (octavo); we shall speak of them hereafter. As for the edition of 1529, I found it only in the library of M. Ambroise Firmin Didot, who kindly allowed me to describe it. This copy is still in the original binding, with the Pot Cassé.

But all these works did not cause Tory to lose sight of his great patriotic idea. He did not confine himself to simple wishes for the welfare of the French language. In default of the other 'noble hearts' whom he invited 'to establish and order our language by rule,'[117] he himself undertook that work. Rich in materials as he was, and with the ardor with which he entered into everything, he soon completed his task. The license to print the 'Summaire de Chroniques' includes a book by Tory entitled: 'Les Reigles generales de lorthographe du langaige françois,' which he proposed soon to put on the press. Was this book ever printed? was it ever finished? These are questions which I am unable to answer, for I have discovered no trace of it elsewhere; but so many other books have disappeared that I should not be surprised to learn that this one had undergone the same fate.

III. Hours (in Latin) according to the Roman use; sixteenmo, with illustrations and borders; printed in roman type; finished February 8, 1529, which date corresponds to February 8, 1530, new style, and proves that Tory had become a printer in 1529. Here is the exact title of this book, which I shall describe in detail later:[118] 'Horæ in laudem beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ secundum usum romanum.' On the last leaf are these words: 'Parrhisiis, apud Gotofredum Torinum Biturigum. VIII. die febr. anno sal. M. D. XXIX. Ad insigne Vasis effracti.'

IV. Ædiloquium ceu (sic) disticha partibus ædium urbanarum et rusticarum suis quæque locis adscribenda. Item, epitaphia septem de amorum aliquot passionibus, etc. Authore Gotofredo Torino Biturigico.

Paris, Simon de Colines, 1530;[119] italic type; 3 octavo sheets, with license for two years. This book has, in the second part, seven charming engravings on wood. I cannot understand why Tory did not print it, as he was then a printer. May it have been because it was customary at that time to print poetical works in italic type, and he had none in his printing office? Copies of the book are preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, at the Arsenal [two] and at Sainte-Geneviève. The copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale is still in the original binding, with the Pot Cassé.[120]

Alluding to the first part of his book, Tory expresses himself thus in his 'avis au lecteur': 'There are certain eminent painters in this prolific age, most gentle reader, who, by their drawings, paintings, and varied colouring, depict the tribal gods and human beings, as also other things of different sorts, with such exactness that a voice and a soul seem the only things wanting to them; but here, most gentle reader, I offer you, nearly in the manner of these painters, a house, which not only is elegant and finished in its outlines and parts, but even speaks prettily and describes itself part by part in a eulogy.'[121] It will be seen that Tory's thoughts were still engrossed by art.

V. Science pour senrichir honnestement et facilement, intitulée Leconomic Xenophon, nagueres translatee de grec et latin en langaige francoys, par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.—On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdalaine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.

Octavo, of 9 sheets; printing finished July 5, 1531.[122] On the back of the title-page are these words: 'At the said sign of the Pot Casse are also for sale Thucydides and Diodorus, with some other excellent books translated from Greek and Latin into French. Likewise there are fine Hours and Offices of Our Lady, large, medium and small, with illustrations and vignettes "a l'antique."'

Were the Thucydides and Diodorus printed by Tory, as well as the large, medium and small Hours? Possibly, but I have found no indication of it. As for attributing the translations to him, that is out of the question, for he says nothing of it in the dedication, addressed to Antoine du Prat, Cardinal de Sens, etc., wherein he mentions the preceding works of the same sort:—

'After the book of the Explanation of the antique letters, called "Champ Fleury," which I put together in the French language, and the "Table de Cebes," with thirty moral dialogues; likewise the "Summaire de Chroniques," which I translated into our said language, to confer a benefit on the studious, ... it seemed to me to be a worthy way of passing my time to employ myself in translating the "Economic Xenophon" also.'

Tory does not mention here the 'Ædiloquium,' probably because that book was in Latin, or, rather, because it was not printed at the time of the composition of this dedication, which was in all probability written in the first three months of 1531, then reckoned in the year 1530,[123] a circumstance which, in my opinion, explains the date of the 'Ædiloquium.' In fact, that book cannot have been printed before 1531, for the license of the 'Economic Xenophon,' which includes the 'Ædiloquium' (to which, by the way, it gives a sub-title, 'et Erotica,' which was rejected when it was printed, as likely to give a false idea of the book), is dated June 18, 1531, and extends Tory's rights to four years instead of the two mentioned on the title-page of the 'Ædiloquium.' From all of which I conclude that the last-named book was printed before the license was obtained, but only a short time before, and while the application was pending.

The license first mentioned[124] also concedes to Tory an extension of four years 'for certain other books, illustrations and vignettes, to cause to be printed the Hours and Offices of Our Lady, mentioned in two licenses heretofore granted to him,' dated September 23, 1524, and September 5, 1526. Tory requested this extension of time because he was preparing to reprint the Hours, as we see by the date of the following book.

VI. Hours according to the Roman use, quarto; published October 20, 1531, in Latin. This was a new edition of the Hours printed in 1524-1525 by Simon de Colines. We find the same borders and illustrations as before; but several engravings which had already appeared in some of the earlier books just described are added. I shall describe this book later. It seems to be printed from the 'Champ fleury' type, and bears the following title: Horæ in laudem beatiss. Virginis Mariæ. Ad usum romanum. Parrhisiis apud Gotofredum Torinum Biturigicum, regium impressorem.[125]

VII. Politiques de Plutarque, cest a dire: Civiles Institutions et enseignemens pour bien regir la chose pu[blique] ... translatees ... par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges. Dediees ... a tresilustre ... François de Vallois, Daulphin de France.

Octavo, with 8 preliminary leaves, and 67 numbered leaves of text.

On the verso of leaf 67 we read: 'The printing of this book was finished Saturday the XV. day of June, M. D. XXXII. by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller and king's printer, dwelling in Paris, opposite the church of La Magdaleine, at the sign of the Pot Casse.'

Another edition was published at Lyon in 1534. We shall refer to it, as well as to the earlier edition, hereafter.[126]

VIII. La Mouche de Lucian et la Maniere de parler et se taire [de Volaterran].—Le tout [translaté] par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, imprimeur du Roy et libraire juré en luniversité de Paris. On les vend a Paris, devant leglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.

Octavo, 8 leaves; without date of printing or license, but printed by Geofroy Tory himself, after February 22, 1533; for he assumes the title of 'libraire juré'[127] of the University, which did not belong to him until that day. Moreover he makes use in this book of the acute accent, the apostrophe and the cedilla, which he never used, as we shall soon see, until after the edition of Clement Marot, dated June 7, 1533. It was therefore subsequent to that date, but prior to October of the same year, that 'La Mouche' was published.[128]

In several of the works we have described, Tory assumes the title of printer; in the last three he describes himself as king's printer, and in one of them as a 'libraire juré' of the University. These last two dignities he owed to the initiative of François I. That king, who had never before conferred that honour upon any one, deemed it his duty to make the author of 'Champ fleury' king's printer. In truth it was natural enough to confer that title upon him who had displayed so perfect an understanding of the art of typography, combined with such a store of literary knowledge, and whose book caused a veritable revolution in printing, no less from the technical and practical than from the grammatical and philological standpoint; for there is one fact which I have not as yet mentioned and which I am glad to set down here: immediately after the publication of 'Champ fleury' French typography began to include in its fonts of type accents, apostrophes and cedillas,[129] the absence of which Tory deplored, and which he himself used soon after, and before any other printer, as we shall see.

But the most noteworthy result produced by the publication of 'Champ fleury' was the reformation of the old types. That book not only contributed to the abandonment of gothic letters, but brought about the remodelling of the old roman letters. Robert Estienne, among others, re-cast at this time all those that had come down to him from his father, the first Henri (or, to speak more accurately, from his father-in-law Simon de Colines), and replaced them by types of a new shape, which were cut, I think, by Tory (for his pupil, Garamond, seems not to have been capable of doing it at this time), and which continued to be used, almost without change, down to the time of the Revolution. It is in this sense only that it can properly be said that Tory perfected the types of Josse Bade; for I think that he did not cut any type for that celebrated printer, who was established in Paris long before Tory turned his attention to engraving, and who died in 1535, a few years after the publication of 'Champ fleury,' without changing in any way his method of printing. It was Tory too, doubtless, who cut Robert Estienne's italic type; for it bears a strong resemblance to Simon de Colines's, which I have already attributed to him.[130]

The sensation caused by Tory's book, in foreign countries as well as in France, is evidenced also by the writings of his contemporaries. In Paris, Antoine du Saix, author of the 'Esperon de discipline,' expresses himself thus in an epistle in verse dedicated to his friends,[131] among whom we find mentioned René Massé, also a friend of Tory, and several other littérateurs of the time:—

Geoffroy Thory, qui divine as heu main

Pour figurer dessus le corps humain

La lettre anticque, ouyant que plume ay prise

Pour te imiter, ce bourgeon ne meprise,

Raisin sera, sil a temps de meurer [mûrir].

In London, Leonard Coxe, alluding to the grammar published shortly after by his compatriot Palsgrave, exclaims: 'Learned Geofroy, he has fulfilled the wish so often expressed in thy "Champ fleury," for here we have the French language taught thoroughly, by virtue of rules duly authorized.'[132]

Tory probably received the title of king's printer in 1530, but I do not find that he assumed it earlier than 1531, and, failing documentary evidence, I cannot accredit him with it at an earlier date. It was, I fancy, his appointment which led the authors of the 'Art de vérifier les dates' to say that 'François I established the Imprimerie Royale in Paris' on his return from the Abbaye de Veyen, where he had espoused, on July 4, 1530, Eleonora, sister of the Emperor Charles V.[133] It is the fact that at that time Tory was entrusted with several 'royal printings' concerning this marriage of the king. Thus he published, March 16, 1530 (1531, new style), a little work of Guillaume Bochetel, entitled: 'Le Sacre et coronnement de la Royne, imprimé par le commandement du Roy nostre sire.' It is a thin quarto of 12 leaves, printed with a certain sumptuousness, and the license, signed 'de la Barre,'[134] is thus conceived:—

'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, "marchant libraire, imprimeur," license to print the "Coronnement de la Royne," and all other printers are forbidden to print it for one year,[135] upon pain of a discretionary fine and of the confiscation of said book, etc. Done at Paris the tenth day of March.' The consecration of the queen had taken place at Saint-Denis five days earlier, March 5, 1530 (1531, new style).

A few days later Tory published another little book by the same author: 'Lentree de la Royne en sa ville et cite de Paris, imprimee par commandement du Roy nostre sire.' Quarto, 24 leaves; same arrangement as in 'le Sacre,' etc.[136] The license, dated at Anet, April 26, 1531 (Easter fell that year on April 9), gives Tory no other title than 'libraire,' but the omission is evidently accidental.[137] The volume contains three pieces in Latin verse by Geofroy Tory, two addressed to the queen ('ad reginam Leonorem'), the other to the French people ('ad gentem gallicam'). On the verso of the last leaf are these words: 'The printing of this book was finished Tuesday the ninth day of May M. D. XXXI.' This book exhibits specimens of three different types used by Geofroy Tory: a 'saint-augustin,' in which the text is printed, a 'philosophie,'[138] and a brevier. In all these publications we find Tory's borders and his broken jar, and these words at the foot of the title: On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Jacques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.'

It will be noticed that Tory had left his second domicile, on the Petit-Pont, which was too small, doubtless, for his printing establishment, and had settled in the heart of the Cité, almost opposite the church of La Madeleine, which then stood very near the corner of rue de la Juiverie and rue de Marmouzets. His new abode was on the site of the old and famous Halle aux Blés de Beauce, in a house to which he transported his sign of the Pot Cassé (which it retained for several years), and which corresponds to the present number 16 rue de la Cité, according to the evidence courteously furnished me by M. Adolphe Berty, whose knowledge of old Paris is so thorough.[139] However that may be, the first work in which to my knowledge Geofroy Tory assumes the title of king's printer is a thin volume of two and a half quarto sheets, of the same typographical arrangement as those last described, but printed in different type, which seems to me to have been cut by Tory. It was published on the occasion of the death of Louise of Savoy, mother of François I, which occurred September 22, 1531. The contents consist of Latin and French epitaphs composed in honour of the deceased, and it bears on its first page the following title, bisected:—

'In Lodoicæ regis matris mortem epitaphia latina et gallica.—Epitaphes a la louenge de ma dame mere du Roy faictz par plusieurs recommendables autheurs.' Below this are these words: 'On les vend a Paris, devant Leglise de la Magdaleine, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.'

The license, dated at Paris, October 15, 1531, and signed de la Barre, accords unequivocally to Tory the title of king's printer: 'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, merchant, bookseller and imprimeur du roy, leave,' etc. On the last page, which, like the first, is enclosed in a border, are the words: 'Printed at Paris at the sign of the Pot Cassé, by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, Marchant, Libraire et Imprimeur du Roy. The XVII day of October M. D. XXXI.'[140]

What salary did Tory receive as king's printer? It is impossible for me to say positively; however, if we may judge from what happened in 1538, in the case of Conrad Néobar,[141] he probably received 100 'écus au soleil'[142] per year, which, at the current valuation of 45 sous each, would make 225 'livres tournois.' Indeed, that sum was paid in 1671, more than a century later, to Pierre Le Petit, king's printer.[143]

If François I manifested his good will to Geofroy Tory in appointing him king's printer, he manifested it even more signally by causing him to be admitted to the brotherhood of 'libraires jurés' of the University, with all the privileges appurtenant to that office.[144] For, in the first instance, he simply made use of his prerogative; in the second he imposed his will on the University: the number of 'libraires jurés,' which was fixed at twenty-four, being full, François I created a twenty-fifth membership in Tory's favour, and the University ratified that creation at its sitting of February 22, 1532 (1533, new style), minuting, however, that it was a gift of the King,[145] as if to imply that it was not to be taken as a precedent. In fact, they returned to the number twenty-four on the death of Tory, which unfortunately was not long delayed.

Farther on will be found a list of the works published by Tory as king's printer, both for the king and for private individuals.[146] I will mention here a single one, which is of some interest in connection with the biography of our artist: the 'Adolescence Clementine' (of Clement Marot), fourth edition, published by Tory June 7, 1533. On the title-page is a note in these words: 'With certain accents noted, namely, on É masculine different from the feminine, between words joined by synalephe, and under Ç when it is pronounced like S, the which heretofore, for lack of suggestion, has not been done in the French language, although it was and is most essential.' This was the first work in which Tory applied the orthographic system he had suggested in 'Champ fleury.'[147] The fact is evident from the inexperience of the compositors, who made several blunders in this very note.

This book, one of the rare copies of which is in the Bibliothèque Nationale, presents still another interesting peculiarity. The title-page is arranged in a different way from that in vogue at the time. In the first three editions the first two words form four lines of capitals of the same size and length, by virtue of the spacing: LADOLE—SCENCE—CLEMEN—TINE. In the fourth edition they fill two lines only (LADOLESCENCE—CLEMENTINE), but still in type of the same size, contrary to the practice of other printers, who would have diminished by at least one degree the size and length of the lines, without regard to logic. They would probably have printed the title thus:

L A D O L E S
CENCE CLEMEN
tine

Tory's method of execution, which he borrowed from the arrangement of ancient inscriptions, was less agreeable to the eye perhaps, but it was more logical. It was a step toward the practice of the present day, in which the size of the letters on a title-page is varied, but is made consistent with the importance of the respective words. As will be seen, Tory was, in everything, an initiator.

This book was the last one printed by Tory, to my knowledge. He probably died shortly after, for we find that his wife was a widow on October 14 [1533], when she executed a lease for nine years of that part of the Halle de Beauce occupied by her husband's establishment. This lease, covering the whole house, was made in consideration of 122 livres 10 sous tournois. The lessors were agents of the Chapitre Notre-Dame, and the lessees, 'Martin Féret, baker, and Perrette Le Hullin, widow of Geofroy Tory, in his lifetime bookseller and king's printer, living on rue de la Juifverie in one of the wings [corps d'hostel] of the building hereinafter mentioned' (the Halle de Beauce).[148]

Perrette Le Hullin continued for some time to carry on her husband's various enterprises. Thus, she published in 1535 a remarkable work, doubtless begun by him, by command of François I, to whom it is dedicated. It certainly should be placed to the credit of Tory, although it does not bear his name, but simply a mention of his sign: 'Au Pot Casse.' It is a translation of Diodorus Siculus, of which I shall speak later.[149]

But the burden of so considerable an undertaking—printing-office, bookshop, bindery,[150] engraving, etc.—soon compelled Perrette Le Hullin to abandon a part of it. At the end of the year 1535 she transferred the printing-office, the bookshop, and the bindery to Olivier Mallard, who established himself on the same premises occupied by Tory, and under the same sign of the Pot Cassé, as we see by a thin volume published by him on January 19, 1535 (1536, new style), entitled: 'Copie d'une lettre de Constantinople, de la victoire du grand Sophy contre le grand Turc.—Paris, Olivier Mallard, à l'enseigne du Pot Cassé, rue de la Juifverie.' Quarto, of 4 leaves; gothic type.[151]

Towards the end of 1536, Mallard published the 'Copie de l'arrest du grand conseil donné à l'encontre du miserable empoisonneur de monseigneur le dauphin,' etc. An octavo sheet printed in two signatures. On the verso of the title begins the text of the decree, promulgated at Lyon Saturday, October 7, 1536; then come several pieces by Jean Henon and 'a "dizain" by the printer hereof in sorrow for the death of the Dauphin': ten wretched lines, ending, by way of signature, with the words 'tout par moien,' of which I have been unable to discover the anagrammatic significance. On the verso of the last leaf we read: 'All booksellers and printers in the city and provostry of Paris are forbidden to print or put on sale this present "copie" within three months, on pain of confiscation thereof, and of a fine, save only M. O. Mallard. Given at Paris this XVIII October, 1536.—I. MORIN.'

Thus we see that, even if Mallard was not as yet king's printer, he was at least the official printer. I cannot give the exact date of his appointment as king's printer; but he certainly held that office in 1537, since in that year he published a little octavo volume in which he assumed the title.[152] The book is entitled: 'De judiciis urinarum tractatus exprobatis collectus authoribus, etc.—Excudebat O. Mallardus, bibliopola ac impressor regius.—Anno Domini 1537, 8 id. Martii' (March 8).[153] He also published in that year, in the same capacity, two works of Jean Gillot:[154] 'De juridictione et imperio libri duo,' and 'Isagoge in juris civilis sanctionem' (quarto), on the title-page of which, below the Pot Cassé, are the words: 'Vænit O. Mallardo, regio typographo ac librario, sub signo Vasis fracti.'[155]

It is probable that François I made no difficulty about accepting Tory's successor as his printer; but he availed himself of Tory's death to remodel the institution of king's printers. He restricted Mallard's functions to the printing of French, and in the year 1538 appointed two other king's printers, one, Conrad Néobar, for Greek, the other, Robert Estienne, for Latin and Hebrew, as an essential complement to the 'Collége des trois langues,' now the Collége de France, which he had recently founded. We have not the document which conferred upon Robert Estienne the title of king's printer; but we have proof that he held that title in 1539. Maittaire declares, upon what evidence I know not, that Robert was appointed on June 24 of that year. I am of the opinion that his appointment was of earlier date, that is to say, that it goes back, like Néobar's, to 1538, or, to speak more accurately, to the beginning of 1539. In fact, we find him assuming the title of king's printer ('typographus regius') in several works printed by him during that year. Furthermore, I may mention the fact that, in a most interesting edict concerning the printers of France, dated August 31, 1539, the king already refers to the fact that he has 'of late created and ordained—in order to have a copious supply of useful and essential books—royal printers in the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew tongues.'[156]

We have not the letters patent of Robert Estienne, but we are more fortunate in respect to Néobar, for we have the document by which he was created king's printer for Greek.[157] This curious document, which does so much honour to François I, well deserves to win oblivion for his unlucky edict of proscription against printing, rendered January 13, 1535 (new style), which has been invoked against his memory several times in recent years, although it was never put in execution. On Néobar's death in 1540, Robert Estienne succeeded him as king's printer for Greek, retaining the title for Latin and Hebrew.

The king's fondness for the classics did not lead him to neglect the French language: in 1539 he promulgated a celebrated ordinance, to the effect that 'henceforth all decrees, etc., shall be pronounced, recorded, and delivered to the parties concerned, in the mother tongue.'

In 1541, Olivier Mallard, who had acquired all of Tory's typographic paraphernalia, published a book of Hours of the Virgin, in Latin, octavo, with the borders 'à la moderne' to which I referred on page 25. It is copied doubtless from the edition put forth by Tory about 1530, which I have never been fortunate enough to see. Of the edition of 1541, I have seen one copy on vellum, and another on paper. It consists of 23 octavo sheets (signatures A to Y), and has on the title-page: 'Horæ in laudem beatissim. Virginis Mariæ ad usum Romanum.' (Pot Cassé) 'Parisiis, apud Oliverium Mallardum, sub signo Vasis effracti.—1541.'

In the following year Mallard published another edition of the Hours of the Virgin, in quarto, like the one issued by Tory in 1531. I shall speak of it in detail in its place.[158] Here I will simply say that the book was finished in the month of August, 1542.

On the twenty-second of the same month, Mallard renewed the lease of his quarters in the Halle aux Blés de Beauce, which lease had been given nine years earlier to Tory's widow and Martin Féret, at a rental of 122 livres 10 sous, tournois. The rental was increased for Mallard, who had to pay 130 livres, plus 4 écus d'or au soleil 'for the time of the said leasing.'[159] Olivier Mallard did not long enjoy his lease, for he died that same year. His last printing, according to La Caille, who writes the name Maillard,[160] was a translation of the Dialogues of Plato, by Simon de Valembert, published in 1542. I have been unable to find this book in Paris, but I have seen another, probably of later date, at the bookshop of M. Techener; it is entitled: 'Le livre de Ange Bologninus, de la curation des ulceres exterieurs, traduit de latin en francoys.—Paris, au Pot Cassé, en limprimerie de Olivier Mallard, libraire et imprimeur du roy. 1542.' It is an octavo of four signatures. As the license is dated December 1, this little book is probably the last one printed by Mallard, as he was succeeded in the following year, as king's printer for French works, by Denis Janot (one of the most skilful printers in Paris), as is set forth in the letters patent, which will be found in Appendix VII. Appendix VIII contains a complete list of the king's printers who lived in Paris.

Mallard's typographical apparatus seems to have been acquired by Jean Kerver, son of the first Thielman Kerver, living on rue Saint-Jacques,[161] at the sign of the Gril ('sub signo Cratis'), who printed several editions of the Hours in octavo, with the borders 'à la moderne' used by Mallard in 1541. The sign of the Pot Cassé, which Kerver did not need, was adopted by a bookseller of Chartres, named Richard Cotereau, who seems also to have bought some of Tory's woodcuts representing that mark. In fact I have seen one, which I have never seen on any of Tory's books, in a book printed in Paris for Cotereau by Nicolas Chrestien; it is: 'Le Coustumier de la baronnye, chastellenie, terre et seigneurie de Chasteauneuf en Tymerays'; octavo, 1557. The title-page is an engraving of the Pot Cassé, with the design reversed,[162] like that of the title of 'Champ fleury,' but signed with the double cross; and beneath are the words: 'Pour Richard Cotereau, libraire, demeurant à Chartres, en la grande rue, à l'enseigne du Pot Cassé.'

Philippe Cottereau, evidently the son of Richard, and king's printer at Blois, used the same mark. I have seen it on a small book printed by him in 1603: 'Reglement pour l'instruction des proces qui se conduiront au bailliage et siege presidial de Bloys.' Two octavo sheets.

It would seem, however, that the sign of the Pot Cassé, which remained for some time longer on the Halle de Beauce, also remained on the house originally occupied by Tory, on rue Saint-Jacques, for we find a printer named Michel de la Guierche living at that sign. See, among other works, 'M. T. Ciceronis ad M. Brutum Orat.—Paris, apud Mich. de la Guierche, sub signo Vasis effracti, in vico Jacobeo.' Quarto, without date, but with documents of 1542 and 1543.[163] But the Pot Cassé itself does not figure in his books.

Tory's widow seems to have retained his engraving establishment for a considerable further time. Although engrossed by her numerous undertakings, she found time nevertheless to have some of her husband's books reprinted, and among others the 'Sommaire de Chroniques d'Egnasius,' in 1541, 1543, 1544, for the bookseller Charles L'Angelier, and 'Champ fleury,' in 1549, for the bookseller Gualtherot. I say that she had these books reprinted, but I ought rather to say, perhaps, that she allowed them to be reprinted, for there is nothing to suggest her coöperation in the work. Literary property did not then exist.

In the new edition of 'Champ fleury,' which by the way no longer bears that graceful title, the Pot Cassé does not even appear, although the explanation of the mark is allowed to remain. It was doubtless a bookseller's speculation.[164] However that may be, this reprint forms an octavo volume of 160 leaves (the folio has 80), in addition to the preliminary matter, of which there are 16 leaves (8 in the folio); it is entitled: 'L'Art et Science de la vraye proportion des Lettres Attiques, ou Antiques, autrement dictes Romaines, selon le corps et visaige humain, avec l'instruction et maniere de faire chiffres et lettres pour bagues d'or, pour tapisserie, vitres et painctures. Item de treize diverses sortes et façons de lettres; d'avantage la maniere d'ordonner la langue françoise par certaine regle de parler elegamment en bon et plus sain langage françois que par cy-devant, avec figures à ce convenantes, et autres choses dignes de memoire, comme on pourra veoir par la table, le tout inventé par maistre Geoffroy Tory de Bourges.'

I have copied this long title at full length only to give myself an opportunity to call attention to the progress that had been made by French typography since the day when Geofroy Tory published his first edition, and, indeed, as a result of that same publication. We find here the accents, the apostrophe and the cedilla, upon the absence of which the author had commented in 1529. So that we may say that the whole grammatical portion of his book had become useless as a direct result of the first edition of that book. This is a fact to which the editors of the second edition paid no heed, as they allowed Tory's observations to stand as they were written, while introducing into their text the novel signs I have just mentioned. For instance, they repeat that c has two sounds, one hard, as in 'coquin,' etc., the other soft, as in 'françois,' etc. But by adding the cedilla in the last word they destroy the sense of the criticism made by Tory in 1529.[165]

It does not appear by whom the book was printed; we learn only on the last leaf that it was finished August 26, 1549, 'pour Vivant Gualtherot, libraire juré en l'Université de Paris, en la rue Saint-Jacques, à l'enseigne de Saint Martin.'

In order to adjust Tory's woodcuts to the smaller format, they were somewhat mutilated; indeed some of them were omitted altogether, among the number those representing the Pot Cassé, which probably remained in the possession of Olivier Mallard or his successors, and which it was not deemed essential to have engraved anew for this reprint, for it was executed as cheaply as possible, and as if for the purpose of utilizing such woodcuts as remained at the disposal of Tory's widow.[166] The work was subjected to some further modifications in this edition. For instance, all dates were suppressed in the preliminary matter, which also was arranged in a different order. Even the license granted by François I was omitted as having become useless; but no change was made in the actual arrangement of the work, nor was there a single addition or emendation.

Thus Tory, at his death, was able to flatter himself that he had contributed materially to the improvement of his mother tongue, which he loved so well. He died, as I have said, in 1533, and not in 1550, as is erroneously stated in a poetical epitaph composed nearly a century after our printer's death, by his compatriot, Nicolas Catherinot, at the request and from the notes of Jean Toubeau, himself a printer of Bourges, and a descendant of Tory, through his mother.

Here is the epitaph, as given by La Caille:[167]—

To Geofroy Tory,

Born at Bourges,

Educated at Paris,

Accomplished Scholar in both Latin and Greek,

Most devoted Lover of Letters,

Very expert Printer

And

Learned Author,

Inasmuch as he wrote elegant Distichs on the Parts of the House,

Composed some humorous Epitaphs in Latin in very ancient Style,

Translated Treatises of Xenophon, Lucian, and Plutarch

From Greek into French,

Taught Philosophy at Paris in the College of Burgundy,

Was the first Man to discuss seriously the Art of Printing,

Described the Forms of the Letters, or Characters, of the Alphabet,

Taught Garamond, Chief of Engravers,

Always performed the Duties of a good Man until he died

In the Year MDL:[168]

At the Instance

Of Jean Toubeau,

Likewise Printer and Author,

Mayor,

Alderman of Bourges,

Ambassador on very delicate State-matters

To the King and Council,

Great-great-grandson of the same Tory,

Heir of a famous Printing Establishment,

Nicolas Catherinot, noble Citizen of Bourges,

Counsellor of the King, and Senator, in the Metropolis of Bourges,

From his tender Years uninterruptedly to the present Day

Most closely associated with the Business of Printing,

Wrote this Epitaph, hastily and rapidly, at the End of November,

MDCLXXXIV.[169]

The only relic that we have of Tory to-day, outside of his books and works of art, is a volume from his library, as his signature in the genitive case indicates. It is a manuscript on vellum, containing the orations of Cicero against Verres, in Latin. This volume was acquired, presumably after Tory's death, by his patron Jean Grolier, who wrote his motto at the end of the text: 'Joannis Grolierii Lugdunensis et amicorum.' From the library of this illustrious bibliophile, the manuscript passed to Colbert's library, then to the king's. It is preserved to-day [1857] in the Bibliothèque Nationale. We give below a facsimile of Tory's signature, which appears on the first flyleaf:—

God. Torini Biturici

Tory made use of ten marks, besides the Pot Cassé that appears on his bindings. We reproduce them all, although only two (nos. 5 and 10) are signed.[170] Some of them were used by other booksellers after him, as we have already seen.

No. 1

This mark is to be found in the borders of the Hours (quarto) of 1527. (See page [37], supra.)

No. 2

This form of the Pot Cassé appears in the borders of the Hours (quarto) of 1524-1525, alike in the copies which bear the imprint of Tory and in those printed by Simon de Colines. (See page [37], supra; also Part 2, § 2, no. 1, infra.)

No. 3

This variation will be found on the first page of those copies of the Hours (quarto) of 1524-1525 which bear the imprint of Tory. (See Part 2, § 2, no. 1 (2d and 3d), infra.)

No. 4

This appears on the title-page of 'Champ fleury.' (Silvestre, 'Marques Typographiques,' no. 931.)

No. 5

This appears on folio 43 verso, of 'Champ fleury.' (Silvestre, no. 803.)

No. 6

This mark, which differs from no. 5 only in the absence of the cross of Lorraine, appears on the last page of 'Champ fleury.' I am unable to suggest any reason for the removal of the cross. (Silvestre, no. 171.)

No. 7

This mark is found only at the end of the little poem written by Tory on the death of his daughter, which was published February 15, 1524, new style. We have already referred to this poem on page [15]; but it is reproduced at length in Part 2, § I, no. [9].

No. 8

This mark, which differs from the preceding only in the omission of the little figure in the clouds, appears on the last page of the Hours of 1524-1525 (those copies with Tory's imprint) in Latin. (Silvestre, no. 356.)[171]

No. 9

This mark appears on the title-page of the Hours (quarto) of 1527. It was used by Jean Mallard, bookseller at Rouen, 1542.[172] (Silvestre, no. 604.)

No. 10

I have never as yet seen this mark in any book of Tory's; but I have found it in books published by Richard Cotereau, bookseller at Chartres, in 1557, and by Philippe Cotereau, bookseller at Blois, in 1603. (See p. [41], supra.) The presence of the Lorraine cross is, it seems to me, a sufficient proof that it should be attributed to Tory. (Silvestre, no. 929.)

We have already observed that Tory was not only a bookseller and printer, but a binder as well. To complete the list of our artist's professional acquirements an example of the toolings that he used to decorate the covers of some of the volumes bound by him, is reproduced [on the cover of the present volume.[173] The reproduction is from the cover of a copy of the works of Petrarch, printed at Venice in 1525, and now preserved in the Library of the British Museum.] The Pot Cassé, in its simplest form, appears among the arabesques of this binding. Tory had also had engraved a larger plate of the same, for use on the binding of quartos, or, rather, of folios. The design is almost identical. Sometimes the Pot Cassé is accompanied by the drill. This design appears on a copy of Macault's translation of Diodorus Siculus, printed as late as 1536, 'au Pot Cassé.' This beautiful volume, in M. Didot's magnificent library, is sufficient proof that Tory's widow continued his various industries for a considerable time.

It is hardly necessary to say that the same tools could, with some slight additions, be used in binding volumes of all sizes, from the octavo up.

PART II.
BIBLIOGRAPHY.

IN the first part of this volume I have made cursory mention of some of the books published by Tory, and especially of those which may be said to offer some biographical information; in this part I propose to describe in detail all the books to which he put his name in any capacity, and of which we of to-day have knowledge. To make my description clearer I shall divide these books into four sections, the titles of which will explain themselves.

OMNIS TANDEM
MARCESCIT
FLOS.

SECTION I.
WORKS WRITTEN OR ANNOTATED BY TORY.

1

POMPONIUS MELA, DE TOTIUS ORBIS DESCRIPTIONE. AUTHOR LUCULENTISSIMUS, NUNQUAM ANTEA CITRA MONTES IMPRESSUS.[174] (Mark of Jehan Petit.)[175]

QUARTO, of 45 numbered leaves, plus 11 leaves of index; in all, 56 leaves, or 14 sheets, arranged in 9 signatures of two sheets and one, alternately. Signatures a, c, e, g, and i have two sheets [16 pages] each; signatures b, d, f, h, one sheet [8 pages] each.

The whole book is printed in roman type, except the first line of the title-page, which is gothic, and a few Greek words here and there.

As we have seen, this book was for sale by Jean Petit, but it was printed by Gilles de Gourmont, solely because of the Greek words just mentioned. So Tory himself tells us in a note at the end of the text, folio 45: 'Curavi siquidem accuratissimo impressori dare, qui etiam primus apud Parisios græcis caracteribus lotissimas addidit manus.'[176]

On the verso of the first leaf is a letter of the publisher, Geofroy Tory, to his friend Babou, thus conceived:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou, citizen of Bourges, very deserving treasurer and valet-de-chambre of the most serene king of the French, humblest greeting.

On looking recently into Pomponius Mela, most illustrious Philibert, Mela who is the most trustworthy of the writers on geography, I found him so corrupt and so badly mutilated that

—Lo, before my eyes, in saddest plight,

The author seemed to stand and burst in tears.[177] Virg. Æn. ii.

Lo, I say,

All black with dust and blood,—ah, sad, sad sight,—

By two-horse chariot dragged, his swollen feet

Torn through with thongs ...

How from the bottom of his heart he groaned. Id. Ibid.

In such words as these did he seem to complain: Am I, then, who described so elegantly all those many lands, those many peoples, those islands, rivers, straits, seas, and whirlpools, I who ventured so confidently upon the description of the whole world, am I to remain thus maimed, thus mutilated, thus disfigured?

—Ah me, how hacked am I,

How like that Hector who erstwhile brought back

... his squalid ... locks

All stiff with blood, and many a wound he got

About his country's walls. Id. Ibid.

Unless some helping hand be stretched forth, I shall soon surely die.

In time Machaon healed the loathsome limbs of Philoctetes,

And Phillyreian Chiron gave to blinded Phœnix sight;

The god of Epidaurus, at a father's fond entreaties,

By Cretan herbs Androgeos brought again to realms of light.[1]

But verily I believe that

He who'll cure this pain of mine is certain of succeeding

In giving Tantalus the fruit that cheats his eager palm.

Yea, he the piercèd pails may fill, and heavy burden lighten,

The slender Danaïds endure, with ceaseless toil opprest;

From the bleak cliff of Caucasus unchain the fettered Titan,

And scare away the bird of prey that tears his mangled breast.[178]

I naturally said to myself on the spot: If I were Machaon, or Chyron, or Æsculapius, I should be glad to remedy this matter. But what if I were to make such slight effort as I can? Might I not be able to be of service? Perhaps; at least, I should have tried, and I should have had this object in view: to make him somewhat more free from faults.

And if my powers of song should fail—to dare were surely fame:

Enough that I have had the will; no higher praise I claim.

Proper. ii, ad Musam (ad Augustum?).

I have accordingly added a very few annotations; provided with which, under the protection of your name (for you are a devoted admirer of letters and lettered men), under, as the saying is, favourable auspices, let Pomponius Mela now go forth in greater security than before. Farewell.

Paris, vj no. Decemb. MCCCCCVII.[179]

At the end of the text, on folio xlv, we find the following:[180]—

Here, then, you have, most illustrious Philibert, Pomponius Mela, purged of the many errors in which he abounded. I took the trouble to put him in the hands of a very careful printer, one who was, besides, the first Parisian to give to the Greek characters a form of superior elegance. I have been pleased to revise the text with special care and to add a very few annotations, so that, when it should come into your hands, and later on into the hands of the public, it might come in a more polished and finished form. You, now, with Mela in hand, may, like Phiclus, who, as the story goes, ran over the tops of the grain-fields without breaking the ears, traverse and re-traverse, not only in security, but confidently and resolutely, the whole world. If you wish to lay hold of tigers, swiftest of animals, and to see from a safe vantage the catoblepas, if you wish to meet dragons and wild beasts, Satyrs, Pans, and Silvani, if you wish to see the Indians, 'the Britons, separated by a world between,' the Sauromatae, the Africans, and all the peoples that lie between these, and learn of their wonderful habits, then take but this world, I mean Pomponius, many times in hand, and without doubt you will there be able to see and to know them all as in no other way. Farewell and forget not yours ever faithfully.

Paris, 24 December.
CIVIS.

To Pomponius Mela.

Mela, the many errors in which you abounded have been cast forth; few are the faults that remain with you. Better far and more perfect in form do you stand forth now than formerly you did. This is the accomplishment of my small hand.

To Philibert Babou.

That my life for many years has been due to you, these two short verses, Philibert, now testify. Whatever 'alpha' belonged to me in my tender years, that your happy 'omega' wished to bear.

Ω

CIVIS.

At the end of the index, on the verso of the penultimate sheet, is a list of errata beginning thus:—

[181]'Since nothing is more difficult than to be wholly free from error, it seems quite proper that I should, with the kind consent of the reader, consider a very few of the very few mistakes of this book: thus, for example, where "potuit" is found in the epistle, "possit" should be written.'

This list also is signed 'civis.' Beneath it is a short poem entitled: 'Carolus Rousseus ad lectorem tetrastichon.' And on the recto of the last leaf: 'In the year of the incarnation and of our salvation, 1507, the tenth day of January,[182] this work was printed by Gilles de Gourmont, and was very carefully revised by Tory of Bourges, at Paris.' (Mark of Gilles de Gourmont.)

2

COSMOGRAPHIA PII PAPÆ IN ASIÆ ET EUROPÆ ELEGANTI DESCRIPTIONE, etc. Paris, Henri Estienne [1509].

Quarto, of 152 leaves of text, preceded by 12 unnumbered leaves and a folio cut representing the ancient world. On the second preliminary leaf is Tory's dedicatory epistle to Germain de Gannay, thus conceived:

To the reverend Father and Lord in Christ, Germain de Gannay, bishop-elect of Cahors, Geofroy Tory of Bourges proffers most humble greeting.[183]

I here present, most excellent prelate, in more accurate and emended form than that in which he has hitherto been read, Pope Pius, an author who, in his Description of Asia and Europe, is much to be admired both for the dignity and for the singular worth of his work. In looking for some one to whom he, in behalf of his book, freshly issuing from the printing-office, might straightway most devotedly offer his respects, some one select, devoted to letters, and possessed of the highest virtue, I could think of no one more to be desired, more worthy than you. That the Supreme Pontiff himself should go to visit you, a most venerable bishop, seemed to me a thing not without humour. That he, I say, who was a meritorious writer of geography, and, as you will be able to see, of history well deserving to be read, should come and embrace you, lover and cultivator of every form of polite literature, I thought a thing very appropriate. It was like setting the gem to the gold, or the 'encaustum,' that is picture drawn with fire, to the silver, it was like conferring the palm upon the victor; and that most certainly is nothing other than to join the good to the good, the glorious to the glorious, the deserving to the deserving. But along with these reasons there is still another reason why to you of all persons this most illustrious work should very properly be dedicated: it was at your instance and suggestion that I divided the work into chapters and gave to its parts a more convenient arrangement. That you first, and then that all other students and readers, may, as was your wish, find and remember the parts of the earth, which are many in number, and the things in them that are interesting to know about, more easily and conveniently, I have divided the book thus: the names of rivers, towns, places, rulers, and other important matters I have put in separate chapters and marked with marginal captions; these names are also all to be found, provided with numbers, in the index. This little work of mine, therefore, I dedicate to you, my lord, in deepest reverence and with sincere feeling. It is certainly far from being what I should offer to so reverend a father, but you, whose goodness and integrity, which are perfectly evident to me, all praise in the highest terms, will, if it so please you, take the book into your most pure hands and bestow upon it the favour which you are accustomed to bestow upon works of this kind. Farewell.

Paris, at the College of Plessis, 2 Oct., A.D. 1509.

Next comes a 'table,' which fills eleven leaves, on the verso of the last of which we find the following note to the reader:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the Reader.[184]

You will find the words 'eruȩre, contendȩre, misȩre,' and many others of the same sort, written with an ȩ in the penult: this was done in order that the perfect indicative, which regularly has a long penult, might show its quantity (which you are to utter in reading), as distinguished from that of the present and past imperfect infinitive, which in the third conjugation always shortens its penult. It is with pleasure that I have imitated and adopted the very elegant and finished form of writing which is used in the 'Psalterium Quincuplex,'[185] recently published. You will also, though rarely, find this ȩ used, after the fashion of certain authors, for æ in some words, and similarly at times in the genitive and dative singular, and in the nominative and vocative plural, of the first declension. I have furthermore written designedly 'mistum' with an s instead of an x,—for 'misceo' makes its perfect 'miscui,' whence by analogy 'mistum,'—'intellego,' 'toties,' 'quoties,' 'litus,' 'opidum,' 'litera,' 'tralatum,' 'aliquando,' and other similar forms, which are to be written according to ὀρθογραϕία, that is to say, correct spelling. The word 'Turca' also, which many make in the second declension, I have written in the first. I follow herein with approval Michael Tarchaniota Marulus of Constantinople in his lines addressed to Charles, King of France. These are his words: 'Invincible king, scion of the race of Charles the Great, whom the holy prophecies of so many men, of so many gods, demand as the vindicator of fallen justice and loyalty; whom here the sad Ausonian land, there Greece with streaming locks, calls, and whate'er of Asia and wealthy Syria the cruel Turk profanes,' etc.

In writing the accusatives 'plureis,' 'parteis,' 'omneis,' 'monteis,' in 'eis,' I have believed that I was writing good grammar and good Latin, following therein Priscian, book 7, the chapter on the accusative plural of the third declension. This form is valuable for distinguishing the accusative from the nominative, and has been used by a thousand authors, of which great number it is sufficient at present to cite as witnesses Sallust, Virgil, and Plautus. Sallust, who used the first word also, says in the Catilinarian War: 'Omneis homines qui sese,' etc. Virgil in the first Æneid: 'Hic fessas non vincula naveis Ulla tenent....' Plautus in the Aulularia: 'Quid est? quid ridetis novi omneis, scio fures hic esse complureis.' I have been pleased to make this explanation, good reader, so that you not only might know what pure speech is, but also, both in reading and in speaking, might have pleasantly at hand, like finger-posts, and might use, pure words. Farewell.

CIVIS.

On folio 152, after the errata, we read: 'Impressa est hæc Asiæ et Europæ quam elegantissima historia per Henricum Stephanum, impressorem diligentissimum, Parrhisiis, e regione scholæ decretorum, sumptibus eiusdem Henrici et Ioannis Hongonti,[186] VI idus Octobris anno Domini M. D. IX.[187]

3

DE PASSIONE DOMINICA CARMEN ELEGIACUM GUILIELMI DIVITIS, CIVIS GANDAVENSIS, ARTIFICIOSÆ PIETATIS PLENISSIMUM.—Item. NENIA LACTANTII FIRMIANI VERBIS SALVATORIS NOSTRI E CRUCE.—Mark of Josse Bade ('Prelum ascensianum').[188]

One octavo sheet, printed by Josse Bade, dated the 5th of the Ides of March, 1509; that is to say, March 11, 1510, new style.[189]

On the verso of the title-page is this letter from Herverus de Berna (of Saint-Amand-Montrond) to the young people of Bourges:—

Herverus de Berna of Amand to the youth of Bourges, greeting.[190]

You are acquainted with Dives, our teacher, famed for his wisdom, a foster-child of the Muses, who well deserves your gratitude. He it is who introduced you to the Muses, Helicon, Phœbus' grove, and Mercury, and from his school, as from the Trojan horse, have issued men of education without number. His heart is in the Muses' glorious service, and his memory, it seems to me, should be forever honoured and kept green. He is reported, as the saying is, to have toiled not only by the lamp of Aristophanes, but by that of Cleanthes as well.[191] You do not doubt that he is deserving of praise for the elegance of his song; whence it happens that there is a religious poem of his written on the Passion of Our Lord,—a poem of such brilliancy, such sweetness, such ornateness, that one could believe it to be the work of the divine, rather than of a human, mind. I do not doubt that, as a result of this fact, the same thing will fall to his lot that usually falls to the lot of literary men: as Claudian says, 'His presence will diminish his fame.'[192] Not, however, without Theseus,[193] that is Tory of Bourges, my fellow-student, a man of the old, and, as Plautus says, of the Massilian, school,[194] one who combines sound learning with virtue, have I wished Dives to issue forth into the world; again, I hope, with favourable auspices, as the saying is. Farewell, with best wishes.

From my house at Amand, 1 March.

Then follows the elegy by Wilhelm de Ricke, which has 140 verses and occupies 4 leaves; on the verso of the last of the four is this dialogue in verse by Tory:—

Dialogue by Geofroy Tory of Bourges in praise of his teacher, Wilhelm de Ricke of Ghent.[195]

Speakers: MONITOR and LIBER.

M. Sacred book, who in song mourn Christ's Passion, now speak: whose holy work can you be?

L. Whose work? Behold! Rich's work am I.

M. Well done! That Rich who to the people of Bourges has given so many rich examples?

L. You judge rightly.

M. Rich truly has a wise heart.

L. No fitter name than this can be given him.

M. He it is who taught the people of Bourges to speak with flowery tongue and to make facile verses with the mouth.

L. He not only taught them to speak and to weave song, but he also gave them the power to see Christ's wounded body.

M. If one wished to see the arms of God fixed to the cross, could even Rich grant him that to the life?

L. Should you desire to carry the cross of God, his cruel wounds, the crown, hold me in hand, you will carry all.

M. May Rich's every prayer be ever happily granted, such good he grants to pious hearts.

L. May he live and continue on earth through Nestorian years, and after death gain the rich kingdom of Heaven.

CIVIS.

The little book comes to an end with the poem by Lactantius mentioned on the title-page. It fills the third and second last leaves, and the recto of the last, at the foot of which we read: 'Finis. Ex ædibus Ascensianis ad v idus martias MDIX.' This date corresponds with March 11, 1510, new style.

M. Jules de Saint-Genois, librarian of the University of Ghent, writes me as follows concerning his fellow-townsman, the author of the verses on the Passion:—

'The name of the person in whom you are interested was not le Riche, but de Rycke, in Flemish, which in the Latin rendering becomes Dives. This is what Sanderus says of him in "Flandria Illustrata," 1, 386 (edition Hagæ-Comitis, 1735): "Gulielmus Dives, vulgo de Rycke, Gandavensis poeta: ejus exstat 'Carmen elegiacum de Passione Dominica,' artificiosæ pietatis plenissimum, quod inter illustrium poetarum opera impressit Judocus Badius Ascensius Parisiis."

'Valère André, too, devotes a few lines to him in his "Bibliotheca Belgica" (Lovanii, 1623, p. 344): "Elegiam de Passione Dominica edidit Antverpiæ cum Dominici Mancini, Phil. Beroaldi et aliorum similis argumenti libellis, 1527, Mich. Hellenii typis."

'P. Hofmann Peerlkamp says in his "Liber de vita, doctrina et facultate Nederlandorum qui carmina latina composuerunt" (2d edition, Harlem, 1838, p. 29): "Gulielmus Dives Gandensis floruit 1520. Scripsit 'Carmen elegiacum de Passione Dominica,' artificiosæ pietatis plenissimum.... Hæc sæpius prodiit, addita etiam uatuor virtutibus Dominici Mancini, Antverpiæ, a. 1562. Si vocabulum his illic excipias minus latinum, Carmen est melioris notæ quam multa ejusdem temporis de hoc argumento."

'As for the edition which you mention, said to have been printed "in ædibus Ascensianis," in 1509, the library does not own it; but Gulielmus Dives' little poem is printed in "Dominici Mancini Poemata," Antverpiæ, 1559, 12mo.'

This is all that I have been able to learn concerning Guillaume le Riche or de Rycke; we do not know how this burgess of Ghent became a professor at Bourges. And yet the fact itself is not extraordinary, for, not long after, about 1530, another Belgian, named Hanneton, gave instruction in feudal law there.

Tory published also at the end of his edition of Valerius Probus [see number 5, infra], the following Latin distich,—an enigma,—written by his master:—

Dic age, quæ volucres gignunt animalia foetæe

Et præbent natis ubera plena suis?[196]

As for Herverus de Berna, Tory's fellow-pupil, I know even less of him. All that I have been able to learn is that he published in 1543 a short poem in praise of the dukes of Nevers, lords of Orval near Saint-Amand, where Herverus was born, and of which he was then curé, if I read aright his bombastic Latin. This is the title of the book, which was for sale at the shop of Vivant Gualtherot: 'Panegyricon illustrissimorum principum comitum Druydarum et Aurivallensium et Nivernensium, Hervero a Berna, curione Amandino Allifero, auctore. Parisiis, 1543.' (I fancy that the words 'curione Amandino Allifero' mean: curé of Saint-Amand-l'Allier, now Saint-Amand-Montrond.)

The work is dedicated to a friend of the author, and perhaps of Tory as well, named Nicolas Rocheus (La Roche?), described as 'Apollineæ artis doctor eximius' in the dedicatory epistle, which is dated: 'Tumultuarie, ex ædibus nostris Amandinis, kalendis ianuarii, 1542.'

4

BEROSUS BABILONENSIS, DE HIS QUÆ PRÆCESSERUNT INUNDATIONEM TERRARUM; ITEM MYRSILUS, DE ORIGINE TURRENORUM, etc.

Quarto, Paris, 1510; with the small mark of the Marnefs (the Pelican),[197] with the letters E. I. G.

This work, which was printed by J. Marchand, at the expense of Geofroy de Marnef, bookseller and publisher, was prepared for the press by Geofroy Tory, who placed at the beginning the following letter:—

To the most distinguished Philibert Babou, Geofroy Tory of Bourges, heartiest greeting.[198]

Last year, when I was attending to the printing of Pope Pius's Cosmography, the idea occurred to me of thoroughly revising and handing to the printer at an early date the Babylonian Berosus's work on the 'Antiquities of the Kingdoms'; but, my mind at that time taking another turn, I determined to postpone this work, for the reason that I had a project of almost divine character on hand; and indeed I should have postponed it for a long time,—as the saying is, to the Greek Calends,—had not Berosus himself, so to speak, and, what is and always will be of no little importance to me, a number of my friends, daily whispering in my ear, as it were, their prayers, demanded of me most earnestly that I should print, along with Berosus, Myrsilus 'De origine Turrenorum,' Cato's fragments, Archilochus, Metasthenes, Philo, Xenophon 'De æquivocis,' Sempronius, Fabius Pictor, and Antoninus Pius's fragments of the 'Itinerarium.' There is a very avaricious class of human beings, which, if it has a book—a book that is hard to find—consisting of three or four short lines, straightway,—like the ants of India, or the griffins, which are fabled to carry gold to a remote spot and there keep watch over it, threatening with dire destruction any one who attempts to touch it,—carries it off and guards it, and loading it with chains and fetters, keeps it imprisoned like a miserable captive. Such people ought to display their officious greed—the greed of possessing something unique all to one's self—in company with the ants and griffins, which other people avoid, rather than to continue their incivility, or perhaps I should rather say immunity, among human beings. We are born not alone for ourselves: we owe something also to our friends, something to our country. Therefore, that it may not seem to be my desire to extinguish the brilliant light of a burning lamp, I the more willingly, under your name, Philibert, most illustrious citizen of Bourges, send forth Berosus's 'Antiquities,' together with the other authors mentioned above, for the common study of all, and I believe that I shall therein be doing an act that will gain the gratitude, in some small measure, of my country. Farewell.

Paris, at the College of Plessis, 2 May, 1510.

CIVIS.

Tory's letter is dated May 2, 1510; but the printing of the book was not finished until the ninth of that month, as we see by the subscription of the first edition; for there were at least three distinct editions in Tory's name, to say nothing of a multitude of others issued by different publishers. Annius of Viterbo, otherwise known as Jean Nanni, had recently brought into fashion the fables of Berosus, which he attempted to palm off as an ancient work; and scholars were still at odds as to the authenticity of the book, the sale of which their discussions aided to maintain. Tory seems to have taken sides with Annius of Viterbo, as he himself prepared an edition of the supposititious Berosus, the preface of which we have just quoted. We have said that there were three editions in his name. They may be described thus:—

First Edition

Quarto; 28 leaves numbered in Arabic figures, and 4 preliminary leaves.

Folio 1 recto, title: 'Berosus Babilonicus, de his quæ præcesserunt inundationem terrarum; item Myrsilus, de origine Turrenorum; Cato, in fragmentis; Archilocus, in epitheto de temporibus; Metasthenes, de judicio temporum; Philo, in breviario temporum; Xenophon, de equivocis temporum; Sempronius, de divisione Italiæ; Q. Fab. Pictor, de aureo seculo et origine urbis Romæ; fragmentum itinerarii Antonini Pii; altercatio Adriani Augusti et Epictici.' Then comes the mark of the Marnefs, with the letters E. I. G., and the words 'Le Pelican' in a scroll at the left. (No. 15 of M. Silvestre's 'Marques Typographiques.')

On the verso of this leaf is Tory's letter, quoted above. Four unnumbered intercalated leaves follow, containing the table of contents and a list of errata.

Folio 2, recto: 'Berosus, de his quæ præscesserunt inundationem terrarum.'

The articles mentioned on the title-page follow, up to folio 28, where we find these words:—

'Impressum est hoc opus Parrhisiis, in Bellovisu, per Joannem Marchant, impensis Godofredi de Marnef, anno Domini 1510, septimo idus maias.[199]—CIVIS.'

Second Edition

Quarto; 4 unnumbered preliminary leaves, and 30 leaves of text numbered in roman figures; in all, 34 printed leaves.

On the first of the unnumbered leaves is the title, 'Berosus Babilonicus,' etc. (as in the first edition), but with the following additional words: 'Vertumniana Propertii. Manethon.' Same mark as in the first edition, but smaller.[200]

On the second leaf, Tory's letter. On the verso of this leaf the index begins, and fills the two leaves following.

Folio i. 'Berosus,' etc. The text corresponds with that of the first edition[201] to folio xxvii, where the additions begin.

Fol. xxvii, recto. End of the 'Altercatio.'
verso. 'Vertumniana Propertii.'
xxviii, verso. 'Manethonis, prima pars.'

Fol. xxx (not numbered), several pieces of verse [not mentioned on the title-page], perhaps by Tory, but not signed:—

1. 'Ad reverendissimum ac religiosissimum Arturum Calphurnium, Sancti Georgii de Nemore antistitem.'

2. 'Ad eruditissimum Nicolaum Corbinum, Vindocinensis plage judicem.'

3. 'Ad bonarum literarum vere amatorem amicum sibi fidelem Philippum Morinensem.'

This edition, which seems never to have been described by any bibliophile, is in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, and at Sainte-Geneviève. It was undoubtedly published in 1511, but it bears no indication of its date.

Third Edition

Quarto; 6 preliminary leaves, unnumbered, and 51 leaves numbered in roman figures, divided into ten signatures (A to K), containing alternately one and a half and two leaves. In all, 57 printed leaves, and one blank.

On the first unnumbered leaf is the title: 'Berosus,' etc. (as in the first edition), but with the following addition: 'Cornelii Taciti de origine et situ Germanorum opusculum. C. C. de situ et moribus Germanorum.—Anno Domini 1511.' Then follows a shocking imitation of the mark of the Marnefs in the first edition. The gothic initials E and G are changed to C and O, and the I, which in the other editions stands between the E and the G, is omitted. The words 'Le Pelican,' in a scroll at the left, are reduced to the three letters L, P, and A, the foreign artist having been either unable or unwilling to read what was printed on the copy put before him, which, it is true, may have been imperfect. The first decorated letter, also, has been copied, in order to deceive the reader, who, if we may judge from appearances, was assumed to be seeking the edition prepared by Tory.

On the second leaf is the letter of the editor, from which the word 'civis,' Tory's device, has been omitted, the foreign printer apparently not knowing its meaning. The four leaves following are taken up with the table of contents.

Folio i of the text: 'Berosus,' etc. The text which follows corresponds with that of the first edition down to folio xxxii (erroneously numbered xxxiii), which ends with the word 'finis.'

On folio xxxiii recto, the work of Tacitus mentioned above ['Germania'] begins. Next, on folio xliii verso, a work in verse by Conrad Celtès, the title of which is given above, and on folio xlviii, another work, in prose, by the same author, with this title: 'Ex libro C. C. de situ et moribus Norimberge, de Herciniæ silvæ magnitudine, et de eius in Europa definitione et populis incolis.'

There is nothing to indicate where the book was printed; but everything leads me to believe that it is a German counterfeit. My opinion is based upon, first, the stupid imitation of the printer's mark of the first edition; second, the omission of Tory's device at the end of the letter; third, the additions, all of which relate to Germany; fourth, the fact that two of the three known copies of this edition were recently to be found in the same country. One belonged to Panzer, who has described it in his 'Annales Typographiques'[202]; I do not know what has become of it; a second copy was formerly in the library of M. Bunau,[203] whence it passed to the Dresden Library; the third is in Paris, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, which also possesses a copy of the first edition. It was by comparing the two editions that I discovered the fraud committed by the printer of the edition of 1511 with respect to the typographical mark. The description of this mark given by Panzer, with that courteously sent me from Dresden by the learned bibliographer Herr Graesse, before I was aware of the existence of the copy of the third edition in the Bibliothèque Nationale, had utterly baffled such bibliographical knowledge as I possess. I sought a meaning for the letters inscribed on the mark in the third edition; of course I could not find any. M. Brunet has since produced a facsimile of this mark, in the fifth edition of his 'Manuel.'[204]

5

VALERII PROBI GRAMMATICI DE INTERPRETANDIS ROMANORUM LITERIS OPUSCULUM, CUM ALIIS QUIBUSDAM SCITU DIGNISSIMIS, FŒLICITER INCIPIT.—Mark: Marnef's E. I. G. (Silvestre, no. 974.)

Octavo; 6 printed sheets (signatures A to I). Paris, E. I. G. de Marnef [1510]. This book was probably printed by Gilles de Gourmont, for we find in it his unaccented Greek type. It contains two engravings on wood,—the mark on the title-page, and a Roman portico farther on. There are also some small cuts engraved on metal in one of the pieces; but none of them have any artistic merit, and they cannot be attributed to Tory.

On the verso of the title is the following letter, addressed by Tory to two of his old college friends, who were at this time personages of note: the first, Philibert Babou, was secretary and silversmith to the king; the second, Jean Lallemand, was Mayor of Bourges.

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the most illustrious Philibert Babou and Jean Lallemand, the younger, citizens of Bourges, united in mutual friendship, greeting.[205]

I owe to you, most estimable of men, the fruit of whatever toil I may undertake—even purposely for your sakes—by night or day. Behold! Since you in no slight degree practise and admire the old school of morals, the school, that is, of respectability and true worth, I now, under the protection of your names, ever to be cherished by me, commit to print Probus Valerius, a most diligent collector and accurate interpreter of the old writings and abbreviations which appear, elegantly drawn, on the ancient coins, tombs, and tablets; glad am I to be of even such small service to my country, and hopeful that the slight revision to which I have subjected the work will prove to have been as happily, as it has been carefully, done. Permit, I beg, an author of exceeding merit to come first of all into your hands, which are most fitted for every excellence, and then to go forth brightly and cheerfully into the hands of all other students. Farewell.

Paris, at the College of Plessis, 10 May, 1510.

CIVIS.

And at the end of the book is this other letter, which gives us to know that the volume is a collection of fragments of ancient authors.

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the Reader, greeting.[206]

When I began, I believe under favourable auspices, to print Valerius Probus, it occurred to me, not wishing a book of one or two codices to be unsuitable as a manual, to print, along with Probus, several articles well worth making the acquaintance of. I have added to Probus, Priscian's treatise 'De ponderibus et mensuris'; likewise Columella's 'Quemadmodum datæ formæ agrorum metiri debeant'; also Georgius Valla's 'Figuras quæ sub dimensionem cadant'; and, further, some dialogues, together with some enigmas, carefully collected, as occasion allowed, from various authors. The enigmas I have designedly left unexplained, so that, when you come to read them (as Gellius says in book xii, ch. 6), you may sharpen your wits by trying to puzzle them out.[207] Give your attention to them, I beg, good reader, so that I may not, as Plautus enigmatically observes in the 'Miles,' throw dust in your eyes. Farewell.

In addition to the pieces which Tory here mentions, there are many others in this volume of miscellanies.[208] It contains also several pieces of verse by Tory himself. Here is one which will give an idea of his literary tastes:—

Dialogue by Geofroy Tory, in which the City of Bourges is described in the rôle of a speaking character.[209]

Speakers: MONITOR and CITY.

MON. City, what is your name?

CITY. Bourges.

MON. Now, tell me, what mean those proud buildings that I see?

CITY. Temples, houses, towers, divine palaces you see.

MON. Ah! they overtop the heavens with their piles. What temple is that, I pray?

CITY. The Cathedral of St. Etienne, first of martyrs; it overtops even the lofty marbles of the goddess Trivia.

MON. What is that single house which stands distinguished for its red hearts? Was it built by the hand of Memnon?

CITY. This was built in an earlier time by the mortal Jacques Cœur [Heart],[210] a man of wealth; him envy took from us.

MON. Say! what tower is that that is seen standing higher than the lighthouse of Pharos? I am filled with wonder when I see it fully.

CITY. When the mighty Ambigatus ruled the Celtic peoples, in an earlier time, this great tower was built.

MON. Say, oh, say, that golden palace, is it the Capitol? Answer; why do you not speak, Bourges? You who just now talked with easy speech say nothing. Do you wish to become to me what Harpocrates was of yore?

CITY. No, but, see you, this palace is to be approved for its great art, because the world has not yet produced another like it.

MON. What is this earth that yawns with such an opening?

CITY. It is the place where a tower was to be erected for me.

MON. Have you not another as great as that?

CITY. I have. From two towers I get my name Bourges [Biturix].

MON. By what name is it called in this time of ours?

CITY. The people name and call it 'the fosse of sands.'

MON. What river, what river have you to mention?

CITY. The Auron.

MON. Is it the one Cæsar mentions in describing the Gallic Wars?

CITY. It is.

MON. Are there others?

CITY. There are two: they are the Voiselle and the Yèvre herself, swarming with numberless fishes.

MON. What privileges have you?

CITY. The all-valuable privilege have I, and the hall, that coin money.

MON. Is there nothing else?

CITY. Aquitaine calls me capital and receives her laws from me.

MON. What divinities are with you?

CITY. There are Juno, Jupiter, and Pan, Vesta, Diana, Ceres, Liber, and the Father himself.

6

QUINTILIANUS.

Such is the complete title of an edition of Quintilian's 'Institutes,' produced by Tory, in 1510, at the request of Jean Rousselet, of Lyon.[211]

This is a large octavo volume, printed in italic (without pagination), composed of 46 quarto sheets (signatures A to ZZv): there are several passages in Greek type of excellent appearance, but without accents. Undertaken at the request of Jean Rousselet, and printed at his expense, this book probably was not put on the market. In fact it bears no bookseller's nor any printer's name. We should not even know where it was printed, were it not for the fact that the dedication, dated the third of the Calends of March,[212] states that the manuscript was sent by Tory from Paris to Lyon. At the end of the volume we find these words only: 'Impressum fuit hoc opus anno Domini M. CCCCCX, septimo calend. Julii.' This date corresponds to June 25, 1510.

7

LEONIS BAPTISTÆ ALBERTI FLORENTINI ... LIBRI DE RE ÆDIFICATORIA DECEM. (Mark of B. Rembolt.) Venundantur Parrhisiis, in Sole Aureo vici Sancti Jacobi, et in intersignio Trium Coronarum, e regione Divi Benedicti.

Quarto; 14 preliminary leaves and 174 of text (signatures A to Y). On the last page is the mark of Louis Hornken, 'aux Trois Couronnes.' On the second preliminary leaf is printed the following dedication:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou and Jean Lallemand, the younger, most illustrious men, heartiest greeting.[213]

Everybody knows, most estimable of men, that our forefathers, contented with their own goodness, practised in the olden times a kind of architecture that had in it little art and little elegance. Satisfied with mediocrity, they built and inhabited houses and dwellings of no great cost or splendour. Matters have finally reached the point that now, men's intelligence having somewhat awakened, new buildings are everywhere being erected which have considerable celebrity. In fact, beginning with the time when the magnanimous King Charles VIII, who was the terror of all Italy, returned, victorious and crowned with glory, from Naples, architecture, certainly a beautiful art, began, not only in its Doric and Ionic forms, but also in its Italian form, to be practised with great elegance throughout this country of France. At Amiens, at Gaillon, at Tours, at Blois, at Paris, and in a hundred other well-known places, one may now see striking buildings, public and private, in the ancient style of architecture. One may now, I say, see many buildings of such beauty and so nicely carved that the French actually seem, and are generally considered, to surpass, not only the Italians, but also the Dorians and the Ionians, who were the teachers of the Italians. Notwithstanding the brilliancy of these performances and these artists, I have thought it best to offer gratefully, and carefully to add, a contribution of some worth. Leo Baptista Albertus, a writer on architecture who is trustworthy and familiar with his subject, was lying stored away in my house as if in his last sleep. It seemed to me that he thoroughly deserved to be printed in France just at this time, for the delight and benefit of other famous artists who are better than he. It seemed to me, I say, that he thoroughly deserved to be printed, and for this reason especially, that the ten books, of which the whole work consists, have been divided into chapters. These chapters were accurately and carefully arranged by Robertus Duræus Fortunatus,[214] a man of education and culture, who was the Head of his College of Plessis at Paris four years ago when I taught there, and they were generously given to me by him to be copied. I copied them, and I furthermore polished up the whole work and cleared it of all the errors possible; I wrote the gist of the text on the margin, and gave the work to the printer to be printed. Permit, I pray, most distinguished citizens of Bourges, that this excellent work come auspiciously into the hands of all good artists and students, and that it be handled and read under the protection of your names ever to be cherished by me. Farewell, you who are the support and the most distinguished glory of your country.[215]

Paris, near the College Coqueret, 18 August, 1512.

CIVIS.

At the end of the volume (penultimate page) we read:—

'This most elegant and useful work on architecture of Leo Baptista Albertus of Florence, a man of great distinction, was printed with great accuracy at Paris at the Golden Sun in the street of St. Jacques, at the expense of Master Berthold Rembolt and Louis Hornken, who live in the same street, at the sign of the Three Crowns, near St. Benedict, A.D. 1512, 23rd day of August.'

8

ITINERARIVM PROVINCIARUM OMNIUM ANTONINI AUGUSTI, CUM FRAGMENTO EIUSDEM, NECNON INDICE HAUD QUAQUAM ASPERNANDO.—CUM PRIVILEGIO, NE QUIS TEMERE HOC AB HINC DUOS ANNOS IMPRIMAT.—Venale habetur ubi impressum est, in domo Henrici Stephani, e regione Scholæ decretorum, Parrhisiis.

Sixteenmo (printed as 16s.); 120 leaves (signatures A to T), plus 8 preliminary leaves. [1512.] Printed in black and red.

The volume begins with this dedicatory epistle:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Philibert Babou, most modest of men, heartiest greeting.[216]

The 'Itinerarium,' most illustrious of men, which for many years had lain in almost entire neglect, I first received four years ago from a friend whom I must ever cherish, Christophe de Longueil, who is beyond question a scholar of the highest standing in all branches of polite learning. He gave it to me that I might make a copy of it. It had occurred to me to send to you from Paris to Tours a copy which, though written in my own hand, was not wholly without elegance of form. I had given it to a man to bring to you whose name I purposely spare, but he, regardless alike of both of us and of his trust, quite shamelessly made a present of it to some one else. Thus cheated of the fruit of my labour, I was preparing to make for you another copy, when Longueil himself, who had formerly brought the original from Picardy, and, as I have said, had given it to me, having recently come to Paris from Poictiers, urged me to have the work printed. This I have done, having arranged the names of the towns separately and in order, and also added in the proper places some matter taken from another manuscript. I have also made an index, to facilitate the finding of the name of any town or place in the whole work. Some perhaps will wonder at the style of the work, and also occasionally in places at the Latinity. The style, however, will receive sufficient approval from the student, while the Latinity, in consideration of the early time in which the work was written, will be condoned by the well-disposed reader. I should have been disposed to make a number of emendations, using for the purpose Ptolemy, Strabo, Dionysius, Mela, Pliny, Solinus, and some others who are not at all to be despised, but out of regard for the venerable author and in the desire to keep the manuscript, which is very old, unchanged, I determined to make no alterations. I am waiting for my friend Longueil to subject it some day to his scrutinizing study, or for some Hermolaus to apply his exacting file. One thing there is here which I shall not hesitate to touch: the author's name in the manuscript was, in my judgement, wrong, for it is written 'Antonius Augustus.' Hermolaus, a man of culture withal, calls it in a number of places in his Corrections to Pliny, 'Antoninus.' Those who read will see for themselves. In the text I have followed the manuscript itself; in the title of the book I have followed Hermolaus. The fruit of my labour, such as it is, I dedicate, as in duty bound, to you personally, in a spirit abounding in gratitude. Accept it, I pray, with the favour with which you are accustomed to accept all good things, and allow the studious to pass, under your guidance, with this Itinerary in hand, through a thousand famous cities. Farewell, most cultured patron of my studies.

Paris, near the College Coqueret, August 19, 1512.

CIVIS.

Then comes a letter from the publisher to the reader:—

Tory to the Reader, greeting.[217]

In order, gentle reader, that you may be able to use this 'Itinerarium' to better advantage, you must be advised that whatever you find marked with a red virgule was larger in number in the old manuscript than in the other which is more recent. Words which had a different reading in the recent manuscript have small red letters printed above in the proper places. Whenever the sign (˄) occurs between words, a word or number should be marked above or at the side by the same sign. The sign 'mpm.,' so written, also frequently occurs in the text, and signifies 'milia plus minus.' It was written thus so that the reader might not be wearied by the frequent repetition of the long form. In the index you will sometimes find the letter b alone, either following or between the page-numbers: this signifies that the word in question is found at least twice on the same page. Pay attention, therefore, and kindly see to it that in case you notice any who are displeased with my work, you may say to yourself with reference to them that Persian saying: 'that they may see virtue, and pine away leaving it behind.' I write this because at the time of printing there were some who, understanding nothing of this sort, condemned the matter according to their usual practice. Farewell and live long in happiness.

CIVIS.

Next to this comes a summary of the life of Antoninus, and, lastly, some verses by the Burgundian Gérard de Vercel, in laudation of Tory and against poor printers. Here are the verses:—

Hendecasyllabic Poem of the Burgundian Gérard de Vercel, on poor printers.[218]

Therefore hence, away therefore, profane hands of the inauspicious throng of printers; your impure works be off; that by your forbidden coming and impious front you may not stain and soil this heavenly thing. Let no man fail to know: this volume is sacred.

Ah! vile and wretched printers, unskilled to put in print even the trifles of the schools or old women's tales, why do you spoil arts that are holy, and pollute with impure hand the laborious works of the nine[219] sisters?

What do you not put forth from your office that is worthy to be cast forth and buried where the refuse of the stomach is placed?

Therefore hence, away therefore, oh ye profane, ye vile and wretched printers. Be this word enough: sacred is this volume, which our Geofroy, our famous Geofroy, he, I say, of Bourges, taking pity on Pius, unearthed from its Lethæan rust and sleep, employing the guidance and assistance of his friend Longueil.[220]

The book is brought to a close by an 'avis au lecteur' thus conceived:

Tory to the Reader, happiness.[221]

These few corrections, excellent reader, I beg you not to wonder at. I have collected them, such as differ from the readings of the old manuscript, so that you may be able readily to emend the book for yourself. I should lay the burden of the errors on the printers, but the art of printing has this natural peculiarity, that the smallest book cannot be printed from beginning to end without some mistakes. Farewell.

Epigram to the Student by Tory.

If, reader, you are preparing to journey in a fixed course to a hundred towns, to a hundred cities, if you desire to travel, better instructed and on the direct road, to a hundred seaports with their bays, then ever gratefully and carefully hold this little book in your right hand ready to consult.[222]

9

GOTOFREDI TORINI BITURICI IN FILIAM CHARISSIMAM, VIRGUNCULARUM ELEGANTISSIMAM, EPITAPHIA ET DIALOGI.—IN EANDEM ETIAM QUATOUR ET VIGINTI DISTICHA UNUM ET EUNDEM SENSUM COPIA VERBORUM ET INGENII FŒCUNDITATE PULCHRE REPETENTIA.

These verses of Tory on the death of his daughter Agnes form a small volume of two quarto sheets (or eight leaves). The book is dedicated to Philibert Babou; it was printed February 15, 1523, old style (1524), a few days after Tory had conceived the idea of his 'Champ fleury' (January 6, 1524). The printer, who is not named, was Simon de Colines, then living near the School of Law ('e regione scholæ decretorum').

On the last page appears a mark engraved specially for this little book, for it includes a tiny winged figure ascending heavenward, which doubtless represents the soul of Tory's daughter returning to God. This mark reappears at the end of the Hours of 1524-1525, but minus the small figure just mentioned.[223]

As we learn from the text, Agnes, who died August 25, 1522, at the age of nine years eleven months and thirty days, was born August 26, 1512. So that Tory was married at least as early as 1511. We know from another document that his wife's name was Perrette le Hullin.

The only known copy of this little volume, the text of which I reproduce in extenso, belonged [in 1865] to M. Joachim Gomez de la Cortina, Marquis de Morante, who was so exceedingly kind as to send it from Madrid to Paris, that I might examine it at my leisure. M. de la Cortina has described it in the fifth volume of the catalogue of his library (Madrid, 1859; octavo). My only previous knowledge of it was derived from that catalogue, although it was bought of M. Techener not more than ten years ago, for 80 reals (20 francs).

Tory to his Book.[224]

Go, book, to the sacred sanctuaries of pious poets; you are light, polished, radiant, and neat. Splendidly arrayed you are, and have nard, and roses, and saffron; the Latin goddesses, gracious divinities, together with Phœbus. Be not afraid lest you do not carry with you the favour of the gods; they will lift you, laurel-scented, above the stars.

Agnes Tory, sweetest and most modest of maidens, addresses the wayfarer from her tomb.

Thou who passest with light foot, beloved wayfarer, stay thy step a little; lo, I wish to say a few words to thee. Live in remembrance of death, free from vices, and, if thou art wise, cast aside that hope of life which thou cherishest. Thou art radiant with beauty to-day, but, when the thread is cut, impious Fate hurries thee straight on to nought. I know this by experience, for, lately but a young girl of ten, I was suddenly snatched away. Like a rose I bloomed, sharer in those virtues which are usually seen in tender maidenhood. But yet I died, overwhelmed by the cruel fates, and now I am food for the flesh-eating worms. Food for the flesh-eating worms I lie, but not so wholly lifeless that I cannot speak the truth to thee. I speak in the Latin tongue, and this is not strange, fair friend, for I am to be named the daughter of a pious poet. Desiring to instruct me in the Ausonian tongue, and also to render me accomplished in the polite arts, he, like a most affectionate father, teaching me night and day, himself laid the foundations, sweet and ample, for my life. I should be accomplished in the learning of the famous Muses, and I should sing beautiful songs in pleasing measure; and then my sire would have given me fond kisses, placing the laurel-wreath upon my head. O pitiful lot of human beings! O hopes doomed to perish! On earth there is nothing that can be lasting. Not only does death show herself face to face to wretched mortals, but with silent step she steals upon them secretly and unbeknown. Ah! beware, therefore, beware, thou who art doomed to die, the world will certainly in a moment's time fall and crash about thee. Thou, while thou still livest, while thou seekest great honours, art with infirm and rapid step steadily approaching thy doom. If thou departest satisfied with this one certain warning, and if thou believest that I speak the truth, bestrew me with flowers, violets and lilies, and nard. Pray for me too, if it please thee, and weep. Me thou wilt cause by thy prayers to mount to the lofty vault of Heaven, where is perpetual light, peace, and grateful rest. This was the little that I wished thee to know. Live in remembrance of death, thou who art destined soon to die. Farewell.

She died where she was born, at Paris, 25 August, A.D. 1522.

She lived nine years, eleven months, about thirty days; the hours are known to none; God alone knows the minutes.

FATHER and DAUGHTER, Speakers.

F. Food for the worms you lie, dearest daughter. Me you leave in perpetual tears and weeping.

D. Dear father, spare your weeping and tears. It is all over with me. Death carries away both young and old.

F. Nor can I refrain from terrible wailing. Alas! I should have more rightly died before you.

D. Such was not the will of the heavenly fates. At your death, believe me, you shall most certainly come to me.

F. In the meantime, with bended head, I will bring with full hands violets and lilies to your tomb.

D. Add your prayers; through prayers I shall fly to the high vault of Heaven. Pious prayers enable us to ascend to the lofty stars.

F. It is as you say; and do you too, my daughter, pray for your father; pray that he may rise with you to the glad Heavens.

D. To the glad Heavens you shall rise, free from bitter cares, and with all the trouble of your mind removed.

F. You speak the truth, and so I will do. The good God calls you to himself in Heaven? Dear daughter, farewell.

F. Alas! my sweet soul, you are dead.

D. Courage, father, no one is immortal.

Twelve distichs to be inscribed on the twelve different sides of an urn.

On the first side.

You wish flowers! violets! you wish lilies! garlands! cyperus! These this earthen urn will give you, take them and be glad.

On the second.

In this urn the deceased maiden Agnes lies; in its centre breathes a delightful odour.

On the third.

Here is Merriment, here Love too, Sport, and Virtue; and here the Graces' selves, beings divine, with the Muses, sit and dwell.

On the fourth.

In this urn are marjoram and sweet-smelling cyperus; here are violets, lilies, garlands, roses.

On the fifth.

Not alone does the maiden Agnes here abide, but, with Phœbus, the Clarian goddesses themselves sit and dwell.

On the sixth.

Gold-leaf joined with gems, and green jewels, are kept with everlasting flowers in this urn.

On the seventh.

Do you wish and long to become acquainted with Agnes' urn? See, where the laurel grows upward to the lofty sky.

On the eighth.

Here lies in death Agnes of memory dear; she could already sing tripping measures with tender voice.

On the ninth.

Here lies the maiden poet ten years of age, an honour to freeborn song and maidenhood.

On the tenth.

If you wish to know where Agnes' ashes really lie, they are here; hesitate not in your belief, but be assured.

On the eleventh.

Do you wish to hear Phœbus and the Muses' selves singing in sweet strains? Approach this urn, and you will straightway hear.

On the twelfth.

A rising poet, deceased in tender years, lies here with laurel-crowned maidenhood.

MONITOR and AGNES, Speakers.

MON. Answer me a few questions, I pray, maiden poet.

A. I will, provided you ask but few.

MON. I will ask but few.

A. Ask.

MON. What is your mind in death?

A. Of gold.

MON. What is your body?

A. Of dust.

MON. What is your spirit?

A. Of air.

MON. Enough; calm repose and peace be for ever yours.

A. And yours in life a full measure of sweet health.

Distichs hanging on written tablets from a laurel-tree near the tomb and urn of Agnes.

On the first tablet.

Here lies a poet, image of distinguished virtue, noble and illustrious type of nature.

On the second.

Here, with drooping quiver, lie the broken arms which freeborn Love once used to carry.

On the third.

Pearl, crystal, magnet, and the green emerald gleam with the virgin poet that lieth here.

On the fourth.

Here will be perpetual spring with various flowers as long as flashing Phœbus drives his golden chariot.

On the fifth.

Here rest Comeliness and Sport, and Laughter, and Merriment; here is Love, unarmed, with the laurel-crowned maid.

On the sixth.

Inside this urn is a treasure; touch it not, countless gems are within it.

On the seventh.

As long as Phœbus shall fill the regions of the heavens with his rays, here will be violets and flowers, here will be the anise.

On the eighth.

Here abide Love, and Sport, and Laughter, and Merriment, and Wit; here abide the Muses and the Graces; here abides Apollo.

On the ninth.

Here dwells, with the honey-dropping Muses, a maiden destined to receive glory and perpetual song.

On the tenth.

Here the earth is green, producing spontaneously marjoram-garlands, and here it is damp and fertile with vernal dews.

On the eleventh.

Here violets, here flowers, here lilies, garlands, crowns grow spontaneously, and spontaneously thrive.

On the twelfth.

Here Genius with cruel hand breaks in twain his standards, seeing that the type of nature has perished.

MONITOR and MAIDENHOOD, Speakers.

MON. Ho there! maiden, beauteous with your rosy face, what do you here, weeping in deep distress?

MA. I am moaning.

MON. What is the reason for your moaning?

MA. The maiden Agnes, whose ashes this earthen urn beside me holds.

MON. Whence comes this sweet odour to my nostrils?

MA. From the urn, an odour placed there by the Graces, beings divine.

MON. What did they place there?

MA. Roses and cinnamon, balsam and nard, flowers and violets, lilies, garlands, and saffron.

MON. Is there marjoram also in the urn, the cyperus with oil of myrrh?

MA. There is in it every fragrant herb and pleasant odour.

MON. Does the urn, beautifully decked, wear a green crown?

MA. As is fitting and right, it wears a laurel-wreath.

MON. What is the reason?

MA. It contains the rejoicing Muses, who celebrate with song the rites of the tender maiden.

MON. Do they sing alone?

MA. Alone? No. Phœbus Apollo in the centre tunes his lyre and performs the mystic rites.

MON. What, then, do you mean, sweetest maid, by this great moaning, and why do the divinities beside you sweetly sing?

MA. I will tell you the truth. I cannot but willingly weep; so nobly gifted was she in intellect. But ten years of age, having followed her father's precepts, she was even then a poet who could sing in tripping measure.

MON. A mighty miracle of nature you recount to me.

MA. Nothing on this earth can be truer.

MON. Who are these whom I see standing here?

MA. Sport, Merriment, then Gesture, Honour, Virtue, and festive Love.

MON. And these shattered arms that lie in great numbers around the urn?

MA. The gods themselves carried them when they were whole.

MON. What will they do now that all these arms have been thus broken?

MA. They will lament and weep and groan for all time.

MON. Shall you too weep?

MA. I shall weep in sorrow all my days.

MON. Have you a name?

MA. I have.

MON. What is it?

MA. Maidenhood.

MON. Dear one, farewell.

MA. Farewell, dearest Monitor, and forget not her who lieth here and was once a beautiful maiden.

MONITOR and AGNES, Speakers.

MON. Little poet, lying here, all-deserving of famous praise, may I speak a few words with you?

A. You may.

MON. Who made for you this urn set with brilliant gems?

A. Who? My father, famed in this art.

MON. Your father is certainly an excellent potter.

A. He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.

MON. Does he also write melodies and poems?

A. He does. He also blesses with sweet words this lot of mine.

MON. Yes, the skill of the man is wonderful.

A. Hardly has any land produced so famous a man.

MON. O maiden happy in such a father!

A. I certainly am so. He also exalts my name to the skies.

MON. I hear the symphony.

A. The Clarian Muses, together with Phœbus, sing their melodies here with me night and day.

MON. Near you I see the Graces.

A. They tender garlands to me.

MON. Whence do they pluck violets?

A. On the Elysian Hills.

MON. Are there others with you?

A. There are also three divinities.

MON. What are they?

A. Sport, and Love, fair Monitor, and Merriment.

MON. What do they?

A. They lay in place for me holy holocausts, and they fill the accustomed hearths with tinder and with fire.

MON. Have you long been a goddess of the upper regions?

A. I am becoming a goddess of the upper regions.

MON. If you are a goddess, why do you not have your dear parents ascend to the heavenly realms?

A. They will both ascend.

MON. But when?

A. When their fates clearly see that it is necessary. Each man has his fixed day, appointed for him by the fates.

MON. Each man, therefore, has his fixed and immovable day?

A. To every man comes death on a certain day.

MON. Meanwhile what will your father and mother do here on earth?

A. What? They will perform their holy, sacred duties, and pray.

MON. Afterwards what will happen?

A. In blessedness they will ascend to the heavenly realms, when the Heavenly Father above so wills.

MON. I will now go back to my duties.

A. When you wish, of course; live in happiness, and a kind farewell.

MON. And may you live with the gods above, as a heavenly intelligence, as a famous constellation, as a benign goddess.

GENIUS and WAYFARER, Speakers.

G. Stay a little, I beg, and go no farther, wayfarer, before looking at this urn and tomb.

W. Who are you?

G. I am Tutelary Genius.

W. What would you have?

G. I wish to converse a little with you here, friend.

W. I am willing.

G. See how a maiden poet, taken away by cruel fate, is contained in this earthen urn.

W. How old was she?

G. Twice five years.

W. And did she, well-skilled, sing poetic measures?

G. She did.

W. 'Tis a wonder that you tell me of.

G. She wrote festive songs in sweet verse, spontaneously playing, spontaneously singing.

W. O rare grace of nature! O manifest glory of the gods! That so tender a maiden should be a poet!

G. 'Twas a song, whatever she by chance wished to utter; whatever she desired to say, 'twas a song.

W. Whence came to her the source of such a power?

G. From the realms above, whence it is used to come.

W. As one divine, therefore, she wrote charming verses?

G. As one divine, following her own and her father's precepts.

W. Does her father too compose melodies?

G. He does, he is a poet fair and proper. He is proper and deft and neat, bright and decent. He is one whom the Muse blesses with divine song.

W. He is certainly well-deserving of some Mæcenas.

G. Few are the Mæcenases that live in the French world. No one to-day either encourages the liberal arts by appropriate gifts or undertakes to encourage them in any way. Uprightness and fair virtue are in no esteem. So powerful is the sway of unhappy Avarice. Treachery, deceit, and vice are in the ascendant. Virtues are put in the background, and every form of wretched evil creeps abroad.

W. What, therefore, does he who is trained by the charming Muses?

G. He takes pleasure in being able to live in his own house.

W. He ought to go with hurried step to the courts of kings.

G. He does not care to, because he has a free heart. Your potentates sometimes take pleasure in looking at songs, but what then? They requite them with nods. Golden songs, drawn from the high heavens, they should reward with jewels and with pure gold. But, frivolous as they are, they foolishly give their grand gifts to fools, spendthrifts, and rogues.

W. Did he educate his own daughter in studies befitting her birth?

G. He did, and in the fine arts besides.

W. And was she earnest to retain her father's precepts?

G. She had no greater wish than to follow her father's words.

W. Oh, what a great honour she would have been to her country and her father, had she lived to undertake the duties of life.

G. Yes, her glory would have excelled that of all other girls in French lands. She was distinguished in appearance, her face was beautiful in its modesty, and she was all compact of golden words and ways. She drew to herself the hearts of men, young and old, and made them follow her wishes with constant loyalty.

W. This is a miracle you tell me of.

G. I tell you the truth, wayfarer. She was a mirror of true-born nobility.

W. Oh, overwhelming grief! Oh, bitter grief and pain! That such a one could die so suddenly! What will her father do in the meantime?

G. Bowed down with grief, he will suffer pain of heart and shed unceasing tears.

W. He would do better to pour forth a flood of prayers to the heavenly gods and to join to his prayers the last rites to the dead.

G. He joins the last rites to his prayers and never ceases. He fills the customary hearths with tinder and fire.

W. O maiden worthy of so deserving a father! O father, too, blessed in such a daughter!

G. She now shines benign in the glad clouds, like a radiance newly-risen, like a golden constellation.

W. May she triumph, shining in the ethereal realms, and may the daughter graciously take her father with her.

G. Go about your affairs, if you will depart, wayfarer. This is what I wished to say. Friend, farewell.

W. Live in happiness, guardian of the tomb and revealer of the urn. I go about my affairs diligently and in haste.

Printed at Paris, near the Law School, A.D. 1523, 15th day of Feb'y.

10

CHAMP FLEVRY AU QUEL EST CONTENU LART & SCIENCE DE LA DEUE & VRAYE PROPORTIÕ DES LETTRES ATTIQUES, QUŌ DIT AUTREMĒT LETTRES ANTIQUES, & VULGAIREMENT LETTRES ROMAINES PROPORTIONNEES SELON LE CORPS & VISAGE HUMAIN.—Ce Liure est Priuilegie pour Dix Ans Par Le Roy nostre Sire, & est a vendre a Paris sus Petit Pont a Lenseigne du Pot Casse, par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges Libraire, & Autheur du dict Liure. Et par Giles Gourmont aussi libraire demourant en la Rue sainct Iaques a Lenseigne des Trois Coronnes.

[Here the Pot Cassé, no. 4 (see p. 45 supra).]

Privilegie povr dix ans.

A small folio of 8 preliminary leaves (signature A), comprising the title, the privilège, etc., and LXXX numbered leaves (signatures B to O); in all, 14 signatures. The first and last have 8 leaves each, the others 6.

I have already spoken of this book at considerable length in the first part, and shall refer to it again in the third; but in this place I must at least describe it from a bibliographical standpoint.

On the verso of the title-page which I have just quoted, we read what follows:[225]—

Ce toutal Oeuure est diuise en Trois Liures.

Au Premier Liure est contenue Lexhortation a mettre & ordonner la Lāgue Françoise par certaine Reigle de parler elagāment en bon & plussain Langage François.

Au Segond est traicte de Linuention des Lettres Attiques, & de la conference proportionnalle dicelles au Corps & Visage naturel de Lhomme parfaict. Auec plusieurs belles inuentions & moralitez sus lesdittes Lettres Attiques.

Au Tiers & dernier Liure sont deseignees & proportionnees toutes lesdittes Lettres Attiques selon leur Ordre Abecedaire en leur haulteur & largeur chascune a part soy, en y enseignant leur deue facon & requise pronunciation Latine et Françoise, tant a Lantique maniere que a la Moderne.

En deux Caietz a la fin sont adiouxtees Treze diuerses facōs de Lettres. Cest a scauoir. Lettres Hebraiques. Greques. Latines. Lettres Françoises. & icelles en Quatre facons, qui sont. Cadeaulx. Forme. Bastarde, & Torneure. Puis ensuyuant sont les Lettres Persiennes. Arabiques. Africaines. Turques. & Tartariennes. qui sont toutes cinq en vne mesme Figure Dalphabet. En apres sont les Caldaiques. Les Goffes, quō dit autrement Imperiales & Bullatiques. Les Lettres Phantastiques. Les Vtopiques, quon peut dire Voluntaires. Et finablement Les Lettres Floryes. Auec Linstruction & Maniere de faire Chifres de Lettres pour Bagues dor, pour Tapisseries, Vistres, Paintures & autres chouses que bel & bon semblera.

On the following leaf is the license, an extract from which will be found on a subsequent page (Part 2, § II, no. [2]); then a letter from Tory 'à tous vrayz et deuotz Amateurs de bonnes lettres,' beginning thus:—

'Poets, orators, and others learned in letters and sciences, when they have made and composed some work of their studious diligence and their hand, are wont to make gift thereof to some great lord of court or church, commending him by letters and by words of praise to the knowledge of other men; and this in order to please him and to the end that they may be able always to be so welcome in his sight that he shall seem to be obliged and bound to give to them some great gift, some cure or some office, in recompense of the toil and night-watches they have employed in the making and composing of their said works and gifts. I could readily do the same with this little book; but, considering that, if I should give it to one rather than to another, there might arise envy and detraction, I have thought that it would be well and wisely done of me to make of it a gift to ye all, O ye devout lovers of goodly letters! nor to prefer the great to the humble, save in so far as he loves letters the more and is the more at home in virtue.'

Then comes a table, filling eight pages, and another letter of Tory, from which we make a few extracts.

To the readers of this book, humble greeting.

It is commonly said, and truly said, that there is great natural virtue in plants, in stones, and in words. To offer examples would be superfluous, so certainly is it true. But I would that God might be pleased to give me grace so to prevail by my words and entreaties that I may persuade some persons that, if they will not do homage to our French tongue, they will at the least cease to corrupt it. I find that there be three sorts of men who strive and exert themselves to corrupt and debase it: they are the 'skimmers of Latin,' the 'jesters,' and the 'jargoners.' When the skimmers of Latin say: 'Despumon la verbocination latiale, & transfreton la Sequane au dilucule & crepuscule, puis deãbulon par les Quadrivies & Platees de Lutece, & comme verisimiles amorabundes captiuon la beniuolence de lomnigene & omniforme sexe feminin,'[226] it seems to me that they make sport not of their fellows alone, but of themselves. When the jesters, whom I may fairly call 'slashers [dechiqueteurs] of language,' say: 'Monsieur du Page, si vous ne me baillez vne lesche du iour, ie me rue a Dieu, & vous dis du cas, vo⁹ aures nasarde sanguine,' they seem to me to do as great harm to our language as they do to their coats, by slashing and destroying with contumely that which is of more worth whole than when maliciously torn and defaced. And in like manner when jargoners[227] make their remarks in their malicious and wicked jargon, it seems to me not only that they prove themselves dedicate to the gibbet, but that it would be well if they had never been born. Although Master François Villon was in his day mightily ingenious therein, yet would he have done better to have essayed to do some other more goodly thing.... I consider moreover that there is another sort of men who corrupt our language even more: they are the innovators and forgers of new words. If such forgers are not villains, I deem them little better. Think you that they show great refinement when they say after drinking that they have 'le Cerueau tout encornimatibule & emburelicoque dũg tas de mirilifiques & triquedondaines, dung tas de gringuenauldes & guylleroches qui les fatrouillēt incessammēt?' I would not quote such foolish words, were it not that my scorn in thinking of them forces me to do it. 'Si natura negat, facit indignatio versum....'

Yours in everything,

Geofroy Tory de Bourges.

After this letter comes the text of the book, which occupies, as I have said, eighty numbered leaves.[228]

At the end we read: 'Here endeth this present book ... the printing of which was finished Wednesday the twenty-eighth day of the month of April, in the year 1529, for Maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, author of the said book, and bookseller, living in Paris, who has it for sale on the Petit Pont, at the sign of the Pot Casse, and for Giles Gourmont, also a bookseller, living in said Paris, who likewise has it for sale on Rue Sainct Jaques, at the sign of the Trois Couronnes.'[229]

This work was reprinted in 1549, in octavo,[230] with the same woodcuts, but with some variations in other respects.

11

LA TABLE DE LANCIEN PHILOSOPHE CEBES, NATIF DE THEBES, ET AUDITEUR DARISTOTE. EN LAQUELLE EST DESCRIPTE ET PAINCTE LA VOYE DE LHOMME HUMAIN TENDANT A VERTUS ET PARFAICTE SCIENCE. AVEC TRENTE DIALOGUES MORAULX DE LUCIAN, AUTHEUR JADIS GREC. Le tout pieca translate de grec en langue latine par plusieurs scavans et recommandables autheurs. Et nagueres translate de latin en vulgaire françois par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, libraire, demourant a Paris, rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, a lenseigne du Pot Casse. Sont en ung volume ou en deux qui veult, a vendre audict lieu par ledict translateur, et par Iean Petit, libraire jure en luniversite de Paris, demourant aussi en la rue Sainct Iaques, a lenseigne de la Fleur de Lys.

Twelvemo; divided into signatures of 8 leaves. In the first volume, 10 preliminary leaves and signatures A to T; in the second volume, signatures a to vij. All the pages are embellished with narrow filleted borders, on some of which the Lorraine cross appears.

On the first page is Tory's Pot Cassé (no. 6), or Jean Petit's mark, according as the copies were issued by one or the other of those publishers, who divided the edition.

On the second leaf is an extract from the license (dated September 18, 1529[231]), in so far as it concerns this book, 'the printing of which was finished the fifth day of October, in the year above named.'

On the third leaf is the dedicatory epistle, the essential part of which is as follows:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges doth say and give humble greetings to all studious and true lovers of excellent pastime in reading.

Horace, a poet of old surnamed Flaccus, hath told us in writing in his 'Ars Poetica' that philosophers and poets are wont, under the outer bark of deceitful words, to convey a moral meaning which may profit us in the knowledge of virtue or give us pleasure in the charm of their style and their pleasing invention. Wherefore, seeing this to be true, and reading all day the Table of the ancient philosopher Cebes, likewise the Dialogues of the very learned and graceful Greek author Lucian, methought that it would be well done of me to translate them into our French tongue also, and cause them to be printed, to the end that each one of you, upon reading the said Table, may readily recognize what pure virtue is, and may find honest pleasure in the ingenious and moral Dialogues of the said Lucian. I offer them with a most humble and devout heart to you, O scholars and lovers of pure worth! giving you to know that, in so far as it hath been possible for me so to do, I have followed the true text, adding nothing of my own thereto, neither using nor misusing any modification or stuffing whatsoever. I have most gladly written them down for you in flowing language, in your domestic mother tongue, without attempting to mix therein refinements of phrase, strange words, or such language as Carmentes, mother of Evander, might be unable to understand or decipher. I see some who, if they should write but six words, four will be either out of use, or manufactured, or stretched out longer than a spear. Like him who said in the laments and epitaphs of a king of the Basoche:—

'Au point prefix que spondile et muscule,

Sens vernacule, cartilaige auricule,

DIsis acule, Diana crepuscule,

Et lheure acculle pour son lustre assoupir.'

And a thousand other like sayings which I leave to him. I know not to whom such language gives pleasure; but to me it seems scarce fair or fine. It would seem, and yet I misdoubt, as if such a battery of behorned and overrefined words had come or been hurled down from the Latin language to ours; for there have been, and there are to this day many who think that they have done a wondrous thing if they have written in Latin a strange and unduly long word, like him who said, and ingeniously none the less: 'Conturbabuntur Constantinopolitani innumerabilibus sollicitudinibus.' And that other, Hermes by name, who took such delight in writing long and refined words that he was hoist with his own petard when another ingenious man composed against him, in manufactured words, with an armful of syllables, the distich which follows:—

'Gaudet honorificabilitudinitatibus Hermes,

Consuetudinibus, sollicitudinibus.'

I say this in passing, that you may not expect to find unwonted words in this your little book. I know that there was once a wise man and philosopher who said one day to his friend: 'Loquere verbis presentibus et utere moribus antiquis,' which is to say, 'Speak in ordinary language and live according to the manners of the good old days.' In this your said little book you will, I think, find charm, for it is full of many goodly and ingenious conceits both of Cebes and of Lucian. I have placed first herein, as I have said, the Table of this man Cebes, to the end that you may see at the outset that 'poesis est pictura loquens': a poetical work is a speaking picture. Touching the Dialogues of the learned Lucian, I have not included them all, nor translated all; but I have chosen thirty only of those which in my opinion are the finest and most moral, which you may readily discover to be not only pleasant to read, but most profitable in goodly moral teaching. You will accept them then, if it please you, with kindly face and heart, remembering that with God's help I will shortly make you some other new gift, to the best of my ability. And meanwhile I will pray to our Lord Jesus to have you in his keeping according to your wishes.

From Paris; in all things your devoted servant,

Geofroy Tory.

Follows a long list of errata, and a table of the Dialogues, followed by another letter, 'aux lecteurs des Dialogues de Lucian contenuz en ce present livre.' This letter contains nothing personal to Tory, and I will quote only the closing passage, where, speaking of the Dialogues, he says:—

I believe that, if the ancient and noble painter Zeuxis of Heracleia, if Raphael of Urbino, Michel Angelo, Leonardo da Vinci, or Albrecht Dürer should try to paint philosophers and their various aspects, they could not paint them so well nor so to the life as our Lucian paints them herein. It will seem to you that you do verily see them and hear them speak, and that Menippus, before your wondering eyes, doth fly up to heaven to learn the truth concerning all the falsehoods of the said philosophers. May God have you in his keeping according to your noble and goodly desire.

From the University of Paris; in all things your devoted servant,

Geofroy Tory.

At the end of the book, after the Dialogues, Tory introduced a number of moral apothegms and plays upon words, probably of his own invention.

This volume is printed with the type and decorative letters of 'Champ fleury.'

12

SUMMAIRE DE CHRONIQUES, CONTENANS LES VIES, GESTES ET CAS FORTUITZ DE TOUS LES EMPEREURS DEUROPE, DEPUIS IULES CESAR IUSQUES A MAXIMILIEN, DERNIER DECEDE.—Avec maintes belles histoires et mensions de plusieurs roys, ducs, contes, princes, capitaines et aultres, tant chrestiens que non, tant de hault que de has estat et condition.—Faict premierement en langue latine par venerable et discrete personne Iehan Baptiste Egnace, Venicien.—Et translate de ladicte langue latine en langaige francoys par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.—On les vend a Paris, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.—Avec privilege du Roy nostre sire pour X ans.'

Octavo; 16 preliminary leaves (signatures a and b), 99 leaves of text, numbered, and 13 leaves of index and errata, not numbered (signatures A to O); in all, 128 leaves, or 16 octavo sheets. All the pages are enclosed in threefold fillets, with compartments running into one another, such as were still used in printing-offices until quite recently. I will remark in passing that the sheets of this book bear only two signature letters each, one on the first page (for the first form), the other on the third page (for the second form), as is the general practice to-day, instead of the four which were commonly inserted, to no useful end.

On the verso of the first leaf, the recto of which is occupied by the title, is printed the king's license, in these terms:—

Francoys, by the grace of God King of France, to the Provost of Paris, Bailly of Rouen, Seneschal of Lion, and to all other our justiciars and officials, or to their lieutenants, greeting. Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, bookseller, dwelling in our city of Paris, hath caused it to be said and shown to us that he hath of late translated from the Latin into vernacular French two books, one having been formerly translated from the Greek into the Latin by several learned and commendable authors, entitled: 'La Table du philosophe ancien Cebes, natif de Thebes, et auditeur Daristote,' together with certain moral Dialogues of Lucian; the other originally composed in the Latin tongue by Jehan Baptiste Egnace, entitled: 'Summaire de Chroniques, contenant les gestes et faictz de tous les empereurs Deurope, depuis Iules Cesar jusques a Maximilian'; likewise another book, entitled: 'Les Reigles generales de Lorthographe du langaige francoys'; the which books he is desirous to print, were it our pleasure to permit him so to do, and at the same time to forbid all booksellers, printers, and all other persons whatsoever to print, cause to be printed, or expose for sale the said books—Wherefore is it that we, having regard to the trouble and labour which the said Tory hath had herein, have given unto him license and permission to print, cause to be printed, and expose for sale at a fair and reasonable price, by himself, his servants, agents and factors, the said books above described, during ten years following and subsequent to the printing thereof. Such is our will, etc. Given at Paris the xxviii day of September, in the year of grace M. D. XXIX, and of our reign the XV.

Heruoet.

Next comes the following letter of Tory, by way of preface:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges, to all studious and true lovers of goodly reading and profitable pastime, doth humbly bid and offer greeting.

I promised you not long since, in the preface to the Table of Cebes and the thirty new Dialogues of Lucian, that I would ere long, by my humble efforts, make for you another new book, which, to my thinking, might afford you pleasing and useful pastime, by enticing you to read and see therein things wherewith your mind might well in due time and place be entertained and deliciously soothed. At this present time (my most honourable lords), as your humble servant, who is entirely devoted to you, I present to you a 'Summaire de Chroniques,' the which I have translated for you, as I translated the said Cebes and Dialogues, from the Latin into French, to the best of my poor ability, forewarning you that, after the manner of Jehan Baptiste Egnatius, the present author, I have neither modified nor changed the meaning of the story in favour of any man whatsoever. Nor is my translation made word for word, because that would have been a too barren style and devoid of charm. I know that, according to Horace ('nec verbo verbum curabit reddere fidus interpres'), a translator should not vex his wits about rendering each word that he translates into a word of his language; but should retain the meaning and set it forth in the best style that shall be possible for him. So I have done the best that I could, as well for the love and respect that I owe you, as not to depart from the pure truth of history, which is of such nature that it will not brook to be in any way turned aside from its purity. Marcus Tullius Cicero doth well enjoin it upon us, when he writes in the second book of his 'Orator': 'Nam quis nescit primam esse historiæ legem, ne quid falsi dicere audeat, deinde ne quid veri non audeat, ne qua suspitio gratiæ sit in scribendo, ne qua simulatis?' 'But who is there [he says] who does not know that the first law of history is to dare to tell nothing that is untrue, and to tell the truth without feigning, to the end that there may be no suspicion of partiality or of envy in that which one writes?' Of a surety history should be entirely true, not only for the reasons already given, but because, as Cicero says a little before the place already quoted: 'Historia est testis temporum, lux veritatis, vita memoriæ, magistra vitas, et nuncia vetustatis.' 'History [he says] is the testimony of the times, the torch of truth, the nurse and life of the memory, teacher and schoolmistress of our life, and messenger of antiquity.' I have chosen to make you a present of a history, and a history abridged to the limits of a summary, rather than of something else, for the reason that while engaging yourselves, you may see therein, as in a mirror, a thousand excellent things, wherefrom you shall be able to hear and recognize innumerable useful suggestions which shall do you good service on occasion in due time and place. Titus Livius says, in the preface to the first book of his first Decade: 'Hoc illud est precipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum, omnis te exempli documenta in illustri posita monumento intueri, unde tibi tuasque Reipublicæ quod imitare cupias, unde fœdum inceptum, fœdum exitu quod vites.' 'It is [he says] peculiarly good and useful in the knowledge of things, to see and learn in noble history the teachings of worthy example, by the imitation and likeness whereof you may choose for yourselves and for your country that which you ought to imitate and follow, and that which you ought to avoid as an abomination, at the beginning as well as at the end.' Take therefore in good part, an it please you, this little work, and accept it with a gracious face and expression, as of your kindliness you are wont to do; even so you will invite me, of your courteous and singular grace, henceforward to do better, with the aid of Our Lord Iesus, to whom I pray that he will give to you all his love and blessed grace, at your noble and worthy desire.

At Paris, this X day of April, M. D. XXIX.

On the last leaf of the book we find the Pot Cassé, with these words beneath: 'The printing of this present book was finished at Paris, the XIII day of April, M. D. XXIX,[232] for maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, who sells it in said Paris, at the sign of the Pot Casse.'

The only copy that I have seen of this edition was then owned by

M. Ambroise Didot, who courteously permitted me to examine it at my leisure. It was in its original binding with the Pot Cassé. The book is printed in the 'Champ fleury' type.

There are several other editions. I am familiar with two of them, published by Charles L'Angelier, both in octavo, in 1543 and 1544. M. Hippolyte Boyer mentions one of 1541, in his 'Histoire des Imprimeurs et Libraries de Bourges' (octavo, Bourges, 1854), page 27; but I have not seen it: whereas I have had the privilege of examining the other two. Each of them contains 112 leaves (signatures A to O), plus 4 unnumbered ones. The book is illustrated with engravings of two kinds, in addition to the bookseller's mark on the title-page: the first, reproduced several times, represents an emperor, mounted, holding a battle-axe; it is not signed, but is engraved with much delicacy, and embellished with the little cartouches so much affected by Tory. The others represent busts of emperors roughly engraved, which cannot be the work of that artist.

13

LA PROCESSION DE SOISSONS DEVOTE ET MEMORABLE FAICTE A LA LOUANGE DE DIEU, POUR LA DELIVRANCE DE NOSSEIGNEURS LES ENFANS DE FRANCE.—On les vend a Paris, a lenseigne du Pot Casse, rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu[233] de Basle, et en la halle de Beausse, a la mesme enseigne du Pot Casse, devant leglise de la glorieuse Madalaine, avec privilege pour deux ans.

At the end of the book: 'The printing of this present book was finished the XXIX day of August M. D. XXX, and it is for sale at Paris by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.'

Small quarto of 20 leaves with borders, signatures Aij to Cij.

This exceedingly rare little volume has a title-page with a border of arabesques engraved on wood, with the Lorraine cross. Beneath Tory's mark are four Latin verses, probably of his composition, as are the six which bring the narrative to a close and which are entitled: 'Torinus Biturigicus ad Galliam.' On the verso of the title is the preface, dated August 25, 1530, and beginning thus: 'Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the devoted lovers of good reading doth bid and offer humble greeting.'

At the top of leaf Aij we read: 'The order of the grand procession ordained at Soissons by the reverend father in God Monseigneur Iehan Olivier, Abbé de Saint Mard at said Soissons, Councillor to the King our Sire, and Chronicler of France, on Sunday the last day of July in the year of grace one thousand five hundred and thirty, to give thanks to our Lord for the deliverance of our lords the Children of France.'

These particulars are taken from the fifth edition of Brunet's 'Manual de Libraire.' I have not been able to find the volume, despite my thorough search in the various libraries of Paris.

14

ÆDILOQUIUM CEU DISTICHA PARTIBUS ÆDIUM URBANARUM ET RUSTICARUM SUIS QUÆQUE LOCIS ADSCRIBENDa. ITEM, EPITAPHIA SEPTEM DE AMORUM ALIQUOT PASSIONIBUS ANTIQUO MORE ET SERMONE VETERI, VIETOQUE CONFICTA. AUTHORE GOTOFREDO TORINO, BITURIGICO.—Parisiis, apud Simonem Colinæum. 1530. Cum privilegio ad biennium.[234]

Octavo; 3 sheets, printed in italic. The title is set in an exceedingly graceful border, borrowed from the Hours in octavo of 1527. The verso of the title is blank, and on the second leaf is the following preface:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to the fair reader, greeting.[235]

There are certain eminent painters in this prolific age, most gentle reader, who, by their drawings, paintings, and varied colouring, depict the tribal gods and human beings, as also other things of different sorts, with such exactness that a voice and a soul seem the only things wanting to them; but here, most gentle reader, I offer you, nearly in the manner of these painters, a house, which not only is elegant and finished in its outlines and parts, but speaks prettily and describes itself part by part in a eulogy. I also offer you seven epitaphs, composed and written in the ancient style and in very ancient language. These epitaphs show, in a way that we may call comprehensible, the various affections to which unhappy mortals who are in love are subject. I am, I say, pleased to offer you these, not that you may speak or write in obsolete words such as you here find, but that you may have before your eyes, so bright and full of charm, a sample of antiquity, and may know that you have been thoroughly warned by me to be on your guard against falling into the snares and perplexities of an insane love. Farewell.

In addition to the border of the title-page, the book contains seven exquisite little engravings, corresponding to Tory's seven 'love epitaphs,'—engravings which are certainly his, in design at least, although unsigned. Here is a list of them:—

1. Two hearts pierced by an arrow.

2. Two hearts in a circle.

3. Two hearts bound together by cords.

4. Two hearts in a boat.

5. A pig sniffing at two hearts.

6. Two hearts, a distaff, etc.

7. Two hearts being kicked by a horse.

As for the text of the book, it has been variously judged. Catherinot was delighted with it; but the author of the 'Menagiana' reproves Tory for manufacturing Latin words after the style of the author of the 'Songe du Poliphile' (see supra, page 55, note 2). We have seen that Tory himself did not recommend such words to the reader.

The Bibliothèque Nationale has a copy of this little book, still in its original binding, with the Pot Cassé.

15

SCIENCE POUR SENRICHIR HONNESTEMENT ET FACILEMENT, INTITULEE: LECONOMIC XENOPHON, NAGUERES TRANSLATEE DE GREC ET LATIN EN LANGAIGE FRANCOYS PAR MAISTRE GEOFROY TORY DE BOURGES. [Here the Pot Cassé, no. 4] On les vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant lesglise de la Magdalaine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.—Avec privilege.

Octavo of 9 sheets (signatures a to i). As in the 'Sommaire de Chroniques' of Egnasius, there are only two signature marks to the sheet (one for the first form and one for the second), and each page is enclosed in a three-line fillet. The title-page alone is set in a border of arabesques of pleasing design.

On the verso of the title: 'At the aforesaid sign of the Pot Casse there be also for sale Thucydides and Diodorus, with several other excellent books translated from Greek and Latin into French. Likewise there be beautiful Hours and Offices of Our Lady, large, medium, and small, illustrated and vignetted in ancient and modern fashion.'

On the second leaf is an explanation of the words 'Economic' and 'Xenophon'; and on the third a dedication, extracts from which follow.

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to his most reverend father in God, Antoine du Prat, Cardinal de Sens, legate in ordinary and Chancellor of France, doth say and proffer most humble greeting.

After the book treating of the meaning of the ancient letters, called 'Champ fleury,' the which I composed in the French tongue, and the 'Table of Cebes,' with thirty moral dialogues, likewise the 'Sommaire de Chroniques,' the which I translated into our said tongue,[236] to confer a benefit on the studiously inclined, most reverend father in God, it hath seemed to me a worthy occupation, if I should employ myself in translating also the 'Economic Xenophon'; and beneath the shadow of your most honourable wing, first presenting the same with humble devotion unto you, I have published the same and placed it in the hands of all virtuous and worthy persons, to pass the time studiously therewith and therein to find good counsel for directing their families worthily and increasing their wealth by honest means.

Wherefore, most reverend father in God, under your venerable favour and blessing, the studious and veritable lovers of goodly reading and fruitful occupation will kindly take this little book in their condescending hands, and all will bear you good will, not for the book alone, but for that you are he to whom all owe honour and service, as to whom all the public welfare and all Christendom are deeply indebted.

I shall continue to be, if it so please you, in your good favour, and I will pray to Our Lord that he will give you his love according to your noble and estimable desire.

From Paris this Wednesday, the fifth day of July, M. D. XXXI.

Following this document, which fills three leaves, comes an epistle from Geofroy Tory of Bourges to 'studious and worthy readers,' by way of preface. It fills two leaves. The eighth leaf is entirely blank. On the ninth, the 'Economic Xenophon' begins, and extends from b to i 4; the fifth and sixth leaves of i contain an 'Epistle from Seigneur Elisee Calense, native of Amphrates, which he sent to Rufinius, guardian of the Emperor Arcadius, replying to him touching the matter of managing his family and of keeping in order his domestic goods and chattels, translated from Latin into French by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges.'

On the last leaf but one appears a 'duplicate of the license granted to maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, by the King our Sire, for this present book and others named in this said license,' in these words:—

Francoys, by the grace of God King of France, to the Provost of Paris, Bailly of Rouen, Seneschal of Lyon, and to all other our justiciars and officials or their deputies, greeting. Our dear well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, bookseller, dwelling in our city of Paris, hath caused it to be made known to us that he hath of late made and composed in the Latin tongue a certain book entitled; 'Ædiloquium et Erotica'[237]; likewise, that he hath translated from Greek and Latin into French the 'Economic Xenophon'; which books he would fain print, or cause to be printed, if it should be our pleasure to permit him so to do, at the same time causing all tradesmen, booksellers, printers, and other persons whomsoever, to be forbidden to print or to expose for sale in any manner the said books; and that, if any should be brought hither by foreigners, other than those of the said Tory's printing, they may not be sold within our realm during the period of the four years reckoned from the date of the printing of said books, with an extension for a like period for certain other books, illustrations, and vignettes to be printed in the 'Heures et Office de Nostre Dame' mentioned in two licenses heretofore granted to him by our favour.[238] Wherefore, having regard and consideration for the time and toil which it hath cost the said Tory to compile and translate the said books, and for such expense as it shall be his pleasure to incur in printing the same,—for these reasons we have given and granted to him permission to print or cause to be printed and to offer for sale the said books above mentioned for four years following and succeeding the printing thereof. And so we command you, that by virtue of this our present favour, warrant and permission, you do allow the said petitioner to use and enjoy the same, and do forbid in our name all tradesmen, printers, booksellers, to print or cause to be printed, or to expose for sale in any manner the said books during four years, on pain of twenty-five silver marcs to be paid to us, and confiscation of the books as to which they shall have been guilty; for such is our pleasure. Given at Vannes, the XVIII day of June in the year of grace one thousand five hundred thirty-one, and of our reign the seventeenth.—Signed, Heruoet.

On the last page: 'The printing of this present book was finished by maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges Wednesday the fifth day of July in the year M. D. XXXI. And it is for sale at Paris, opposite the "Escu de Basle," Rue Sainct Iaques, and opposite the Church of La Magdeleine, at the sign of the ("a leeseigne [sic] du") Pot Casse.'

The description we have given is that of the very complete copy owned by M. Ambroise Didot. M. Chedeau, an attorney at Saumur, owned a copy the title-page of which is different. It reads thus:—

ECONOMIC DE: XENOPHON, CEST A DIRE: DOMESTIQUES INSTITUTIONS ET ENSEIGNEMENS POUR BIEN REGIR SA FAMILLE ET AUGMENTER SON BIEN PARTICULIER. IADIS COMPOSE EN GREC PAR LANCIEN AUTHEUR XENOPHON, ET TRANSLATE DE GREC ET LATIN EN LANGAIGE FRANÇOIS PAR MAISTRE TORY DE BOURGES. [Here the Pot Cassé.] Imprimees a Paris, a lenseigne du Pot Casse, par ledict maistre Geofroy Tory, marchant libraire et imprimeur du roy.—Avec privilege.

This title-page has the same border and the same form of the Pot Cassé as the other copy; but it has not on the verso the little list of other publications which we find on the latter, and which we have reproduced above. As the first signature (A) of M. Chedeau's copy lacks four leaves, we cannot say whether there are other differences in that signature; but as to the other signatures, B to I, they are identical in the two copies. Thus we find in both the error to which we called attention above in the word 'enseigne' [printed 'eeseigne'], in the final note; better still, this error has been corrected by hand, in the same way, in both copies, probably by Tory himself. Which of the two is the earlier? I should not venture to say; however, it seems to me that the additional matter on the verso of the title-page of M. Didot's copy tends to prove that it is the later of the two. In any event, the interval between the two impressions cannot have been a long one. If I interpret rightly certain circumstances, the first signature, which had been kept in type (as is proved by a number of typographical defects which appear in both copies), was reprinted at the same time with the last signature. Tory's dedicatory epistle, in M. Didot's copy, is dated July 5, the day when the printing of the book was finished according to the final note. Now, to make it possible for him to affix this date to his preliminary epistle, we must concede that it had been kept in type until the book was finished. But may it not be that no date was affixed on the first signature of the first impression? That is a question that I am unable to answer, in view of the imperfect state of M. Chedeau's copy. It may be, too, that the first signature was reprinted in order to announce Tory's new address, he having very recently installed his printing establishment in the famous old Halle au Blé de Beauce, on Rue de la Juiverie, opposite the Church of La Madeleine. For it will be observed that this address does not appear on the title-page of M. Chedeau's copy, although we do find it in the note on the last page.

This volume is printed in the 'Champ fleury' type.

16

POLITIQUES DE PLUTARCHE, CEST A DIRE: CIVILES INSTITUTIONS ET ENSEIGNEMENS POUR BIEN REGIR LA CHOSE PU[BLIQUE], IADIS COMPOSEES EN GREC PAR PLUTARCHE, ET DEPUIS TRANSLATEES DE GREC EN LATIN PAR LE SEIGNEUR NICOLE SAGUNDIN, ET A PRESENT DE LANGUE GRECQUE ET LATINE EN LANGAIGE FRANÇOIS PAR MAISTRE GEOFROY TORY DE BOURGES.—Dediees par le dit autheur a lempereur Trajan, et par le translateur en langaige françois a tresilustre et plain de bon espoir en toute heureuse vertu, son seigneur, François de Vallois, Daulphin de France. [Here the Pot Cassé, no. 4.] Imprimees en Paris, a lenseigne de Pot Casse, par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, marchant libraire et imprimeur du Roy.—Avec privilege tresample.[239]

Octavo, of 8 preliminary unnumbered leaves, and 67 numbered leaves of text (signatures A to Iij). The pages have no borders. There are marginal remarks. The type and the ornamental letters are the same as in 'Champ fleury.'

On the second leaf is the following dedicatory epistle:—

Geofroy Tory de Bourges to his most debonair lord, François de Vallois, Daulphin de France, doth say and proffer most humble greeting.

My lord, while translating this little book, I have oftentimes reflected to whom of all my good friends I should the sooner dedicate it, or whether I should dedicate it (as I have heretofore done with certain other books which I have composed and translated into the French tongue) to all studious and genuine lovers of excellent reading and worthy pastime. But in fine, knowing thy virtuous nature, likewise the mirror of all goodness and perfect nobility wherein thou dost abundantly excel, and art ever disposed for every blessed and goodly enterprise, I have considered that before all other living men, of what state soever they may be, it is to thy glorious lordship that I ought and am in duty bounden to consecrate it, since it is thou under whom the public, not of France alone, but of all Christendom, has its hope of living hereafter in all felicity. I dedicate it to thee, not forgetting that thou hast thy noble father the King, who, as Philip of Macedon did of yore to his son Alexander, doth set before thee noble and goodly instruction and examples of upright living; but also to the end that thou mayst by times amuse thyself and read the excellent tales and teachings which are marshalled herein as in a well-chosen library; and also that, following thy noble and generous example, the studiously inclined may, by reading the same, worthily profit thereby. Thou mayst find herein many excellent passages, which will sometimes help to comfort thee, and will be in some degree the means whereby thou and thy Realm, with the grace of God, wilt ever prosper more and more.

Paris, this XIIII day of June, M. D. XXXII.

On the verso of the last leaf: 'The printing of this present book was finished Saturday the XV day of June, M. D. XXXII, by maistre Geofroy Tory of Bourges, bookseller and king's printer, living in Paris, opposite the church of La Magdeleine, at the sign of the Pot Casse.' [Here the Pot Cassé, no. 9.]

I have seen two copies of this book, one in M. Didot's library, the other in M. Alkan's.

Another edition was published at Lyon, in 1534, in 16mo, by Guillaume Boulle (or Boullé, for the name, in accordance with the custom of the time, has no accent on the e). This is undoubtedly the one mentioned by Duverdier[240] as having been printed at Paris, in octavo, in 1530, by Guillaume Boullé. In this statement there are as many errors as there are words. Guillaume Boullé's edition was not printed in Paris, it was not an octavo, and it cannot be dated 1530, as the first edition did not appear until 1532. Unfortunately La Caille did not take the trouble to verify Duverdier's statement, and he makes Guillaume Boullé a bookseller-printer of Paris.[241] Lottin, in his 'Catalogue des Libraries et Imprimeurs de Paris,'[242] has not failed to copy La Caille, and to mention, under the year 1530, a Guillaume Boullé, bookseller and printer in Paris, side by side with Jean Boullé, bookseller. Was this Jean, whom La Caille calls simply Boulle, and whom he places in 1543, a kinsman of Guillaume? I cannot answer. However that may be, here is a full description of the edition of the 'Politiques' published by the latter. It is a 16mo volume containing 8 leaves of front matter and 104 of text. On the title-page, which is embellished by a roughly executed border, are these words:—

'Politiques ou Civiles Institutions pour bien regir la Chose publ., iadis composees en grec par Plutarche, et despuys translatees en francoys par maistre Geofroy Tory, et dediees par ledict translateur a tres illustre prince et plein de bon espoir en toute heureuse vertu, Francoys de Valloys, Daulphin de France.

'Disputation de Phavorin, philosophe, nouvellement y a este adioustee. Item chapitre demonstrant combien sont destatz de la Chose publ.

'On les vend a Lyon, en la rue Merciere, a la boutique de Guillaume Boulle, libraire, a la fleur de lys d'or.—Avec privilege. 1534.'

On the verso of the title-page is an engraving representing Justice, with this inscription: 'Justitia in sese virtutes continet omnes.'

On the following leaf is the dedication to the Dauphin.

At the end of the volume is the mark of Guillaume Boullé, or Boulle.

There is a copy of this little book at the Arsenal, and also one in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The latter lacks the final leaf bearing the bookseller's mark, which some collector (!) has cut out, to enrich his collection.

17

LA MOUCHE DE LUCIAN, ET LA MANIERE DE PARLER ET SE TAIRE [de Volaterran]. [Pot Cassé, no. 6.] LA MOUSCHE EST TRANSLATEE DE GREC ET DE LATIN EN LANGAIGE FRANÇOIS. LA MANIERE DE PARLER ET SE TAIRE EST TRANSLATEE SEULLEMENT DE LATIN EN FRANÇOIS. Le tout par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, imprimeur du Roy et libraire juré en l'université de Paris.—On les vend a Paris devant l'eglise de la Magdeleine, a l'enseigne du Pot Cassé.

Eight octavo leaves, without date of printing or license. This pamphlet was undoubtedly printed by Tory himself, subsequent to February 22, 1533; for he assumes the title of bookseller to the University, which he did not obtain until that date. Moreover, the acute accent, the apostrophe and the cedilla are used therein, and he did not make use of those marks until 1533. Lucian's 'La Mouche' [The Fly] fills 11 pages; the 'Maniere de Parler' (an extract from the eighteenth book of Volaterran's 'Philosophy') 3 pages. The first leaf has the title, and, on the verso, a note 'aux lecteurs.' The type used is the same as in 'Champ fleury.'

18

LES REIGLES GENERALES DE LORTHOGRAPHE DU LANGAIGE FRANCOYS.

Such is the title of a book written by Tory, of which no trace remains. We do not know even whether it was printed, although it is included in the license of the first edition of the 'Sommaire de Chroniques' of Egnasius, dated September 28, 1529. (See page 88.) Doubtless it was the complement of 'Champ fleury,' from a grammatical standpoint.

19

TRANSLATION OF THE HIEROGLYPHS OF ORUS APOLLO; a manuscript given by Tory to 'a noble and excellent friend' of his.[243]

It is not known whether this translation was printed. There are in existence several old translations of Orus Apollo, but they do not bear Tory's name.

SECTION II. BOOKS OF
HOURS PUBLISHED
BY TORY FOR
HIMSELF.

1

HOURS OF THE VIRGIN.

Quarto, in Latin.

This is a superb volume, printed by Simon de Colines, with borders and illustrations 'à l'antique,' perfect in taste and in the execution of the engravings. The book was, in all probability, printed by Tory and Colines on joint account, as copies are extant in the name of each.

Following are descriptions of three sorts of copies which I have seen, and which have been mistakenly assumed by bibliographers to be distinct editions.

I. HORÆ, IN LAUDEM BEATISS. SEMPER VIRGINIS MARIÆ SECUNDUM CONSUETUDINEM CURIÆ ROMANÆ. VBI ORTHOGRÁPHIA, PUNCTA & ACCENTUS SUIS LOCIS HABENTUR.

Below is Colines's large mark with the rabbits and the letters S. D. C. in the centre, and at the foot, S. DE COLINES. The imprint is: 'Parisiis. Apud Simonem Colinæum. M.D.XXIIII.

The first page is ornamented with a special border, which we shall find in others of Tory's books. The only copy of this form of the book which I have had an opportunity to examine, namely, the one in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, although it is bound in paper only, has a beautiful drawing in miniature which occupies the whole of this page. It represents two printers working at a press, and a compositor in front of his case. None of the printing has been retained, save the five lines of the title, 'Horæ,' etc., which are enclosed in a scroll hanging from the upper branches of two trees which form the frame of the miniature. I do not know the name of the fortunate recipient of this gift. One sees only his initials (R. P.) in a heart above the press.

On the verso of the title we find, in accordance with custom, the table of Easter Days, etc., from 1523 to 1551. The border of the page has, in three small reserved scrolls in the midst of the arabesques, the words: GEOFROY—TORY—SIC VT NON PLVS, which recur from time to time on the following pages. This border is reproduced on the title-page of each part of the book.

The license occupies the whole of both sides of the second leaf, which is without borders, for a special reason: it is printed in gothic type of the period (to imitate the script of the diploma) and that style of type would have quarrelled with the antique arabesques of Tory, whose refined taste avoided incongruities of that sort.

An extract from the license follows:—

'Francoys, by the grace of God King of France, to the Bailli and Provost of Paris, the Seneschal of Lyon, and all other justiciars, officials, or their deputies, and to each of them in his jurisdiction, and as to him shall appertain, greeting. Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory, bookseller, living at Paris, hath now caused it to be made known and shown unto us that he hath of late made and caused to be made certain pictures and vignettes "à l'antique," and likewise certain others "à la moderne," to the end that the same may be printed and made use of in divers books of Hours, whereupon he hath employed himself a very long time, and hath made divers great expenditures, and outlay. Wherefore, and to enable him to recover a part of the outlay that he hath made and undergone while employed in procuring the aforementioned drawings and vignettes to be made; and to the end that he may have the wherewithal to live with more ease, he hath most humbly caused to be laid before us his petition and request that he alone and no other may have authority to cause the aforementioned drawings and vignettes to be printed, for the space and term of six years, beginning on the day of the printing of said Hours, and that all booksellers be forbidden to make or to cause to be made any impression thereof, whether on a white, grey, or red field, not omitting any of the said black vignettes, or to reduce them "a petit ou grant pied"; humbly beseeching us to that end. Wherefore we, having duly considered these matters, and generously acceding to the petition and request of the said petitioner, and likewise in recognition of his learning, literary talent, and the excellent and praiseworthy report made to us of his person, and of his talents, competency, loyalty, wisdom, and goodly diligence, have granted to him the privilege that he and no other may print and cause to be printed the said vignettes and drawings, and do forbid all booksellers and printers whomsoever within our realm, to make or procure to be made and printed the said vignettes and drawings, on pain of a fine of five and twenty silver marks to be paid to us, and confiscation of the Hours, vignettes, and pictures by them so printed. Given at Avignon, the XXIII day of September, in the year of grace one thousand five hundred twenty-four, and of our reign the tenth.'

The third leaf contains some details concerning the calendar, which begins on the fourth leaf and ends on the ninth. The border of the lower part of leaf Avij is turned upside down. The Hours begin on the tenth leaf.

The book is a quarto, but the sheets are folded two by two, after the style introduced by Pierre Schoiffer himself, which gives it the appearance of an octavo. The signatures run from A to T, which makes eighteen folds, or one hundred and forty-four leaves.

The engravings consist of sixteen complete borders, one of which is repeated on the recto and verso of each of the first sixteen leaves, embracing thirty-two pages of text, after which the same decorations reappear. They are composed of arabesques in which, from time to time, these words appear at the sides: SOLI DEO—LAVS—HONOR—GEOFROY—TORY—NON PLVS. At the foot of certain pages we see a crowned F (the first letter of the king's name), a crowned C (the first letter of the name of Queen Claude, daughter of Louis XII), and a crowned dolphin (daulphin), in allusion to the title of the king's eldest son. Queen Claude died before the book was finished, perhaps even before the printing was begun; but Tory did not choose to waste the woodcut of her, so it was preserved and was used for more than fifteen years, as we shall see. These three subjects are reproduced in Dibdin's 'Bibliographical Decameron' (vol. i, page 99); there are two others in the same work (vol. ii, page 65). At the foot of the other pages are arabesques, among which we find the Pot Cassé, no. 2. In the text there are thirteen large drawings, which harmonize admirably with the borders. All the illustrations, or almost all, borders and drawings alike, are signed with the Lorraine cross.

The book ends on the recto of a leaf on the verso of which is this colophon: EXCVDEBAT SIMON COLINÆVS PARISIIS E REGIONE SCHOLARVM DECRETORVM: ANNO A CHRISTI IESV NATIVITATE M. D. XXV. XVII. CAL. FEBR.

This date coincides with January 16, 1525. We have seen that the title-page bears the date 1524, that is to say, the year when the book was begun. These two dates, cited separately, have led bibliographers astray, and have given rise to a theory that there are two different editions of the same book.

Here and there throughout the volume we find figures in the borders. These figures are: 16, which appears on the inner side of leaves Ai verso and Cvij recto and verso; 3, on the outer side of the border of leaves Aiiij recto and verso, and Ciiij recto and verso; 10, at the foot of leaf Biij; 12, on the outer side of the border of leaf Bvi. Here and elsewhere, to make my descriptions more clear, these books having no pagination, I assign signature letters to the eight sheets of each fold; but it is common knowledge that they actually appear on the first four only. I feel justified in concluding from these figures that at first certain numbers, running from 1 to 16, were engraved, and repeated on each compartment of the same border, in order to enable the compositor to assort the pages properly. Later these numbers were probably deemed to be of no use and were cut off. The four that I have noticed, having inadvertently been left, were finally removed before the printing was concluded. The scheme of repeating each border on the recto and verso of the same leaf was very ingenious, for it permitted the imposition of a larger number of pages without calling attention to the repetition, as the two similar pages were never seen at the same time. This required no more work, for it is very clear that the borders were not added to the pages until the very moment of printing, so that they might not be exposed to the accidents inherent in the preparatory handling. M. Willemin has reproduced several specimens of these borders in his 'Monuments Français Inêdits' (folio, 1839), page 296.

The book contains, as we have said, thirteen large cuts (all of which except the second are signed with the Lorraine cross). They are as follows:

1 and 2. The Angelic Salutation, in two plates facing each other.

3. The Visitation of the Virgin, with the device 'non plus' in a scroll suspended from a tree.

4. The Birth of Jesus.

5. The Adoration of the Shepherds.

6. The Adoration of the Magi.

7. The Circumcision.

8. The Flight into Egypt.

9. The Coronation of the Virgin.

10. The Crucifixion of Jesus. This design has five compartments. In addition to the Crucifixion, there are bees at work, birds building their nests, a peasant ploughing a field, and another shearing sheep. Each of these four is accompanied by the device 'sic vos non vobis.'

11. The Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles, with the device 'non plus' on the pediment of a temple.

12. The Penance of David, with the same device, and the word 'peccavi' in a scroll suspended from a tree.

13. The Triumph of Death. This last cut represents Death, armed with a spear treading on corpses. A crow on a tree above him has the words 'cras, cras,' issuing from its beak. At either side are the devices 'non plus' and 'sic ut,' on neighbouring buildings.

II. There are two sorts of copies in Tory's name. The first are identical in every respect with those of Colines, except as to the first page, where, after the title: 'Horæ ... habentur,' we find this imprint: 'Parisiis, apud Magistrum Gotofredum Torinum Bituricum. Ad insigne vasis effracti, in via Iacobæa; gallice, Au pot casse, en la rue sainct Iaques.'

Here the Pot Cassé, no. 3, with the device 'menti bonæ deus occurrit' at the top, and 'non plus' at the foot.

There is no date on the title-page, but there is one on the last page,—the same that we find in the copies in Colines's name (see page 111). I have seen a copy of this book in the collection of M. Double, who kindly allowed me to study it in detail. It is still in its antique binding, and on the covers, in large roman letters, is this device, which is believed to be that adopted by the unfortunate Dolet:

D[OMI]NE REDIME ME A CALVMNIIS
HOMINVM VT CVSTODIAM
MANDATA TVA.

D[OMI]NE IVSTICIA TVA IVSTICIA
IN ETERNVM ET LEX
TVA VERITAS.

III. Other copies in Tory's name have a title-page in French, with no border. This title-page reads as follows:—

'HEURES, A LA LOUANGE DE LA VIERGE MARIE, SELON LUSAGE DE ROME. ESQUELLES SONT CONTENUES LES QUATRE PASSIONS, LE SERUICE COMMUN POUR LE TEMPS DAPRES PASQUES, ET POUR LE CARESME, LE SERUICE DE LADUENT, ET DUDIT ADUENT JUSQUES A LA PURIFICATION NOSTRE DAME. PAREILLEMENT, LES HEURES DE LA CROIX, ET DU SAINCT ESPERIT, LES SEPT PSEAUMES, VESPRES, VIGILES, ET COMMENDACES DES TRESPASSEZ, AVEC RAISONNABLE NOMBRE DORAISONS, ET SUFFRAGES DES SAINCTZ ET SAINCTES.

A la fin sont les heures de la Conception nostre Dame, et le symbole de Athanase. Le tout au long, sans y rien requerir, est tres correcte, en bonne orthographie de poinctz, daccens, et diphthongues situez aux lieux a ce requis. Et sont a vendre par Maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, libraire demourant a Paris sus Petit pont, ioignant lhostel Dieu, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.' Then follows the device 'menti bonæ devs occvrrit,' and the Pot Cassé in the same form as that on the title-page of the preceding number.

The order of the contents of the first signature is here a little different from that followed in numbers one and two. On the verso of the title the license begins, set in roman letters, which Tory preferred to the gothic; it occupies two pages, as in the other copies, but those pages are supplied with the antique borders. On the verso of the second leaf is the table of Easter-Days, from 1525 to 1552. It is more conveniently placed here than on the verso of the title, where it is separated from the calendar by the license. Advantage was taken of the reprinting of the first signature to remove the figure 16 from the border of the page containing the table of Easter-Days, and to set right the lower section of the border of page A vij recto, which is upside down in the other copies. The figure 3 was not removed from page A iiij, probably because the second side of that signature was not reprinted; but the 10 has disappeared from page B iij, which would seem to show that the second side of signature B was reprinted. The first side of signature T was reprinted also, in order to change the colophon on the last page, for which this is substituted: 'Ces presentes heures a lusage de ROME furent acheuees de imprimer le MARDY dixseptiesme iour de IANVIER Mil cinq cens vingtcinq: pour maistre GEOFROY TORY de BOURGES, libraire demorant a PARIS sus PETIT PONT, ioignant lhostel DIEU, a lenseigne du POT CASSE.' (The words printed in small capitals are printed in red in the book.) This is followed by the mark no. 5, with the two mottoes ('menti,' etc., and 'sic,' etc.), which accompany that mark on page 43 of 'Champ fleury.' (See supra, p. [21].)

Tory had several copies printed on vellum; I myself have seen one of them, belonging to the collection of M. Sauvageot.[244]

It will be seen from the date affixed to these copies that they were not printed until the day following the printing of those which bear the name of Colines; for it is worth noting that the Tuesday, January 17, is of 1525, and not of 1526 new style, as would have been the case had the 'use of Paris' been followed. But Tory thought, doubtless, that he should follow the Roman usage in a book of Hours to the use of Rome.

I imagine that this reprinting of three signatures of the Hours of 1524-1525 was done mainly to direct the attention of the public to Tory's new establishment 'sus Petit Pont.' And this circumstance leads me to believe that it was done subsequent to January 17, 1525, for it is not conceivable that Tory would have left his former address, rue Saint-Jacques, on the copies printed as late as January 16, if he was to be settled 'sus Petit Pont' on the 17th. He retained that date on the reissue, although it really took place later, in order to conform to the terms of the license, which imposed upon the beneficiary the duty of specifying on the books the date when they were first published, so that the date of its expiration might be fixed, unless the term should be extended, as was done in the case of this very book of Hours; witness the license of 'Champ fleury,' dated September 5, 1526. Indeed, my own opinion is that Tory did not remove to the Petit-Pont until about the date last mentioned. We shall see that he remained there until 1530, when the installation of his printing-office required him to take more roomy quarters. However, when he opened his shop on the Petit-Pont he did not abandon his place on rue Saint-Jacques, which he still occupied at least as late as 1531.

M. Niel owns a copy of this book, in which the cuts are coloured in water-colour, lined with gold. M. Niel thinks that the arabesques are adapted from those of Raphael in the Vatican, which had lately been reproduced; the lamented Renouvier, who agreed with M. Niel in attributing the colouring to Tory, considered it an admirable piece of work.

It will not fail to be noticed, moreover, that Tory calls attention on the title-page of his copies to the excellent orthography of his book: an additional proof that this reimpression was subsequent to 1525.

Tory lent his borders and his engravings to several printers, who frequently removed his mark therefrom. I will mention particularly five publications of Simon de Colines on the title-pages of which we find Tory's borders.

I. 'Divi Joannis Chrisostomi liber contra Gentiles,' etc.; quarto, 1528. The title-page is surrounded by one of Tory's borders, with the crowned F at the foot, and the broad upright section with the two scrolls containing the words 'Geofroy Tory,' which have been removed.—There is a copy of this volume, in vellum, in the library of M. Solomon de Rothschild, who has kindly sent me this information.

II. 'Rodolphi Agricolæ Phrisii de inventione dialectica libri tres, cum scholiis Joannis Matthæi Phrissemii'; quarto, 1529 and 1538. Border composed of two broad upright sections, one of which was used in the preceding. A crowned F at the top, and another broad section at the foot.

III. 'Laurentii Vallæ de linguæ latinæ elegantia libri III'; quarto, 1535 and 1538. Same border as in the preceding.[245]

2

IN 1527 Tory published a new edition of his Hours, in one volume, octavo, printed as before by Simon de Colines, in roman type, with vignettes of the same sort, but much smaller. There is a copy on vellum at the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal; unluckily it lacks the first and last leaves. According to M. Brunet,[246] to whom M. Tosi, of Milan, sent the description of a perfect copy, also on vellum, the first page reads: 'Horæ in laudem Beatiss. Virg. Mariæ ad usum Romanum venales extant Parrhisiis ad insigne vasis effracti.' And the last: 'Hujusmodi Horæ nuper absoluebantur a prælo Colineo, die vicesima prima Octobris anno Domini 1527, pro magistro Gotofredo Torino Biturigico Bibliopola ad insigne vasis effracti Parrhisiis commorante, ubi venales beneuolis omnibus amicabiliter extant.'

We give herewith an extract from the license of this new publication, which license included also 'Champ fleury' and the Hours of 1524-1525:

François, by the grace of God King of France, to the Provost of Paris, the Bailli of Rouen and the Seneschal of Lyon, and to all our other justiciars and officials and their deputies, and to each of them as to him shall appertain, greeting. Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller, living at Paris, hath now caused it to be made known and shown unto us that, in order to proclaim, exalt and embellish the Latin and French tongues, he hath not long since made and composed a book in prose and in the French language entitled: 'Lart et science de la deue et vraye proportion des lettres attiques, autrement dictes antiques et vulgairement lettres romaines, proportionnees selon le corps et visaige humain'; the which book he hath caused to be placed before us, soliciting and requesting us to grant unto him leave, permission and license to print, or cause to be printed the said book, together with certain drawings and vignettes 'à l'antique and à la moderne'; likewise friezes, borders, crowns and scrolls; also to cause to be printed books of Hours, in such form and of such size as to him shall seem good, during the time and term of ten years, beginning on the day of the printing of said Book and said Hours; together with an extension for the same term for certain drawings and vignettes by him heretofore printed.—We hereby give you to know, that we, in consideration of the foregoing, generously acceding to the petition and request of the said maistre Geofroy Tory, and having regard to the toil, labour, outlays and expense which it hath behooved him to undergo and sustain, as well in the composition of the said books, as for the engraving of the said drawings, vignettes, friezes, borders, crowns and scrolls to accompany the said Hours, as hereinbefore mentioned, in divers forms and sizes,—have granted to him the privilege of printing the said books, enjoining you not to allow any other printers or booksellers within our realm, domains and seignories to print the said books and Hours, on pain of one hundred silver marcs to be paid to us, and of confiscation of said books. Given at Chenonceau the fifth day of September, in the year of grace one thousand five hundred twenty-six, and of our reign the twelfth.

In this new book of Hours there are thirty-two different borders, which reappear on every second leaf—one hundred and twenty-eight in all. The text is embellished by sixteen large subjects, naturally smaller, however, than those in the quarto. In the copy at the Arsenal, the only one that I have seen, these subjects are coloured. I did not discover Tory's mark anywhere; but his mottoes do appear,—'menti bonæ devs occvrrit'; 'sic vt, vel vt'; 'non plvs';—which proves that these plates were engraved for him, if not by him.

A list of the drawings follows:—

1 and 2. The Angelic Salutation; two plates on adjoining pages, as in the quarto of 1524-1525.

3. The Visitation of the Virgin.

4. The Birth of Jesus.

5. The Annunciation to the Shepherds.

6. The Adoration of the Magi.

7. The Circumcision.

8. The Flight into Egypt.

9. The Coronation of the Virgin.

10. St. Joachim and St. Anne Embracing (this is not included in the edition of 1524-1525).

11. The Crucifixion.

12. The Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles.

13. The Penance of David.

14. The Triumph of Death.

15. The Holy Trinity.

16. The Virgin and the Child Jesus.

(The last two are not included in the edition of 1524-1525.)

The signatures run from A to Z; that is to say, there are twenty-three octavo sheets.

The copy of the octavo Hours of 1527 at the Arsenal is a lovely volume printed on vellum, with a number of manuscript prayers in French added at the end. The calligraphic execution of these prayers, which are surrounded by borders in imitation of those in the book, is wonderfully fine. The colouring of the plates and the illuminating of the initial letters and of those at the ends of paragraphs make the volume of great value. It is still in its original binding (once very sumptuous, but now sadly out of repair), on the covers of which one can distinguish interlaced C's, barred S's, and star-shaped figures formed of two triangles turned end for end. Can it have belonged to Catherine de Médicis, who became the consort of Henri II in 1533? Unluckily it lacks two essential leaves, the first and the last.

3

IN the same year, Tory had printed by Simon Dubois ('Silvius') a quarto edition of this same book of Hours, 'suivant l'usage de Paris.'

It is dated October 22, 1527. It contains the new license, and comprises thirty-six quarto sheets, folded two by two according to custom, and forming eighteen octavo signatures, A to S. The book is printed throughout in the gothic type of that time, with the borders 'à la moderne' mentioned in the license of 1524, consisting of arabesques of flowers, insects, animals, etc. There are twenty-six complete borders, which recur in regular order. We find again here, as in the first quarto, thirteen large subjects interspersed through the text. But a noteworthy fact is, that although these subjects, with two exceptions,[247] are the same as those in the first quarto, they are of entirely different designs, appropriate to the 'modern' borders and type. It would be difficult to carry further the love of artistic harmony. Neither the borders nor the illustrations bear Tory's mark, and I doubt whether they are his. Perhaps the design was Perreal's and the engraving by one of the artists employed by Tory, who must then have had an organized workshop, if we may judge from the number of works which he produced about that time.

Dibdin speaks enthusiastically of this edition of the Hours, in his 'Bibliographical Decameron'; he even reproduces four of the large cuts by which it is illustrated.[248] He says that it is the 'most beautiful work' of that sort that he has ever seen, and expresses great surprise that the arabesques have been cast aside. I confess that I do not share his feeling. The book seems to me badly done, both from the artistic and from the typographical standpoint: the borders do not harmonize, they are out of proportion, and the engraving does not impress me as beyond reproach. But Dibdin's opinion is, as everybody knows, very unreliable; his carelessness is proverbial. Indeed, he gives us a striking instance of it in this very passage: for he tells us that this book was published by Tory of 'Bruges,' and that it has on the title, the Pot Cassé of Simon du Bois[249]; two errors in one line!

Among the small cuts at the foot of the pages, we observe the shield of France; the crowned F; the crowned salamander; the crest of the king's mother, 'party' of France and of Savoy, with her widow's girdle; her initial (L), crowned; the shield 'party' of Navarre and of France, with the letters H and M intertwined (the initials of Henri d'Albert, King of Navarre, and Marguerite, sister of François I, whose marriage had been celebrated January 24, 1526[250]); the Pot Cassé, no. 1, that is to say, in its simplest form, etc.

The exact title of this book is as follows: 'Hore in laudem beatissime Virginis MARIE: secundum consuetudinem ECCLESIE PARISIENSIS.' (Here the Pot Cassé, no. 9.) 'Venales habentur PARRHISIIS, APUD MAGISTRUM GOTOFREDUM Torinum Biturigicum: SUB INSIGNE VASIS EFFRACTI: GALLICO SERMONE AU POT CASSE.'—All the words here printed in small capitals are printed in red. On the verso of the title-page is the license, dated September 5, 1526. At the end of the book is the following: 'Ces presentes Heures a lusage de Paris, privilegiees pour dix ans commenceans a la presente date de leur impression, furent achevees dimprimer le vingt deuxiesme iour Doctobre, Mil cinq cens vingt sept, par maistre Simon du bois, imprimeur, pour maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, qui les vend a Paris a lenseigne du Pot Casse.' (Here the same mark as on the first page.)

It will be noticed that, although Tory felt bound to give the title of the book in Latin, he could not forbear to print his address in French.

This is the order of the plates, all of which measure nine centimetres by six:—

1 and 2. The Angelic Salutation, in two plates on successive pages (fol. f 3 verso, and f 4 recto).

3. The Sibyl of Tibur (see the description on page 123, note 1), fol. g 8 recto.

4. Jesus on the Cross, fol. h 6 recto.

5. The Descent of the Holy Spirit on the Apostles, fol. h 7 recto.

6. The Birth of Jesus, fol. i 1 recto.

7. The Annunciation to the Shepherds, fol. i 6 recto.

8. The Adoration of the Magi, fol. k 2 recto.

9. The Presentation in the Temple, fol. k 6 recto.

10. The Flight into Egypt, fol. l 2 recto.

11. The Coronation of the Virgin, fol. l 7 recto.

12. David Playing the Harp, fol. m 5 recto.

13. The Triumph of Death, fol. n 7 recto.

M. Brunet[251] mentions a copy of this book on vellum. The Bibliothèque Nationale owns one on paper, bound by Capé, with tooling copied from Tory's.

4

HOURS OF THE VIRGIN, in roman type, with borders and arabesques 'à l'antique' on each page. A small 16mo volume, printed by Tory, February 8, 1529 (old style).

Here is a description of this little gem, taken from the only copy that I have seen, M. Niel's, which is on vellum.

The title reads thus:—

'HORÆ IN LAUDEM BEATISSIMÆ VIRGINIS MARIÆ, SECUNDUM USUM ROMANUM.' Then the Pot Cassé, and at the foot of the page: 'Menti bonæ Deus occurrit.'

On the verso of the title-page:—

'Rex christianiss. statuit ne quis alius a Gotofredo Torino Biturigico, Bibliopola Parrhisiis habitante, imprimat aut imprimi faciat infra decennium in toto regno hujusmodi coronamenta et figuras, sub pœna gravissima, ut in diplomate ad hoc obtento latissime patet.'

Then comes an abstract of the pontifical license, undated; and on the following leaf the table of Easter-Days from 1530 to 1552.

On the last page: 'Parrhisiis, apud Gotofredum Torinum Biturigicum, viii. die febr. anno sal. M. D. XXIX,[252] ad insigne Vasis effracti.'

The signatures run from A to Y; that is to say, the book consists of 22 octavo forms, or 176 leaves. The pages, which contain 21 lines of brevier, measure thus:—

The volume contains twenty-one small cuts, unsigned, but all engraved in Tory's manner. Here is a list of them:—

1. Jesus on the Cross; a very small cut with five sections, like the Crucifixion of the quarto of 1524-1525; that is to say, there are bees at work, birds building their nests, a peasant ploughing, and another shearing sheep.

2 and 3. The Angelic Salutation; two cuts facing each other, as in the Hours of 1524-1525.

4 and 5. The Visitation (idem).

6 and 7. The Birth of Jesus (idem).

8 and 9. The Annunciation to the Shepherds (idem).

10 and 11. The Adoration of the Magi (idem).

12 and 13. The Circumcision (idem).

14. The Massacre of the Innocents.

15. The Coronation of the Virgin.

16. The Crucifixion.

17. The Descent of the Holy Spirit.

18. Bathsheba at the Bath.

19. The Triumph of Death.

20. The Trinity (small cut).

21. The Virgin in a halo, with an angel on each side.[253]

5

BOOK OF HOURS, quarto; same typographical arrangement as in the quarto of 1524-1525. On the title-page, which has the border of those copies of the earlier edition which bear the imprint of Simon de Colines, we read:—

'HORÆ IN LAUDEM BEATISS. VIRGINIS MARIÆ. AD USUM ROMANUM.—PARRHISIIS, APUD GOTOFREDUM TORINUM BITURIGICUM, REGIUM IMPRESSOREM. (Then comes the motto: MENTI BONÆ DEVS OCCVRRIT, and beneath it the Pot Cassé.) Cum privilegio summi Pont. et Regis christianiss. ad decennium et ultra, ut in calce hujus operis patet.'[254]

On the verso of the title the list of Easter-Days, from 1531 to 1560; then the Calendar, the type in which this is set being so large that it was necessary to omit the arabesques with figures at the foot of the border and substitute simple arabesques like those at the top.

On the recto of the last leaf is the abstract of the licenses, papal and royal, and on the verso this colophon, set in the border of the last page of 'Champ fleury': 'Parrhisiis, ex officina Gotofredi Torini Biturigici, regii impressoris, ad insigne Vasis effracti, anno salu[tis] M. D. XXXI, die XX mensis octo[bris].' Then the Pot Cassé and at the foot of the page:—

'Effracti, lector, subeas insignia vasis,

Egregios flores ut tibi habere queis.'

The volume consists of twenty signatures (A to V) of two sheets each, set in the roman type used in 'Champ fleury'; borders of the Hours of 1524-1525; also the thirteen drawings of that edition, but with special borders in the form of porticoes, which appear in other minor works of Tory published in 1531, of which we shall speak in the following section. It is a fact worthy of remark that we no longer find the name Geofroy Tory on his borders, and that even his mark has disappeared from several of the cuts, particularly the first cut of the Angelic Salutation,[255] the Adoration of the Shepherds, the Adoration of the Magi, the Flight into Egypt, the Coronation of the Virgin, the Penance of David, and the Triumph of Death. This circumstance leads me to believe that Tory had lent these plates to other publishers, as he had lent his borders to Simon de Colines, and that they removed the marks in order to appropriate more completely the publications in which the plates were used. This was what Simon de Colines did, as we have already seen (page 120).

A no less interesting fact is that, in the borders, the crowned C's are retained, which refer to Claude de France, the first wife of François I, who died in 1524 and was succeeded in 1530 by Eleonora of Austria.

We find also in this edition four unsigned cuts which do not appear in the quarto of 1524-1525:—

Fol. H 8. The Angelic Salutation; a special design, quarto size.

Fol. L 6. The Angelic Salutation; quite small, occupying only the upper part of a page.

Fol. R 7. The Trinity; small, with a special border.

Fol. V 3. The Virgin; small, with a special border.

The last two are taken from the 16mo Hours of 1529. The floriated letters are the same as in 'Champ fleury.'

Papillon, who speaks of this book,[256] without giving the title, and attributes it to Woeiriot, who was not born in 1531, expresses himself thus concerning it: 'I have seen an old book in which there are some of his engravings; it is an octavo, each page of which is surrounded by a decorative border, in compartments, of a beautiful gothic type. They are engraved very correctly, even though it is line engraving, which is so fine, so even and so accurate, that I am at a loss to understand how it could have been done. There are in this book fifteen or sixteen large cuts, also engraved in line; the drawing of the figures is passable. The little Lorraine cross, which Woeiriot used as a mark, may be seen in several places in the borders of this book.'

M. de Rothschild's copy of this edition has one interesting peculiarity: it is enriched by a large plate, unsigned, printed on an oblong half-sheet, representing the Triumph of the Virgin Mary, which seems to be an imitation of the Triumph of Apollo in 'Champ fleury.' The Virgin appears in a chariot drawn by unicorns; behind the chariot are the Captive Women; around the chariot, Prudence, Temperance, Justice and Strength; in front of the unicorns, Hope, Faith, Charity; and farther in front the Nine Muses, the Seven Liberal Arts, the handmaidens of the Virgin. In the background, we see the Virginal Palace, the Palace of Jesse, and the Temple of Honour. Beneath the picture is an explanation in French verse, which begins thus:—

'Les antiques Cesars triompherent par gloire,

Mais par humilite (ainsi le faut il croire)

La noble Vierge va triomphante en bon heur

Du palais virginal jusquau temple dhonneur.'

I have seen this engraving nowhere else except in a copy of the edition of the Hours published in 1542 by Olivier Mallard, of which I shall speak in the third part; but I have no doubt that it was included originally in all copies of the edition of 1531, perhaps also in that of 1524-1525. Its chances of preservation were injured by its being bound in the form of a map. At all events this unsigned plate is in Tory's manner, and it can hardly be denied that it belongs to him.

6

At a time which I am unable to fix with precision, but not earlier than the month of September, 1531, Tory printed another book, in octavo, with borders made up of plants, animals, insects, birds, etc., like those in the quarto Hours of 1527, but, naturally, on a smaller scale. I have never seen this book, but its existence is established to my satisfaction by the publication of a book of Hours, at a later date, by Olivier Mallard, with the same borders and vignettes. I can give with certainty neither the title nor the date of printing of Tory's book; but the date of the engravings is readily determined approximately, thanks to certain ornaments of Mallard's book. For instance, we find in it, as in the Hours of 1527, the crowned F and the salamander of François I, the crowned L and the biparted shield (France and Savoy) of his mother, who died in 1531, and a blank shield which suggests the widowhood of François, and consequently proves that these cuts were designed before July, 1530. As for my ascription of these cuts to Tory, it is due to the style of the borders, which are copied from the Hours of 1527. Moreover, he has added a special symbol, namely, the coat-of-arms of Bourges (three sheep, placed two and one, and wearing collars), which appears now and again at the foot of the page, beside the symbols of François I and his mother. As I have said, I do not know the title of the book in which Tory first used these cuts; it seems to me, however, that we may fairly conclude from the use Olivier Mallard made of them that it was a book of Hours; Tory probably decided to publish an octavo edition of his Hours 'à la moderne' of 1527, as he had published in 1527 an octavo edition of his Hours 'à l'antique' of 1524-1525. Indeed, it may be that the book in question is the one thus described by M. Brunet: 'Horæ in laudem beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ ad usum Rothomagensem.—Parisiis, ad insigne Vasis effracti. 1536.' Small octavo, roman type, line engravings.

It will be seen that the book is said to be printed at the sign of the Pot Cassé, without mention of the printer's name. This may mean that it was printed by Tory's widow, who published Macault's work in the same way in 1535.

We shall speak elsewhere of Mallard's book, but this is the place to mention the engravings it contains, which doubtless appeared also in Tory's book. In Mallard's publication of 1541 there are sixteen different borders, the same one being always placed on the recto and verso of each leaf, and nineteen of the plates of the 16mo edition of 1529. The two lacking are number 1 and number 21. [The engravings of The Visitation are reproduced below.]

SECTION III.
WORKS PUBLISHED BY TORY FOR FRANÇOIS I.

1

LE SACRE ET CORONNEMENT DE LA ROYNE, IMPRIME PAR LE COMMANDEMENT DU ROY NOSTRE SIRE. (Pot Cassé no. 6.) On le vend a Paris, en la rue Sainct Iaques, devant lescu de Basle, et devant leglise de la Magdaleine, a lenseigne du Pot Cassé.—Avec privilege.

Quarto, of three signatures. [Paris, Geofroy Tory, 1531.]

The title which I have transcribed is set in a pretty portico-shaped border, decorated with arabesques, at the foot of which is found the word 'salvs.'

On the verso: 'Il est permis a maistre Geoffroy Tory de Bourges, marchant libraire, demourant a Paris, imprimer et mettre en vente ce present livre,' etc. On the recto of the second leaf: 'Cest Lordre et forme qui a este faicte et tenue par le commandement du Roy nostre Sire au Sacre et Coronnement de la Royne ma dame Leonore Daustriche, seur aisnee de Lempereur, le cinquiesme iour de mars M. D. XXX. Lequel ... a este mis et redige par escript au vray par moy Guillaume Bochetel, son notaire et secretaire, signant en ses finances....'

The text begins immediately under this, with the beautiful decorated letter (L) which is reproduced on page 1 of this book.

The license, printed on the last leaf but one, informs us that Tory had then become a printer, whence we may conclude that it was he who printed the volume, although there is no definite statement to that effect.

'We have given to maistre Geoffroy Tory, bookseller, and printer, leave to print the Queen's Coronation, and do forbid all other printers to print the same for the term of one year,[257] on pain of summary fine on conviction thereof. Done at Paris the tenth day of March one thousand five hundred and thirty. DE LA BARRE.'

On the last page, which is set in a border of the same type as that of the title-page, we read, above the Pot Cassé: 'The printing of this present book was finished the XVI day of March M. D. XXX,[258] and it is for sale,'[259] etc.

2

LENTREE DE LA ROYNE EN SA VILLE & CITE DE PARIS, IMPRIMEE PAR LE COMMANDEMENT DU ROY NOSTRE SIRE. (Pot Cassé, no. 6.) On la vend a Paris, en la Rue Sainct Iaques devant Lescu De Basle, & devant leglise de la Magdaleine, A Lenseigne du Pot Casse.—Avec Privilege. Quarto, of six signatures. [Paris, Geofroy Tory, 1531.]

This title is set within the charming title-page border of the Colines copies of the Hours of 1524-1525. On the verso of the title-page: 'Il est permis,' etc., as in the preceding volume. On the second leaf the text begins with a beautiful decorated letter (A) after the style of the L of the volume last described. This page also is set in a portico-shaped border, with arabesques; but the latter are different from those in the 'Sacre.'

We find, too, three other and different borders in the balance of the work, which gives us in all six pages with borders in addition to that of the title-page and that of the last page, which is identical with that of the last page of 'Champ fleury'; some floriated letters also have been borrowed from this last-named work. Though none of these are signed, they are surely Tory's, so far as the designs are concerned, at least.

The text of this book, as of the preceding, is by Guillaume Bochetel, who signed it. Following his text, Tory inserted a charming cut, representing the gift presented by the city of Paris to the Queen—a magnificent candelabrum. At the top are the words: 'Deseing du present faict a la Royne en deux chandeliers.'[260] The license granted to Tory for printing this book is identical with that of the preceding, except that it is dated at Anet, April 26, 1531. We learn from the last page that the printing was finished on Tuesday, May 9, 1531.

Geofroy Tory was not simply the printer of this little volume; he was also the publisher, and he added to the text three poems in Latin, of his own composition. Here they are:—

Geofroy Tory of Bourges to Queen Leonora.[261]

We are about to celebrate this triumph of yours, Leonora, which your Parisians have conferred upon you. You are a queen so loving-kind to us that we all can say that you are a real goddess. We can certainly say that you are a benign goddess, since you at last bless us with grateful peace. With peace you bless all who inhabit the French kingdom, so kind have been the fates in establishing you in power. As one upright, aye, holy, gentle, and a true bestower of blessings, you have brought our lilies back to their country. By your leave, I will speak in few words, and I will proclaim the truth: in you resides full national salvation for us all.

The same to the same.

May the gods long continue your happy lot, Leonora. You are our Joy, our Peace, and our grateful Repose.

The same Tory to the French People.

Exult and be glad, people of France; you see what happiness Leonora now brings to you. She, sent, be sure, by the manifest will of God, enables you at last to enjoy the blessings of peace. Strew roses, laurel, violets, nard, and saffron, and merrily revel to your hearts' content. But be careful too that you, best of people, be not backward in rendering pious prayers to God. If you never cease to sing God's praises and to frequent his temples, believe me, you will long enjoy the blessings of peace. You will behold the golden ages beneath the smiling heaven, and on earth you will reap in prosperity golden harvests. Add to this that you will in similar manner become a race all golden too. Continue, therefore, your holy services to the most high God.

3

IN LODOICÆ REGIS MATRIS MORTEM EPITAPHIA LATINA ET GALLICA.—EPITAPHES A LA LOUENGE DE MA DAME MERE DU ROY FAICTZ PAR PLUSIEURS RECOMMENDABLES AUTHEURS. (Pot Cassé no. 6.) On les vend a Paris devant Leglise de la Magdeleine, a Lenseigne du Pot Casse.—Avec privilege.

Quarto, of two and a half signatures. [Paris, G. Tory, 1531.]

The license, dated Paris, October 13, 1531, and signed DE LA BARRE, like the two preceding, gives Tory at last the title of king's printer: 'We have granted to maistre Geofroy Tory, marchant libraire et imprimeur du Roy, leave,' etc. On the last page, which, as well as the first, is set in a border,[262] are the words: 'Printed at Paris, at the sign of the Pot Cassé, by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller and king's printer. The XVII day of October, M. D. XXXI.'

As the title-page indicates, this volume contains verses in Latin and in French by divers contemporary authors. Among the former is one by Geofroy Tory himself, which I will give as a specimen.

Louise, royal mother, addresses and consoles her France: written by Geofroy Tory of Bourges.[263]

France, why do you in deepest sorrow mourn for me? Do you not know that the whole human race is destined to die? Revive, and consider how I by my foresight preserved you from the bitter and ruthless enemy. I leave to you a son, king by divine will, who under my guidance cherishes you in glorious peace. Joyfully he beholds in your arms his pledges, who will bring the whole world under your sway. You have a queen who is the foster-daughter of virtue and peace, and who blesses your lot with good fortune. You have also another queen, who is the sister and good counselor of your consecrated king. With such guides as these, dear France, you should not complain. You are fortunate in having such leaders. Moreover, when I die, I will not desert you, for you have my immortal name. Devotedly I will ever pray for you before the mighty Thunderer, asking that you may reign victoriously and nobly. Strew laurel for me, violets, nard, and saffron; strew also flowers, lilies, garlands, and roses. Add to these, moreover, hymns with most exalted praises, rites, melodies, incense, myrrh, and prayers. Hesitate not to erect altars to me. For, as a benign goddess, I now proceed to fly to Heaven. Farewell.

The first two of these three opuscula exhibit three different kinds of type: that of 'Champ fleury' and two others. In the third we find a fourth size. It will be seen that Tory's printing-office was increasing in importance.[264]

4

ORDONNANCES DU ROY (François I), etc.

Quarto, of four signatures (A to D). Paris, 1532.

I have seen only the last signature of this collection. It has a special title-page, embellished by the border of the Colines copies of the Hours of 1524-1525; but the signature letter (D) and the first word of the title demonstrate the existence of at least three others. It seems that Geofroy Tory treated the legislative documents of François I in the sixteenth century as the Imperial printing-office treats the 'Bulletin des Lois' to-day: that is to say, each fold has a title, although it forms a part of the same publication with that which precedes and that which follows.

I transcribe the title of the signature that I have seen,[265] made up of six leaves, that is a sheet and a half quarto[266] (encartées):—

AUTRES ORDONNANCES NOUVELLES DU ROY NOSTRE SIRE SUR LESTAT DES TRESORIERS ET MANYMENT DES FINANCES, PUBLIEES EN LA CHAMBRE DES COMPTES ET AU CONSEIL DE LA TOUR CARREE. (Pot Cassé.) Imprimees a Paris par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, libraire et imprimeur du Roy. Devant Leglise de la Madeleine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse.—Avec privilege comme il appert cy apres en la fin.

Then follow four ordinances of the king, of the year 1532, 'sur lestat des tresoriers,' etc. They are dated, the first at Hamby, April 19, the second at Châteaubriant, June 14, the third and fourth also at Châteaubriant, May 16. On the recto of the last leaf is the duplicate of the license, in these words:—

'The judges appointed by the king in the Chambre de la Tour Carree to administer the finances, having considered the petition presented by Geofroy Tory, bookseller and king's printer, praying that he may have permission to print the ordinances of late issued by the king touching the administration of his finances and the officers engaged therein, which have been published in said chamber, and that all other booksellers and printers may be forbidden to print or to cause to be printed the said ordinances until the expiration of three years next ensuing, on pain of summary fine, the said judges have permitted and do permit the said Geofroy Tory to print the said ordinances, and forbid all other booksellers and printers to print or cause to be printed the said ordinances for one year,[267] on pain of summary fine. Done at Paris the eighteenth day of July, in the year one thousand five hundred thirty-two. Signed: Bordel.'

On the last page is the beautiful final border of 'Champ fleury,' in which is the Pot Cassé; and beneath it are the words: 'The printing of these present ordinances was finished the twentieth day of July M. D. XXXII, by maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, bookseller and king's printer.'

5

LHISTOIRE ECCLESIASTIQUE [of Eusebius] TRANSLATEE DE LATIN EN FRANÇois PAR MESSIRE CLAUDE DE SEYSSEL, EVESQUE LORS DE MARSEILLE, DEPUIS ARCHEVESQUE DE THURIN.—Imprimee par le commandement du Roy (Pot Cassé).—On les vend a Paris, devant leglise de la Magdelaine, a lenseigne du Pot Casse. Par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, marchant libraire et imprimeur du Roy.—Avec privilege pour six ans.

Paris, G. Tory, 1532. Folio; 6 preliminary leaves, 151 leaves of text, numbered, and a final unnumbered leaf, on the verso of which are the words: 'The printing of this present book was finished the XXI day of October, M. D. XXXII, by maistre Geofroy Tory,' etc. Then follows the Pot Cassé, surmounted by the arms of France, borrowed from the verso of the title-page of 'Champ fleury.'

6

LES TROYS PREMIERS LIVRES DE LHISTOIRE DE DIODORE SICILIEN, HISTORIOGRAPHE GREC. TRANSLATEZ DE LATIN EN FRANCOYS PAR MAISTRE ANTHOINE MACAULT NOTAIRE SECRETAIRE ET VALLET DE CHAMBRE ORDINAIRE DU ROY, FRANCOYS PREMIER.—Imprimez de l'ordonnance et commandement dudit seigneur.—Avecques privilege a six ans.—On les vent a Paris en la rue de la Iuifverie, devant la Magdalaine, a l'enseigne[268] du pot cassé.

At the end: 'Imprimé a Paris, en avril M. D. XXXV.'[269]—Quarto.

The title-page of this book is embellished by a portico-shaped border, which is found in the first three opuscula described in this section. On the verso of the title, in the vellum copy at the Bibliothèque Nationale, is the final border of 'Champ fleury,' in which are depicted the arms of England, with the device, DIEV EST [sic] MON DROICT.

The author's exordium begins with a large letter S, decorated with an escutcheon bearing two fasces accompanied by nine besants, three by three, with this device in Greek: MHKETI ('not at all'); these are Macault's arms, doubtless. This letter appears again on folio 148. Facing the first page of text is a magnificent engraving representing François I surrounded by his court, listening to Macault as he reads his book to the king. The author is represented in a clerical costume, with a calotte on his head. Beside him are the three sons of François I: François, who died a few years later, Henri, who became Henri II, and Charles, Duc d'Orléans. This engraving is a faithful copy of the painting on Macault's original manuscript, which was still in France in 1811, but has since crossed over to England. It is described in Part 3, section 1 (pages [166]-[168]).

The printed book forms a quarto volume of 8 unnumbered preliminary leaves, 152 numbered leaves (signatures A to Q), and 8 leaves of index: 168 leaves in all. On the last page is the final border of 'Champ fleury,' which appears also on the verso of the title.[270]

PIERRE ROFFET

SECTION IV. WORKS PRINTED BY TORY FOR PRIVATE INDIVIDUALS.

1

ANTISTITIS INCOMPARABILIS MICHÆLIS BODETI, DUM VIVERET EPISCOPI DUCIS LINGONENSIS ET PARIS FRANCIÆ EPICEDIUM.

Below this title, the arms of Michel de Boudet, engraved on wood. At the end is the Pot Cassé, with this colophon: 'Parisiis anno salutis humanæ 1530.' (Michel de Boudet had died in 1529, with the title of duke and peer, which the Bishops of Langres had borne since the twelfth century.) Six quarto leaves [Paris, G. Tory, 1530]. Library of the Faculty of Medicine of Montpellier, no. 292.

Having had occasion to visit the neighbourhood of Montpellier for reasons connected with my health, I seized the opportunity to examine this volume and complete my information concerning it. On the first page, surrounded by the border of the Colines copies of the Hours of 1524-1525, are these words: 'Antistitis Incomparabilis Michælis Bodeti dum viveret Episcopi Ducis Lingonensis et Franciæ Paris Epicedium.' Then the arms of Michel de Boudet. On the verso: 'Cautum est privilegio, ne quis hoc Epicedium imprimat aut imprimi curet infra biennium subpöena in diplomate ad hoc obtento contenta.' The four following leaves contain a poem in honour of Michel de Boudet; on the sixth is the Pot Cassé, no. 6, and beneath it: 'Parrhisiis, Anno salutis humanæ, M. D. XXX.' There is nothing to indicate the author of this little work, which is printed in the same type as the Epitaphs in honour of the mother of François I.[271]

2

APOLOGIE POUR LA FOI CHRESTIENNE CONTRE LES ERREURS CONTENUES EN UN PETIT LIVRE DE MESSIRE GEORGES HALEVIN.

Paris, G. Tory, 1531. Octavo.

I borrow this description from the 'Catalogue de la Bibliothèque de feu M. de La Vallière' (vol. i, p. 275), for I have not been able to inspect this work, which, however, should be in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal with M. de La Vallière's other books, and in the library at Sainte-Geneviève, whither it must have gone with the collection of Le Tellier in whose catalogue it also appears.

3

HISTOIRE DES EMPEREURS DE TURQUIE, translated from Latin into French by Barthélemy Dupré. 1532.

I borrow this abridged description from a biography of Tory published by M. Chevalier de Saint-Amand, honorary librarian of Bourges, in the 'Annonces Berruyères,' no. 38 (September, 21, 1837).[272]

4

LADOLESCENCE CLEMENTINE. AUTREMENT, LES OEUVRES DE CLEMENT MAROT DE CAHORS EN QUERCY, VALET DE CHAMBRE DU ROY, COMPOSEES EN LEAGE DE SON ADOLESCENCE.—AVEC LA COMPLAINCTE SUR LE TRESPAS DE FEU MESSIRE FLORIMOND ROBERTET.ET PLUSIEURS AUTRES OEUVRES FAICTES PAR LEDICT MAROT DEPUIS LEAGE DE SA DICTE ADOLESCENCE. Le tout reveu, corrige & mis en bon ordre.—On les vend a Paris, devant Lesglise Saincte Geneviefve des Ardens, Rue Neufve nostre Dame. A Lenseigne du Faulcheur.—Avec privilege pour Trois Ans.

At the end: 'The printing of this present book was finished on Monday the XII day of August. Year M. D. XXXII. For Pierre Roffet, called le Faulcheur. By maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges, king's printer.

Octavo, 1st edition. Only a single copy is known, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale. The volume consists, first, of four preliminary leaves (half a fold), comprising: (1) the title which I have just transcribed; (2) on the verso, some laudatory verses, among which figures this distich of Tory, who was not only Marot's printer, but his friend:—

'Vis lauros cypriasque comas, charitesque, iocosque,

Inde sales etiam nosse? Marotus habet';

(3) Clément's letter 'to a large number of brethren,' dated August 12, 1532, that is to say, on the same day that Tory finished printing the book, and not August 12, 1530, as was erroneously printed in some subsequent editions, which has given rise to a theory of an earlier issue[273]; (4) the table of contents; (5) a leaf entirely blank. Then comes the text of the 'Adolescence Clementine,' extending from folio 1 to folio 104, on which is the word 'finis'; and after that the 'Chant royal,' etc., from 105 to 115. The book ends with a list of errata on an unnumbered folio (116). The table of contents, on one of the preliminary leaves, informs us that one ode had previously been published separately, but no copy of it is known.

5

The Same.

A second edition of this book was published by the same bookseller, and the printing finished by Tory on November 13, 1532. It differs from the first in this respect, that the text and preliminary leaves are joined, or, to speak more accurately, the first two of those leaves; for the table of contents is relegated to the end of the volume, in place of the errata, which no longer appear. The volume consists of a hundred and nineteen leaves, the last unnumbered. The word 'finis' still appears on folio 104, after the 'Adolescence Clementine'; then comes the 'Chant royal,' etc.; and lastly two leaves entitled: 'Autres Œuvres faictes en sa dicte maladie,' indicated by this phrase on the title-page: 'Plus amples que les premiers imprimez de ceste, ny autre impression.' (Bibliothèque Mazarine.)

6

The Same.

A third edition was printed by Tory on February 12, 1532 (1533, new style), like the preceding in every respect, but having only 118 leaves.

7

The Same.

A fourth edition appeared June 7, 1533, identical with the preceding, except that the words on the title-page, 'plus amples,' etc. are replaced by these: 'Avec certains accens notez, cest assavoir sur le é masculin different du feminim [sic], sur les dictions ioinctes ensembles par sinalephes, et soubz le ç quant il tient de la prononciation de le s, ce qui par cy devant par faulte daduis n'a este faict au langaige françoys, combien q'uil [sic] y fust et soit tres necessaire.'

This fourth edition of the 'Adolescence Clementine' was the last work printed by Tory to my knowledge. In the intervals between these four editions, however, he had published the works of Clément Marot's father, edited by Clément himself, under the following title:—

8

IAN MAROT DE CAEN, SUR LES DEUX HEUREUX VOYAGES DE GENES & VENISE, VICTORIEUSEMENT MYS A FIN, PAR LE TRESCHRESTIEN ROY LOYS DOUZIESME DE CE NOM, PERE DU PEUPLE. ET VERITABLEMENT ESCRIPTZ PAR ICELUY IAN MAROT, ALORS POETE ESCRIUAIN DE LA TRESMAGNANIME ROYNE ANNE, DUCHESSE DE BRETAIGNE, & DEPUYS VALET DE CHAMBRE DU TRESCHRESTIĒ ROY FRANCOYS PREMIER DU NOM. On les vent a Paris, deuant Lesglise Saincte Geneuiefue des Ardens, Rue Neufue Nostre Dame, A Lenseigne du Faulcheur.—Auec priuilege pour Trois Ans.[274]

At the end: 'The printing of this present book was finished the XXII day of January, M. D. XXXII [1533, new style], for Pierre Roufet, called Le Faulcheur, by maistre Geufroy Tory de Bourges, king's printer.'

Octavo of 101 leaves. (Bibliothèque Nationale.)

In this edition there is a letter of Clément Marot mentioning the death of his father, 'author of this book.'

9

The Same.

M. Brunet cites a second edition of this book, executed by Tory for the same bookseller in 1533.

PART III. ICONOGRAPHY.

AS I have hitherto called attention to the books that we owe to Tory whether as publisher, as author, or as printer and bookseller, so it will be well to notice those which he enriched with his paintings and engravings during twenty years of his life. This is a new aspect of his whole career which it is our present purpose to bring into view; for, while Tory was for some time teacher, bookseller, printer, he was always a draughtsman and engraver, from the day that he was a man grown.

But, first of all, there is a preliminary question to be decided: Was Tory really a painter and engraver? In the first part of this book I said that he was, but I did not furnish proofs of the fact, and none of the historians of painting or of engraving have mentioned him in that connection. It is advisable therefore, first of all, to demonstrate the accuracy of my assertion. In order to solve this complicated question more easily, let us divide it.

Was Tory a painter?

That Tory was a painter-draughtsman, there can be no doubt, for he himself makes the assertion in express terms on each page of 'Champ fleury.' For instance, we read on folio 3 verso of that work, apropos of the Gallic Hercules:—

'I saw this same fable in rich painting within the city of Rome near the Sanguine tower, not far from the Church of Saint Louis, ... and the better to keep the thing in my eye, I made this drawing....'

In the collection of verses written by him on the occasion of the death of his daughter Agnes, Tory makes her speak thus from the urn wherein she is supposed to repose:—

MONITOR.

Who made for you this urn, set with brilliant gems?

AGNES.

Who? My father; famed in this art.

MONITOR.

Certes, your father is an excellent potter.

AGNES.

He practises industriously every day the liberal arts.

Thus Geofroy Tory himself informs us in 1523 that he industriously practised the arts. Now, if this were true, he could not have been ignorant of drawing, which is the first of all the arts. Moreover, it is plain that in those days an engraver (and we shall prove in a moment that Tory was one) could not fail to be a draughtsman. The artist was at that time an all-round workman, embracing all the special branches of his profession: painting, drawing, engraving, he took a hand at them all. Not until it became vulgarized, until it became a trade, was art subdivided—and greatly to its prejudice. In truth, one cannot but realize all that there is to be desired in the work of those mercenaries of the engraver's art, who, having no knowledge of the first elements of drawing, are bidden to reproduce, with the aid of the graving tool, lines which they do not understand.

We can therefore assert that, as a general rule, the engravings found in Tory's books were drawn by him.

But this is not all: I believe that we should also attribute to him the admirable miniatures[275] that have come down to us of the painter known by the name of 'Godefroy.' If, indeed, we compare the engravings in Tory's books with the designs of that painter, we readily recognize a similarity of execution which seems to establish the identity of the two men. This Godefroy, who signs his works sometimes with the full name, sometimes with a simple G, but always in roman letters,—a noteworthy thing at a time when the gothic was in its most flourishing state,—was no other than Tory, whose baptismal name, as we have seen, was in Latin Godofredus. We know how little was thought of family names in the old days. As late as the sixteenth century it was no uncommon thing to see persons designated by their baptismal names alone, or, at most, with the name of their native place added. We have seen[276] that the famous painter Jean Perreal, Tory's master and friend, was little known except by the name of Jean de Paris. Tory himself is called Godefroy the Berrichon (Godofredus Biturix) in some verses which his friend Gérard de Vercel composed in his praise in 1512.[277] Even at the close of the sixteenth century our two leading bibliographers, Antoine du Verdier and La Croix du Maine, who also bore geographical names, deemed it proper to adopt no other order than that of baptismal names in arranging alphabetically the authors who are mentioned in their books entitled 'Bibliothèque Françoise.' There is nothing extraordinary therefore in Tory's signing his first works with a baptismal name alone. It is true that that name is slightly different, orthographically speaking, from the one that he used later; but it is well to remember the change that took place about that time in our author's customs. Doubtless he signed 'Godefroy' before he had entirely shaken off the yoke of the classical languages,[278] and had adopted the more French form 'Geofroy,' which was about the year 1523.

The dates inscribed upon some of Godefroy's paintings, 1519 and 1520, coincide perfectly with the known facts of Tory's life: that was the period when, after his second return from Italy, he was fain to utilize his talents for his livelihood. I may add that we have several engravings of that same period signed with a G alone, or with a G within which appears a small F; others signed with a G surmounted by the double cross, with a small S within; and others signed G. T., which serve to mark the transition between Tory's use of the simple G and the inscription in full of his two names, Geofroy Tory. These two names appear together in one of the borders of his Hours of 1524-1525 [the border which is to be found on p. 105].

Whatever the fact may be, we propose to give here, by way of memorandum, at least a brief list of the works of the painter Godefroy, referring the reader for fuller information to the interesting article which M. Léon de Laborde has published upon this subject in the 'Renaissance des Arts,' vol. i. pp. 891-913, and, later, in the 'Revue Universelle des Arts,' no. 1 (1855), which article we reproduce below with the author's consent.

The only manuscripts known to contain drawings of this artist are 'Les Commentaires de César,' in three small quarto volumes; and 'Les Triomphes de Petrarque,' in one small octavo volume—all written in French and bound in vellum.

The first-named work is not, as one might suppose from its title, a translation of the famous work of the conqueror of Gaul, but a commentary thereon in the form of a dialogue between Cæsar and François I, to whom the book is dedicated. The first volume is now in the British Museum at London, the second in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, and the third in the collection of M. le Duc d'Aumale. All the miniatures in the first volume, and there is a great number of them, are signed with a G; some bear the date 1519. The same is true of the second volume. One of the miniatures in the third volume is signed in full, 'Godefroy' (folio 52); several others, signed G only, are dated 1520.

As for the 'Triumphs' of Petrarch, which is in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal, the miniatures bear no dates, but they are all signed with a G, and one has in addition the full name, 'Godefroy.' In the two works the drawings have the same general appearance; they are distinguished from those of the professional miniaturists by a very marked sobriety of colouring. They are noticeable, moreover, by reason of a delicacy of execution and, at the same time, a sharpness of outline which can have come from no other hand than that of an engraver; now the engraver can have been no other than Tory, whose shields and even his antique arabesques we find in these designs.

In addition to these two works, of which the name and the style of the artist seem to me to permit their being attributed to Tory, I will mention here several others, of a somewhat later date, which likewise various circumstances make it possible to attribute to him.

The first is a translation of the first three books of Diodorus Siculus, by Antoine Macault. This superb manuscript, which was in the library of M. Firmin Didot père in 1810, is to-day buried in one of the private libraries of England. A description will be found on pp. 166-168. It is true that there is nothing about it to suggest Tory, but the style of the painting and of the engraving (the book was printed by Tory's widow in 1535) leaves no doubt as to his authorship. The second is a collection of portraits of the kings of France, by Jean du Tillet, the manuscript of which, presented by the author to Charles IX, is still preserved in the Bibliothèque du Roi. See the description of this priceless manuscript, and of several others preserved in the same collection.[279]

We come now to the second question:—Was Tory an engraver?

Neither Zani nor Papillon mentions him as such; nevertheless, there is one presumption in his favour. La Croix du Maine, who was almost his contemporary, tells us[280], without going into details, it is true, that Tory was known by the name 'maître au Pot Cassé'; others have said that he perfected Josse Bade's letters.[281] M. Renouvier has recently written[282] that Tory possessed the rare faculty of using the 'eschoppe' [graver] as well as the pen. 'Le Champ fleury,' he says, 'is a treatise on æsthetics such as none but an engraver of types could conceive.' What M. Renouvier conjectured, I assert, with no fear of being contradicted by the facts. To be sure, Tory did not anywhere state categorically that he was an engraver; but he gave it to be understood indirectly. For example, he tells us that, among the fancies that came to his mind on the 6th of January, 1523, and resulted in the composition of 'Champ fleury,' he remembered 'a letter of ancient form,' which he had 'not long since made for the house of my lord the treasurer of the wars, maistre Jehan Groslier, counsellor and secretary to the king our sire.'[283] What was this ancient letter made for the famous bibliophile Grolier, if not the basis of the beautiful roman characters which were used in that scholar's establishment to decorate his books, and to stamp upon them, in gold, this excellent device, among others, 'Ioannis Grolierii et Amicorum?'[284]

Again, all the authorities agree that Claude Garamond was a pupil of Tory. Now, what could he have learned from his master, if not the art of engraving types,—he who did nothing else in his whole life?

Furthermore, it is impossible to doubt that Tory engraved types when one runs through his 'Champ fleury.' Note especially what he says on folio 34 recto, where, having given a drawing of a capital A reversed, he explains it in the technical terms of the engraver.

'This,' he says, 'is done to help and give hints to goldsmiths and engravers, who, with their burin, graver, or other tool, engrave and cut an ancient letter reversed [à l'envers], or, as we say, to the left, so that it may appear to the right when it is printed and placed in its proper aspect. I have purposely made it white, and its background black, the opposite of the one that is drawn to the right, so that no one may be misled. For, as I have said, I have seen and do see many persons who are misled. Before the letter to be printed is finished, it is made twice reversed and twice to the right. In the first of the reversed there are the punches[285] of steel, in which the letter is wholly left-handed. The matrices have the letter to the right. The letter then cast is, as I have said of the punches, left-handed. Then finally on the printed paper the whole appears to the right, and in its proper aspect to be read currently. I had forgotten to say that the broad leg of the A is one tenth of its square in width, and the other leg one third as wide. The transverse limb should be three fourths as wide as the broad leg, as you may see by the drawings herewith made and duly proportioned.'

After this, and knowing as we do the relations between Geofroy Tory and the Estienne family, it will not be deemed extraordinary that I attribute to our artist the italic letters of Simon de Colines, engraved about 1525, and the roman and italic letters of Robert Estienne, engraved a little later.

But Tory not only engraved letters, that is to say, punches on steel, as some authors have stated: he signalized himself above all by his engravings on wood, and he illustrated almost all the books of his time, which fact is almost wholly unknown. I shall be asked, doubtless, upon what evidence my opinion is based. It is this: In the license to print the book of Hours, granted to Tory by François I on September 23, 1524, we read:[286] 'Our dear and well-beloved maistre Geofroy Tory ... hath now caused it to be made known and shown unto us that he hath of late made and caused to be made certain pictures and vignettes "à l'antique," and likewise certain others, "à la moderne," to the end that the same may be printed and made use of in divers books of Hours, whereupon he hath employed himself a very long time, and hath made divers great expenditures and outlays.' Evidently the words 'he hath made' do not here apply to the drawing, but to the engraving of these pictures and vignettes, which he had previously drawn. Moreover, Tory himself betrayed his profession of engraver on wood in a charming vignette which he used as an initial in 'Champ fleury,' and which is reproduced on page 1. For we see therein, besides a compass, a square, etc., a pen and several varieties of knives used in wood-engraving; all of which justifies the remark of M. Renouvier: 'Tory possessed the rare faculty of using the graver as well as the pen.'

But, I shall be told, it avails nothing to prove vaguely that Tory dabbled in wood-engraving, if we can point to no works of his in that branch of the art,—for no one has done so hitherto. I propose to try to gratify the reader's desire, by proving that there is a way to recognize the engravings executed by Tory.

Many persons have already observed that the principal engravings in Tory's books, those which are most individual, as, for example, the Gallic Hercules (reproduced on page [141]), and that of the Pot Cassé which accompanies the description of that emblem in 'Champ fleury' (reproduced on page [21]) bear a mark; but this mark they dare not attribute to him, because it is constantly found upon engravings, alone or accompanied by initials, for more than a century. M. Robert-Dumesnil, in his interesting work entitled 'Le Peintre-Graveur français,' published in the course of his article on Woeiriot,[287] who himself used this same mark, a catalogue of engravings signed with the double cross,—which he calls the cross of Lorraine or of Jerusalem,—extending from 1522 to 1632. He concludes that this mark was 'frequently employed in France, as a fictitious signature, on engravings on wood, by artists whose names will probably remain forever buried in oblivion.'

To banish this phantom, which caused M. Renouvier himself to pause on the pathway of truth,[288] it is sufficient to come to close quarters with it. This is what I propose to do; but first I must thank M. Robert-Dumesnil for having satisfactorily cleared up one important point. Until his book appeared, almost all the engravings marked with the double cross had been attributed to Woeiriot; or, rather, the engravings of the latter had added to the perplexity of classifiers. By identifying Woeiriot's work, M. Robert-Dumesnil has simplified the problem considerably. Only a small number of pieces remain to be ascribed to their authors, and as to these M. Robert-Dumesnil expresses himself thus: 'None of the works executed prior to Woeiriot's birth and the beginning of his career as an artist can be by him; of the others we hasten to say that not one seems to us to have been designed or executed by him.'

Nothing could be clearer. Let us add, to close the discussion, that Woeiriot did not begin to engrave until long after Tory had ceased, as he was barely two years old when Tory died; and, furthermore, that his cross is almost always accompanied by his initials; sometimes, however, he uses the cross alone, but in that case the date prevents confusion. Take, for example, the 'Emblesmes et devises chrestiennes composées par damoiselle Georgette de Montenay,' the first edition of which was in 1571. It is impossible to attribute these engravings to Tory, who died nearly forty years earlier.

The other artists who used the cross may be divided into three classes, according to M. Robert-Dumesnil's book. First, we find the cross alone, from 1522 to 1561; secondly, after a long interval, in 1599, the cross appears accompanied by the initials I, L, B; and, lastly, a little later, two engravers on copper, named Jean Barra and Claude Rivard, signed their works with the cross. I do not include here the double cross discovered by M. Robert-Dumesnil on the printer's mark of a book dated 1632, because it is the mark of Gilles Corrozet, engraved a century earlier, as we shall see further on.

To sum up, then, there are no anonymous works bearing the cross except those produced between 1522 and 1561. The only question is whether the engravings executed between those dates, which bear the cross without initials, belong to one or to several artists.

I will, first of all, call attention to the fact that this interval embraces only forty years, and that there is no reason to attribute to several contemporaneous and anonymous artists a very peculiar mark which a single artist might have used during an even longer time. But this is not all: this interval can be reduced by several years; for the examples alleged to be subsequent to 1557, mentioned by M. Robert-Dumesnil, bear no date; they appear, it is true, in books printed after that year, but they were engraved earlier, as I shall prove in due time. Blocks are not ephemeral objects; like type, they can be used indefinitely, and their use at a certain date does not prove that they had been made within a short time. We have just cited one—Gilles Corrozet's mark—which, simply by lack of use, it was possible to reproduce in books for more than a century.

What surprises me is not that M. Robert-Dumesnil has seen engravings with the cross printed in 1561, but that he has found none of a later date, which would have allowed him to fill up the gap that he has left between the anonymous artist of the cross alone and him who accompanied it with the letters I, L, B; he might have discovered the beautiful illustration of the Missal of 1539, which is described hereafter, in books of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Indeed, we find wood engravings of the sixteenth century, bearing the double cross, in a book published at Troyes in 1850!

On the other hand, I am surprised that M. Robert-Dumesnil found no engravings with the cross, accompanied by initials, of a date much earlier than 1599, for I myself have seen some that were contemporaneous with Tory. In fact, the Bibliothèque Nationale possesses a book of Hours according to the use of Paris, printed in that city in 1548, by Jean de Brye's widow, in which all the engravings are marked with the cross and the initials L, R. It is an octavo volume, printed in gothic type, and in red and black. An interesting fact to be noted here is that these engravings are improved copies of other unsigned engravings belonging to the printer Thielman Kerver,[289] and printed in a large number of books issued by him or his widow, Iolande Bonhomme, at least as early as 1522,[290] and still to be seen in the Paris Missal, published by his son Jacques in 1559. I have seen also engravings of the artist with the initials I, L, B (cited by M. Robert-Dumesnil under the date of 1599), in a book of 1547.

These facts do not tend to contradict my proposition; they prove that Tory founded a school, and that his pupils adopted his mark (which is nothing more than his initial, or, rather, his toret, transferred from the Pot Cassé, of which it was the essential feature, to his engravings), adding thereto their initials, to distinguish themselves from the master whose ensign they hoisted, and to preserve their own individuality. I shall recur to this subject later.

The principal reason which prevented M. Renouvier from attributing to Tory, as he was naturally inclined to do, the engravings marked with the double cross alone, was the impossibility, in his judgement, of attributing them all to the same artist. 'M. Robert-Dumesnil,' he says, 'has noted a large number of books of 1522 to 1599, on the title-pages and plates of which the cross of Lorraine is found. This list might be increased, and the items should be carefully compared by whoever would try to find on them the mark of a wood-engraving establishment, or of several engravers on wood who worked for the booksellers Pierre Gaudoul, Simon de Colines, Robert Estienne, Grouleau, Gilles Corrozet, Vincent Sertenas,[291] etc.'

I have already answered the objection based upon M. Robert-Dumesnil's book, which he himself has abandoned with great pleasure, taking a deep interest in my discovery.[292] As for what M. Renouvier adds, it does not run counter to my suggestion, for I have already mentioned that, after Tory's death, his widow carried on his engraving establishment for several years, retaining the same mark. This, doubtless, is the explanation of the differences to be noticed in the works signed with the Lorraine cross; for Perrette le Hullin, not being an engraver herself, must have employed different workmen.

This leads me to answer an objection that has been made to my theory. My attention has been called to the fact that the Lorraine cross appears on works anterior to Tory,—such, for example, as the mark of Gauthier Lud, the first printer of Saint-Dié in Lorraine. I have no purpose to claim the Lorraine cross for Tory alone. He was not its inventor, nor did it die with him; but there is a distinction to be made between an emblem employed in a general way, and one employed as the special mark of an artist. Not only do I not claim for Tory the Lorraine cross surmounting a circle, which appears on the mark of the Lorraine printer, Gauthier Lud,[293] in 1507, but I exclude the Lorraine cross surmounting a large gothic G, found on the title-page of a folio Missal according to the use of the church of Toul, printed at Paris by Wolfgang Hopyl, in 1508.[294] To my mind nothing could be more natural than that the Lorraine cross should be used in Lorraine; but that does not prove that an artist at Bourges may not have adopted it as the mark of his establishment.

I mention hereafter as one of Tory's first engravings on wood the title-page of a book printed at Meaux in 1522, and I then say that the preface of that book was dated 'Meldis, anno M. D. XXI.'[295] M. Brunet makes me say,[296] I cannot imagine why, 'Metis' instead of 'Meldis'; and M. Didot, misled by that statement, says that the book in question was published at Metz,[297] which fact seems to him to explain the presence of the Lorraine cross on the title. This shows how an error may be appealed to in support of a theory.

Not only have I not exaggerated the part played by my hero, as authors are somewhat in the habit of doing,—on the contrary, I have restricted it as much as possible. Since the publication of my first edition, an attempt has been made to prove Tory to be the maker, or, at least, the decorator, of the beautiful Henri II porcelains, so-called, the subject of a recent publication of MM. Delange, father and son. M. Didot himself adopted this opinion,[298] which is based upon a vague similarity, but is completely refuted by the date of Tory's death. So far as I am concerned, appearances are of no consequence, unless they are accompanied by some substantial evidence; and that is why I have excluded from the list of Tory's works some engravings that Messrs. Renouvier and Didot do not hesitate to attribute to him because of certain similarities, but which do not bear his mark. It is that mark which has served me as a guide in identifying Tory's work. The objection is made, to be sure, that this plan requires the attribution to Tory of engravings of very dissimilar styles. Every plan has its disadvantages; but, all things considered, I prefer one that has something to stand upon to one that has nothing. Moreover, it is easy to explain the different styles of the artist of the Lorraine cross by referring to what has often taken place in the careers of other artists. In truth, how many painters have we seen change their style of painting at a certain period of their lives! But there is an even simpler way of explaining these dissimilarities in different engravings, namely, by admitting with me that the Lorraine cross was the mark of Tory's workshop, but that in that workshop there were other artists of very diverse abilities. In the same way, we see to-day a multitude of engravings signed 'Andrew,' 'Best,' 'Leloir,' to which those artists certainly never put their hands.

But let us have done with argument and come to the facts: they will prove more conclusively than any number of dissertations the truth of our statement concerning Tory; they will prove, in fact, that all the works signed by the cross alone were engraved during that artist's lifetime, or in the establishment which he founded and which his widow retained until about 1556.

To make the demonstration clearer, I will divide what I still have to say into three sections. In the first I will include all the manuscripts the decoration of which can be attributed to Tory; in the second I will describe all the engravings marked with the Lorraine cross that are known to me, arranging them in chronological order; and in the third I will mention such marks of printer-booksellers bearing the aforesaid cross, as I have been able to discover. As it is impossible for me to follow the chronological order in this last category, I have adopted the alphabetical order, which will enable one to find at once such of these marks as are mentioned in the second section.

SECTION I. MANUSCRIPTS DECORATED WITH MINIATURES BY TORY.

1. COMMENTAIRES DE CÉSAR.

2. TRIOMPHES DE PÉTRARQUE.

For a description of these two manuscripts[299] I cannot do better than transcribe in this place the interesting work of Comte Léon de Laborde. I print this work just as it was published several years ago, having no authority to modify it. But I think that I may venture to say that if it had been prepared since the publication of my book on Tory, it would contain a judgement in his favour. That seems to me to be the result of my conversations with M. de Laborde. My friend M. Jules Renouvier, whose death is so deeply to be deplored, and in whose company I examined the volume of the 'Commentaires' in the Bibliothèque Nationale, was entirely of my opinion. He spoke of the manuscript in question in these terms in a critical review of the first edition of my book on Tory, printed in the 'Revue Universelle des Arts' for September, 1857 (vol. v, no. 6, p. 511):—

'The point that we knew least about was Tory's début in the career of an artist. It was most brilliant if we agree with M. Bernard that he was the author of the miniatures found in two well-known manuscripts, the "Commentaires de César" in three volumes and the "Triomphes de Pétrarque," in which we find the signatures "G," and "Godefroy," and the dates 1519 and 1520. M. de Laborde has recently described them with all the care that they deserve, without discovering who this Godefroy was. He was no other than Geofroy Tory, says M. Bernard, and this opinion is plausible; for, if the subsequent work of the engraver on wood does not fulfil the promise of the miniaturist, the drawing is governed by identical characteristics, and the similarity of style is striking, especially when we consider the engravings that are nearest in point of time, as those of "Champ fleury," dated 1526. Considered from this point of view, Geofroy Tory is the most precocious of the artists of the Renaissance: before the masters of Fontainebleau, he introduced the stately, graceful and individualized figures, which aroused enthusiasm in the time of François I, to which Italy lent much of her style, and Germany a little of her force, but which were more thoroughly French than is generally admitted. It is well known, moreover, that these miniatures were originally, even in the "camaieu" process, heightened in effect by chatoyant tones, with subtleties of drawing which denote a hand more apt to handle the pencil than the brush, and altogether adapted to the tools of the engraver. The draughtsman loses a part of his distinction in passing from a privileged to a commonplace form of art; but so the progress of art willed.'

The work of M. Léon de Laborde follows:—

GODEFROY, PAINTER TO FRANÇOIS I.

Godefroy has left us, in four small volumes,—the first three entitled 'Commentaires de César,' the fourth 'Triomphes de Pétrarque'—the proof of a fruitful imagination, of a talent in portrait-painting no less flexible than varied, and of a superiority original with himself, and thoroughly French,—a very unusual combination of the qualities peculiar to our school prior to the formation of the school of Fontainebleau, and of the qualities—or, to speak more accurately, the defects—which that colony of foreign artists was soon to introduce in our midst.

These four volumes, after divers vicissitudes, repose at last, at the end of their journeyings and safe from the risk of destruction, the first in the British Museum at London, the second in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris, the third in the collection of H. R. H. the Duc d'Aumale, and the fourth in the Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal. I will describe first the 'Commentaires de César,' a beautiful manuscript, the three volumes of which I have had before me one by one. There are in this work three things worthy of remark, to which I shall direct the reader's attention for a brief space. First, the composition of the work; second, the painting of the decorations; and lastly, the portraits.

The author, a native of Flanders or Artois, transplanted to the Court of France, displays no overplus of wit or imagination. He supposes that King François I, in one of his excursions, or while hunting, meets Julius Cæsar, and that they converse. The subject of their dialogue is the Gallic war; it is a sort of commentary on Cæsar's Commentaries, with transparent allusions to the events of the reign of François I. It is in these allusions that we detect the author's predilection for the Belgæ,[300] with whose country he is familiar, and particularly for the city of Tournay,[301] which may well have been his native place. I do not propose to draw any inference from his hatred of the English[302]; although more violent in our northern provinces than elsewhere, that sentiment was then universal in France. It would seem, at least so far as the implements of war are concerned, that the painter who was employed to embellish the manuscript worked under the author's direction. We find in several places remarks like this: 'The tower is sufficiently described by the engines that I have caused to be drawn herein.'

For the rest, we feel that we have to do with a conscientious author; and simply by the extracts which follow, we may recognize the man who is uncertain and hesitates, the student who leaves every one in possession of his rights and who confides his doubts to the reader. On the eighth leaf of volume two he has instructed Godefroy, the painter, to reproduce an antique medallion; he writes in the margin: 'I fear that it is not that Cassius who was a conspirator in the death of Cæsar, for his name was Caius Cassius, and I find on the medallion Quintus Cassius.' As to one of the pictures of machines of war he makes this comment: 'Certain pictures of implements of war, as they are portrayed by Frère Jocunde in book x of Vitruvius.' Beside another, he says: 'I am not the inventor of the machines which follow, for I found them in a book that I secured long ago at Chastellerault, at the Lyon d'or.'

To this curious piece of information let us add another,[303] which tells us that the author of the book was in relations with an artist of Blois, a clock-maker and inventive genius: 'The two pictures that follow [two warlike machines] were taken from a book that Julian, clock-maker at Bloys, gave me.—Julian is a man of great wit and knows many things.'

A passage on folio xxii verso of the second volume seems to prove that the manuscript was written during the years 1519 and 1520: 'By the map

After the author, it is proper to speak of the calligrapher who wrote the manuscript; but there is nothing to be said save that it is in a fair hand. The painter Godefroy deserves more consideration and careful attention. Let us not forgot that we are dealing with a perfectly well-fixed time, limited to the years 1519 and 1520; let us, at the same time, recall the great national movement in art in France from 1450 to 1500, the Italian campaigns, the arrival of artists and objects of art from Italy during the reigns of Charles VIII and Louis XII, and lastly, and above all, the sojourn in France of the two great Italian masters, Leonardo da Vinci and Andrea del Sarto, from 1515 to 1518. Born and trained amid such influences, a French painter undertakes to decorate a manuscript for King François I. What does he do to satisfy the prevailing taste, the fashion, without denying his past? He divides his talent into two parts,[304] and devotes one, the French part, to the portraits, the other, the Italian imitation, to the decorations; in both he gives proof of abundant talent. In the one case, an exact, shrewd observer, he paints faces by faithfully reproducing their individual traits; in the other, fertile, never the same, abounding in resources in the ensemble and the details of his compositions, he is the pupil of Leonardo da Vinci, with suggestions of Mantegna and the artists of the first Italian Renaissance in the proportion of the figures, in the ungracefulness of the attitudes, and in the types of the heads.

From this period, from these influences, and not from Primaticcio, who was himself subjected to them, dates the Fontainebleau school. It was adapted to the figure and the type of beauty of Diana de Poitiers; she encouraged it; but, I say again, it was formed, it was current, before the reign of the mistress of Henri II and before the painter who is its most characteristic expression. If we seek to discover what method of execution was adopted by Godefroy, we see that his portraits are charming miniatures, comparable with the finest examples that we have of French miniature-painting; as for the drawings,[305] there are some that are almost grisailles, almost coloured—a mongrel and conventional scheme, of very doubtful taste. The painter drew his whole subject with the pen, with a sureness of touch which, it must be said, has no parallel in such microscopical dimensions, especially with respect to the faces and the landscapes; then he laid in the general outline, with the brush and with sepia, in flat tones, rather lacking in life. Thus far he did not depart from the canons of art; but he added coloured costumes, suits of armour, gilded trappings, and a multitude of details which flutter about in his grisaille and depart from nature in a most extraordinary way. I have said that his figures are reminiscences of Italian works. We find among them Donatellesque forms, profiles perdus, and bold gestures that recall Mantegna, Perugino-like graceful attitudes and ways of carrying the head, and, in spite of everything, a French background, and points of resemblance to Holbein, which might be taken to signify that Godefroy had never seen Italy. Our national Renaissance had made such progress in nearly a century that our artists needed only a few drawings, a few engravings, with the impulsion given by Leonardo da Vinci and Andrea del Sarto, to enter that Italian current. It may be that our compatriot, like Holbein, was subjected to this influence from afar, at second hand, without having crossed the mountains.

First volume.[306]—The book opens with a map of Gaul, and we read on the verso of the first leaf the following passage, written within a cartouche: 'Françoys, by the grace of God, King of France, a second Cæsar, vanquisher and subduer of the Souycez [Swiss], on the last day of April, one month after the birth of his second son, in his park of Sainct-Germain-en-Laye, fell in with Julius Cæsar and questioned him shrewdly concerning the contents of the first book of the Commentaries.' In another cartouche is a passage of which we need transcribe no more than the first words: 'Cæsar, first subjugator of the Helvecez [Helvetii, Swiss], graciously made reply to him,' etc.

On the third leaf Godefroy has painted the portrait of François I, head and shoulders alone, in a medallion. He wears his usual costume and the cap, without a feather, adorned with a banner. His features and his whole countenance are idealized—they are a little stiff and sharp; the artist has sought to produce an ideal antique head. The first miniature, on the verso of the fifth leaf, bears the date 1519, with no monogram; the others—folios 9, 13, 17, 21, 23, 31, 33, 36, 43, 53, 60, and so on to the end—are signed with a G, and dated the same year. On the miniature painted on the recto of folio 53, the initial of the artist's name is traced on the trunk of a tree from which hangs a small cartouche with the words, 'Besanson, 1519.' To be sure, the corresponding passage in the text requires that the miniature in question should represent that venerable city, but a certain precision in the details, and a sort of predilection manifested in the care bestowed upon the execution, lead me to believe that the view was painted after nature, and that Godefroy was attached to that city by some bond.

I have already spoken of the special characteristics of these miniatures, and I will mention here only the one on folio 23, which represents the building of a bridge over the Saône. In the foreground we see figures reminiscent of the painter Mantegna in their activity, their vigour, and a certain almost antique grace. The artist has retained the long pointed shoes to mark the Frenchman; this is an ill-timed display of archæological learning.

The volume, a large octavo, shaped like a notebook, contains 76 leaves, including the map. It is in its original binding of red morocco, with ornaments of wreaths of fleurs-de-lis, stamped with small tools. One can see the marks of the ribbons which were used to close it and to keep the vellum from puckering. On the recto of the first leaf, below the map of Gaul, are the words: 'Bibliothecæ Christophori Justelli.' This note, while it establishes the antiquity of the manuscript, also explains its emigration to England. Christophe Justel, Councillor and Secretary to the King, died at Paris in 1649, at the age of seventy, leaving to his son, together with the taste for study, a valuable collection of books and manuscripts. Among the latter was this first volume of the 'Commentaires de César.' Henri Justel succeeded his father in the office of Secretary to the King; also in his literary studies and in the liberality with which his library and house were thrown open to scholars. The letters of all the learned men of the time bear witness to his hospitality offered to learning.

He published at Paris, in 1661, the 'Bibliotheca juris canonici veteris ex antiquis codd. mss. bibliothecæ Christophori Justelli,' in two folio volumes, and he seemed destined to pursue in peace his erudite career. But the tempest called the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes was preceded, for far-seeing Protestants, by premonitory signs which were enough for Henri Justel. He packed up his books and crossed to England, where he was appointed Librarian to the King—an office which he held until his death in 1698. The manuscript of the 'Commentaires' was probably purchased at the sale of his library by Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford. The Lord Treasurer of England (1661-1724) found consolation for the ingratitude of men in forming that magnificent collection, which retains the name of the Harleian Collection in the British Museum.

Our manuscript, however, reached that haven only with the second part of Robert Harley's books and manuscripts, in 1754.

Second Volume.[307]—The first miniature represents François I on horseback, in hunting costume, wearing the chapeau with plumes. The King is urging his horse to the right. Above his head a crowned F in gold stands out against the blue background of a shield. This was a device for disclosing his identity to those who were not struck by the likeness. In the middle distance is a huntsman, galloping in the same direction as the King and blowing his horn. Over his head floats a banderole, bearing the name 'PEROT.'[308] On a stone between the legs of the King's horse is the initial letter of the artist's name; and beneath, in a frame (separated, however, by a running dog), the date 1519. The border is of the utmost grace of design, and leaves room for a few words of the text, which begins thus:—

'Françoys, by the grace of God King of France, desiring to exercise his lusty youth by violent labour, early in the month of August in the year one thousand five hundred nineteen, went forth to course the stag in the forest of Byevre, and gave order that on that day those dogs should course which he had chosen to lead the pack, because they are surer than the others. Gaillart was of the number, as was Gallehault, and pretty Rameau. Arbault, Gerfault, and Billehault went in their company.

'The King was following the stag very close and was riding at full speed when he fell in with the chaste Diana. The King was overcome with joy, and having forgotten his quarry, he was all amazed that the vision vanished and he remained all alone in deepest thought. But soon after he saw beside him an ancient man of venerable aspect. He knew upon hearing him speak that it was his friend Julius Cæsar, whom he had met in like manner, only three months before, in his park at Sainte-Germain-en-Laye.'

Thereupon they enter into conversation upon Cæsar's campaigns.

Godefroy's plates, almost all of which are signed with a G and dated 1519, are on these leaves: 2 verso, 3 verso, 4 verso, 5 verso, 7 verso, 9 verso, 20 recto, 22 verso, 28 recto, 33 verso, 34 verso, 36 verso, 37 verso, 43 recto, 46 verso, 48 verso, 59 verso, 62 verso, 78 verso, 90 recto.

The medallions, which are copied from the antique, are admirably executed in gold on a blue ground, the models being delicately outlined in sepia. They are on leaves 6 verso, 8 recto, 9 verso, 10 verso, 11 recto and verso, 12 recto and verso, 13 recto and verso.

Warlike machines, copied from other drawings, and consequently lacking the life imparted by the representation of real objects, fill leaves 39 recto and verso, 40 recto and verso, 41 recto, 91 recto and verso, 92 recto and verso, 93 recto and verso, 94 recto.

Lastly, the portraits may be found on the leaves which I am now about to enumerate. I will add nothing to what I have said of their perfection, generally speaking, reserving my comments for the points of interest suggested by the manuscript itself. These portraits, as one might have anticipated, and as is proved by leaf 52 most directly, are copies of originals which antedate the manuscript. They are painted in miniature, surrounded by three circles of black and gold; the whole medallion is fifty-two millimeters in diameter, the miniature forty.

Leaf 25 verso: Quintus Pedius. Such is the title given by the scribe; but a different hand has written in the margin, in cursive characters: 'Le grand maistre de Boissy, aged 41 years.' I am inclined to see in these marginal annotations the hand of the author rather than that of the artist. This portrait is three-quarters full, turned to the left, with a cap on its head, the hair in a net, a collar of some order around the neck, face tranquil, expression shrewd.

Leaf 35 recto: Le Fiable Divitiacus Dautun. ('Admiral de Boissy, seigneur de Bonivet, aged 34 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the right.

Leaf 36: Quintus Titurius Sabinus. ('Odet de Foues, Sieur de Lautrec, aged 41 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the left.

Leaf 42: Iccius. ('Le mareschal de Chabanes, seigneur de la Palice, aged 57 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the left, expression slightly haughty.

Leaf 52: Lucius Aruculeius Cotta. ('Anne de Montmorency, aged 22 years, afterwards connestable de France.')

Leaf 73: Publius Sextius Baculus. ('Le mareschal de Fleuranges, son of Robert de la Marche, first seigneur de Sedan, aged 24 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the left.

Leaf 76 verso: Publius Crassus. ('Le sieur de Tournon who was killed at the battle of Pavia, aged 36 years.') Three-quarters full, turned to the left.

On the verso of leaf 89 we find these words: 'Thus Cæsar made an end of speaking and forthwith disappeared. The radiant Diana, who knew the paths of the forest of Bièvre, and of all time was privy to and understood the laws of the chase, remounted, and by so straight a course led the King, who had lost the dogs, that within a few hours, near the forest of Fontainebleau, he saw them hunting better than before. And he was the first of all at the death of the stag, but he had with him only pretty Arbault and the beautiful Greffière, for Diana and Aurora had left him and had gone their ways.'

The two dogs are represented in the miniature; they are attacking the stag, while the King makes ready to stab him.

This volume, containing 98 leaves, is bound in black morocco, which has grown rusty; it bears these words stamped in the leather: 'Tomus Secundus.' It is catalogued in the Supplément Français, as no. 1328. Its history, as told among the habitués of the Bibliothèque Nationale, is as follows: M. Van-Praët appeared at the Conservatoire one day with an exultant air; he had this fascinating manuscript in his hand, and announced that he had purchased it for the Bibliothèque for 1200 francs. He expected to gladden the hearts of his comrades, to call forth expressions of gratitude; far from it; on the contrary, they found fault both with that method of purchasing, without authority, and with the price that he had paid. M. Van-Praët made haste to banish the scruples of his inflexible directors, and to put an end to the unpleasant discussion that was beginning, by declaring that the purchase had been made for himself and not for the Bibliothèque; then, when the meeting was adjourned, he hastened to his friends the brothers Debure, and, with a bursting heart, told them of his misadventure. They appreciated Van-Praët's regrets too thoroughly to try to calm them; but they knew also that he was not rich enough to keep the manuscript, and they bought for their own little collection, at the price that he had paid, that charming product of French art, still bleeding from the reception that it had met with at the hands of the great so-called 'national' collection. Years and years had passed since this strange performance, when, in 1852, a small package was brought to M. Naudet, with the information that M. Debure, by his last will, had ordered that this manuscript, embellished with paintings by Godefroy, which had been purchased for the Bibliothèque and spurned by it, should be restored to it as its property.

One does not know which to admire more in this testamentary disposition of the famous bookseller—the keenness of his irony or the nobility of his act. Without exerting itself overmuch to decide that point the Conservatoire of the Bibliothèque Impériale welcomed the prodigal child and deposited it in the Supplément Français. But, with a lingering remnant of spite, its light was hidden under the bushel of 'la réserve'; which is one way of preventing people from having access to it with the facility which assists investigations, under the protection of that liberality which is one of our claims to honour among foreign nations, and which the government of the Bibliothèque should have preserved, even at the price of the inconvenience that it might have caused.

Third Volume.[309]—Original binding, with the title: 'Cæsaris liber tertius.' The text begins thus:—

'On the twenty-seventh day of February, one thousand five hundred XX, the King being in his park of Congnac, seeing that the splendour of his entry was like to be marred by the inclemency of the weather, took shelter in the house of the labyrinth, having with him monsieur l'Admiral and the young and discreet Sieur de la Rochepot. At the entrance to the lower room he feels and hears so violent a wind that it seems to him "quam spiritu vehementi" the lofty trees fall to the earth as on Friday the ninth day of March one thousand VᶜᶜXX in divers places about Paris.'

The result of all this uproar is the appearance of Julius Cæsar. François I questions him as to what he did after pacifying Gaul. Whereupon Cæsar replies:—

'I tell you that, after divers victories won by me, so high an opinion of me and so great renown were spread among the barbarian peoples, that ambassadors were sent to me by the nations beyond the Rhine, who in the name of their cities promised to give hostages to me and to obey my commands. But, for that I was in haste to go thence, I bade them return to me in the summer season. Thereafter I led my legions to winter quarters in the land of Touraine and in the duchy of Madame your mother. And that done, I went hence to Italy.'

This volume is supplied with two maps: one, of Aquitaine, is at the beginning, the other, of Bretagne, at the end of the volume, which contains also no less than twelve large miniatures. The King, in hunting costume, figures again and again in them. The execution is as careful, and the paintings of the same type, as in the two earlier volumes. All the miniatures and the maps are signed with a G, and some of them are dated 1520. On folio 52, the painter's name is written in full: 'Godefroy.'

The former owner of this fine manuscript writes to me: 'I cannot furnish you with any interesting information concerning the manuscript of the "Commentaires de César." It was given to me, only the slightest importance being attached to the gift, by a resident of Tours, who owned no books, and who had kept it for forty years in his closet. To tell you how it came into my hands would be the more difficult because that person has long been dead. The volume was delivered to me in very bad condition. I employed Duru to repair the back and to rebind it, leaving intact the covers, which were of the original sixteenth-century binding. A small engraving, which resembled niello-work, but was recognized as the work of Étienne de Laulne, an engraver of Orléans, was at the beginning of the book.'

Obliged, in 1850, by circumstances which it is needless to detail, although they were to his honour, to part with this precious volume, its owner sent it to Paris, to M. Techener, for sale on commission. He wanted 2000 francs for it, and first of all the bookseller offered it to the Bibliothèque Nationale. The Conservatoire of that great collection could not find that amount in its annual credit of 80,000 francs, and it renewed the old joke which had temporarily banished the second volume. Unfortunately one does not meet every day, to repair its errors, generous booksellers like M. Debure, or those who have it in their power to be as generous as he; and M. Techener, who was richer than our rich collection of books for the purpose of purchasing this manuscript, was not rich enough to present it to that collection. He advertised it in the 'Bulletin du Bibliophile' for 1850 (no. 1222), for 3000 francs. During a whole year, artists and curious folk (I was among the latter) were at liberty to examine it at leisure and to lament the advent of English dealers who threatened every moment to take it from us. At last, Monseigneur le Duc d'Aumale added it to his treasures of printed books and manuscripts, and, although in England, one may say now that it belongs to France. Indeed, it may be that M. Debure's example will be followed some day, and that this third volume will come to join the second on the shelves of our magnificent department of manuscripts, awaiting the time when the fortunate result of negotiations with the British Museum shall permit the consummation of the work by means of exchanges.[310]

Godefroy's facile talent could not fail to be fruitful of results, and some of his works may be found in several collections. The Bibliothèque de l'Arsenal owns one of them, the 'Triomphes de Pétrarque,' which seems, in view of the exuberance of the subjects, the exaggeration of the artist's defects, and the laxness of execution, to be of later date than the 'Commentaires de César'; and, whether because the artist had visited Italy, or because, the better to interpret the poet's ideas, he sought inspiration in Italian works, it is certain that he is less French in the illustrations of this manuscript than in the others. He is more perfect, too, in the art of composition, his distances are more accurately measured, his groups are more in harmony with one another; in a word, he displays an inspiration, or resources, altogether new: such, for example, as the device of cutting off the figures in the foreground at the waist, by means of rising ground, whereby he is able to give them strongly proportioned frames without filling up his whole picture.

I will describe this manuscript briefly. It is a small octavo volume of ten leaves (not including the covers), written on fine parchment. It is about 10 centimetres in height by 8 in width. It was rebound in the eighteenth century, in lemon-colored morocco.

'Here followeth the first of the six triumphs of the most illustrious and venerable poet Messire Francisque Petrarque: the which is the triumph of Love and containeth four chapters.'

Chapter I. A miniature painted on pages 2 and 3, which face each other. It represents the triumph of Love, with a deal of disorder and somewhat licentious details. The G can be seen in the foreground, in the centre of the picture, on the ground.

Chapter II. The miniature has been removed.

Chapter III. The miniature occupies the verso of the title of the chapter. In the foreground are amorous couples discoursing together, some seated, some walking about. The men wear caps with long feathers, as in the bas-reliefs of the hôtel de Bourgtheroude. The architectural arrangement in the background is charming. Beside a triumphal arch rises the tower of love. Flames are darting from all its windows, and meanwhile a long procession of women rushes through the door, followed by a Cupid with bandaged eyes. The artist has painted his initial on the tower.

Chapter IV. In this miniature, Petrarch's face, twice repeated, seems to be a reproduction of an original portrait. The G can just be distinguished on a rock in the foreground; it has been effaced.

'Here followeth the second triumph of Messire Francisque Petrarque, the which is the triumph of Chastity.'

The miniature occupies two facing pages, but it forms two distinct pictures. The buildings in the background are arranged in a quasi-Italian style, but are not a reproduction of any known structure. Godefroy has placed his G on a tree, at the left, accompanied by three lizards—a detail which should not be passed over, for it is repeated several times, as if the name of those creatures bore some relation to that of the artist.

'Triumph of Death, the which is the third triumph of Petrarque.'

[Chapter I.] This miniature is one of the most interesting and best preserved. Death, grasping his scythe, stands over the body of a young woman lying dead on the triumphal chariot. It is, in fact, the Italian triumph, as we have it represented in so many works. In this case the miniature is in duplicate, as well as the painting. The G is at the bottom.

Chapter II. Miniature on a single page: the death of Laura. The young woman is lying on the bed of death. She is surrounded by her friends, with palms in their hands. Above, in the sky, is seen the form of the Virgin. It is a very pleasing composition, nearly filling the frame, and the effect is charming.

Chapter III. Petrarch and Laura are seated in the shade of tall trees, on the bank of a pond in which two swans are floating. The same two persons are seen farther back, twice repeated, and diminishing in size according to the distance. An architectural structure, decidedly Italian in type, closes the view at the back. The G is painted on a stone at the feet of Petrarch and Laura. Evidently Godefroy had studied several portraits of the two, and he copies them with some success in their various attitudes. The trees are done so skilfully that one might well believe that he could recognize the touch of a landscape artist, and a generally happy effect gives to this miniature all the value of a painting.

'Here followeth the fifth triumph of Messire Francisque Petrarque, the which is the triumph of Time.'

The miniature occupies two pages and includes two subjects. In one, Time, represented by the signs of the zodiac, and by the allegorical figures of antiquity, marks his progress in the sky; mortals undergo his influence on the earth. The artist has signed his work at the right, at the foot of the picture, this time with his full name: 'Godefroy.' In the other miniature the triumph of Time is represented. He is passing in his chariot, drawn by four horses at a gallop, between the four Seasons. On the left, at the foot, we see a G and two lizards.

'Here followeth the sixth and last triumph of Messire Francisque Petrarque, the which is the triumph of the Deity.'

This title is followed by a double miniature. In one, we see God the Father and Jesus Christ, with the Holy Spirit soaring above their heads, seated on the globe and presiding at the last day. Flames fall from the skies upon mankind, who are divided into the good and the bad; angels tranquilly lead the former, while devils brutally pursue the others. At the foot, on the right, is the G. On the other page, God the Father and God the Son (the Holy Spirit hovering over them as before) are seated in a triumphal chariot drawn by the ox, the lion, the eagle, and the angel, which are the symbols of the evangelists. They come forward, surrounded by all the dignitaries of the Church. Pagan Love, with bandaged eyes, lies dead on the ground near the chariot wheels; a long procession of saints, male and female, concealed below the waist by an elevation, are following the course of the chariot in the foreground. This arrangement made it possible for the artist to make his figures larger and to delineate their features with care. The G is at the foot of the miniature, on the ground.

All these miniatures, painted in grisaille, with blue skies and water, and with some few details in colour, are 86 millimetres high and 68 wide.

Comte Léon de Laborde.

3

In the catalogue of the library of M. Firmin Didot père, sold in 1811, is the following description of a magnificent manuscript:[311]—

'The first three books of Diodorus Siculus, translated from Latin into French by Antoine Macault. Small folio, in blue morocco, with dentelles, lavé, réglé, bound with the arms of François I, whose cipher it bears on the back and on the cover.

'A superb manuscript on vellum, presented to François I, containing 173 leaves, 30 lines to the page. It is illustrated with miniatures and with a large number of initial letters painted with the utmost care. The first miniature represents François I surrounded by the nobles and scholars of his court; it is 10 inches high and 6½ wide. This painting, of the most finished workmanship, has the additional merit of presenting the features of several great men of that time. All the pages on which chapters begin are set in fillets of gold and ultramarine. The initials are 19 lines high and 12 wide. More than fifty of these initials represent the principal subjects of their respective chapters. The third book is especially noteworthy, for, beginning with page 130, there is a series of small miniatures, admirable in execution and of the greatest exactness in respect of forms.

'This manuscript has the advantage of being in a most excellent state of preservation.'

It was sold to M. Brunet, author of the 'Manuel du Libraire,' for 1476 francs (not including the usual expenses); he bought for William Beckford, Esq., of Fonthill Abbey in the County of Wilts, of which Salisbury is the shire town. The author of the 'Repertorium Bibliographicum,' printed at London in 1819, informs us that Macault's manuscript was at that time in the library of that distinguished collector, which is described on pages 203 to 230 of the 'Repertorium.'[312]

The description of the manuscript is as follows:—

DIODORE.—LES TROIS PREMIERS LIVRES DE DIODORE SICILIEN, HISTORIOGRAPHE GREC DES ANTIQUITEZ DEGIPTE, ETHIOPIE ET AUTRES PAYS DASIE ET DAFFRIQUE. TRANSLATEZ DE LATIN EN FRANCOYS PAR MAISTRE ANTHOINE MACAULT, NOTAIRE, SECRETAIRE ET VALET DE CHAMBRE ORDINAIRE DU ROY.

'Folio, ms. on vellum, in the original binding; the sides strewn with fleurs-de-lis and the initial letter F. On one side, in a square compartment, in gold letters: DIODORE SICILIEN. On the opposite side: AV ROY FRANCOYS PREMIER.

'This fine manuscript, formerly in the possession of Francis the First, appears to have been executed by his express command. Prefixed to the history is a painting of the King seated under a canopy powdered with fleurs-de-lis, surrounded by his courtiers: his three sons, the Dauphin Francis, Henry, afterwards Henry II, and Charles, Duke of Orleans, dressed in rich habits, appear in the foreground. The King seems to direct his attention to a person reading, dressed as an ecclesiastic, probably the translator of the History. A beautiful greyhound on the floor, and a marmoset, sitting on the table, near the King's left hand, are prominent figures in the groupe [sic]. In addition to this exquisite illumination, the volume is enriched with numerous large initial letters, painted with peculiar delicacy, representing occurrences described in the book, manners of various nations, and portraits of their early emperors and kings.'[313]

This description is accompanied by an engraving on copper of the figure of François I, after the Macault MS. The King is depicted full face, seated before a table on which, near his left hand, is a monkey. The background is a tapestry covered with fleurs-de-lis. This engraving is dated July 1, 1817, and is the work of M. Behnes. It differs from the engraving on wood found in Macault's printed volume, not only in that it does not include the various persons of the original drawing, but also in the details of the King's costume. I have every reason to believe that the wood engraving is a faithful reproduction of the original, just as the book itself is a reproduction of the manuscript, except for the other drawings, which were omitted, from economical motives, no doubt.

Macault's volume is a quarto, consisting of 8 leaves of preface, 154 of text (signatures A to Q), and 8 of index. The author's preface begins with an S from which depends a shield (probably Macault's), bearing two fasces accompanied by nine bezants arranged in threes, and having for a motto the Greek word ΜΗΚΕΤΙ (not at all). The letter is repeated on folio 148. The first page has a border in the shape of a portico, like those in the opuscula published by Tory in 1531 and described on pp. 202-203. At the foot is the date 1535. On the verso we find the final border of 'Champ fleury,' within which are drawn, in the vellum copy preserved at the Bibliothèque Nationale, the royal arms of England, with the motto DIEV EST [sic] MON DROICT, below.[314]

4

PAULI JOVII NOVOCOMENSIS VITÆ DUODECIM VICECOMITUM MEDIOLANI PRINCIPUM.

Folio manuscript of 137 leaves. Bibliothèque Nationale.

This manuscript is enriched with ten portraits of dukes of Milan, painted from originals, of each of which Paulus Jovius gives the abiding-place.

1. Otho archiepiscopus.
2. Matthæus magnus.
3. Galeacius [Galeazzo] primus.
4. Actius.
5. Luchinus.
6. Joannes archiepiscopus.
7. Galeacius secundus.
8. Barnabas.
9. Jo. Galeacius [Gian Galeazzo] primus.
10. Philippus.

The dedicatory epistle of this book, which was at first intended to be addressed to François's third son, Charles de Valois, as the author informs us, was addressed to the Dauphin, Henri, afterwards Henri II, who succeeded to the rights of his elder brother, deceased in 1536, and of his younger brother, who died in 1545. It is dated at Rome, the 4th of the Kalends of April (March 29), 1547.

It is not certain that Tory did any work on this manuscript, but I mention it because of the engravings of the portraits, which appeared in the edition published in 1549.[315]

5

RECUEIL DES ROIS DE FRANCE, LEURS COURONNE ET MAISON, etc., by Jean du Tillet, register in chief of the Parliament of Paris.

Large folio manuscript on vellum; Bibliothèque Nationale. It is the original manuscript given to Charles IX, to whom it is dedicated. It is bound in red morocco, with that prince's arms.[316]

This manuscript is embellished with a large number of miniatures and with thirty full-length portraits of kings of France, very carefully executed, which remind one of the portraits accompanying the manuscript of the 'Commentaires de César.' We also find there the escutcheons of the principal officers of the crown.

Here is the list of the kings represented: each portrait occupies a full page.

1. Clovis.
2. Clotaire I.
3. Sigebert.
4. Chilpéric and Frédégonde.
5. Clotaire III.
6. Charlemagne.
7. Louis le Débonnaire.
8. Charles le Chauve.
9. Charles le Simple.
10. Raoul.
11. Louis d'Outre Mer.
12. Lothaire.
13. Philippe I.
14. Louis le Gros.
15. Louis le Jeune.
16. Philippe-Auguste.
17. Louis, père de Saint-Louis.
18. Saint-Louis.
19. Philippe le Bel.
20. Louis le Hutin.
21. Philippe le Long.
22. Charles le Bel.
23. Philippe de Valois.
24. Jean.
25. Charles V.
26. Charles VI.
27. Louis XI.
28. Charles VIII.
29. Louis XII.
30. François I.

As we see, the book was originally intended to stop with François I; but as circumstances prevented the author from printing it thus, du Tillet included the reigns of Henri II, François II, and Charles IX, who succeeded one another at brief intervals. The work was still unpublished when the author died, in 1570; it would seem, however, that he had long been preparing to print, since we find in the edition of 1580 engravings signed with the Lorraine cross.[317]

6

In 'Les Récréations historiques,' by Dreux Duradier, on page 102 of volume one, we read:

'In the manuscript of the late M. Lancelot, written, it is said, by the hand of G. Tory, with the date of 1546, is found this ballad in honour of the Virgin:—

'"Balade de Lyon Jamet sur la Vierge:

Qui me crea je l'ai conçu," etc.'

I have vainly sought this manuscript among all those of Lancelot owned by the Bibliothèque, of which there is a special catalogue; but I have been unable to find it.

7

In order to omit nothing, I will also mention here another valuable manuscript of the Bibliothèque Nationale, on one of the miniatures of which is a G, followed by a small T or F, which may fairly be attributed to Geofroy Tory. It is a translation of Livy, in two large folio volumes, on vellum, acquired from the Bibliothèque de la Sorbonne, and enriched with magnificent engravings, attributed to Jean Fouquet, which, however, cannot be his, for the book has, on the first page, the arms of François de Rochechouart and Blanche d'Aumont, who were married about 1480 and died, both, in 1530. Evidently it was not in the early years of their marriage that the book was written; and, as it must have occupied several years, and, in fact, was never finished, there is nothing extraordinary in the idea that Tory may have executed some of the miniatures about 1520. Furthermore, in order to place the reader in a position to judge for himself, I will add that the cipher mentioned above is painted on the leg of the figures in the miniature on page 123 of volume one.[318]

SECTION II. PRINTED BOOKS ILLUSTRATED WITH ENGRAVINGS BY TORY OR HIS PUPILS.

1515

There appeared for the first time, in the books of Hours published by Simon Vostre about 1515, three engravings which are clearly distinguishable in method of execution from those previously used by the same bookseller, to which the three new ones were thereafter added.

Thenceforth Vostre's Hours contained three varieties of engraving: (1) The old gothic woodcuts (among which must be reckoned the Dance of Death with dotted background), which figure in the editions issued by that bookseller even in the fifteenth century; (2) Two large drawings in the Renaissance style, which appear in his editions of 1507 and which may be attributed to Jean Perreal, Tory's teacher; (3) The three in question, which do not appear earlier than 1514 or 1515. These engravings are: (I) The Adoration of the Shepherds, signed with the letter G in a gothic shield; (II) The Adoration of the Magi; (III) The Circumcision; the last two signed with this monogram:

. The G is still inclined to the gothic, but the second letter is altogether roman. In my judgement, this monogram should be translated by the words, 'Godofredus faciebat,' or 'fecit.' It is true that the ascription of these engravings to Tory has been contested; but Jules Renouvier, whose taste was so unerring, and who cannot be accused of infatuation for Tory, did not hesitate to adopt my hypothesis. 'In the last of Vostre's Hours,' he says, in the pamphlet that he published concerning that bookseller, 'we see, besides the plates executed in the old French manner, which have not disappeared as yet, other plates in the Italian and German manners, subjects treated in an altogether novel style: the Adoration of the Shepherds, the Adoration of the Kings, and the Circumcision, are composed of small figures in a large ground; the design has recovered all its delicacy, in its clearly drawn forms, and the cutting is done with no less diversity than care. Here, luckily,' continues Renouvier, 'a monogram enables us to attribute the engravings to their author. It is a G alone, or enclosing an F, subscribed on a shield or in a cartouche hanging from a branch. They have been claimed for Geofroy Tory, and with good reason, for the manner in which these plates are executed accords with what we know of that excellent artist.'

It is, perhaps, to these engravings, so successfully executed, that we should ascribe the partiality that Tory afterwards displayed for books of Hours, of which, as we have seen, he put forth several editions, in diverse formats, and with a large number of engravings on wood done by himself.

1516-1518

Here is to be placed Tory's second journey to Rome,[319] from which he returned more Italian than ever, in respect to art.

1519-1520

Under this date, which was when Tory was working at the manuscripts I have described above, I shall place, albeit somewhat conjecturally, two small engravings on wood, signed with the letters G T, which appear in a publication of M. Varlot entitled: 'Illustration de l'ancienne imprimerie troyenne' (4to, 1850). They are numbers 84 and 131, the first in the criblé style, the second in the style of the Renaissance. My ascription of them to Tory is based upon the facts that they are of his time, as we may infer from the one in the criblé style, and that the initials G T are entirely consistent with that period of the life of our artist, who sometimes signed his name in full, Geofroy Tory, as witness his Hours of 1524.

The first of these engravings, number 84, represents a Descent from the Cross. The letters G T are at the foot of the plate, and are some distance apart.[320] In the same collection there is another engraving of the same series, but not signed—number 78. It represents a bishop blessing a sick man who lies entirely nude before him. These two are 48 millimetres wide by 62 high.

Number 131 represents a scene from Terence. The letters G T are side by side at the foot of the plate, which is 33 millimetres high by 55 wide. In the same collection, numbers 132 and 133, are two other woodcuts of the same series, but not signed. Lastly, in an edition of Æsop, published recently at Troyes, by the printer Baudot, we find a woodcut which probably had the same origin, and found its way into this volume by chance. These four engravings are evidently from an edition of Terence in a small format; I have been unable to find it.

1520-1521

I shall place under this date a title-page, in octavo, forming a border, engraved for Simon de Colines, and bearing his mark and his initials. This printer, who succeeded in 1520 Henri Estienne, the first of the name, whose widow he married, wished to mark his printings in some special way, and to that end applied to Tory, who was a friend of the family. Tory engraved the title-page in question, in the criblé style, then much in vogue; and on it are seen rabbits, or conils, which is believed to be an allusion to the name of Colines.[321] Tory's mark appears in white, at the foot of the engraving, to the right. I have seen this engraving in an Epitome of the 'Adages' of Erasmus, in Latin, printed by Simon de Colines, in 1523, in octavo, under this title: 'Johannis Brucherii Trecensis Adagiorum ad studiosæ juventutis utilitatem ex Erasmicis chiliadibus excerptorum epitome.' It was probably Tory, too, who engraved Colines's large mark with the rabbits (Silvestre, no. 79), which is in the same style, and which appears in the Hours of 1524; but it does not bear the double cross. Tory also engraved for Colines two other marks in a very different style (Silvestre, nos. 80 and 329), and a multitude of borders and illustrations for his books.

Colines certainly employed Tory more than any other printer did, as we shall see in the sequel. This fact leads me to believe that Lottin is mistaken in bestowing upon Colines the title of engraver of letters, attributing to him doubtless the engraving of the graceful italics that he used in works written in verse; I am convinced that those letters are the work of Tory. I will call attention, however, to the fact that the capitals that go with these italics are roman, and may belong to the roman letters which Simon de Colines had from Henri Estienne. But the font is enriched with some white two-line letters, of a charming design, which are certainly Tory's, as are the floriated letters used by Colines and his stepson Robert Estienne.

1521-1522

I. Tory engraved also for Simon de Colines a magnificent title-page intended for a very rare work, which, for that reason, I think that I ought to describe in detail (after one of the copies in the Bibliothèque Nationale), for its existence has been doubted.[322]

The book is entitled: 'Commentarii initiatorii in quatuor Evangelia,' etc., with no author's name on the title-page; but it was written by Jacques Lefèvre d'Etaples, as we shall see in a moment. It is a folio, of 6 unnumbered preliminary leaves, and of 377 numbered leaves, making 192 sheets, divided into 50 folds of 4 sheets each, except the first, which has only 3. The signatures go from a to ddd consecutively. The text of the Gospels is set in large type (great primer), the notes in smaller type (pica), in which there are some very handsome Greek characters, with accents, which were still a novelty at that time.

The title is in a wide border, engraved on wood, decorated with the symbols of the four evangelists, beneath which are printed passages from their works. This border, which is signed with the Lorraine cross at the foot, on the right side, is .225 metre high by .166 wide.

On the second preliminary leaf the author's preface begins, under this heading: 'Jacobi Fabri Stapulensis ad Christianos lectores in sequens opus Præfatio.' It ends on the fourth preliminary leaf, with the date, 'Meldis, anno M. D. XXI.' Then follows a concordance of the four Gospels, in the form of tablets closed at top and bottom by unsigned engravings.

The Gospel according to St. Matthew, which opens the book, begins with a superb ornamented L, on a criblé background, .058 metre in height by .055 in width. The Gospel according to St. Mark, which opens on leaf 115 (erroneously printed 215), begins with an I of the same style and dimensions. The Gospel according to St. Luke begins on folio 175 verso, with an F like the two preceding letters. The Gospel according to St. John begins on folio 259, with the I that has already done duty in the Gospel of St. Mark. These letters, which are altogether in the style of those afterwards engraved by Tory for Robert Estienne, seem to me to be fairly attributable to him, although unsigned.

In the balance of the book we find a large number of other letters ornamented in the criblé style, but of smaller size, which cannot be Tory's.

On folios 101 verso and 102 recto are certain astronomical figures, unsigned, which I dare not attribute to Tory; but I do not hesitate to attribute to him a large engraving on folio 182 verso. It represents Jesus in an aureole of flame. Below him is the sea; above him the Father Everlasting, blessing with the right hand, and holding in his left hand the globe surmounted by a cross. He is uttering these words which we read in a scroll: 'Hic est filius meus dilectus in quo mihi bene complacui.' This engraving, including its border, is .210 metre in height by .137 wide.

On the last page is a subscription in these words: MELDIS, IMPENSIS SIMONIS COLINAEI ANNO SALVTIS HVMANAE M. D. XXII. MENSE IVNIO.

Who printed this book? Not Simon de Colines, as La Caille said, and as Maittaire and Panzer have repeated after him, for the subscription means simply that the printing was done at his expense. One can understand, in truth, that Simon de Colines, who had at the time an extensive typographical establishment at Paris in full blast, could not leave that city to print a book at Meaux. Nor was it a local printer, for no other contemporary printing at Meaux is known; moreover, the mechanical execution of this volume, and the engravings with which it is embellished, prove that it did not come from a wretched provincial workshop.

In my opinion there is but one way of explaining this typographical enigma. It is this: Guillaume Briçonnet (second of the name), having been appointed Bishop of Meaux in 1518, took with him to that town his friend Lefèvre d'Etaples, to whom he entrusted the administration of his diocese. Etaples employed his leisure in writing various religious works, among others the Commentaries on the Gospels, which were finished in 1521. Wishing to have this bulky volume, which was of capital importance to him, printed under his own eyes, and being unable to leave Meaux, where he was detained by his duties, Lefèvre simply imported from Paris a portion of Simon de Colines's printing-office, with a small staff.[323] In this way he could not only superintend the printing of his book, but also lend a hand at need, after the example of many another scholar of that time who did not scorn to practise the printing art.

What I have said is a mere hypothesis, it is true; but this hypothesis is surrounded by circumstances which give it a powerful appearance of truth. In addition to what I have said above, I will say that the types of Lefèvre d'Etaples' book are the same as those used in an octavo printed at Paris by Simon de Colines in 1523,—a book which I have already cited and which I now have before me. It is entitled: 'Joannis Brucherii Trecensis Adagiorum ... ex Erasmicis chiliadibus excerptorum Epitome.' The title-page has a border signed with the Lorraine cross. More than that, the first ornamental letter in Etaples' book, which is an A on a criblé background, is also the first letter of the book of Johannes Brucherius; whence we see that the typographical material sent to Meaux returned to Paris immediately after Etaples' book was printed.

Doubtless that is why we have only one book dated at Meaux at that period; it might be, however, that advantage was taken of the momentary existence of this printing-office at Meaux to set up some trifling work, in 1521 or 1522; but that would not in any wise modify my conclusion.

II. Tory engraved also, at about the same time, for a printer at Troyes named Jean Lecoq, the title-page, in the shape of a border, of a 'Gradual'[324] of the Cistercian Order—a very large and handsome folio, printed at Troyes in 1521. This engraving is in the criblé style, with the double cross in white at the foot, on the right. At about the same time he engraved in the same style Jean Lecoq's mark, which appears at the end of the volume, and of which a reproduction may be seen in M. Silvestre's book, no. 875.

As this Gradual is very rare (only one copy of it is known to exist, which I have seen in M. Tross's collection) and very beautiful, I think it well to describe it. It is almost needless to say that it is printed in gothic type.

First of all, above the title there is a line printed in black:—