The Project Gutenberg eBook, Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825, Vol. I (of 2), by August Levasseur, Translated by John D. Godman

LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA
IN 1824 AND 1825;
OR,
JOURNAL OF A VOYAGE
TO THE
UNITED STATES:

BY A. LEVASSEUR;

SECRETARY TO GENERAL LAFAYETTE DURING HIS JOURNEY.

TRANSLATED BY JOHN D. GODMAN, M. D.

VOL. I.

PHILADELPHIA:

CAREY AND LEA.

1829.

Eastern District of Pennsylvania, to wit:

Be it remembered, That on the sixth day of November, in the fifty-fourth year of the independence of the United States of America, A. D. 1829, Carey and Lea, of the said District, have deposited in this Office the title of a Book, the right whereof they claim as proprietors, in the words following, to wit:

“Lafayette in America in 1824 and 1825; or Journal of a Voyage to the United States: by A. Levasseur, Secretary to General Lafayette during his journey. Translated by John D. Godman, M. D.”

In conformity to the act of the Congress of the United States, entitled “An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned.” And also to the act, entitled, “An act supplementary to an act, entitled, ‘An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors of such copies during the times therein mentioned,’ and extending the benefits thereof to the arts of designing, engraving, and etching historical and other prints.”

(Signed) D. CALDWELL,

Clerk of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE.

In publishing at this late period the journal of my voyage to the United States, along with General Lafayette, in 1824 and 1825, I think it right to account for the circumstances, which have so long delayed this publication.

The duties of private secretary, which I performed for General Lafayette, were prolonged for three years after our return. During all this time, I thought that the intimacy of my relations with him, rendered it a point of delicacy, that I should not cause to emanate from his cabinet a narrative, of which he was the principal object. Swayed by this sentiment, I resisted the solicitations of my friends, and resolved to await the period, when having become entirely independent, and entering into a career of industry, I could publish my journal without exposing any one to participate with me in responsibility for the opinions or facts produced. This time has now arrived, and there is no longer any inconvenience in my publishing details, not altogether unknown, but which cannot be found any where so complete as in this journal, which moreover, has a character of incontestible authenticity, for in addition to the testimony of several millions of witnesses, that might be adduced if necessary, I can also say, all I relate I have seen.

I need not say, that in offering to my friends and the public, the details of a triumph, which honours the nation that decreed it, as much as the man who was its object, the recital of which, I hope, will one day prove the greatest encouragement that can be offered to the sincere friends of a wise liberty, I am less concerned to adorn my narration, than to preserve that character of verity, which will be its greatest, perhaps even its only merit.

Involved during fourteen months in the torrent of popular festivities, which uninterruptedly followed the steps of Lafayette throughout the twenty-four states of the Union, it was only during the brief hours of the night, and as I may say, in presence of the events of the day, that my journal was written. It necessarily must partake of that extreme agitation; however I have not thought of making any other change in it, than that of dividing it into a certain number of chapters, each of which contains a series of facts more particularly attached to some epoch or locality. This division appears to me more suitable, because it allows of the suppression of all the dates, that would embarrass the narrative, and a multitude of details which could only interest a small number of individuals.

TRANSLATOR’S NOTE.

The MSS. translation of the first volume, was revised by an intimate friend and correspondent of the author, P. S. Duponceau, Esq. whose name is justly associated with deep learning, great intellectual acumen, and urbanity of manners; he also furnished the occasional notes marked with the letter D.

CONTENTS.

LAFAYETTE IN AMERICA.

CHAPTER I.

Invitation of the Congress of the United States to general Lafayette: departure from Havre: voyage: arrival at Staten Island: reception at New York: review of the troops: entertainments given to Lafayette: statistics of New York: its constitution, &c.

Nearly half a century had elapsed, since Lafayette, inspired by the love of glory and liberty, tore himself away from the sweets of domestic affection and the dangerous seductions of a court, to offer the aid of an illustrious name and ample fortune, to a nation, which, though bravely combating for independence, seemed by the inequality of the contest to be threatened with destruction. After his return to France, Lafayette, although entirely occupied by the French revolution, for the success of which he sacrificed his fortune and repose, and sometimes endangered his popularity and life, often turned his thoughts upon America, the theatre of his first exploits; in the dungeons of Olmutz, and under the imperial despotism, he comforted himself with the thought, that in America, at least, the tree of liberty he had assisted in planting, bore fruits as delightful as abundant, and that a happy people, worthy of the happiness they enjoyed, remembered him with sentiments of lively gratitude. But withheld by various causes, he could only cherish the wish of again beholding America, without being able to form any plan for revisiting it. The confidence reposed in him by his fellow citizens, who after the events of 1815, recalled him into political activity, appeared to be a still stronger reason for his remaining in France. Nevertheless in 1824, the intrigues of a corrupt and corrupting minister, having removed him from the national representation, he was free from engagements, when the following letter was addressed to him by the President of the United States.

Washington City, February 24th, 1824.

My dear General,

I wrote you a letter about fifteen days since, by Mr. Brown, in which I expressed the wish to send to any port in France you should point out, a frigate to convey you hither, in case you should be able to visit the United States. Since then, Congress has passed a resolution on this subject, in which the sincere attachment of the whole nation to you is expressed, whose ardent desire is once more to see you amongst them. The period at which you may yield to this invitation is left entirely at your option, but believe me, whatever may be your decision, it will be sufficient that you should have the goodness to inform me of it, and immediate orders will be given for a government vessel to proceed to any port you will indicate, and convey you thence to the adopted country of your early youth, which has always preserved the most grateful recollection of your important services. I send you herewith the resolution of congress, and add thereto the assurance of my high consideration and of my sentiments of affection.

James Monroe.

It was impossible for Lafayette to refuse so honourable and so pressing an invitation, and the month of July was resolved on for his departure. He had refused the offer of Congress to send a frigate to convey him with greater safety and comfort, and he was also obliged to refuse numerous applications of his fellow citizens, who thinking perhaps that some new expedition in favour of liberty, was to be attempted, wished to share with him the perils and the glory. Accompanied only by his son, and the writer of this narrative, he left Paris on the 11th and arrived at Havre on the 12th of July, where the Cadmus, an American merchant ship, had waited for him some weeks.

The patriotism of the citizens of Havre had prepared for him a reception well calculated to gratify his feelings, but the absurd jealousy of the police checked this expression of the public sentiment, and would have produced a scene of disorder and bloodshed, if the inhabitants had been less discreet. Police officers, gendarmes, and Swiss soldiers, rivalled each other in their zeal to repress the noble ardor of the citizens, during the short time that general Lafayette remained among them. However, it was in the presence of the whole people, and amid the most vivid demonstrations of public feeling, that he embarked at noon on the thirteenth of July, 1824.

The weather being fine, and the sea perfectly calm, we embarked with facility; all the crew, paraded upon deck, waited for the arrival of the general, with an expression of joy mingled with noble pride. As he passed beneath the American flag, to whose glory and independence he had so freely contributed, he was greeted with three cheers, which were re-echoed by all the crews in port, and by the crowds which thronged the shore. Some particular friends who accompanied the general on board the Cadmus, received his final adieus. Almost immediately afterwards, our sails were filled by a fresh breeze, which wafted us along until we lost sight of that loved land, in which, in spite of all that may be said or done, virtue and patriotism will always find courageous defenders.

In a good vessel, skilfully commanded and managed as was the Cadmus, our voyage could scarcely be otherwise than prosperous. The squall which struck us the next morning and carried away two of our top-gallant masts, produced no other effect than that of furnishing us with an opportunity of admiring the calmness of our excellent captain Allyn in giving, and the vigour of the crew in executing his orders.

On the first of August we were becalmed, the sea was motionless, and our progress suspended. Seated on deck, about the general, with four young American passengers, we contemplated with pleasure the smooth surface of the ocean which nothing disturbed, when suddenly we perceived as far as the eye could reach, a black speck near the horizon, that seemed to be advancing towards us. During nearly half an hour, we were lost in conjectures as to what that could be, which was evidently approaching us rapidly; the motion of oars soon enabled us to perceive that it was a boat, and the sound of a bugle led us to believe it contained soldiers; we were not mistaken; in a few minutes a light skiff, containing seven persons dressed in uniform, came alongside. The leader of this adventurous party, measuring with a steady eye the height of our ship’s side, called for the ladder, that he might come on board; the rope-ladder was thrown out, and in a moment his companions and himself stood on the deck of our ship. He informed us, in rather a cavalier manner, that they were English officers, who were going in a transport, which he pointed out at a great distance, and which was becalmed like ourselves, to serve in garrison at Halifax, N. S. and that the beauty of the sea, want of something to do, and curiosity, had induced them to pay us a visit. Our captain received them with cool politeness, the crew scarcely noticed them, but their aspect and their arrogant manner appeared to recall the burning of the capitol to the minds of the young Americans. Notwithstanding their rather discouraging reception, our English officers began at once to multiply their questions, when captain Allyn, as a sufficient answer to the whole, pointed out and named to them general Lafayette; at this name, and so unexpected an appearance, their manners immediately changed; they took off their hats and respectfully received the hand which the general presented them, with cordiality. They were then invited into the cabin, where refreshments were served. Conversation followed, but frequently during its continuance, they gazed sometimes at the general, and then at the admirable arrangements of the vessel and crew, which examination appeared to cause them much absence of mind. How many recollections, in fact, must have been awakened by the sight of these Americans, but a short time since their tributaries, now their powerful rivals, conveying to their country the man who had so efficiently aided them in its noble and just struggle for liberty against oppression. After half an hour’s conversation, as the sun began to decline, they took leave, accepting very frankly some bottles of madeira and claret, which our captain had stowed in their boat.

Our voyage was continued without any event of importance, until the 14th, when we descried land. The next morning at day-break, the pilot came on board, and in a few hours we could easily distinguish the fresh verdure which adorns Staten-island, the charming white dwellings which enlivened it, and the movement of its inhabitants, which the expectation of some great event had caused in all haste to run down to the shore. Already the sea around us was covered with a multitude of long, light and narrow boats, managed by vigorous, active men, the neatness of whose dress and the propriety of whose language contrasted singularly with the ideas which in Europe are generally associated with the sight of mere sailors. As soon as one of these boats arrived near the ship, her course was slackened; those on board cast anxious looks towards our deck, inquiring of our sailors if Lafayette were among us; as soon as answered in the affirmative, joy was expressed in all their features; they turned quickly to each other, shaking hands and congratulating themselves on the happiness they were about to enjoy; then returning towards the vessel, they asked a thousand questions, relative to the general’s health, how he had borne the voyage, &c. but without noise or disorderly impatience. We heard them rejoicing among themselves that Lafayette’s voyage had been pleasant and quick, that his health was good and that the wishes of their fellow citizens were about to be gratified; and all as if they had been the children of one family, rejoicing at the return of a much-loved and long-expected parent. While contemplating this novel and interesting scene, the thundering of cannon called my attention in another direction; this was from the artillery of Fort Lafayette, which announced the arrival of the Cadmus to the city of New York. At the same moment a steam-boat arrived, and we received on board a deputation, at the head of which was Mr. Tomkins, son of the Vice-President of the United States. He came to inform the general, that this being Sunday, the city of New York, which wished to give him a brilliant reception, but was unwilling to break the Sabbath, and which moreover had still some preparations to make, requested him to postpone his entry until the next day; in the mean time the Vice-President invited him to his house on Staten-island. The general accepted this invitation, and in a few minutes afterward, we were on shore, where we found the second officer of a great republic, on foot, without his coat, and his head covered with a military cap, cordially greeting his old friend, who on the morrow was to commence, amidst twelve millions of freemen, the most brilliant, and at the same time, the purest of triumphs. Mr. Tomkins conducted us to his house, where we were kindly received by Mrs. Tomkins and her daughters. But the report of Lafayette’s arrival was quickly spread over the great city of New York, and the bay was already covered with boats conveying crowds of citizens, who hastened to Staten-island to give him the first salutation, that Welcome, which the whole nation afterwards repeated with so much enthusiasm.

Very early on the morning of the 16th, the preparations for the reception of general Lafayette were completed in New York, and about the same time he received a deputation at Staten-island from the city, consisting of several members of the municipal corps, and the commanding general of the militia, who came to announce the arrival of the steam-boat Chancellor Livingston, which was to convey him to New York. At one o’clock the cannon of Fort Lafayette gave the signal for embarking; we immediately descended to the shore where we found numerous steam-boats, all resembling floating palaces. On board of the Chancellor Livingston, were the various deputations of the city, the generals and officers of the militia, the army and navy; a detachment of infantry and more than two hundred of the principal citizens of New York, among whom the general recognized many of his old fellow soldiers, who threw themselves into his arms, felicitating themselves on seeing him once more after so many years and dangers past. During these moving scenes of gratitude and joy, a delightful music performed the French air “Où peut-on être mieux qu’au sein de sa famille,”[^[1]] and the flotilla began to move.

It is impossible to describe the majesty of this procession towards the city. The sea was covered with boats of every sort, elegantly decorated with flags and filled with people; these boats which were moved with a swiftness and lightness almost inconceivable, appeared to fly around us.

The Cadmus which followed us, appeared rather to be led in triumph, than to be towed by the two steam-boats, which accompanied her. As we advanced, the forts which protect the harbour, and afterwards the houses bordering on the water, became more distinctly visible: soon after we could distinguish the crowd which everywhere covered the shore, perceive its agitation, and hear the shouts of joy. At two o’clock, the general landed at the battery amid the acclamations of two hundred thousand voices, which hailed him with sounds of blessing and welcome. The Lafayette Guards dressed in an elegant and neat uniform, bearing on their breast the portrait of the general, escorted him in front of the long line of militia drawn up to receive him. The general, attended by a numerous and brilliant staff, marched along the front; as he advanced, each corps presented arms and saluted him with its colours; all were decorated with a ribband bearing his portrait, and the legend “Welcome Lafayette;” words which were everywhere written and repeated by every tongue. During this review, the cannon thundered on the shore, in the forts, and from all the vessels of war. “Ah! could this thundering welcome but resound to Europe,” said a young American officer who accompanied us, “that it might inspire the powers which govern you with the love of virtue, and the people with the love of liberty!” These wishes which were also those of my own heart, turned my thoughts to my own country, and drew from me an involuntary sigh.

At the extremity of the line of troops, elegant carriages were in waiting. General Lafayette was seated in a car drawn by four white horses, and in the midst of an immense crowd, we went to the City Hall. On our way, all the streets were decorated with flags and drapery, and from all the windows flowers and wreaths were showered upon the general. On his arrival at the City Hall, he was received by the municipal authorities, at the head of whom was the Mayor, who addressed the general, on behalf of the citizens in an animated and appropriate manner.

After the general had expressed his grateful sense of the honorable manner in which he had been received, and his admiration at the prodigies he witnessed, we were conducted to the peristyle of the City Hall, to see that army of militia file off, which we had found drawn up in line on the battery. We could at our ease remark its composition and equipments; its composition is that of a truly national army, being formed entirely of young and vigorous citizens, capable of bearing arms and enduring fatigue, without distinction of wealth or birth. The firm march of the divisions, and the martial air of the men, appeared to me a proof of the care, with which each individual prepared himself to be, in case of need, a defender of his country. The artillery which followed the infantry is formidable in number, but I believe is far from fulfilling the conditions necessary to constitute a good light artillery. The variety of caliber must necessarily prove an embarrassment in providing munitions for a campaign. It is said this inconvenience will soon disappear, because the government has undertaken to furnish cannon to every new company that is organized, and that the guns will be cast only of a very small number of determined calibers.

After the troops had defiled, we entered the great saloon of the City Hall, which is adorned with the portraits of many men who, by their talents or valor, have rendered service to their country: among the portraits was one of general Lafayette. The doors of this saloon were left open to the public, which pressed towards it, and during more than two hours the general was as it were, given up to the enthusiasm of the people. Mothers surrounded him, presenting their children and asking his blessing, which having obtained, they embraced their offspring with renewed tenderness; feeble old men appeared to become re-animated in talking to him of the numerous battles in which they had been engaged with him for the sake of liberty. Men of colour reminded him with tenderness of his philanthropical efforts at various periods, to replace them in the rank, which horrid prejudices still deny them in some countries; young men whose hard and blackened hands announced their laborious occupations, stopped before him and said with energy, “We also belong to the ten millions who are indebted to you for liberty and happiness!” Many others wished to speak to him, but were prevented by their tears; those who could not approach him, endeavoured to compensate for it by addressing George Lafayette, whom they pressed in their arms, while talking to him of their admiration for his father. At five o’clock, the general with difficulty separated himself from the embraces of his numerous friends, and was conducted to the City Hotel, which had been magnificently fitted up for his reception. The national standard displayed over the door, indicated from afar the residence of “The Nation’s Guest,” the glorious and moving title by which he was greeted with acclamations, when he entered. A splendid dinner, at which all the civil and military authorities were present, terminated this day, which alone might be considered as a glorious recompense for the greatest sacrifices, yet which, however, was but the prelude to the unexampled triumph reserved for Lafayette.

During the four following days, the general found it difficult to divide his time in such a manner as to satisfy the wishes of all his friends. He devoted, daily, two hours to the public in the City Hall, into which the crowd pressed as on the first day, and he there received numerous deputations from neighbouring cities, and different states, which expressed their desire and hope of receiving him. The rest of the time was employed in attending the meetings of the learned societies of the city. The Historical society held an extraordinary session, under the presidency of Dr. Hosack, and received him and his son as honorary members. The members of the bar, the society of the Cincinnati, and the French residents of New York came to compliment him. The latter, under their president Mr. Monneron, expressed with animation the sentiments which the triumph of their compatriot inspired. At the conclusion of his address, a little girl carried by her father, saluted the general, and placed a chaplet of immortelles[^[2]] on his head. The general answered it with deep emotion.

At the mention of the best days of our revolution, every one felt himself deeply affected, and came to shake hands with the general, saying, “Yes, the condition of an immense majority of the people is improved. May France carefully preserve the remains of the public liberties won by the revolution.”

On the 18th, the officers of the navy wished to entertain the guest of the nation, who crossed the East river in a steam-boat to Brooklyn, where the navy yard and marine arsenal are situated. On this short passage, the general was saluted by the guns of several frigates and ships of the line lying at anchor. This visit, which the naval officers knew how to render both agreeable and interesting, gave us an opportunity of examining a fine steam-frigate. This formidable machine resembles a floating fortification; its sides strengthened by strong masonry, are shot proof; its necessarily slow movements do not allow of its being used in the open sea, but render it very suitable for the defence of the coasts, the threatened points of which it can readily cover, by placing itself under the protection of the land batteries. It is said that the government intends to complete its system of maritime defence, by the construction of many similar frigates.

From Brooklyn we could at our pleasure contemplate the aspect of New York, its harbour and immense bay. I believe it is difficult to find a more picturesque and at the same time more commanding view. The Hudson and East rivers, of which the latter is only an arm of the sea running between Long Island and the continent, wash two sides of the great triangle upon which the city stands, and meeting in front of the battery, mingle their waters in the bay formed by Long and Staten Islands. At the wharves which margin the two rivers, we behold forests of masts at all seasons, which present to the admiring beholder the flags of all nations. The town which in 1615 was nothing but a small fort built by the Dutch, is at present the most populous, the largest and richest city of the New World. Excepting the City Hall, there is not a single public edifice worthy of the attention of an artist; but to compensate for this, the breadth of the streets, the goodness of the pavements, and the neatness of the houses are all admirably calculated for the comfort and health of the inhabitants. Its extent and population annually increases in a remarkable manner. In 1820, it contained 120,916 inhabitants; at present the number is 170,000, in which is included the population of Brooklyn, which should be considered as a suburb of New York. Notwithstanding the great advantages of its situation, its commerce and its resources, the city of New York is not the seat of government for that State. In this happy country where every thing is more calculated for the good of the citizen than for the satisfaction of the authorities, it is necessary, before all other requisites, that a city should be as near the centre of a state as possible, in order to be selected as the seat of government. The city New York is at the extremity of the state. It has, however, a sufficient number of other advantages; the security of its harbour; the vastness of its bay, capable of containing all the fleets in the world; the facility of its internal communications by the navigation of the Hudson, and especially by the grand canal which unites the waters of Lake Erie with the ocean, must always make it one of the most important commercial situations. More than eighty steam-boats, always ready to brave contrary winds, convey in every direction, not only the products of New York, but of all the adjacent states.

In 1820, the exports from the port of New York amounted to 13,162,000 dollars, $7,899,080 of which were in the especial products of New York state. These details which were given me by a naval officer, while from the heights of Brooklyn, I gazed upon the imposing scene around, greatly excited my curiosity, and induced me to lay hold of the first favourable opportunity to gain a more extensive knowledge in relation to a city and state, so suddenly emerging to such a state of grandeur and prosperity. Nor was my gratification long delayed. The same evening, after a dinner which had been enlivened by the presence of a great number of the distinguished men of New York, I found myself near Mr. M., an old gentleman, whose conversation is always interesting and instructive; during dinner he had informed me that after having devoted his youth to the establishment of the independence of his country, he had not since ceased to employ himself in augmenting the means of happiness to his fellow-citizens. Notwithstanding the circumspection with which I asked my first questions, he soon discovered my wishes, and having seated ourselves in a corner of the room, he made the following observations. “I hope, although our country is still very new, and has not yet like Europe enjoyed the advantage of a long civilization, that you will not receive the less pleasure from your visit. You will not find the arts and sciences carried to the high degree of perfection here, in which they exist in France, but every where you will discover peace, abundance and liberty; you will see almost every where, a numerous and active population, procuring with facility the necessaries of life, by an industry which government has no power to interrupt; and this view is sufficiently rare in Europe, I believe, to be worthy of attention: but without entering into details, which you had better collect yourself during your excursions, I will by giving you a short historical and statistical view of this state, show you results, in which you will probably be obliged to recognize the influence of our institutions, which we have not the vanity to consider perfect, but which we believe, nevertheless, to be superior to those of all the nations that have preceded us in the vast career of civilization. Our origin is not lost like yours in the night of time, and the gods have never been at the trouble of showing by prodigies, the interest they took in our first establishments. The science of history is not, therefore, among us monopolized, by a few of the initiated. It is a national domain whose limits, still very close to us, may easily be examined and understood by everyone. It was in 1609, that the Hudson was discovered by the navigator whose name it bears. As early as 1610, some Hollanders had built their cabins by the side of the Indian lodges; but it was not until 1614, that permanent establishments were made. Soon after the English came to dispute with the Dutch, the possession of a country that belonged to neither, and the blood-stained soil was covered with fortresses. Finally a treaty was made in 1674, and in which the legitimate proprietors were certainly not consulted, assuring tranquil possession to the English. In 1683, the colonists for the first time assembled a representative body to regulate their affairs, but James II. of England alarmed at the representative system and publications from the press, proscribed both. The reign of Mary, who came to the throne in 1689, gave more liberty to the colonists, who in 1691 re-assembled their representatives. The population was then considerably augmented by emigrants from Germany, who came in great numbers to settle in the province. The first journal published in the colony was printed in 1733, but after the following year the press was altogether silenced, and the colonists again fell under arbitrary rule. In spite of the despotism, which during the next twenty years, weighed down the colony, the people remained strongly attached to England, and were very active in the war which that power carried on against France in 1754. Finally in 1765, their patience was tried to the utmost; they burned the law establishing the stamp-tax, refused English importations, and ardently engaged in the revolutionary war. The state of New York, during the entire duration of that struggle, was the theatre of operations, and the city was almost constantly in possession of the enemy; but the ardor of the people was undiminished. I need not enter into the details of that glorious campaign, which had our enfranchisement for its result. Placed as you have been near the man, who shared the labours of our immortal Washington, you doubtless have frequent opportunities of collecting from his lips more exact and interesting relations than I can give you. Let us now pass on to a view of our present situation.

“From the peace of 1783, our state has made surprising advances of every sort. Our territory has been ascertained, and our limits determined by compacts with the neighbouring states. At present we are bounded on the north by Lower Canada, on the east by the states of Vermont, Massachusetts and Connecticut; on the south by New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and on the west and north-west by Upper Canada, from which we are separated by Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, the Niagara and St. Lawrence. Within these bounds, the surface of our territory measures 46,200 miles. Eighty thousand souls, at most, were scattered over this immense extent at the beginning of our revolutionary war. Notwithstanding the continuance of this contest for eight years, the population increased, and amounted in 1788 to 200,000, a number but little exceeding the present actual population of the city alone. Since that period, the increase has taken place in a ratio, which of itself will suffice to demonstrate the superiority of our institutions over the colonial government, from which we had freed ourselves. In 1790, the general Census gave us a population of 349,120 souls; in 1800, 586,050; in 1810, 959,049, and in 1820 of 1,372,812; while at the present time we count a population of 1,616,000 souls.

“Our agriculture, manufactures and commerce have been developed in proportion to the increase of our population. Wheat is the principal product of the southern part of the state; in the west we raise hemp in great quantity. 280,000 persons at least are employed in agriculture, and cultivate 169,167 acres of good land. We can readily collect in the state 1,513,421 horned cattle; 3,496,539 sheep; 349,638 horses, and 1,467,573 hogs. Almost every county has an agricultural society formed of the most enlightened citizens, who devote themselves successfully to the advancement of agriculture, and even to the progress of the arts.

“A capital of 15,000,000 of dollars, and about 70,000 persons are employed in our various manufactories, which are principally situated in the vicinity of New York city; upon the banks of the Hudson; near to Utica, and in the fertile western regions. One of the last computations, informs us that we have 170 forges; 125 oil mills; seven pearl-ash factories; 250 cotton and woollen manufactories; 1,222 fulling mills; 1,129 distilleries; 2,005 potash factories; 1,584 carding machines; 2,264 flour-mills; 5,595 saw-mills,—but I perceive,” said my complaisant friend, interrupting himself, “how much you are astonished at these details, thinking perhaps that I exaggerate, or that my memory enfeebled by age, recounts imaginary numbers. You can readily convince yourself of the exactness of my calculations. Examine Melish’s excellent work, entitled Geographical description of the United States, a work carefully prepared, and from the most authentic documents, and you may there find numerous other views, which at this moment escape my memory, that will excite your surprise to a very different degree. If you were acquainted with our institutions,” said he, with growing animation, “you would better comprehend, how with us every thing turning to the benefit of the community, necessarily adds every day to its prosperity and happiness. Our simple and economical government has no need as with you, frequently to seize upon the necessaries of the citizen to cover expenses, which no one has power nor courage to control. Whatever each of us earns by his industry during one year, remains and augments his means of industry for the year following, whence flows the rapid augmentation of wealth at which you are so much surprised.

“I have now to speak of the form of our government. I shall be very brief, for it grows late, and I believe you will stand in need of some hours of repose, to enable you to endure the fatigues of the entertainments we know to have been long since prepared, on the route General Lafayette is to travel.

“The constitution of New York state was adopted in 1777; it was amended in 1801, and again in 1821. The authors of our first constitution, thought correctly, I believe, that the people should always have the right to modify the laws according as their situations and necessities were changed; we have twice, already, profited by this privilege, as above stated, and it may be presumed that our posterity, profiting by our experience and their own knowledge, will still farther perfect this work of their ancestors. This constitution thus revised, is very similar to that of other states of the union, and establishes three distinct powers. These powers, emanating from the people, are the legislative, executive and judiciary. The legislative power is vested in a senate and assembly of representatives. The senate is composed of thirty-two members, elected for four years, and one fourth of it is renewed every year. To be a senator, it is requisite to be thirty years of age and an owner of property. The house of representatives, or assembly, is composed of one hundred and twenty-eight members, elected annually by the different counties, according to their population. The executive power is confided to a governor and lieutenant governor elected by the people, bi-ennially. The governor has the right of nominating to all the public offices; but his nominations must be approved by the senate. The highest judiciary authority is vested in a court of appeal, composed of the senate, of the chancellor, and the judges of the supreme court. These, as well as the district judges are not removable, but cannot perform their function after their sixtieth year.” “How,” exclaimed I, “a judge declared incapable at sixty years of age? Do you think then that the human faculties are so very limited, or that this premature incapacity is owing to the influence of your climate?” “Neither the one nor the other,” replied he, “it is merely a great error committed by the authors of our political code; it is hoped that it will be corrected at the first revision of our constitution. It is truly absurd to dismiss a judge at the moment when age and experience have enlightened his mind and ripened his judgment. It is cruel also to discharge him at an age when neither time nor energy enough is left him to commence a new career, and consequently exposes him to the danger of ending miserably a life honorably commenced in the service of his country.

“Every white man, having attained the age of 21 years, resided six months in the state, and paid some tax during the electoral year, has the right of voting. Every man of colour, 21 years old, having been three years a citizen, a holder of property, and paying a tax of 250 dollars, has also the right of suffrage. This distinction of colours may surprise you, I shall not attempt to justify it, but shall content myself with requesting you, before you condemn it, to wait until you shall have passed through the different parts of our union, before you form your judgment of the relative conditions of the two races.[^[3]]

“This government which is sufficient for all our wants, does not cost us very dear; its expenses together with the salaries of the principal officers, does not exceed 300,000 francs per annum. The revenue of our western salines alone, amounts to as great a sum; the money arising from the sale of public lands, of our funds placed in banks, of different investments in public and private institutions, is reserved for the expenses of the state, and when we have any extraordinary expenditures to meet, such as the purchase of arms, military equipage, the building of arsenals, furnishing of magazines, &c., we are not obliged to increase our taxes, which have not varied since the year 1800, and are so slight that they do not exceed the thousandth part of the value of the property taxed.

“Thanks to its economy and good administration, the government has still found means to apply a fund of 1,730,000 dollars to public instruction. This year the treasury has expended 730,000 dollars upon the schools, which moreover have received from private subscription more than 150,000 dollars; so that at this moment there are 7,642 public schools established in the different districts, employed in imparting instruction to 403,000 children and youth, that is to say, to one fourth of the population.”

It was now midnight, and every one else had retired, while I still continued to listen eagerly to the interesting details given to me by Mr. M. when we were suddenly interrupted by a great tumult of voices, mingled with the sound of bells and the rumbling of fire engines over the pavement. “This is fortunate for you,” said my friend, “fire has broken out in some part of the town, go to it; what you will witness, will teach you more of our habits of order and police, than I could tell you during all the rest of the night.” His advice was hardly necessary, for the moment I had ascertained the cause of the tumult, I began to move towards the door. On the stairs I met George Lafayette, who was hurrying down as eagerly as myself. Once in the street, it was only necessary to follow the crowd in order to arrive at the fire. On our way, our imaginations were excited, and presented this event, unfortunate in itself, as still a fortunate circumstance for us, since it would afford us an opportunity of testifying by our zeal in the midst of danger, how much we were affected by, and grateful for, the infinite kindnesses the citizens of New York had shown us since our arrival. After a long race we reached the extremity of a street, opening on one of the wharves of the East river; here we found the burning house. The fire had caught first in a store-house filled with combustible materials, and had quickly communicated to some neighbouring frame buildings. The flames which blazed up with violence, gave us a fair opportunity to behold the situation of the conflagration, and the surrounding crowd. Five or six thousand persons standing upon the wharves, or mounted upon the masts of vessels, remained still and almost as silent, as if they were at a theatrical exhibition. This silence was only interrupted by the horrible crackling of the rafters, which every moment were tumbling amid the flames, by the monotonous sounds of the engines, and the orders of their directors. To get near the burning house, it was necessary to traverse a great part of the surrounding crowd, which was difficult; but by the light of the fire we were recognized by some one near us, who pronounced the name of Lafayette. This name, repeated from mouth to mouth, was the lucky talisman which opened our way to the desired point. There, in a vast space left free by the crowd, were more than thirty fire engines, some of which only played upon the fire, while the others supplied them with water by means of their long hose. Upon the platform of each of the engines was the director with his speaking trumpet, commanding the twenty men working the engine. When the men belonging to one engine were fatigued, they were instantly replaced by others coming out of the crowd, at the order of the director, who called in a loud voice, “twenty men of such a company, advance;” immediately the number of men demanded rushed to the engine requiring assistance, and the wearied men retired to the crowd where they remained peaceable spectators. In front of the crowd were some police officers, who were distinguished by their long white staves, by means of which they kept order, placing them horizontally before the most impatient, and only allowing those to pass who were called for by the directors of the engines. We then perceived that this calm and obedient crowd were nothing else than the young men enrolled in the engine companies. One of the police officers, who had dined with us in the evening, recognized us, and addressed to us some compliments. “We take a lively interest in the misfortune that demands your presence here,” said George Lafayette, “and should be very happy if our feeble services could be of any utility.” “We thank you,” said the officer, “but you can see for yourselves how little we need assistance; but, however, if you wish to approach nearer to judge of the result of our efforts, follow me.” He conducted us into the midst of the engines, and there we saw with what boldness and dexterity these youthful volunteers devoted themselves to the preservation of their fellow-citizens. We stopped for a moment near the engine which was nighest to the burning house, and offered our services, which were accepted, but in a manner which showed it to be done solely through politeness. In five minutes the two young men returned to reclaim their places, after kindly shaking hands with us. In spite of its violence the conflagration was forced to submit to the skill of the firemen, and we soon perceived that all danger was past. In retiring, we could not refrain from expressing to the police officer, our admiration at the order and quiet which had constantly reigned throughout this great crowd, which a few magistrates[^[4]] had sufficed to maintain, without the aid of a single bayonet or uniform, and we were convinced on returning to our hotel, that one such sight as we had witnessed was sufficient to prove the great influence of the habit of order, over a people who are their own legislators.

CHAPTER II.

Departure from New York: journey from New York to Boston: entry at Boston: visit to the University of Cambridge: visit to Charlestown and Bunker’s hill.

We left New York on the morning of the twentieth of August, for Boston, in the state of Massachusetts. At day light several military corps were drawn up in front of the hotel, for the purpose of escorting the general out of the city, where a parting salute was fired from a battery of six pieces of cannon, two of which had been taken from the English at the siege of York-town, in 1781. A great number of citizens on horseback, and in carriages, accompanied us as far as New-Rochelle, where we halted some time, to give the general an opportunity of receiving some of his old companions in arms, who being unable to come to New York, had collected together on his passage, in order once more to see him and take him by the hand.

At Sawpits we met an escort of cavalry, that joined the escort from New York, which wished to continue its service as far as Putnam’s mountain, where the young women of the surrounding villages had caused a triumphal arch to be erected. It was ornamented with the greatest possible taste, and had an inscription upon it which expressed gratitude to Lafayette, and alluded to the daring escape of General Putnam. At the foot of the triumphal arch, I was made to observe the extremely precipitate descent, down which this intrepid man dashed with his horse, to escape the English who were in hot pursuit, but dared not follow him by so dreadful and dangerous a road.

Putnam, before he appeared upon the revolutionary stage, on which he acted a glorious part, had already emerged from the obscurity to which his rustic life seemed to have condemned him. When very young, he had acquired a great reputation among his youthful comrades for strength and intrepidity, by going down into a cave to attack a she-wolf that for many years had been the terror of the neighbourhood. In the year 1755, when thirty-seven years old, he relinquished the plough for the sword, and took the command of a provincial regiment. In the war which broke out in America between France and England, he became, as a partizan leader, the astonishment and admiration of his companions in arms. One man, alone, could then be compared to him, and this one was a Frenchman, named Molang.[^[5]] In a rencontre between these two chiefs, Putnam was beaten and taken prisoner; he even owed his life to Molang, who rescued him from the hands of the Indians, who were preparing to burn him; but his reputation did not suffer by this affair, because he had by prodigies of valour and skill, vigorously disputed the victory with Molang.

The news of the battle of Lexington once more caused him to relinquish his agricultural life, which he had long since resumed. His long established reputation soon rallied under his orders a great number of his fellow-citizens, at the head of whom he appeared at the battle of Bunker’s hill. From that time, till the end of the campaign of 1779, when a stroke of palsy forced him to quit the army, he lost no opportunity of proving that he had devoted his life to the cause of liberty. His probity was proverbial, and the following anecdote may give an idea of the inflexibility of his character. An individual named Palmer, a lieutenant in the tory new levies, was discovered in his camp; the English governor Tryon, demanded him as an officer in the king’s service, and threatened Putnam with his vengeance if he did not immediately release him. Putnam answered him by the following note.

“Sir,

“Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in the king’s service, was taken in my camp as a spy, tried as a spy, condemned as a spy, and shall be hanged as a spy.”

“P. S. Afternoon. He is hanged.”

Through the attention of the corporation of New York, three members of which had been appointed to accompany us until our return, numerous and excellent relays had been arranged on the whole rout. Notwithstanding this necessary precaution, our march was very slow, as we could not pass a hamlet without being detained some moments by collections of people from more than 20 miles around. Every village had its triumphal arch, upon which was almost always inscribed the names of Washington and Lafayette or the dates of the battles of Brandywine and Yorktown. Every where announced by the sound of cannon, every where received and complimented by the magistrates of the people, and every where obliged to alight to receive the testimonials of the love of the entire population, it was not until after five days and almost five nights that the general arrived at Boston, which is but two hundred miles from New York; I say almost five nights, because we constantly travelled until near midnight, and set out again at five o’clock in the morning. However, amid these moving and sublime displays of the gratefulness of a whole people, we did not dream of fatigue; even our night marches had a charm which caused us to be forgetful of it. The long file of carriages escorted by horsemen bearing torches; the fires lighted from place to place upon the tops of the hills, and around which were grouped families whom the desire of beholding their guest had kept watching; the somewhat wild sound of the trumpet of our escort, repeated several times by the woodland echoes, the sight of the sea which occasionally came into view on our right, and the distant and decreasing peal of the bells which had announced our passage, all formed around us a picturesque and enchanting scene, worthy of the pen of Cooper. In this manner we passed through Fairfield, New Haven and New London in Connecticut; Providence in Rhode Island, and finally the route from Rhode Island to Boston.

New Haven is the largest town in the state of Connecticut, and is, alternately with Hartford, the seat of government. Its population amounts to more than ten thousand souls. It is delightfully situated on a bay formed by the East river. The shortness of our stay prevented us from making more than a hasty visit to the College, which enjoys a great reputation, not only in Connecticut but throughout the union. It was founded in 1701 under the name of Yale College, in honour of Elihu Yale Esqr. of London, its principal benefactor, then governor of the East India company. The favor which the people have constantly extended to it, has rendered it a very considerable establishment. At present the number of students is more than four hundred. It has a president, four professors, six tutors, a treasurer, housekeeper and purveyor. The college is directed by a corporation composed of a president, vice-president, six ancient members of the council, and of ten assistants, all clergymen. Business is arranged by a committee of three or four members who assemble three or four times a year. The studies pursued in the college are the following;—1st, Theology, of which the president is the professor; 2d. mathematics and natural history; 3d. chemistry and mineralogy; 4th. languages and ecclesiastical history; 5th. jurisprudence.

In order to enter the 1st class, the candidate must be able to translate the Greek testament, Virgil and Cicero; and to write Latin according to Clark’s rules; he must also be acquainted with arithmetic. The price of boarding is about two dollars a week.

The library contains more than 6,000 volumes, and a fund of about two hundred dollars a year is devoted to it. The greater part of the classical works, which are of great value, are the gift of Berkely, the celebrated bishop of Cloyne in Ireland, amounting to about 1,000 volumes, valued at four hundred pounds sterling.

The chemical laboratory is remarkable for the number and choice of its apparatus. The mineralogical cabinet which at first contained 2,500 specimens, has been greatly enriched by Colonel Gibbs who has bequeathed 24,000 specimens for the use of the students; these are estimated at 20,000 dollars.

Yale college has also a medical institution in which lectures are given on the following branches, 1st. theory and practice of medicine; 2d. surgery and obstetrics; 3d. anatomy; 4th. chemistry, pharmacy and mineralogy.

The president of the college, the professors and trustees conducted us through all parts of the establishment and gave us all the information in their power with a degree of complaisance worthy of our gratitude.

We were informed that there is near New Haven an admirable manufactory of arms, but the short time the general had to dispose of, would not allow us to visit it.

Public education, is in the state of Connecticut, as in New York, or even more so, the constant object of the care and attention of the people and government; it would be difficult to find in this state a child of twelve years old, unable to read and write. The law of the state directs that there shall be a grammar school in every town. There are every where a great number of academies in which the various branches of human knowledge are skilfully taught, at a slight expense. The single town of New Haven, besides Yale College, has sixteen public and eight private schools.

The school fund amounts to 1,500,000 dollars, the interest of which with 12,000 dollars arising from public taxes are annually expended for instruction; each town receives a share, proportioned to the amount of its contributions, and the schools are directed and superintended by a committee appointed by the inhabitants, who will not allow so important a matter as public instruction, one of the first safe-guards of liberty, to be monopolized by any religious sect, or university.

The people of Connecticut are rigid observers of religious customs; but they have long since freed themselves from the persecuting spirit, which animated the founders of the colony, whose first ecclesiastical ordinance, on taking possession of the soil in 1637, was to refuse the privileges of citizenship to all who did not entirely and unreservedly submit to the formalities of the established religion. Now that religious liberty is secured by law, the reciprocal tolerance of the different communions has established a sort of fraternity among them. We had a very striking proof of it during the Sunday we stayed at New Haven. On arriving in town, general Lafayette, that he might not in any respect act contrary to the habits of the excellent people, from whom he had received so many affecting proofs of regard, expressed a wish to attend divine service. The congregationalists and episcopalians, who formed the principal communions of the town, immediately invited him to their churches; it was difficult to accept the offer of one without appearing to neglect the other, and the general answered that he would willingly go to both. We attended first at the congregational church, and afterwards at the episcopal; we found them all surrounded and filled by the crowd without distinction of sect; in both the sermon turned upon morals, without any discussion of dogmas, and terminated by reference to him whom God had so often conducted across the dangers of the ocean, to secure the liberty of America. These sermons were listened to with an equal respect by all, and on coming out of church, the two ministers cordially shook hands, mutually congratulating each other on the happiness they had enjoyed of receiving among them the nation’s guest.

The inhabitants of Connecticut have the reputation of being litigious, which keeps, it is said, among them a great number of lawyers who necessarily live at their expense. But I believe that this reputation has no better foundation than that which they formerly had of allowing their youth of both sexes to live in a state of excessive familiarity before marriage; and that both these inconveniences either no longer exist, or at least are considerably diminished by the influence which time necessarily exercises upon a population daily becoming more enlightened.[^[6]]

The state of Connecticut contains within itself all the elements of prosperity; its fertile soil offers rich products, both of the vegetable and mineral kingdoms. Iron, lead, copper, marcasite, antimony, marble, porcelain clay, and anthracite coal are found in quantities in some of the counties. To give an idea of the number, variety and activity of the manufactures, it is sufficient to say that of a population of nearly 280,000 souls, more than 18,000 persons are constantly employed therein. Industry is indebted to Connecticut, for many useful inventions; among others for the following; Chittendon’s machine for making card-teeth, for the carding machines invented in 1784, and since highly perfected; this machine is set in motion by a mandrel twelve inches long and one inch in diameter, each revolution of which makes a tooth; it makes 36,000 an hour.—Miller and Whitney’s machine for separating cotton from the seeds. Before this invention, the cotton was picked by hand, and an individual could not pick more than a pound in a day; by this new method more than a thousand pounds a day are cleaned. The right of the inventors of this machine was purchased for 50,000 dollars by the government of the state.—Wm. Humphrey’s machine for spinning wool by water power; twelve spindles of this machine spin as much as forty common spindles. The right of constructing this machine costs a dollar for each spindle. The machine of Culver for clearing out basins, and removing sand-bars from the mouths of the rivers; by means of this machine the canal of the Thames has been considerably deepened.

Lafayette experienced keen regret on entering the state of Rhode Island, on account of his inability to delay his journey for an instant. He would have enjoyed much pleasure in revisiting places, which recalled so many of his youthful recollections.

In 1778, Lafayette was detached from Washington’s army with two brigades, to go to the assistance of Sullivan, who was endeavouring to get possession of Rhode Island, which the English had occupied since 1776. To render the success of his operations more sure, he waited for the arrival of the count d’Estaing, who commanded the French squadron, which having troops on board, offered the double advantage of cutting off the retreat of the British by sea, and of reinforcing Sullivan in the attacks he meditated upon Newport. But unfortunately a misunderstanding took place between Count D’Estaing and Sullivan, the French troops were not landed, and while Lafayette exerted himself to restore harmony between the two commanders, the arrival of the English squadron under Lord Howe was made known. Count D’Estaing profiting by a favourable wind immediately made sail to meet Lord Howe. Two days were lost by the admirals in manœuvring for the weather gage, and when, at length they were just about to come to blows, a dreadful tempest separated them and injured both squadrons so much, that one was obliged to seek shelter in New York, and the other hastened into Newport Harbour. Upon the return of the French squadron, Sullivan hoped to resume his operations, but the count D’Estaing informed him, that after having consulted with his officers, he was determined to sail for Boston; that his instructions, moreover, directed him in case his squadron suffered any damage, or should be menaced by a superior English force, that he should seek shelter in that port.

The damage that D’Estaing’s squadron suffered by the tempest, and the news of the appearance of a very numerous English fleet upon the coast, may justify his retreat to Boston, but his determination threw Sullivan and his army into despair. Without the aid of the French squadron it was impossible to count upon success. Her departure put an end to all the hopes that had been entertained. Generals Greene and Lafayette were deputed to visit Count D’Estaing and oppose his fatal resolution. They talked to him with energy of the glorious advantages which the French and American arms would derive from his co-operation against the English garrison of Rhode Island, which could not escape, and of the disastrous effects which would be produced upon the spirits of the American army by the withdrawing of an ally, whose presence had at first caused so much joy. They represented to him the dangers of his retreat across Nantucket shoals, with his ships in bad trim, and the advantages Newport possessed over Boston either for repairing his squadron or for resisting the attacks of an enemy, rendered daring by the superiority of his forces. They concluded by beseeching him not to sacrifice to little private quarrels, the glory and interests of two nations united in support of so admirable a cause. Notwithstanding the importance of all these considerations, the Count D’Estaing persisted in his resolution, and sailed immediately. Being thus abandoned by the squadron, Sullivan summoned the general officers of his army to a council, to advise upon the course to be pursued; whether to attempt to carry the place by storm, or to evacuate the island, carrying off all the magazines. The discouragement of the army caused by the departure of the squadron rendered the first proposal very difficult of execution; and the second was exasperating to men who had been so near to success. Sullivan decided on a middle course, and the council separated with a determination to raise the siege and retire to the northern extremity of the island, where behind their entrenchments they would wait the progress of events; this resolution was carried into execution the following night by Sullivan, with as much good fortune as skill. Sullivan once more turned his hopes upon the French squadron, and wished to make another effort with the Count D’Estaing. Full of confidence in the great influence which Lafayette exercised over all with whom he was engaged, he charged him with this delicate mission; Lafayette accepted it, but not without shewing with what reluctance he left his warlike companions, at the moment when there could be little doubt but that they would soon be attacked by the enemy. In fact, during his absence the English several times attempted, though unsuccessfully to carry the American post. These different engagements had served to raise the confidence of Sullivan’s forces. Lafayette was successful in obtaining a promise that the squadron would return as soon as all its damages were repaired. Every thing seemed to promise Sullivan the reward due to his perseverance, when the news of a reinforcement for the enemy of 4,000 men under General Clinton himself, placed him under the sad necessity of evacuating the island as speedily as possible, or of being himself blockaded. He prepared to retire with a peculiar degree of skill. The movement was about to commence, when to the great astonishment of Sullivan, Lafayette arrived to take command of the rear-guard. He had travelled the distance from Boston to Rhode Island, about thirty leagues, in seven hours, a circumstance almost incredible. Sullivan was highly gratified by this zeal, and gave him the command of the rear-guard; every thing was executed with so much correctness, that at two o’clock in the morning the movement was entirely terminated, and the American troops placed in safety upon the continent from Providence to Tiverton.

The thanks of Congress were presented to Sullivan for this retreat, and they also commended Lafayette as much for the sacrifice of his personal satisfaction, in consenting to quit the army on the eve of a battle, for the sake of the interests of the United States, as for the vigorous conduct he had exhibited in commanding the rear-guard.

From the joy which was on all sides expressed on our arrival at Providence, it was easy to perceive that the people of this country had not lost the recollection of Lafayette’s conduct in the trying times of the revolution: neither were the expressions of gratitude of Congress forgotten, as I heard them repeated by many persons, and beheld them inscribed upon all their triumphal arches. Notwithstanding the solicitations of the people and magistrates, the general could not delay longer than was necessary to take some refreshment; we then hastened towards the frontier of Massachusetts, where two aids of the governor of that state waited for Lafayette, with other carriages and a fresh escort. We met them at sunset. Colonel Harris, the governor’s first aid, regulated our march with so much activity, that we reached Dedham at eleven o’clock, and at two o’clock in the morning, we arrived by torchlight in Roxbury, a delightful village two miles from Boston, where the residence of Governor Eustis was situated, who waited for the general with eager impatience. In spite of the lateness of the hour, all the inhabitants of the house were on the alert, having the windows, avenues and the garden illuminated. The governor received the general in a frank, plain, and friendly manner, such as became an old republican soldier, delighted to receive an ancient comrade whose toils he had shared.

Two hours sleep made us forget the fatigues of the day, and rendered us fit for entering Boston in the morning. At day-break we were awakened by the sound of martial music; it was from the light infantry which was already manœuvring in front of our windows. The sight of the uniform of this company deeply affected the general, he could not keep his eyes off it, and exclaimed every moment, “my brave light infantry! such was their uniform! What courage! what resignation! How much I loved them!” At this instant the governor’s aid introduced a man, still young, but of a melancholy aspect; he carried a sword in his hand, which he presented to the general: “Do you know this sword?” said he. “I find at least,” said the general, “that it strongly resembles those which I brought from France to arm the sub-officers of my light infantry with.” “It is one of them;——my father received it from your hands: it has served gloriously in gaining our independence. He religiously preserved it in memory of his general, and would have been happy to have presented it to you himself; the day before yesterday he still hoped to do so, and this hope softened his last moments,—on that day he died. He has not bequeathed me wealth, but has left me this sword, which will be the most precious of legacies if you sanction his gift.” While he was speaking, the general had taken the sword and examined it with interest; he returned it to him immediately, saying, “Take it, guard it carefully in order that it may in your hands be used to preserve the rights it has so gloriously contributed to acquire in the hands of your father.” The American received the sword with joy, and left the room, pronouncing with tenderness the names of Lafayette and of his father.

Soon after, the procession which was to accompany the general arrived; the cannon gave the signal for marching. The concourse of people coming out of the city was so great, and so much obstructed the road, that we were two hours in riding the distance of only two miles. All the road was lined with troops on foot, and on horseback. The carters of Boston, dressed in perfectly white frocks, formed a numerous corps of well mounted cavalry. Sixty small boys, from twelve to fourteen years old, organized as an artillery company, and having two pieces of cannon proportioned to their strength, ran in front of the procession. From time to time they halted and fired a salute from their battery, and then pushed forward with rapidity, to take another position, and fire another salute. At noon we reached the suburbs of Boston. At the entrance of the city, under a triumphal arch we were met by the corporation; the mayor alone in an open carriage, stopped by the side of the open carriage of the general. Both rose to salute each other, when the mayor addressed him on behalf of the city. The calm and modest appearance of the general during the discourse, the fine countenance of Mr. Quincy, which became more animated as he proceeded in his address, the triumphal arch which shaded the orator and hero, together with the attitude and solemn silence of so many thousand citizens, offered at this moment to my astonished vision, the beau idéal of a popular festival, a republican triumph. After the general had replied, we traversed the city to visit the state house; during this passage, the evidences of the love of the inhabitants lavished on the general, were so affecting, that it was impossible to avoid shedding tears. In front of the state house, upon an immense terrace, whence the sea might be discovered at a distance covered with small vessels, was a long double row of girls and boys, from the public schools, all decorated with Lafayette badges; raising their little hands towards heaven, and uttering cries of joy. One of the youngest girls advanced towards the general; she was lifted up to his carriage, placed a wreath of evergreens on his head, embraced him tenderly, and called him Father. We then entered the senate chamber, where all the public functionaries were collected, the society of Cincinnati, the scientific bodies, and as many citizens beside as the hall could contain. At the moment the general appeared before Governor Eustis, who received him at the door, the national standard was displayed from the dome of the state house, and all the troops fired a volley. After the address of welcome was pronounced in the name of the government, and in the presence of the citizens of the state of Massachusetts, the scene of the New York City Hall was repeated; that is, the general was detained for more than two hours, by the expressions of regard from all who could approach him. From the state house we were conducted to Park street, to an hotel prepared for us. The mayor introduced us to our apartments, which were richly furnished, saying, “here you are at home; I hope you will find every thing that is necessary; if you find no superfluities recollect that you have been received by republicans.” These words of Mr. Quincy were doubtless very amiable, but I confess they made us think a good deal upon what the Boston republicans considered necessary, especially when we found that fine horses and carriages had been provided for our use, during all the time that we should stay.

In the evening we dined at the Exchange Coffee-house with the governor and staff, the corporation, and all the other public authorities. The hall was decorated with devices which referred both to the actions of Lafayette, and the gratitude felt by the Americans for the assistance of France, when Fortune, still wavering, held her scales equally balanced between liberty and oppression. The French and American flags waved united over the head of the president of the banquet, and Chief Justice Parker gave a toast to the memory of Louis XVI. adding, that none of the friends of liberty should be forgotten, although they might have worn a crown.

On the 25th, at noon, we attended the commencement at Cambridge University, which was conducted with a pomp, the splendor of which was considerably increased by the presence of a very great number of ladies, attracted by the desire of seeing Lafayette, who it was known would be present.

Cambridge is one of the richest and most beautiful villages in New England: it is situated at three miles distance from Boston, and contains more than 3,000 inhabitants. Its university, called Harvard, in honour of its founder, has produced a great number of distinguished men, both in science and literature. The citizens of Massachusetts are proud of its success, and support it with a liberality which proves how much knowledge and education are esteemed in this state. Besides the chairs of divinity, anatomy, surgery, medical science, chemistry, theoretic and experimental physics, mathematics, natural philosophy, logic, metaphysics, Latin, Greek and the Oriental languages, which have been long established, six new chairs and three faculties have been founded for about twelve years, as follows.[^[7]]

1st. A chair of natural history founded by private subscription for the establishment of a botanical garden and the support of a professor.

2d. A chair of Rhetoric and Eloquence, established by a donation of Ward Nicholas Boylston, Esq.

3d. A chair of Greek Literature founded in 1814, by an unknown benefactor of Boston.

4th. A chair of the Spanish and French languages, founded by a rich merchant of Boston, who bequeathed for this purpose a sum of 30,000 dollars.

5th. A chair founded in 1816, by Count Rumford, for the application of physical and mathematical sciences to the useful arts.

6th. A chair of natural theology, and moral philosophy, founded in 1817.

The three faculties which complete the course of instruction are,

1st. A school of medicine, 2d. a theological seminary in which the education and all the wants of the students are paid for by subscription. This subscription is completely filled by persons who are devoted to the public good. 3d. a law school for those who are destined to the bar.

The library contains about 20,000 valuable works, and is augmented annually by private donations.

In short, this university by its revenues, its library and cabinets, the merit of its professors, and the means it furnishes for the acquisition of all the branches of education, has not its equal, not only in the rest of the union, but perhaps even in Europe.

General Lafayette was received at the door of the chapel, in which the exercises were to take place, by the President of the university, Mr. Kirkland, who addressed him with an eloquence springing from the profound emotions of his heart. When the general entered the hall, the acclamations and transports of the crowd, and especially of the ladies were so great, that the business of the meeting was for a long time delayed. It certainly was an enchanting spectacle to behold the vast galleries filled with young ladies wreathed with flowers, waving their handkerchiefs in salutation of him, whom they called their father, friend, defender, and companion of the Great Washington. In vain the president frequently called for silence, without which it was impossible to be understood; every voice was drowned with the cries and plaudits for Lafayette. At length after half an hour had elapsed, quiet was established, and the exercises began, but were often interrupted by the eagerness, with which the audience seized upon all the allusions to Lafayette, that occurred in the discourses.

We returned next day to the university, to be present in the same hall, with the same audience, animated with equal enthusiasm, at a meeting of the Hellenic Society.[^[8]] Professor Everett, whose early talents and eloquence promise a distinguished senatorial orator, delivered the opening discourse. If mine were a more practised pen, I should attempt to repeat here this discourse, which notwithstanding its length, was throughout listened to with vivid interest, and was often suspended by well merited applause.

The orator proposed to investigate the particular causes which contribute most to the developement of intelligence in the United States, and without difficulty proved that they were to be found in the democratic character of our institutions. After a long, but vigorous demonstration of the superiority of a republican government as it is understood and practised in the United States, over the monarchic system, which after having divided a part of the nation into nobles, privileged priests, and soldiers always armed as an inquisitorial police, makes of the rest a class of political outcasts. The orator concluded by paying to Lafayette his tribute of gratitude.

Early on the morning of the 27th, carriages, an escort of cavalry, the civil and military authorities, and a great number of citizens came to convey the general to the navy yard at Charlestown, which is only separated from Boston by an arm of the sea, over which we passed on a fine bridge a mile in length. We were received at the navy yard by Commodore Bainbridge, whose name is associated with more than one glorious engagement with the English navy. After inspecting the works we ascended Bunker’s hill.

Bunker’s hill is one of those glorious monuments, unfortunately too rare on the face of the earth, which will remind the latest posterity of the noble struggles of liberty against tyranny and oppression. It was at Bunker’s hill that the Americans first dared in a regular fight to brave the arms of their tyrants. It was there, that men almost without arms, undisciplined, and far inferior in numbers to their enemy, but encouraged by the presence of their wives, children and fellow citizens, who from the heights of Boston made them feel the magic of the words Independence, Posterity, sustained with a courage worthy of the heroic ages, three successive attacks from numerous battalions, which their experience and skill in the art of war, appeared to lead to an easy victory. Forced at length to retire before superior numbers, the Americans withdrew, but in good order, leaving bloody proofs of their courage and vigorous resistance. It was but a moment before this retreat, which revealed to the friends of liberty their powers and hopes, of this retreat which was equal to a victory, that the young and interesting Gen. Warren fell. Though incessantly engaged in daring death, he passed through the battle unharmed. But on returning to the entrenchments which he had left to pursue the English, who had thrice fallen back in confusion, he received a fatal wound in the loins. He now rests under a simple pyramid erected precisely on the spot where his blood stained the soil. It was at the base of this modest monument that General Lafayette was received by some veteran soldiers, a glorious remnant of this first combat of the war of Independence. In their presence Dr. A. R. Thompson addressed the general on behalf of the citizens of Charlestown. Lafayette was much moved by his address, and his emotion was communicated to all the byestanders. His answer was received by the acclamations of the multitude and the roar of artillery. Immediately after some battalions of young troops led by Governor Eustis and Generals Brooks and Dearborn filed off before the general to the sound of cannon and martial music which performed that sublime air, dear to French patriots, which reminds them that they too have had their Warrens whose generous blood has watered the tree of liberty, in whose shade they would at present gloriously repose, had it not been shaken by anarchy and struck to the heart by the sacrilegious steel of an audacious soldier.

A simple repast served under a tent terminated this ceremony, after which we returned to the city to visit the military arsenal; the ancient city hotel whence the people set out in crowds for the port to destroy two cargoes of tea sent by the British East India Company, and the Hall where the declaration of Independence was signed in Massachusetts. During the course of these visits I collected the details relative to the history and present situation of this state which will be found in the following chapter.

CHAPTER III.

First settlements in Massachusetts: sketch of revolutionary events in this province: its actual condition.

The first settlements made in that part of North America called Massachusetts, owed their origin to the religious persecutions in England under the reigns of Elizabeth, James I. and Charles the first. The history of the first emigrants, who came to seek amidst the savages of the New World, liberty of conscience, which the European philosophy of the seventeenth century refused them, offers nothing but a mournful picture of continual struggles against climate, disease and famine. It was not until 1630, that they were reinforced by a more numerous and better regulated expedition, which aided them in founding the towns of Boston, Charlestown and Salem. Cromwell, Hampden and many others who exercised so terrible an influence over the revolution that broke out soon after, were to have accompanied this expedition: they were already on board the ships, and were about to seek in the New World, occupations for their ardent dispositions, which would perhaps have been less excited here, than in the presence of tyranny, when Charles the first, as if urged by some fatality, had them arrested and brought back to land.

It is a fact, worthy of remark, that the majority of these emigrants who relinquished their country, families and friends solely to escape religious persecution, and who by consequence might be supposed to hate their persecutors, continued, notwithstanding their exile, attached to the English government, and honoured the names of their kings in the land of their refuge by bestowing them upon the rivers they discovered, upon the towns they founded, and the monuments they erected. Was it from habitual reverence for royalty, which in spite of its crimes, appeared still sacred to them, that they acted thus? Or was it merely to cover and protect the weakness of their settlements with the name of a powerful authority, and at the same time pay a sort of tribute to the English government, the self constituted proprietor of these vast regions, by right of discovery, which would not have allowed the colonists peace, if they seemed desirous of dissolving all ties, and obliterating all recollections of the mother country? The latter appears to us, to be the most probable, and is sufficiently confirmed by the following declaration drawn up and signed by the Pilgrims, who landed in 1620 at New Plymouth.

“In the name of God, amen, We, whose names are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign Lord, King James, by the grace of God, of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, king, defender of the faith, and having undertaken, for the glory of God, and advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia, do by these presents, solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves together in a civil body politick, for our better ordering and preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid; and by virtue hereof to enact, constitute and frame such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general good of the colony; unto which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness whereof we have hereunder subscribed our names. Cape Cod, eleventh of November in the year of the reign of our sovereign Lord, king James of England, France and Ireland, the eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. A. D. 1620.”

This act, as is evident, even in appearing to recognize the authority of England, claims for the colonists the direct administration of their affairs, and laid the foundation of that spirit of Independence, which more than a century afterwards threw off the yoke of the mother country, when she wished to return to the exercise of a despotism, which she seemed to consider her prescriptive right. In order to secure its right of sovereignty over Massachusetts, the English government in 1692, under the reign of William and Mary, usurped the right of appointing governors of this province: this however fell short of its aim, as the right of fixing and paying the governor’s salaries, was left with the provincial legislature, so that he was without power or influence. The English government soon perceived its error, and wished to correct it, and thenceforth the misunderstandings commenced between the colonies and the mother country, in which the latter increased their resistance, in proportion as the demands of the former were augmented.

The privileges of the different powers were soon entirely confounded. The governor was invested by the crown with the right of erecting courts and nominating judges; privileges which were vividly contested by the people, who claimed them as legislative prerogatives. Notwithstanding the multifarious encroachments of the crown, the colony, even when most actively opposing them, remained still attached to the mother country, and willingly aided her in the colonial war she had to sustain against France in 1744. After this war, which had alternately been renewed and suspended during sixteen years, with various successes and reverses, and which finally terminated in the ruin of the French colonies, the colonists hoped that the gratitude of England for the services they had rendered, would assure them thenceforth the enjoyment of their rights and liberties, acquired by every kind of sacrifice; but scarcely had two years elapsed after the establishment of peace, before all their hopes were blighted.

England at that time triumphed by land and sea; her commercial preponderance was felt in all parts of the world, and aroused the envy of all European nations. But this glory with which she was intoxicated, was not acquired without waste of treasure, and the contracting of immense debts. To pay these debts, and re-establish her finances, new sources of revenue were to be created, and her attention was turned towards her colonies.

The colonies had made an immense profit by their West India trade, and by the aid of a good administration had found means to form a sinking fund, which enabled them to pay their debts, and successively to increase their importations of English manufactures. The cupidity of the crown was excited by this prosperity, and from that moment ministerial adroitness was exercised in nothing but varying the means of extracting money from the colonists. The commanders on the coasts were converted into harsh excisemen, charged to repress unlawful commerce, and prevent smuggling. These commanders, assured of impunity, since they were only to be tried by the courts of Great Britain, were not backward in making illegal seizures, for their own profit. The import duties were raised to the highest pitch, and these duties were made exclusively payable in gold or silver, which rendered the paper money circulated among the colonists of no value. In short, the new system introduced by the English minister, became as tyrannical as ruinous, because at the moment enormous duties were imposed, it annihilated the means of paying them. Emboldened by the forbearance of the colonists, the British government knew not where to stop, and in the year 1765, the oppressive law called the stamp act was passed, which ordered, that for the future all contracts, wills, deeds, &c. should be drawn on stamp paper, under penalty of being rendered null, and imposed a tax on this paper, destined to pay the expenses of the last American war. This law produced universal exasperation, as soon as it was made known; it became the subject of conversation and discussion in all public and private societies; every one looked to the past, and recapitulated with bitterness the outrages perpetrated by England, and from that moment, it may be said, the revolutionary fire was kindled. From supplications and remonstrances, to which the colonists had hitherto confined themselves, they advanced to threats; the people of Massachusetts especially, expressed their resentment forcibly. It was at the instigation of this state, that a congress formed of deputies from many provinces, assembled at New York, on the 7th of October. This Congress, composed of men respectable for their characters and information, and which eventually served as the model of the Congress that so gloriously conducted the war of the revolution, published an energetic declaration of the rights of the colonies; a view of the oppressions of England; a petition to the king, and a memorial to parliament. These acts of Congress produced an effect upon parliament, which was augmented by the presence and writings of Benjamin Franklin, who was then in London, and had been called before the house of Commons to be examined relative to the complaints of his fellow citizens. He presented himself with characteristic modesty, and a republican simplicity, which was singularly in contrast with the insolent splendor of the minions of power, who attended his examination in crowds, in hopes of seeing him humbled, whom they regarded as a rebel, for presuming to speak of the rights of man in the presence of royalty. His calm answers and profound arguments produced a great impression upon the assembly, causing the promoters of the stamp act to reconsider the matter, and determined them to withdraw this monument of their ignorance and tyranny.

In proportion to the height the indignation of the Americans had been raised by the passage of the stamp act, was their joy on hearing of its repeal. The British government however, did not profit by this return of public feeling to a milder mood; not only were all the odious restrictions upon the colonial commerce continued, but the stamp act was followed by an equally intolerable duty upon the paper, tea, glass and colours imported by the colonists from England. But the preamble to this act was most especially grevious to the colonists; as it announced that the product of these new taxes should be placed at the disposal of parliament, to defray the expenses of the colonial administration, and particularly to pay the salaries of the governors and judges, who would thereby be rendered independent of the provincial Legislatures and made dependent upon the ministry. A permanent administration to superintend these taxes was created by parliament and established at Boston. The people of Massachusetts could not be deceived as to the views of the ministry; accustomed for a long time to discuss and manage their own affairs they resolved not voluntarily to submit to the disgrace of being governed by an unlawful authority, appointed at a distance of more than 3,000 miles. The representative assembly was then convened, and protested against the taxes and the use to be made of them; and they addressed a circular to the other provincial assemblies, in which, after recapitulating their privileges, and the oppressions of England, they conclude by asking for their co-operation in resisting a tyranny which daily pressed with increased weight upon the colonies. This step was treated as infamous and rebellious by the servants of the crown, who redoubled their vexations. Two English regiments arrived, which being refused quarters in the city, by the council, landed under protection of their ships, with fixed bayonets and two pieces of cannon, and established their guard-house in front of the state house, which was thus turned into a barrack. The city was thenceforth in the power of the military, who scoured the streets, insulting the citizens, disturbing their rest or business, and interrupting even their religious exercises by the continual noise of their martial music.

Under these circumstances the assembly was convoked at Boston, but did not meet, declaring that they did not feel at liberty in presence of an armed force; the session was consequently removed to Cambridge, where the governor had the impudence to present himself and demand funds to pay the troops; which being refused, the assembly was dissolved.

However, a change in the English ministry had determined parliament to suppress all the duties except that on tea; but this apparent return to a system of moderation in no way appeased the resentment of the citizens of Massachusetts, who saw nothing but caprice in the measure, or a new method employed by parliament to establish its right of interference in colonial affairs; and they determined not to abandon the contested point.

A circumstance soon after occurred in Boston, which might have been followed by the most serious consequences. The English soldiers accustomed to regard the citizens as rebels, treated them with severity; and the citizens irritated by their incessant ill treatment, cherished a violent hatred against the troops, allowing no opportunity of expressing their dislike to escape. On the 5th of March, 1770, a detachment under command of Captain Preston was insulted by some boys, who, it is said, pelted them with snow balls, and abused them. Blinded by resentment, the soldiers charged and fired upon the crowd, wounding five dangerously, others slightly, and killing three outright. The citizens immediately flew to arms, and but for the intervention of the governor and magistrates, Preston and his men would have been exterminated. The troop were arrested and tried, but such was the feeling of justice that animated the inhabitants of Boston, that the jurors, convinced that the soldiers had been provoked, entirely acquitted them.

This event convinced the popular party that an open struggle with the mother country was unavoidable, and that they must prepare for it. In consequence, secret committees of correspondence were organized, in order to regulate the measures that would soon have to be adopted. The utility of this organization, then called the league and covenant, soon became apparent.

From the time the tax on tea was established, the Bostonians resolved to relinquish its use, rather than receive it from the English, and thenceforward the East India company received no more orders. The company, however sorry for the loss of their market, determined to send several cargoes of tea to their agents in Boston who would pay the duties and thus avoid the difficulty. But scarcely was the arrival of these cargoes known, before the public agitation became great. The next morning the following hand bill was widely circulated through the city.

“Friends, brethren, fellow citizens!

“The accursed tea sent to this port by the East India company has arrived. The hour of destruction, or of vigorous resistance to the machinations of tyranny has struck. All those who love their country, who are jealous of their own happiness and who wish to deserve well of posterity, are invited to assemble at Faneuil Hall, to day at 9 o’clock (the bells will then ring) to concert a determined resistance to this destructive and infamous measure of the administration.

Boston 29th. Nov. 1773.”

The citizens eagerly responded to this patriotic call. The concourse was so great that the Hall could not contain the people, and they were obliged to adjourn to a more ample space; the discussions which were commenced and continued at this meeting prevented any resolution from being adopted on that day. The meeting adjourned until next day, and 500 persons under command of Capt. Proctor were appointed to watch that the tea should not be landed during the night. The meeting of the 30th. was still more numerous, and the ardor of the citizens was farther augmented by the governor’s proclamation, which commanded them to renounce their projected resistance to the law, and to disperse on peril of their lives. The governor’s orders were treated with universal contempt, and the meeting calmly proceeded to draft several propositions which were accepted, and it was decided, that those who had used the tea without reflection since the tax was laid, should be censured, and that those who received it for the future should be declared enemies to their country. The members of the assembly pledged themselves by oath, to support the different resolutions with their lives and fortunes; after which they voted thanks to their neighbours of the vicinity of Boston for the promptness with which they had joined them, and also to Jonah Williams for the manner in which he had acted as moderator. After appointing a committee to hasten the departure of the tea ships, the meeting adjourned. Many days were spent in negotiation between the committee and the authorities without producing the departure of the vessels.

On the 15th of December, a more numerous meeting of citizens than had yet been collected, occurred; more than two thousand persons from the country were present. Samuel Philips Savage, of Weston, was chosen moderator, and Mr. Rotch, owner of one of the vessels, was cited before the meeting to account for her remaining in port, and declared that the collector of the customs had refused to clear her. He was directed to have her ready to sail that day, at his own risk and peril, to protest immediately against the custom house, and to address the governor directly for a clearance. The meeting was about to adjourn until the next day, but Josiah Quincy, Jr. an influential member of the popular party, endowed with great energy of character, detained his fellow citizens and reminded them of their pledge in the city to sustain all their resolutions at peril of their lives and fortunes. At a quarter past six Mr. Rotch returned. The governor’s answer was, that for the honour of the laws, and the respect due to the king, he would not allow the ships to depart, until all formalities should be freely and fully concluded by the custom house. This answer produced much commotion in the meeting. Immediately a man who was in the gallery dressed in the costume of a Mohawk Indian, uttered a war whoop, which was re-echoed by about thirty persons at the door, dressed in the same manner, when the meeting was dissolved as if by enchantment. The crowd hastened towards the harbor. The men disguised as Indians, rushed on board the tea ships, and in less than two hours, all the tea chests were broken open and thrown into the sea; every thing else on board was left untouched; and after this expedition, the multitude withdrew silently and in order. This scene occurred in presence of several vessels of war, and as it were under the eyes and guns of the garrison of the fort, without the government attempting to make the least resistance, so grand and so imposing is the anger of a people who throw off the shackles of tyranny.

The names of the citizens disguised as Indians were never made known; several of them are said to be still living, and enjoy with modesty the happiness of having struck the first blow which shook the royal power on the American continent.

The national pride of Great Britain, became indignant at the news of this resistance, which was called an outrage against the royal majesty. The governor and governed, all uttered the same cry, vengeance! war! against the rebel colonists; and this cry was followed by a host of laws, each more tyrannical than the other, by the aid of which they hoped to alarm and reduce the province of Massachusetts. The port of Boston was interdicted for an unlimited time; the provincial charter was destroyed; the citizens were torn from their natural jurisdiction; the appointment of magistrates was placed at the special pleasure of the crown, which also arrogated to itself the right of billeting its soldiers in the houses of the citizens. Far from being disheartened or intimidated by the audacious folly of the English government, the inhabitants of Massachusetts redoubled their activity. A new assembly of the people was convoked at Boston in which an appeal was made to God and the world, against the tyranny and oppression of England. An exhortation was addressed to the other colonies, beseeching them to unite with Massachusetts for the maintenance and defence of their common liberties. The other colonies were not regardless of this appeal, and many of the legislatures declared that the first of June, upon which the port of Boston was shut up, should be ranked among unfortunate days, and the bells on that day were muffled and tolled; the people in crowds attended the churches, and sought the protection of the Deity against those who meditated civil war, and the destruction of their liberties.

The assembly of Massachusetts adjourned to meet at Salem, but Governor Gage, prevented the meeting. The members of assembly formed themselves into a private society, under the name of the League, in which they reciprocally pledged themselves, before God, to suspend all relations with Great Britain, until her unjust laws should be repealed. The governor declared this league to be criminal, and contrary to the rights of the king, and this declaration was in turn treated as tyrannical, since it opposed the people in attending to their own especial interests; and the indignant people, after forcing the crown magistrates to resign their functions, swore no longer to obey any other authorities than those of their own creation, and to recognize no other law than the ancient laws of the colony.

The suspension of all commerce soon plunged the inhabitants of Boston into the deepest distress; their necessities daily multiplied and were felt with increased severity, yet no one thought of compounding with tyranny. In spite of the injunctions of the English government, the citizens of Marblehead and Salem hastened to alleviate the sufferings of their Boston brethren; they furnished them with provisions and money; offered them the free use of their ports, wharves and warehouses, for the renewal of their commerce, which could no longer be carried on at home, yet without which it was almost impossible for them to subsist. Encouraged by these evidences of the approbation of their compatriots, the Bostonians were confirmed in their resolution of maintaining the justice of their cause by force of arms. They began immediately to make preparations; companies of minute men were organized in the city and throughout the province. At the first sound of the first call of the league, or the first report of a new outrage by the English, these minute men were to take up arms and attack the aggressors wherever to be met with. Magazines of arms and ammunition were collected with address and activity. For several months, about thirty young mechanics had formed a volunteer company for the purpose of watching the movements of the English and informing their fellow citizens; towards the spring of 1775 they increased their activity, and every night patroled the streets two by two. About midnight on the 15th of April, they observed that all the boats were launched and ready astern of the ships of war, and that the grenadiers and light infantry were making preparations, they gave immediate notice of this to Dr. Warren, who despatched a messenger forthwith to John Hancock and Samuel Adams with the news, they having left the city to avoid being arrested by the governor, who, it was reported, had issued orders to that effect. On the 18th additional indications of some projected movement were perceived. The Light infantry and grenadiers were concentrated upon the common, and at 10 o’clock at night, 800 men under command of Colonel Smith embarked, and landed at Lechmere point, near Cambridge, whence, after receiving a day’s rations, they marched at midnight. This expedition was destined to destroy the magazines established by the league at Concord. The secrecy observed in the camp, and the silence maintained during the march, led the English to believe that no one in Boston suspected their departure. They pressed forward by moonlight, and arrived at Lexington by daylight, six miles from Concord. But the calm which had previously existed, was now interrupted by the beating of drums through the country, which seemed to call the inhabitants to arms, and a company of about sixty Americans suddenly appeared before them. The English immediately halted, closed up their ranks, and loaded their arms: the Lexington company did the same, and were ordered not to abandon the ground without orders, nor to be the first to fire. Scarcely were these arrangements made, when Major Pitcairn, commanding the British advanced guard, came forward and cried out in an insolent voice, “throw down your arms and disperse, you rebel scoundrels.” This audacious summons was not answered, and Pitcairn ordered his troops to fire: they eagerly obeyed, and eight hundred Englishmen were not ashamed to utter shouts of joy in commencing so unequal a combat, in which sixty citizens offered with devotion their lives as a sacrifice in the holy cause of their country.

The Americans received the first fire with firmness; one of them seeing a friend fall at his side, cried out “you shall be revenged,” fired upon the English, and the war of independence was begun. But the Americans could not long sustain themselves against so unequal a force. They abandoned the ground, leaving eight killed and several wounded, around whom the British proudly defiled, insulting them with shouts of victory.

Having reposed for some time after this terrible battle, the fierce defenders of the crown marched for Concord, where they arrived at nine o’clock. They found the inhabitants in great agitation, but still ignorant of the assassination of their fellow citizens at Lexington. A company of citizens occupied the bridge, and this time the British fired without any summons to surrender: the citizens of Concord warmly returned their first fire, killing some soldiers and officers of the king, after which, too weak to sustain a battle, they dispersed and abandoned the magazines to the English, which they destroyed in a few hours.

The alarm was soon spread throughout the country; the tocsin called to arms all who were able to bear them, and in a short time the English found themselves so surrounded, that they began to feel that their retreat would not be so easy as their two victories. From Concord to Lexington their march was nothing better than a disorderly flight; the well sustained and well directed fire of the rebels, who were concealed along their route, in the barns, gardens, behind the trees and in the ditches, did not allow them to halt a moment to defend themselves. At Lexington they were met by Lord Percy, who at the head of six companies of infantry, a corps of marines, and two companies of artillery, which came in time to prevent their entire destruction, but not to save them from disgrace. Notwithstanding this reinforcement, they still reached Charlestown with great difficulty, where they passed the night under the protection of the guns of the ships; the next morning they re-entered Boston, after having lost in this sad expedition, nearly two hundred men, in killed and wounded.

It would be difficult to depict the astonishment and humiliation of the English, at finding themselves thus driven back by the rebels, and blockaded in their entrenchments by an undisciplined multitude.

The royal army, however, was speedily reinforced by 12,000 men from England, commanded by General Burgoyne, Clinton and Howe. General Gage resolved to strike a great blow against the spirit of insurrection, in order to wipe off the disgrace of the rout at Lexington; he commenced by a proclamation in which he announced the vigorous enforcement of martial law, and promised entire pardon to all those who laid down their arms. Samuel Adams and John Hancock had the honour of being excepted from this general amnesty. This distinction was in fact well merited by their ardent love of liberty, their intelligence, patriotic virtues, and the immense influence they exercised over the minds of the people.

This proclamation was received as all the promises and threats of despotism should be; it was entirely disregarded; and the people closed up their ranks.

While the English army remained shut up in Boston, and upon the narrow tongue of land, which unites the city with the continent, 30,000 Americans kept them rigorously blockaded. Their right was in front on the Dedham road, their centre at Cambridge, and their left wing especially composed of Massachusetts troops, rested upon Charlestown, a village separated from Boston by a narrow stream, traversed by a bridge. The English general resolved to escape by this bridge, from his unfortunate position; but the Americans suspected his plan, and hastened to prevent its execution. During the night, a thousand men under the command of Colonel Prescott established and entrenched themselves upon Breed’s Hill, a small eminence, which commanded the city of Boston, and the Charlestown bridge. When the British at day-break discovered the redoubt, which Colonel Prescott’s little troop had thrown up with so much diligence, they attempted but in vain to destroy it; General Gage then thought it highly important to the safety of his army, that the Americans should be dislodged from this commanding position, and made his arrangements accordingly. Major general Howe at the head of ten companies of grenadiers, ten companies of infantry, and some field pieces, landed at Moreton point, and formed his troops in line of battle; but perceiving that the Americans were not intimidated by this hostile demonstration, he thought it advisable to wait for a reinforcement, which he immediately demanded from Boston. This delay gave the Americans time to receive additional troops, which were led by General Warren, and to complete their plan of defence. The English began this attack by burning Charlestown; in a few minutes this village containing more than five hundred wooden buildings was devoured by the flames.

The inhabitants of Boston, and the reserve of the English army were gazing from the amphitheatre formed by the heights of the city, with equal anxiety upon the dreadful battle, with the results of which the destinies of each were equally connected.

On the 17th of June 1775, at one o’clock, the English army moved slowly to the fight, with shouldered arms, exhibiting that calmness, which is inspired by a long habit of military discipline. The Americans awaited them firmly, with the coolness and resolution that is always imparted by love of liberty. The English had already approached within thirty yards of the entrenchments, without a single gun being fired to break the ominous silence, under which their movements were made, when suddenly they received a volley of musketry so fatally aimed that their ranks were disordered, broken, and flying in confusion towards the shore, leaving behind them a great number of their officers killed and wounded. A second attack was followed by a similar result, and even at this time the English soldiers were thrown into such a panic that many of them sought refuge in the boats. Their officers could neither check their flight nor rally them except by resorting to the severest measures. Finally, a third attack, supported by some pieces of artillery, aided by the fire of several ships, and two floating batteries, was completely successful. The Americans, forced from their entrenchments, still defended themselves for a considerable time, fighting hand to hand, and giving blows with the butts of their guns in return for the enemy’s charges with the bayonet. Their retreat was more calm and regular than could have been anticipated from inexperienced militia. In this last attack, the royal troops showed great intrepidity, and a courage worthy of a better cause. They lost nearly 1,100 men killed and wounded, among which were more than 90 officers. The patriot army, which fought for a long time under cover, did not lose 500 men, but had to lament the death of one of its most estimable commanders, general Warren.

The English paid too dearly for this victory to follow up its advantages; they were on that day contented with the possession of the bloody field of battle.

The useless burning of Charlestown, which preceded the battle, was regarded by the Americans, as an act of the most shameful barbarity, and excited a general sentiment of horror and indignation. It was at Charlestown, that the English after their rout at Lexington had found succour for their wounded, and the most generous hospitality was displayed towards their stragglers. The loss of the position on Bunker’s Hill, did not prevent the Americans from keeping the royal army closely blockaded in Boston. The forces of the besiegers were daily augmented, and on the 2d of June, general Washington, in the name of the Congress assembled at Philadelphia, took the command. Nothing of importance, however was undertaken against the city during the rest of the year. The approach of winter rendered the condition of the besieged dreadful; the cold was extreme and fuel was deficient; the English could not obtain it but at the expense of the inhabitants whose houses were demolished for the sake of the wood. The situation of the inhabitants deeply affected Washington, who wished to profit by several days of severe frost, which would have allowed him to cross upon the ice, to make a general attack: but this plan was unanimously opposed by his council of war.

About the end of April 1776, having received some reinforcements, he resolved to occupy the heights of Dorchester, whence it would be easy to annoy the ships in the harbour and even the garrison in the town. He hoped moreover that this movement, by drawing the enemy from his inaction, would give an opportunity of bringing him to a general engagement, and he took his measures with great skill, to derive all possible advantage therefrom. The occupation of the heights of Dorchester was effected on the night of the 2d March, with so much activity, that at day-break the besieged beheld the Americans established and capable of sustaining an attack in their new position.

General Howe immediately perceived the critical situation into which he was thrown by this bold movement of the Americans, and after several fruitless attempts to dislodge them, he determined to evacuate Boston, while the sea still remained open to him. On the 17th of March he embarked with all his army, and his rear-guard might have heard the shouts of joy with which the triumphal entry of Washington was hailed in the city.

From that time, Boston, which is justly distinguished by the glorious title of Cradle of the Revolution, ceased to be the theatre of war. The town and province were forever freed from the presence of the enemies of liberty; but the citizens of Massachusetts did not display less ardour in the achievement of the great work, the liberation of the colonies; their contingents to the continental army were always furnished with exactness, and their troops sustained to the end of the war, their admirable reputation for courage and patriotism.

The news of peace arrived at Boston on the 23d April, 1783, and diffused among the people the most exhilarating joy; the entire abolition of negro slavery was proclaimed, and commerce and industry, under the protection of freedom, appeared with renewed lustre.

The state of Massachusetts since that epoch has constantly increased in wealth and happiness; it has regulated and determined its boundaries in a friendly manner with its neighbours, and at present it is bounded north by the states of Vermont and New Hampshire; east by the Ocean; south by the states of Rhode Island and Connecticut; and west by the state of New York. The face of the soil is infinitely varied, and its coasts are richly furnished with convenient bays, which are adorned with a great number of small islands. The soil of the sea board is generally arid, but the lands of the interior are very productive, and cultivated in such a manner as to impart to the whole country the appearance of a smiling garden. Elegant country houses, fine villages and large towns, amply attest the numbers of the population, in fact about 530,000 souls occupy a surface of 7,800 square miles. In 1790 the population was only 370,787 souls; this increase is certainly very rapid, but we shall find much more astonishing changes in the new states.

65,000 persons are employed in agriculture. 36,000 in the various manufactories of cotton, wool, cloth, glassware, paper, soap, in the foundries, &c.; and about 14,000 in commerce. A considerable number are also engaged in the fisheries, but of the exact amount we have been unable to procure information; however, this sketch will suffice to show to what degree public industry is carried in this state; for if we subtract the individuals employed in the various offices of government in public instruction, or engaged in particular business, such as carpenters, masons, tailors, &c. and then remove from the sum total of the population children still unfit for labor, and the aged who are disabled by their infirmities, we shall see how small a number of idle persons belong to this state. From this active industry a degree of general domestic comfort is produced, which strikes Europeans with astonishment when they first visit this country.

The general welfare of the people, contributes to augment between all classes, that equality which the constitution establishes between individuals, in the eye of the law. At church on Sunday, and at public meetings, it is impossible to distinguish by his dress, and it might almost be added, by his manners, an artisan, from what is called a gentleman, in society: the multiplicity of schools, and the right which every man enjoys of attending to public affairs, diffuses among this class of Americans a knowledge and a correctness of judgment, which would be sought in vain in the middle classes of France. In Boston, what is called the best society, that is, companies of literary men, rich merchants, government officers, and professional men, offer the surprising contrast of a rare degree of information, with great simplicity of manners. The excessive severity of character which distinguished the first settlers of New England, is gradually becoming effaced by communication with other people, and especially by the introduction of religious toleration; the rigorism of the puritans has given place to a mild harmony between the numerous sects, which are not only numerous in New England, but the whole Union. But it must not be supposed, however, that indifference has succeeded to fervor; religious exercises are observed with scrupulous exactitude; and it would be difficult to find in Boston a pleasure house open on Sunday. The chains which were formerly stretched across the streets during divine service, are gradually disappearing. The government never interferes in any way in religious matters; the pastors of the different congregations are paid by their parishioners, and if an especial respect be publicly paid to those who frequent the churches, those who never attend them are never persecuted. Finally, there is but one remaining trace of the religious tyranny of the first settlers, and unfortunately that trace occurs in the state constitution. The 1st article of the 6th chapter, excludes from the offices of government all candidates who are not christians, and who will not swear that they are convinced of its truth.—“I, A. B. do declare that I believe the christian religion, and have a firm persuasion of its truth.”

We can scarcely comprehend how, in a society so free and enlightened, where the progress of philosophy is every day evident, the state still can continue to refuse the services of a virtuous man, because the individual may be a Jew or a Mussulman.

CHAPTER IV.

Camp of Savin Hill. Visit to John Adams: review of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.

On the 28th of August general Lafayette was invited by the governor to visit the camp at Savin Hill, a few miles from Boston; he accepted the invitation, and we arrived there at noon. Savin Hill is a very picturesque situation on the borders of the sea, where during the fine season the volunteer militia companies of Boston go successively to pass some days in camp, for the purpose of military exercise. On our arrival we found them under arms. The young officer in command came to receive the general, and after a brief address he returned to the head of his troops, which manœuvred with much precision. After various movements of infantry, the artillery commenced firing at a mark. Most of the shots were fired with great skill, at a target floated at a sufficient distance on the water. The artillerists invited the general to aim one of their pieces, which he did, and his shot knocked the target in pieces. This successful shot, which no one expected from a man of his age, procured him the applauses of all the young soldiers, and of the ladies who usually visit the camp to see their brothers and husbands, but on this occasion had flocked in greater numbers to see Lafayette.

The guns of the artillerists attracted our attention from the moment of our arrival; after the exercises were finished I approached to examine them more attentively, and was considerably surprised to recognize our French models, which were perfectly imitated. From the officers who observed the interest with which we examined these pieces, we learned that this improvement was owing to general Henry Lallemand, who was forced by the proscriptions of 1815 to seek a refuge in the United States, where he died in 1823, universally esteemed and regretted. The militia of Massachusetts are indebted to him for great improvements in their artillery; and he has left a treatise on the subject, in three volumes, in which, it is true, he has only reproduced in part the regulations already known and practised in France, but which he has admirably adapted to the use of those for whom he wrote. He married in Philadelphia the niece of a French gentleman, who during 50 years residence in that city, had by his success in commerce, amassed one of the largest fortunes in the United States. The situation of general Lallemand, however, was not improved by this marriage, as he died poor. His amiable and interesting widow, with her only daughter, continues to reside at Philadelphia, under the protection of her uncle.

After visiting the camp at Savin Hill, the governor took us to dine at his country seat; whence we returned to attend a brilliant ball, which Mr. Lloyd, senator of the United States, gave to general Lafayette.

John Adams, whose name is so gloriously connected with all the great epochs of the American revolution, and who had the honour of succeeding Washington in the first magistracy of the republic, was then detained at his retreat by the weight of eighty-nine years. Lafayette who had been acquainted previously, and even maintained a strict friendship with him, was unwilling to depart without paying him a visit: a feeling of delicacy, easy to be understood, made him wish that this visit should be unattended by any of that triumphal pomp, by which his slightest movements had been accompanied. In consequence, he set out in a carriage, merely accompanied by two gentlemen of the city, and followed by his son and myself. We arrived about two o’clock at Quincy. Our carriages stopped at the door of a very simple small house, built of wood and brick, and but one story high. I was somewhat astonished to learn that this was the residence of an Ex-President of the United States. We found the venerable John Adams in the midst of his family. He received and welcomed us with touching kindness: the sight of his ancient friend imparted a pleasure and satisfaction, which appeared to renew his youth. During the whole of dinner time, he kept up the conversation with an ease and readiness of memory, which made us forget his 89 years.

The long life of John Adams has been exclusively devoted to the service of his country and liberty, which from his youth he passionately loved.

He was born at Quincy, the 19th October, 1735, and studied at Cambridge, which he left in 1755, to take charge of a grammar school at Worcester, where, at the same time, he applied himself to the study of the law, under James Putnam. In 1758, he was admitted to the bar. In 1770 he was chosen as a representative of the town of Boston, in the Assembly of Massachusetts. When the quarrels between the English soldiers and the citizens of Massachusetts became sanguinary, he showed his full strength of character, by defending captain Preston and his soldiers, for firing on the people; in this defence he was assisted by Josiah Quincy, jr. and S. Blowers. He was unwilling that the love of liberty should transcend the love of justice, and his eloquence secured the safety of those unfortunates, who were in fact nothing but the blind and ignorant instruments of English tyranny.

In 1774, he was elected a member of the Council of Massachusetts, but the political opinions which he had already expressed openly and energetically on numerous occasions, caused him to be rejected by governor Gage. A few months afterwards, he was sent to the Continental Congress, where he proved one of the most ardent and skilful defenders of liberty.

In 1776, he was appointed, together with Jefferson, each to draw up a Declaration of Independence. Jefferson’s address was preferred by Congress, as is known, but Adams’s, on account of his eloquence and patriotism, was not the less regarded as the soul and fire of that immortal assembly. Shortly after he was sent with Dr. Franklin and Edward Rutlege, to treat with Lord Howe for the pacification of the colonies.

In 1777, he was appointed commissioner to the court of France, in place of Silas Deane. In April 1779, Congress having censured all the other European commissioners, made an honourable exception of John Adams. On his return from Europe, the same year, he was elected a member of the Convention assembled to revise the Constitution of Massachusetts. In the month of August of the same year, he was sent to Europe with power to treat for a general peace.

In December, 1780, Congress voted him public thanks for the services he had rendered in Europe. In 1781, he concluded with the provinces of Holland a treaty very advantageous to his country.

In 1785, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to England. It was during this honourable mission, that he published, in 1787, at London, his learned summary of all the ancient and modern constitutions, under the title of Defence of the American Constitutions. This profoundly erudite work, in which the author in several passages appeared to indicate his predilections for English constitutions, drew forth vigorous attacks from a large number of patriotic writers, and particularly from Philip Livingston, then governor of New Jersey, who opposed him in an excellent work, which he published under the title of Examination of the English Constitution.

Recalled from England at his own request, he was received with the thanks of his fellow-citizens and of Congress. In 1789, after the adoption of the new constitution, John Adams was elected Vice-President of the United States, and remained in this honourable situation during the eight years of the presidency of Washington, whose confidence in his talents and patriotism was unbounded.

In 1797, he was himself elected to the Chief Magistracy of the republic, to succeed Washington, who refused a third election. Circumstances were then very difficult. The French revolution, which at first received the general approbation of the United States, had at that time become, through the intrigues of royalists and foreigners, an object of horror, even to its warmest partizans. The French question agitated all minds, and had become the subject of vivid discussion, and sometimes of violent attacks, between the two parties called Federal and Democrat. The ill-managed attempts of our diplomatic agents in the United States, to profit by these divisions, alarmed President Adams, and induced him to propose to Congress, as a measure of security, the suppression of the act of habeas corpus. This proposition was too directly opposed to the sentiments of liberty, entertained by the American people, not to be rejected with force, and I may say even with indignation. The House of Representatives would not even discuss the bill, and the popularity of John Adams received at that time such a shock, that at the expiration of the fourth year of his administration, he was not re-elected.

In 1801, he retired to his dwelling at Quincy; his fellow-citizens soon forgot the cause of his retreat, and only remembered the great and numerous services he rendered to his country during his long career. The governorship of Massachusetts was offered him, and some time afterwards he was invited to preside over the committee appointed to revise the constitution of the state. But he began to feel the necessity of repose; he thanked them, and concluded by praying the theologians, philosophers, and politicians, to let him die in peace. Notwithstanding this refusal, he had not become insensible to the great interests of the country, and when she was menaced in 1811 by the odious vexations of England, his patriotic voice was heard from the bosom of his retreat, declaring that the national honour could only be maintained by war. His eloquence was re-animated in a letter which he wrote to rally to this sentiment, those whom party spirit had most widely separated. In short, he so generously sacrificed his private opinions to the dangers of the moment, that his most ardent adversaries could not withhold the expression of their admiration and gratitude.

At the moment of our visit, although he could not go out of his chamber, could scarcely raise himself from his chair, and his hands were unable to convey the food to his mouth without the pious assistance of his children or grand-children, his heart and head felt not less ardour for every thing good. The affairs of his country afforded him the most pleasant occupation. He frequently repeated the greatness of the joy which he derived from the gratitude of his fellow-citizens towards Lafayette. We left him, filled with admiration at the courage with which he supported the pains and infirmities which the lapse of nearly a century had necessarily accumulated upon him.

A grand review had been ordered and prepared for the 30th, in the morning the troops from the environs of Boston arrived under command of general Appleton, those of the city had pitched their tents upon the common, in front of the capitol on the preceding evening, and on rising we were struck with the appearance of this extemporaneous camp. At noon, about 8,000 men were drawn up in line of battle, on this vast parade: a great concourse of ladies adorned all the windows which overlooked the ground, or filled the surrounding walks. A few moments after general Lafayette presented himself, accompanied by the governor and his staff, before the line, where he was received by the acclamations of the troops, to which martial music and the shouts of the spectators responded. After passing in front of the ranks of these young soldier-citizens, whose equipments and appearance might charm even eyes accustomed to the regularity of hired European troops, the general was conducted to the most elevated point of the parade, to behold the military movements which were to follow. We did not discover in the handling of their arms, that minute precision to which European officers attach so ridiculous an importance, and which is only acquired by reducing a soldier to the sad condition of a puppet, for, at least, four hours a day; but we were forced to admire the promptitude of the charges, and the union and vivacity of the firing. Beyond doubt, the movements of the line were somewhat defective as to calmness and precision; but it was impossible, I believe, to execute with greater rapidity and intelligence all the movements of light troops. This sort of service appears to be very consonant to the American character; it is also well suited to troops more particularly called to the defence of situations where all the resources are known to them, and which are particularly favourable to a war of detail. This sort of sham battle, which was performed before our eyes, lasted nearly three hours, and interested us exceedingly; when it was ended we went under an immense tent, where the principal citizens to the number of 1200, were collected at table to receive the adieus of Lafayette, who was to quit the city on the next morning. In the centre of the table, and in front of the places we were to occupy, stood a large silver basin, filled with fragments of arms or projectiles, military buttons, &c. collected on Bunker’s Hill a long time after the battle of the 17th June. The governor had the goodness to offer us some of these fragments; for my part, I gratefully accepted a button, upon which, notwithstanding the rust that covered it, could readily be distinguished the number, 42; it is known that this number is one of those which suffered most severely in attacking the American entrenchments. The care with which the Americans preserve and revere all the monuments of the revolution is very remarkable; every thing which recalls this glorious epoch, is to them a precious relic, which they regard almost with religious reverence. This sort of devotion is praiseworthy, since it contributes to feed the sacred fire of love of liberty, by which they are animated. It is worth quite as much, I believe, as that profound veneration which we have in Europe for the ribbands conferred by power.

During the review I remarked with surprise the variety of uniforms; in the numerous companies that defiled before us, scarcely could I find two companies somewhat similar in this respect. Some were clothed with a luxury that was very little adapted to war; while those from the country, were on the contrary so simply clad, that they had nothing military about them but the cartridge box and musket. This difference was explained to me by the formation of volunteer companies. These are composed of young men, who, from being friends or neighbours, organize under the authority of the governor, a peculiar company; the colour and fashion of their uniform is decided by common consent; they elect their own officers, and choose the name of their corps. Thus organized and constituted, they remain always subject to the general regulations by which all the militia are governed, but they meet much more frequently for the purpose of military exercise; as most of these young men are sufficiently well off, they can afford to expend something upon a brilliant dress, and hence the variety of their uniforms. If from this slight rivalry in elegance, between the volunteer companies, great emulation in service ensues, as the officers suppose who had the kindness to give me some information on these points, it is unquestionably an advantage; but is it not to be feared that this advantage may be attended by serious inconveniences? May not the embroidery and plumes which at present serve to distinguish one company from another, hereafter be used to distinguish the son of a rich merchant from a mere mechanic? and will not this distinction between the rich and poor militiaman open the door to the aristocracy of wealth, which is not less an enemy to equality than the aristocracy of parchments? I am aware that American manners and institutions diminish this danger; but ought a danger to be disregarded because it is still distant?

The existence, organization, duties, and basis of the discipline of the militia throughout the Union, are determined by general laws emanating from congress. However, as differences of situation or manners which distinguish the aspect of the various states composing the great federation require modifications in the application of these laws, each state regulates for itself the formation of militia corps, their especial discipline, the appointment of officers, &c. &c. taking care, however, not to depart from the general principles established by congress.

As all the particular regulations of the States differ somewhat from each other, and it would, moreover, be too tedious to describe them all in detail, it may suffice to satisfy the reader’s curiosity that we present in this place a sketch of the regulations of the Massachusetts militia.

The law of the Congress of the United States, calls into the ranks, all citizens capable of bearing arms from the age of eighteen to forty-five, inclusively; the law of Massachusetts makes an exception in favour of the individuals hereafter designated: the lieutenant governor of the state; members of the executive council; judges of the supreme court, the inferior courts and their clerks; members of the legislature; justices of the peace; all officers employed in the registry of deeds, &c.; the attorney general, the solicitor general; secretary and treasurer of state and their clerks; sheriffs; teachers of public schools; the ministers of all religious sects, without distinction; all civil officers appointed by the United States, and finally the Quakers, when they present a certificate signed by one or two of their elders, stating that the bearer is actually one of their society, and is conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. Nevertheless, all the individuals above excepted from militia duty, are obliged from the age of 18 to 45, to keep in the house, and to present at each annual review, the arms and equipments of war prescribed by the laws of the United States: they must, moreover, pay two dollars a year, which are placed in the treasury of the town or district, to be employed in arming and equipping poor citizens unable to furnish their own accoutrements.

CHAPTER V.

Journey from Boston to Portsmouth: sojourn at Portsmouth: history, constitution and statistics of New Hampshire: journey from Portsmouth to New York: description of Long Island.

The state of New Hampshire having sent a deputation to invite general Lafayette to visit the navy yard at Portsmouth, we set out for that place on the 31st of August, by the way of Lexington, Concord, Salem, Marblehead and Newburyport. We delayed but a few moments at Lexington, but we left it deeply impressed by the touching scenes we there witnessed, and the historical recollection it awakens. We recollected that it was at this place in 1775, a few farmers were slaughtered by an English battalion; and upon the same spot Lafayette was welcomed by a free and happy population assembled to greet him. We advanced through two handsome lines of militia troops to the base of the pyramid which indicates the place where the first martyrs of liberty fell, and now repose. There two old men related to us this first scene of the grand revolutionary tragedy, in which they were actors; and this circumstance lent a powerful charm to their recital, which captivated our attention. They were delighted to recall the smallest particulars of this action, repeated with heated indignation the insulting and menacing words of the fierce Pitcairn, when he summoned them to surrender, and the smile of pity and contempt curled their lips when they told how 800 Englishmen had fired upon sixty farmers: they then named with tenderness those of their companions and friends who fell by their sides, turning their eyes filled with tears upon the ground, while our own involuntarily rested upon the last asylum of these hero citizens, paying them a tribute of gratitude and admiration. After some moments of solemn silence, one of the two old men exclaimed, “we still weep for our brethren, but we do not deplore them, they died for their country and liberty!” At the words country and liberty, the crowd, deeply affected, responded by shouts of “long live Lafayette,” and during a long time it was difficult to moderate this burst of public gratitude. All the militia of the district were assembled at Lexington; they defiled before the pyramid and Lafayette, lowering before these two monuments of their revolution their standards, upon which the murder of their ancestors was delineated, by which hatred of despotism is perpetuated among these youthful soldier-citizens.

Just as we were about to depart from the pyramid to re-enter our carriages, a young man presented himself, having in his hands a long rudely shaped and rusty musket; he presented it to Lafayette with a solemnity which induced us to suppose that the weapon by some peculiar circumstance had acquired a right to the veneration of the bearer. In fact, we learned that this was the musket from which the first fire was returned to the English, upon the field of Lexington. “My father bore it on the 19th of April, 1775,” said the young man; “in his hands it commenced the work that Washington and you so gloriously achieved; I am happy to make it known to you.” Lafayette examined it with pleasure; all of us desired to touch it; in returning it to him, the general advised him to have inscribed on the stock the date of April 19th, and the name of the brave citizen who bore it, and then to keep it in a box for the purpose of securing it from the ravages of time. He was moved by this advice and promised to follow it.

Although Concord is but a short distance from Lexington, we were nevertheless obliged to stop there. The inhabitants of the vicinity were collected in the public square, where a tent of flowers and verdure had been erected, under which a troop of blooming and beautiful girls offered refreshments to the Nation’s Guest, who was forced to take a seat at the centre of an elegantly prepared table, around which none but ladies were admitted. Young girls crowned with flowers moved around the table of which they did the honours with touching grace and ease; but it was especially to Lafayette that all their attention was directed, and upon him their tenderest care was concentrated. All was smiling, all was gracious in the picture of happiness and joy before us; but at the same instant we were struck by a singular contrast. In front of the tent, at the other extremity of the public square, we perceived upon a hillock which terminated it, a confused collection of funeral monuments. We recognized the place consecrated to the dead. Of all these monuments, the greater number were already blackened by time; some were still of a glaring whiteness; near one of the latter was placed a female and two children clad in black, whose sorrowing attitudes seemed to say that festival days are not days of repose for death; but not one of the gay party appeared to regard this; all were too happy to remark the narrowness of the space by which they were separated from the spot where all sink into oblivion.

At Marblehead I was aroused from the profound reverie into which the circumstances at Concord had plunged me, by the sound of cannon, and the shouts of the people, who rushed to meet Lafayette. Brilliant preparations had been made to receive him, although it was known that he could only stop to breakfast. In ascending Washington Hill, we were met by the pupils of eleven public and twenty private schools, conducted by their teachers and the president of the board of instruction. There were nine hundred children of both sexes. A deputation, formed by a representative from each class, approached the carriage, and presented an address to Lafayette, in which the children expressed to him their gratitude for the services he had rendered their parents. Salem is only 14 miles from Boston, and yet we did not reach there until afternoon, because at almost every step Lafayette was obliged to stop to receive testimonials of regard from all we met upon the road. At the entrance of the city, we were received by the magistrates, and by a numerous cavalcade of citizens; several military corps were drawn up on each side of the way, and his entry was announced by salutes of artillery and the chiming of the bells. In spite of the rain, which fell in torrents, the streets were entirely filled with the crowds that rushed towards him, and uttered their benedictions. We passed through the town on foot, in order to go under a great number of triumphal arches decorated with emblems and inscriptions. Upon one was “Honour to Lafayette! honour to him who fought and shed his blood for the peace and happiness we enjoy:” upon another, “Lafayette, friend and defender of liberty, welcome to the land of your adoption;” on another, “In the day of our adversity, thou didst aid us, in the days of our prosperity, we recall thy services with gratitude.” The dining-hall and the dinner itself, had been decorated and prepared by the hands of a great number of ladies. In front of Lafayette’s seat, amid garlands of flowers, was the following inscription: “Lafayette in America—Where can one better be than in the bosom of his family?”

Ancient companions in arms, placed at his sides, claimed the privilege of serving him, reminding him gaily, that they acquired this right at Yorktown, where he had not refused their services. The dinner ended with a great number of toasts. One was drank to “France, the friend of liberty in America; may she never become the friend of oppression in Europe.” Immediately after, we quitted Salem to pass the night at Newburyport. Although the weather continued to be disagreeable, the general could not dissuade the Salem citizens from escorting him; they galloped along side of his carriage, sword in hand, for nearly nine miles, at the risk of falling twenty times, so very bad were the roads.

Notwithstanding all our diligence, it was late at night when we arrived at Newburyport. The brilliance of the illuminations, and the fires lighted in appropriate places in the street, the uninterrupted sounds of cannon, bells, the shouts of people, and the sight of armed troops advancing rapidly to the sound of the drum, might have led one to suppose we were entering a town taken by storm, and delivered to the flames, if the words Liberty, Country, Washington, Lafayette, which incessantly fell upon our ears, had not reminded us that we were present at a truly national and popular festival. Although the night was so far advanced, the general was obliged to devote a considerable time to the reception of the citizens who pressed forward in crowds to greet him. We stopped at Tracy’s inn, which had been prepared for our reception. General Washington staid there in 1789. The chamber he used was afterwards preserved with the greatest care; the furniture had not been changed, and Lafayette had the pleasure of resting in the same bed, where, thirty-five years ago, his father and his friend had reposed. From the joy which appeared to sparkle in the eyes of our host, it was easy to divine the sentiments that animated him, and how difficult it would be to induce him to part with the furniture which had served Washington and Lafayette.

We left Newburyport early in the morning, and arrived about mid-day at Portsmouth. Numerous corps of infantry, and almost the whole population, headed by their magistrates, came out of the city to meet Lafayette. A thousand children from various schools were ranged in a double row along the road, and though these poor children had no other covering but wreaths of flowers, and the rain was falling abundantly, none would relinquish their posts. The procession formed to accompany the general’s entry into the town, was more than two miles long. After it had passed through the principal streets, we stopped in Congress street, at Franklin Hall. There the president of the town council pronounced on behalf of the assembled citizens, an address.

The general was then presented to the governor of New Hampshire, Mr. Morill, who had purposely come from his residence, to receive him, after his introduction to the governor, he was surrounded by his ancient companions in arms, among whom he recognized general Smith, who had served three years under him as a captain of light infantry. While they were felicitating each other on their meeting, they were interrupted by another old revolutionary soldier, who with tears in his eyes recounted aloud the great number of services rendered to him during the war, by the Marquis; Lafayette with much difficulty interrupted his recital which embarrassed him exceedingly, but which vividly excited the interest of the spectators.

In going to our lodgings, which were prepared in the house of the late governor Langdon, we met some Indians in the street; these were the first I had seen, and excited my curiosity very much; some members of the committee caused a dozen of these savages from the forests of Canada to visit us at our lodgings. I learned that they came from beyond the great lakes to exchange peltries for toys and liquor. I confess that I found nothing in them which corresponded with my ideas of these children of nature.[^[9]] Their dresses had no other character than that of misery; crosses and chaplets had taken the place of their beautiful head-dresses of plumes, their furs and their arms; their drunken visages had nothing of that noble expression which is said so particularly to distinguish the savage man: at first their manners appeared affectionate, but it was soon evident that they were only servile or interested. They talked of beads and confession, as their fathers, no doubt did of sorcerers and manitoes. In a word it appeared to me that these poor wretches had only changed superstitions, and that civilization had brought them its vices without any of its benefits. In fact I was assured that the majority of them had become idle, drunken thieves, without being in the least degree improved in knowledge. An old man who spoke a little French, appeared to be their chief, he told us they lived in Canada. When asked if they were happy in the vicinity of the English, he replied that they loved the French very much; and immediately he and his companions shook hands very cordially with us. They had with them several of their wives, some of whom were suckling their children; they also appeared very miserable, and by no means pretty.

During our conversation with the civilized Indians a new procession was formed to conduct Lafayette to the navy yard; he went thither a few moments afterwards, but neither his son nor myself could accompany him, as we were desirous of profiting by a sure and prompt opportunity of writing to our friends in France. We regretted however that we missed the chance of seeing the navy yard which is said to be very fine and of considerable extent. The remainder of the day was occupied by a public dinner at which all the public officers and Mr. Salazar, chargé des affaires for the republic of Columbia were present. After dinner we went to a ball, where more than four hundred ladies were introduced to Lafayette; we left the ball at midnight to take our carriages for Boston, where our travelling companions from New York awaited us. Before resuming the account of our progress, I will devote a few pages to the history, constitution, and present condition of the state of New Hampshire, of which Portsmouth is the most considerable town, both for its population, which exceed seven thousand souls, and its commerce which is very extensive.

The state of New Hampshire is situated between the 42° 42′, and the 45° 14′ N. Lat. and between the 4° 29′ and the 6° 10′ of east longitude, from Washington; its surface contains 9280 square miles; its form is that of a trapezium, having its base to the south. On the north it is bounded by Lower Canada; south by Massachusetts; east by Maine and the ocean; and west by the Connecticut river which separates it from Vermont. The coast of New Hampshire is about eighteen miles in extent, is generally sandy and slightly indented. In the interior we find very high lands, amongst which the white hills or mountains are the highest. The most considerable collection of water are the lakes Umbagog and Winnipiseogee, and the lakes Connecticut, Piscataqua and Merimac. The soil of New Hampshire is of primitive formation and generally fertile; however the most productive are on the borders of the streams, which deposit a rich alluvion by their inundations. On the banks of the sea an abundance of salt hay is cured which is found to be very acceptable to the cattle. The most abundant mines are those of iron in the district of Franconia and at Enfield. A small quantity of native silver in threads is found in the western mountains, but it is not worth the expense of procuring it. Plumbago is found in considerable abundance in Sutton county district, and about Monadnock mountain.

The heats of summer are short but excessive; as to the cold it must be very severe, since lake Winnipiseogee which is twenty-four miles in length, and in some places twelve miles wide, is frozen for three months in the year, so hard as to bear heavy wagons. The climate is, however, very salubrious, and examples of longevity are not uncommon; individuals are frequently known to live over an hundred years.

New Hampshire was discovered in 1614 by captain Smith, and the first settlements were made by fishermen and planters on the river Piscataqua, in 1623. These establishments were placed under the government of Massachusetts in 1692. In 1787 the first constitution of New Hampshire was framed, and the limits determined between it and Massachusetts. In 1765 the people rejected the stamp act with energy, and afterwards engaged in the revolutionary war, which they supported with vigour and perseverance to the end. The state of New Hampshire was the ninth that voted for the adoption of the new federal constitution of the United States; it was carried in the legislature by a majority of eleven, the number of members being 300. This circumstance decided in favour of the establishment of the federal government. The new constitution was adopted in 1792; it was preceded by a declaration of rights and recognised three powers, the legislative, executive, and judiciary.

The legislative power is vested in the senate and a house of representatives, which compose the general assembly, and each branch exercises a negative over the other. Bills relative to monies originate in the house of representatives, but it may be amended in the senate which directs the expenditures.

The senate is composed of thirteen, elected annually by taxable citizens. A candidate must 1st, be thirty years old; 2d, must own a freehold in the state worth £200—3d, he must have resided in the state seven years previous to the election, and be a resident of the county by which he is elected.

The house of representatives is composed of members from the different towns, the number of which is proportioned to the population in the ratio of one representative for every 150 taxable inhabitants, of 20 years old at least, and of two for every 450, so that it requires 300 additional taxable inhabitants for every new member.

The election is made by ballot, and no one is eligible unless he own in the county a freehold, whereof he is seized in his own right, of the value of £500. It is necessary also that he reside in the district at the time of his election, and have resided two years within the state.

Every male citizen of 20 years old, except paupers and persons exempt from taxes at their own request, have the right of voting for senators and representatives. The executive power is confided to the governor and five councillors.

The governor is chosen annually by vote of all the taxable citizens; and if two candidates have an equal number of votes, the choice is decided by the joint ballot of both houses of assembly. A candidate for the governorship must be thirty years old, be an inhabitant of the state for seven years preceding the election, have an estate of the value of five hundred pounds, one half of which to consist of a freehold in his own right, in the state. The governor is commander in chief of the forces by land and sea, with the advice and consent of the council of state, which he assembles at will. He appoints the attorney and solicitor general, and the other officers of justice. He has the right of pardoning criminals, except such as are convicted before the senate, by impeachment of the house. He signs all the commissions which are moreover countersigned by his secretary.

The councillors are also elected by all the taxable citizens of 20 years old, and the same requisites are demanded of them as of the governor, with this difference however, that at least three hundred pounds of their property must be in freehold.

The secretary, treasurer, and commissary general are chosen by ballot by the senators and representatives.

The treasurer of the county and the town clerk are appointed by the inhabitants of each county.

The members of congress are chosen by the inhabitants assembled in town meetings, and their votes are sent to the secretary, who opens them before the general court. It is in the same way that candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency are chosen. The two senators in congress are elected by the general courts.

The judiciary court is composed of a superior court of four judges who annually make two circuits through the counties; an inferior court, with the same number of judges in each county, who sit four times a year; a general court of sessions of justices of the peace, who sit at the same time; a court of probates, formed of a single judge who sits every month in each county; and justices of the peace.

The judges are appointed by the governor and council, and retain their places until they are 70 years old. They are liable to impeachment for misbehaviour in office.

The jury composed of twelve freeholders whose verdict decides the judgment in civil and criminal suits, is selected by the municipal council from among persons worth fifty pounds. The names of one third of the members are placed in one box; and the names of the two-thirds in another. The jurors for the superior court are drawn from the first box, and those for the inferior court from the second, by the town clerk in the public assembly.

The general court is authorized to reform the judiciary system when it is deemed convenient or necessary to the public service; to give to the justices of the peace jurisdiction in civil causes, when real estate is not concerned and the damages do not exceed four pounds, with the right of appeal to another court and the trial by jury.

The chief justice receives 1500 dollars per annum; each of the other judges receives 1200.

The sheriffs like the judges are ineligible after they have attained to seventy years, nor can they act or receive fees as lawyers or counsel, while they are in office.

All the civil and military officers take the following oath before entering upon office.

“I solemnly swear that I will bear faith and true allegiance to the state of New Hampshire, and will defend the constitution thereof, and I will faithfully and impartially discharge and perform the duties incumbent on me as governor, secretary, &c. &c. to the best of my abilities, agreeably to the rules and regulations of this constitution, and the laws of New Hampshire, so help me God.”

If the officer be a quaker his affirmation is received, adding thereto, “I do this under the pains and penalties of perjury.”

The financial organization is equally economic and liberal. Every town appoints one or more collectors of taxes, who are furnished with the tax lists and entrusted with full powers to seize, in case of necessity, the goods or persons of delinquents. If any one refuse to produce a statement of his property subject to taxes, the municipal council determines the sum such an individual shall pay to the state. The levies upon the counties are divided by the judges of a court which is held four times a year, and the proportion that each town is to pay, is specified in the order to the treasurer of the county.

A new assessment of taxes is annually made in the month of April, upon the property of taxable individuals; all these goods are taxed at six per cent of the value of their income; except uncultivated lands, and ships which only pay ¼ per cent of their real value. Mills and ferry-boats are taxed one-twelfth of their annual income: funds in commerce according to their value, and money at interest at from three-fourths to one per cent.

The debts contracted by the state in 1814, amounting with the interest to more than 30,000 dollars, have been paid; and the state has at present considerable funds in the bank of the United States.

The wisdom and economy of the administration, and the equity of the government have borne their fruits. The happiness of the people of New Hampshire is indubitable; it is attested by the diffusion of knowledge, by the wealth of commerce, the prosperity of agriculture, and the rapid increase of population. This increase in spite of the constant emigration towards the new countries of the south, and especially of the west, is still very remarkable. In 1755 the population was about 34,000 souls; in 1790 it was 141,885; in 1800 it was 183,858; in 1810 it was 214,460, and at present it amounts to 244,161 souls. Of this number about 800 are free persons of colour. Although there is no special law against slavery, the philanthropic spirit of the inhabitants, and a correct view of their interests, have done justice in regard to this monstrosity, and we may say at present, slavery does not exist in New Hampshire: we may say the same indeed of all the New England states.

This population of 244,161 souls, furnishes 2,384 persons devoted to agriculture, 8,699 to manufactures, and 1,068 to commerce.

The state of New Hampshire could bring 25,000 men into the field from the class of citizens from 16 to 45 years old. In case of need this force could be considerably augmented by the men who are on the alarm list, which is formed of men from 45 to 60 years old, and of all those exempt from ordinary service by the militia regulations. The exemptions are the same as those of Massachusetts.

I have said that the diffusion of knowledge in New Hampshire was great. The advantage of a good general education is owing to the care of the government and the foresight of the constitution, which directs the legislator and magistrate always to regard as a sacred duty the advancement of the interests of letters and science and of all the public schools; to encourage private institutions; to give rewards and privileges for the encouragement of agriculture, the arts, sciences and commerce; the natural history and manufactures of the country.

As in all the rest of the Union, absolute liberty in religious concerns is declared by the constitution to be a natural and inalienable right; no one can be disturbed or interfered with on account of his religious views. The law does not acknowledge any dominant sect. All the ministers of the different communions have equal right to the protection of the government, and receive their salaries from their parishioners, whose good will they are obliged to acquire, and they only obtain it by setting a virtuous example. Thus their manners are generally pure, marriages common, and celibacy but little esteemed. It is rare in the interior towns to find a bachelor over thirty years old. The girls marry so young, that it is not uncommon to see the mother and daughter both nursing their infants at the same time. We may also readily find the grandfather, father and son, at work together in the fields.

Many other particulars remained to be learned relative to New Hampshire, but the general having promised to make a second visit in the ensuing spring, I shall profit thereby to collect the information I could not procure during so short a stay.

We left Portsmouth for Boston, as already stated, at midnight and arrived there at two o’clock; we set out again at four, through Lexington, Lancaster, Worcester, Tolland, and Hartford. In each of these places, Lafayette received from all the citizens evidences of regard, which vividly affected him, but to which he had scarce time to respond, so rapid was our journey. We slept the first night at the charming country house of Mr. Wilder, near Boston, whose kind hospitality will never be effaced from our memory. On the second, we stopped at Stafford, after having been present at the brilliant festivities of Worcester, and on the fourth day, at 10 A.M. we arrived at Hartford, a pretty and very commercial town, situated upon the west bank of the Connecticut river, fifty miles from its source. The population of Hartford is 4726 souls, and it divides with New Haven the advantage of being the seat of government of the state of Connecticut.

Lafayette entered Hartford preceded by a numerous escort of troops, and welcomed by the whole population with the most lively demonstrations of veneration and love. The municipal body came to meet him, and the mayor delivered an address. He was then conducted with great pomp to the State House where he was received by Governor Wolcott, who in receiving him, addressed him in the name of the state.

After his discourse, to which Lafayette made an affectionate reply, numerous introductions of all the persons who could come into the hall, took place. The assembly could scarcely retain their emotion, when old general Wadsworth entered, bearing the epaulettes and scarf worn by Lafayette at the battle of Brandywine, where he was wounded. The scarf still retained traces of his blood. These epaulettes and scarf were given to General Swift after the peace, and his family had preserved them carefully, in memory of him who wore them, and the cause he defended.

At the moment we left the state house, he found himself in the midst of eight hundred children from the public schools, who presented him with a gold medal on which was inscribed, “The Children of Hartford to Lafayette, September 4, 1824.”

After passing through several streets strewn with flowers, we arrived at the institution for the deaf and dumb. About sixty of these young unfortunates arranged in a line, awaited in the profound and eternal silence which the lamentable caprice of nature had imposed on them, for the arrival of Lafayette. As soon as they saw him, they pointed out to him, while placing their hands on their hearts, a legend containing these words, “What the nation expresses we feel.” At their head was their teacher Mr. Clerc, pupil of the Abbe Sicard and of Massieu.

Lafayette experienced lively pleasure in seeing this young Frenchman, whose love of liberty and of humanity had brought him to this country, where he had rendered the most important services.

When General Lafayette had reviewed the troops, under command of Colonel Johnson, and taken leave of the magistrates and inhabitants of Hartford, he was conducted on board of the steam-boat Oliver Ellsworth, by a detachment of an hundred revolutionary veterans, preceded by the military band. After taking leave of his ancient companions in arms, the boat pushed off, and we began to descend the Connecticut. This river which arises between lower Canada and New Hampshire, a little above the 45th degree parallel of latitude, serves as a boundary between this state and that of Vermont, and traverses the states of Massachusetts and Connecticut from north to south. Its course is about three hundred miles long. Although much obstructed by rocks, it is navigable by batteaux almost to its source, and large vessels can ascend it nearly fifty miles. During its course, it receives a large number of tributaries, and empties into Long-Island sound about thirty miles east of New Haven. Its banks are very delightful and fertile, though we had but little time to enjoy the sight. Soon after leaving Hartford, our boat stopped in front of Middletown, a beautiful little manufacturing town situated upon the right bank of the river. The sound of cannon and the acclamations of the crowd that thronged the bank, apprised Lafayette of the impatience with which he was expected by the people of Middletown. He hastened on shore to express his satisfaction, and it was not until seven in the evening that he returned on board the Oliver Ellsworth; so that night soon came on and hid from our view the beautiful dwellings which adorn both banks of the Connecticut. However we could form some idea of their number by the lights which appeared on the right and left, glittering like stars amid the obscurity.

At day-break we emerged from the river into Long-Island sound, commonly called the East River. We had Long-Island on our left, and the state of New York on our right.—Whichever way we turned, we beheld beautiful country houses or farms, the mere aspect of which announced comfort and abundance. Although the sun was but just risen when I went on deck, I perceived a large number of ladies at their windows, waiting for the vessel which they knew was to bring back Lafayette, to New York. As soon as our flag was perceived, it was saluted by the most animated exclamations and signs of the warmest affection.

While breathing the fresh morning air, always more so in the vicinity of the sea, and contemplating with pleasure, the delightful harmony of a beautiful prospect, and a rich and free industry, I was accosted by one of our travelling companions, an old revolutionary soldier, who came with us from Hartford, who said he could not sleep during the night, so much was he excited by the pleasure of seeing his general again. I asked him for some account of the most remarkable dwellings, which were in view, and he replied with much kindness, and in a way that led me to believe, that he was familiar with the navigation of the sound. When asked if he had occasionally visited Long-Island, he replied, “Oh yes, certainly, and it is long since the first time; it was in 1776, and without the courage and skill of our worthy General Washington, it is probable that this first visit to Long-Island would have also been my last, and my bones would now rest in peace. It would have been a pity, however, as I should have missed the happiness I yesterday enjoyed in shaking hands with one who has done so much for the independence of my country,” and a tear of gratitude and tenderness fell from his eyes. After some moments of silence, emboldened by his frank and cordial manners, I inquired in what manner his first visit occurred, with which so many other recollections appeared to be connected. He replied, by taking me by the arm, and turning round towards Long-Island, which like a moving panorama, was swiftly passing before our eyes, “in 1776, I was no longer a child, as my bald head and white hairs may show you, and served in the continental army; our regiment made part of the forces destined to defend Long-Island. On the 7th of August, the English and Hessians to the number of about 24,000, protected by the guns of their ships, landed upon the island. We had not more than ten thousand troops, and were in such a position that the greater part of these could not be brought into action. The action was hot and our resistance obstinate, although the enemy had every advantage over us in numbers, discipline and experience.

“The attack of the English was conducted with intelligence and bravery, but I dare say, if we were less skillful, our courage was not undervalued by our adversaries. In fact, we were soon surrounded, some were taken and the rest dispersed, leaving the victory in the hands of the enemy together with our two generals, Sullivan and Sterling. We lost from 1000 to 1200 men, and the English about as many.

“After this unfortunate engagement, we entrenched our lines at Brooklyn, where we were not in safety; fatigued and discouraged by our defeat, having in front of us, an enemy of superior force, rendered daring by success, and knowing that a numerous squadron was preparing to cut off our retreat by entering the East river, we felt clearly, that we could not escape complete destruction unless by the aid of Providence, and the prudence of our commander-in-chief; Washington resolved to withdraw us from this dangerous position. Profiting by the darkness of the night, he crossed the East river in person on the 29th of August, and found us in our lines. His presence re-animated our hopes and courage; we relied with confidence on his direction, and our retreat was effected with an address, which alone would have sufficed to rank him among the best generals. It is true that under these circumstances, Providence vouchsafed us a striking evidence of its protection. A thick fog enveloped Long-Island during the whole night; so that our movements were completely concealed from the enemy, although the atmosphere on the New York side was brilliantly clear. We passed so near to the enemy, that we could distinctly hear the labourers at work, preparing for the attack of next morning. Before day-break, our 9000 men, with their baggage, magazines, horses and munitions of war, had crossed the river, where it is more than a mile wide, and without losing a single man. An hour after our arrival at New York, the fog dispersed as if by enchantment, and permitted us to see the English entering our lines with defiance, where not a single man was to be found.”

During this recital of the old soldier, almost all our travelling companions were collected on deck, grouped around us, and the conversation soon became general. A great deal was said of Long-Island, of the elegance and richness of its country seats where the merchants of New York go to seek repose and fresh air during the protracted heats of summer. I learned that this isle, anciently called Matawack,[^[10]] by the Indians, its ancient inhabitants, is 140 miles long, and its width varies from one to five miles. It is the largest island existing between Cape Florida and Cape Sable. The coast, which is washed by the Atlantic ocean, is flat, sandy and indented by various bays. The greatest part of its surface is level. The soil is composed of a blackish, spongy earth, upon a basis of sand which absorbs the rain and is little favorable to vegetation. Dr. Mitchill, the learned translator of Cuvier’s theory of the earth, has remarked that a bed of sea sand extends the whole length of the island at the depth of from 30 to 50 feet, containing clam and oyster shells, and that pieces of wood have also been found in digging wells. A range of hills which traverse the island from New Utrecht in the west, to the environs of South-hole in the east, is elevated at Harbour hill more than 319 feet above the level of the sea. Notwithstanding the unfavorable character of the soil, the finest orchard of fruit trees is found on Long-Island, perhaps in all America. It is cultivated by Mr. Prince, a skilful gardener and orchardist, whose enlightened zeal renders great services to his country, and who will without doubt, become very serviceable to Europe, as his correspondence is already much sought after.

It was about noon when we arrived at New York, General Lafayette hoped to re-enter the city quietly, but the streamers and flags of the Oliver Ellsworth betrayed his return; and the Franklin ship of the line which was at anchor, fired a salute of thirteen guns. This salute was a signal to the citizens of New York, and when we landed at Fulton wharf we found the population collected, as on the first day of our arrival, who accompanied us with acclamations to the City hotel, where we found our lodgings as we had left them.

CHAPTER VI.

Entertainment given by the Society of Cincinnati: origin and statutes of the society: visit to the public establishments: dinner given by the French of New York: ball at Castle Garden.

On his return to New York, General Lafayette was informed that the society of Cincinnati intended to celebrate the next day, 6th of September, the anniversary of his birth, and he received an invitation to dine with them, which he willingly accepted. About four o’clock in the afternoon, a long file of venerable men arrived, marching two and two, holding each other by the arm for the sake of mutual support, which the weight of years rendered necessary. They were preceded by a military band, with which their tottering steps found it difficult to keep time. We went down to meet them, and were received into their ranks; a decoration of the order of Cincinnatus which had been worn by Washington, was attached to the button hole of Lafayette, and we commenced our march for the hotel where we were to dine. It was truly a touching sight to behold these old soldiers, the glorious remains of the war of Independence, conducting amongst them the companion of Washington, the adopted son of America. The crowd of people that filled the streets through which we passed, showed by their serious and silent conduct the respect which this procession inspired. The hall prepared for the entertainment, was adorned with trophies of arms, and with sixty banners bearing the names of the principal heroes who died for liberty during the revolutionary war. The repast was animated by the frank and cordial joy of all these old soldiers, who were delighted at the recollection of the dangers they had shared together. I had the pleasure to be placed at table by the side of General Fish, who at Yorktown commanded a battalion of intrepid militia, which under the orders of Lafayette, entered the English entrenchments with charged bayonets. He was kind enough to relate to me the details of this glorious action, and indeed of the whole campaign. The vivacity of his recital, which made me forget his seventy years, and the interesting traits of patriotism which were mingled with it, inspired a very lively interest. “I am well aware,” said he, in terminating, “that this campaign of Virginia, cannot be compared to your campaigns of Germany or Italy; neither were our fatigues and privations equal to your disasters on the retreat from Moscow.” “Neither,” added I, “can your results be compared with ours; you have won happiness and liberty, and we have riveted our chains and those of all Europe.” This melancholy reflection, poisoned for an instant the pleasure I enjoyed at this feast of patriotism and gratitude.

Towards the conclusion of the repast, a curtain was suddenly drawn at the end of the hall, and a grand transparency shown, exhibiting Washington and Lafayette holding each other by the hand, before the altar of liberty, and receiving a civic wreath from the hands of America. This sight caused new transports of joy among the company, the expression of which was only interrupted for a moment by the strong voice of General Swartwout, who suddenly began to read the order of the day at York-town, on the 17th of October, 1781.

Head Quarters, before York, Oct. 15th, 1781.

The Marquis de Lafayette’s division will mount the trenches to-morrow.

The commander in chief congratulates the allied army on the success of the enterprize last evening, against the two important redoubts on the left of the enemy’s work. He requests the Baron Viomenil who commanded the French grenadiers, and the Marquis de Lafayette, who commanded the American light infantry, to accept his warmest acknowledgments, for the excellency of their disposition, and for their own gallant conduct on the occasion; and he begs them to present his thanks to every individual officer, and to the men of their respective commands, for the spirit and rapidity with which they advanced to the points of attack assigned them, and for the admirable firmness, with which they supported themselves under the fire of the enemy, without returning a shot.

The general reflects with the highest pleasure on the confidence which the troops of the two nations must have hereafter in each other; assured of mutual support, he is convinced there is no danger, which they will not cheerfully encounter, no difficulties which they will not bravely overcome.

Prolonged applauses followed the reading of this order, and the hall was shaken by three cheers, when the company were soon brought back to sentiments of a different nature, by the plaintive voice of General Lamb, who sung a ballet composed in 1792, during the imprisonment of Lafayette in the Austrian dungeons, and which was then very popular in America.

As beside his cheerful fire,

’Midst his happy family,

Sat a venerable Sire,

Tears were starting in his eye—

Selfish blessings were forgot,

While he thought on Fayette’s lot—

Once so happy on our plains,

Now in poverty and chains.

Fayette! cried he, honour’d name;

Dear to these far distant shores,

Fayette, fir’d by Freedom’s flame,

Bled to make that freedom ours.

What, alas! for thee remains;

What but poverty and chains?

Soldiers! in the field of death

Was not Fayette foremost there?

Cold and shiv’ring on the heath,

Did ye not his bounty share?

What for this your friend remains;

What but poverty and chains?

Born to honour, ease and wealth,

See him sacrifice them all;

Sacrificing even health

At our country’s glorious call;

What reward for this remains;

What but poverty and chains?

Thus, with laurels on his brow,

Belisarius begged for bread:

Thus from Carthage forc’d to go,

Hannibal an exile fled.

Fayette now at once sustains

Exile, poverty and chains.

Courage, child of Washington,

Though thy fate disastrous seems;

We have seen the setting sun,

Rise, and burn with brighter beams.

Thy country soon shall break thy chain

And take thee to her arms again.

Soon after, the lateness of the hour, and the necessity of terminating the fatigues resulting from the variety of emotions we had experienced during this festival, caused us to separate. Returning to the City Hotel, I recollected how often I had heard the order of Cincinnatus mentioned in Europe, and attacked by some persons with violence as tending to destroy republican equality; and quoted by others to justify the orders of knighthood, or privileged orders of European monarchies. However, what I had seen since my arrival in the United States, did not show the existence of any order created or tolerated by the laws, and destructive equality; but to dissipate all doubt on the subject, I made inquiries next morning of one of our friends, with whom we had dined, who called to visit General Lafayette. He presented me a small pamphlet containing an account of the origin and regulations of the Society of Cincinnati. A perusal of this pamphlet convinced me that the character of this society had been ignorantly or maliciously misrepresented in Europe, and that it is no more a privileged society in the United States than the Benevolent Society of Paris, or the Bible Society of England. The Society of Cincinnati is nothing more than a voluntary association of the ancient officers of the revolutionary army, united with the double object of perpetuating the memory of their patriotic labours, and for the aid of such members as age and infirmities may render necessitous; as to the ribband and badge worn by the society, it is only regarded as an ornament which the members wear exclusively on public occasions, and not as a decoration authorized or sanctioned by the government.

The Society of Cincinnati has nothing in it dangerous to equality, since it possesses no privilege. However, from all parts of the union, accusations were made that the founders of the society wished, under the guise of benevolence, and patriotic recollections, to sow the seed of a hereditary nobility. It is difficult to determine at present whether the founders, or at least some among them had, or had not some such prospective view in making the proposition; but it is certain, that the article of the regulations allowing the sons to succeed the father, were very capable of giving offence to republicans as jealous of equality as the Americans. Every one attacked with vivacity, the absurd principle of hereditary transmission, which found enemies throughout the country. Among the writings which appeared at the time on the subject, a letter of Franklin, addressed to his daughter, who had sent to him in France the papers announcing the formation of the society, which has all the piquancy and originality of that author, placed this matter in a very ridiculous light, and contains such conclusive, and at the same time, such pleasant arguments against hereditary nobility, that no one can read it without being convinced.[^[11]]

The sentiments of Franklin, and the opinion of the public, did not prevent the formation of the Society of Cincinnati, but reduced it to its just value; that is, every one became accustomed to regard this corps merely as a benevolent association, and with pleasure paid a tribute of respect to the members, who had acquired a right thereto by their former services, and personal character. But the aristocratic principle of hereditary succession was so much ridiculed that few sons ventured to succeed their fathers in the society, and in some states they are no longer admitted.

After our return to the city, our time was principally occupied in the examination of the public works and forts, which protect the port and bay of New York. The most remarkable among them is fort Lafayette, situated at the narrows, near the point of Long Island; its fire readily crosses with that from the opposite fort on Staten Island. The garrison officers belonging to a detachment of the regular army of the United States, gave the general a very cordial reception, and pointed out all the interesting particulars of the fort, which has the advantage of being bomb proof, without being exposed to the inconvenience of the cannon smoke, which finds free exit by open galleries into the interior of the yard. The rain which fell abundantly prevented us from examining the other forts with much attention.

Of all the public schools we visited, that which inspired the most lively interest was the Free School for young Africans, founded and directed by the Abolition Society. The general was accompanied in this school as he had been in all the others by a great number of ladies, who all pay assiduous attention to establishments of this sort. He was there informed he had been unanimously elected member of the society, at the same time with Granville Sharpe, and Thomas Clarkson. This election agreed well with his character and declared opinions relative to negro slavery, and appeared to excite in him considerable feeling. Immediately afterwards a black child advanced and said with vivacity, “You see, General, these hundreds of poor African children before you; they participate with the white children in the blessings of education: like them they learn to cherish the recollection of the services you have rendered to America, and moreover they revere in you an ardent friend to the emancipation of our race, and a worthy member of the society to which we owe so much gratitude.”

It would be tedious and difficult for me to give exact details concerning all the benevolent establishments we visited in the city of New York. They are very numerous and as each of them has been erected by an association or voluntary union of individuals, it would require a particular history of each to make them properly known. In general we may say that all these establishments are under the protection, and not under the influence of the law. The majority of the active offices are discharged by persons who receive neither perquisites nor salaries, but regard their appointments as honorable testimonials of public esteem, and they discharge their duties with a zeal and probity which justifies it. Only the inferior officers, whose time is altogether employed, commonly receive salaries. Most of these establishments are founded by societies or by legacies; and supported either by public subscriptions or by appropriations of the government. Thus for example, in examining the books of the Orphan Asylum, founded in 1806, we discovered that this establishment in the course of the year 1822, received from the legislature of the state five hundred dollars; two hundred and eighty-seven dollars as a part of the funds allowed to the public schools by the state; fourteen hundred and thirty dollars from private subscriptions; five thousand dollars, a legacy from Jacob Sherred; twenty-five dollars, the interest of a legacy from Mrs. Mary Williams; 390 dollars from anonymous donors; 17,000 dollars from the Magdalen Society; nineteen dollars for work done by the children, &c. &c. and a host of private donations, such as books, shoes, cloth, buttons, &c. &c. Whatever may be the nature and value of the donations, they are received and scrupulously registered along with the names of the donors. By the aid of these supplies judiciously directed, this house has received from 1806 to 1822, and educated 440 children, of which 243 are already established advantageously in society.

In the alms-house there are more than 1000 individuals of both sexes and all ages.

The great hospital of New York may contain nearly two thousand patients. The insane, although under the same superintendence, are kept in a separate building.

In all these institutions, we were struck with the neatness of the chambers, the whiteness of the linen, the good quality of the food, and especially with the mild and kind treatment of the superintendents towards the persons under their charge. It was easy to perceive that the directors are encouraged by something more precious than emoluments, public esteem.

The persons who accompanied us, and appeared to be well informed, assured us that there were more than forty charitable and philanthropic societies in New York, whose continued zeal contributed much to the support of all the establishments we had visited, as well as to the relief of private misfortunes.

After visiting the Academy of Arts, where among a great quantity of casts, engravings and paintings, there is nothing very remarkable except a collection of paintings by Trumbull, and a collection of engravings presented to the Academy by the emperor Napoleon, we went to the public library. It contains more than 20,000 volumes, well selected and in good order. The library is open every day except Sunday; none but stockholders can take out the books; the number of stockholders is about five hundred.

During our stay at New York we several times visited the two theatres, of which it would be difficult for me to give any opinion, because every time that Lafayette appeared there, he became so much the object of public attention, and the tumult caused by the expression of the pleasure of the spectators was so great that it was impossible for the actors to continue their parts; they were only allowed to sing some verses in honour of the Companion of Washington, the Captive of Olmutz, or the Guest of the Nation. Some persons of taste that I questioned informed me that the stock pieces of these theatres were from England, and generally but poorly selected, and that their companies of actors were usually feeble. These two houses are evidently too small for so numerous a population, and their construction does not correspond either to the beauty or wealth of the city of New York.[^[12]] The rational answer of the citizen to this, is, that before thinking of luxury and pleasure, it is necessary to take care for useful things, and that they should be very much humiliated if strangers were not more struck with the commodiousness and beauty of their works of public utility than with the elegance of their theatres.

On the 9th we attended a concert of sacred music given in St. Paul’s Church, where the general was received with the Marseilles’ Hymn. The number and elegance of the ladies was very remarkable. The different pieces we heard were executed with an effect which we had not previously heard from any of the choirs or orchestras in the United States; for it must be allowed that music is still in its infancy in this country. The causes are sufficiently obvious; on the one hand the English language is but slightly musical, on the other the Americans have not yet time to devote to the merely pleasing arts.—They have no school of music;[^[13]] there are some European artists, who endeavour to diffuse a taste for the science, but these generally find access solely to the very rich families, which are almost as rare as the artists themselves.

After leaving St. Paul’s church, we visited the park in front of the City Hall, where the firemen were drawn up in line, and the General reviewed them. After reviewing this new species of militia, but not less useful than that which is called to the defence of the territory, they defiled with as much order as a division of artillery. We saw thus pass before us forty-six engines, each drawn and escorted by a company of about thirty men, led by a captain with a speaking trumpet. Each engine bore a standard and the emblems of the company. Many of these standards were adorned with portraits of men whose names are dear to the people. The equestrian portraits of Washington and Lafayette were peculiarly conspicuous. After all the engines had defiled we ascended to the balcony of the City Hall, the general was addressed by the commander-in-chief of the Firemen, and we next saw the manœuvres with the engines. They were all formed into a circle around a pyramid erected of the ladders and firehooks. At the top of this pyramid was placed a small house filled with combustible materials; it was set on fire, and on a signal being given, all the engines were worked at the same time with so much accuracy of aim that the whole was extinguished in two minutes. In all thus meeting at the same point, the spouts of water formed a most beautiful liquid dome, adorned with the colours of the rainbow.

On the 10th, we were engaged to dine with Colonel Fish; we were about to go there at four o’clock, when on going out, we found the 9th regiment of artillery drawn up before the hotel to escort Lafayette to the house of his friend. At the moment the general appeared, Colonel Muir commanding the regiment, advanced and presented him in the name of his comrades, a richly wrought sword, all the parts of which had been manufactured in New York. In expressing his thanks, General Lafayette said, “it is with pleasure and gratitude I receive this precious present from a corps of citizen soldiers, each of whom knows that steel was given to men to defend liberty, where it exists, and to gain it, where it has been destroyed by crowned and privileged usurpers.” This answer was received with loud applause, and the general was escorted by the regiment and a numerous concourse of citizens to the house of Colonel Fish. The day was terminated by some beautiful fire-works in honour of Lafayette.

The next day the general and his son were present at a masonic celebration of the Knights Templars, who admitted them to their lodge, and conferred upon them the highest honours, of which they presented them the richly wrought badges. In the evening, we dined with the French residents of New York, who wished to celebrate the 47th anniversary of the battle of Brandywine. The dinner was prepared at Washington Hall, and this patriotic and family festival was marked by a character both happy and original; many Americans, who were present, were struck with astonishment. Upon the very broad table a plan of the grand canal, in relief, was exhibited, which traversing the state of New York, unites Lake Erie with the Atlantic. This novel sort of chart occupied a length of sixty feet upon the table, where it was hollowed out of the thickness of the wood, and lined with lead; an extremely limpid water filled the canal, which was bordered with green sod, imitating meadows, in the midst of which were models of houses, trees and animals. Bridges beautifully crossing the stream, and masses of rock under which the canal passed, and forests through which it wound along, all combined to complete this unique masterpiece of topography. Over the centre of the table was a large sun in continual rotation. Allegorical pictures, full length portraits of Washington and Lafayette, and trophies of French and American flags, completed the decorations. Mr. Monneron presided over the entertainment. After dinner, which was animated with a frank and cordial joy, a great number of toasts were drank, all impressed with that character of energetic patriotism which distinguishes every thing said or done in a truly free country. I cannot resist the desire to insert some of them here.

By the committee. “The United States; their national welfare is imperishable; it is founded upon religion, industry, and liberty.”

By the President. “General Lafayette; we are proud that he is a Frenchman.” And he added, “Gentlemen, in the fourteenth century the Lafayettes of Auvergne, already ameliorated the condition of what were at that period called vassals.

“In the fifteenth century Marshal Lafayette drove the enemies of France from her territory.

“In the sixteenth Mademoiselle Lafayette was the model of beauty, virtue and charity.

“In the seventeenth century Madam Lafayette composed works which will descend to the remotest posterity.

“In the eighteenth century, General Lafayette was born, the enemy of tyranny, and passionate lover of liberty.

“During his youth, he came to support and defend the cradle of liberty in the United States.