PAPERS
RELATING TO
An ACT of the Assembly
OF THE
Province of NEW-YORK,
FOR
Encouragement of the Indian Trade, &c. and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French, viz. of CANADA.
I. A Petition of the Merchants of London to His Majesty against the said Act.
II. His Majesty's Order in Council, referring the Petition to the Lords Commissioners of Trade and Plantation.
III. Extract of the Minutes of the said Lords, concerning some Allegations of the Merchants before them.
IV. The Report of the said Lords to His Majesty on the Merchants Petition, and other Allegations.
V. The Report of the Committee of Council of the Province of New-York, in Answer to the said Petition.
VI. A Memorial concerning the Furr-Trade of New-York, by C. Colden, Esq;
TO THE
King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council,
The Humble Petition and Representation of Samuel Baker, Samuel Storke, John Bayeux, Richard Jeneway, Robert Hackshaw, Joseph Low, Joseph Paice, George Streatfield, William Parkin, and John Evered, Merchants of London, trading to New-York, in behalf of themselves, and the rest of the Persons concern'd in the New-York Trade.
SHEWETH,
That by an Act passed in New-York the 19th of November, 1720, entitled, An Act for Encouragement of the Indian Trade, and rendering it more beneficial to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French, all Trade whatsoever is prohibited in the strictest Manner, and under the severest Penalties, between the Inhabitants of New-York Government, and the French of Canada, or any Subjects of the French King, or any Person whatsoever, for or on the behalf of any such Subjects; and which Act was to continue in force for three Years.
That the Reasons assigned in the Preamble of this Act, for the passing thereof, are, For that the French at Canada, by means of Indian Goods purchased from the Inhabitants of New-York, had not only almost wholly engrossed the Indian Trade to themselves, but had, in great measure, withdrawn the Affections of the Five Nations of Indians from the Inhabitants of New-York, and render'd them wavering in their Faith and Allegiance to your Majesty; and would, if such Trade was not prevented, wholly alienate the Minds of the said Indians, which might prove of dangerous Consequence to the English Interest in America.
That this Act was sent home for your Majesty's royal Consideration, but your Petitioners do not find that your Majesty ever signified your Allowance or Disallowance thereof; from whence, and from the Act's being to continue but three Years, your Petitioners humbly conceive the same was suffered to lie by probationary, to see whether the said Act, in its Effects, was really advantageous or prejudicial to the British Trade and Interest in America.
That your Petitioners have received Advice, That the Government of New-York either have, or are about passing an Act, to revive and continue the said Act for prohibiting all Trade between New-York and Canada.
Upon which Occasion, your Petitioners humbly beg leave to represent to your Majesty, That the said Act, tho' in the first Intention of it, it might be well designed, yet, in its Effects, it has proved very pernicious to the British Trade in general, and to the Interest of New-York in particular: For, besides the Nations of Indians that are in the English Interest, there are very many Nations of Indians, who are, at present, in the Interest of the French, and who lie between New-York, and the Nations of Indians in the English Interest; and this Act prohibiting all Trade between New-York and the French of Canada, or any of the Subjects of France, the French, and their Indians, would not permit the English Indians to pass over by their Forts, so as to carry on a free Trade with New-York, but prevented their Passages, as much as possible, whereby that most considerable and only valuable Branch of Trade from New-York, hath, ever since the passing the said Act, very much lessened, from the great Difficulties of carrying on any Trade with the English Indians, and the Prohibition of all Trade with the French; and all the Indian Goods have, by this Act, been raised in their Price 25l. to 30l. per Cent.
Whereas, on the other hand, this Branch of the New-York Trade, by the Discouragements brought upon it by this Act, is almost wholly engrossed by the French, who have already, by this Act, been encouraged to send proper European Goods to Canada, to carry on this Trade; so that should this Act be continued, the New-York Trade, which is very considerable, must be wholly lost to us, and center in the French.
And your Petitioners further beg leave humbly to represent, That as they conceive nothing can tend more to the with-drawing the Affections of the Five Nations of Indians from the English Interest, than the Continuance of the said Act, which, in its Effects, restrains them from a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of New-York, and may, too probably, estrange them from the English Interest: Whereas by a Freedom of Commerce, and an encourag'd Intercourse of Trade with the French, and their Indians, the English Interest might, in time, be greatly improved and strengthened among the Indians in general, who, by such Latitude of Trade, might be link'd to our Friendship in the strongest Ties of their own Interest, as well as Inclinations.
That therefore, and as the said Act was, in its Effects, so plainly destructive and prejudicial to the Trade and Interest of these Kingdoms, and so much for the Interest of the French, and greatly promoted that Mischief which it was intended to prevent,
Your Petitioners most humbly pray your Majesty, That you would be graciously pleased to give the necessary Directions to your Governor of New-York, not to pass any new Act for the reviving or continuing the said Act prohibiting Trade with the French of Canada; and that if any such Act, or any Act of the like Tendency, be already passed, that the same may be repealed. And your Petitioners shall ever pray, &c.
Samuel Baker,
Rob. Hackshaw,
Jo. Lloyd,
Sam. Storke,
J. Bayeux,
Sam. Fitch,
Rich. Jeneway,
Jos. Lowe,
Asher Levy,
John Paine,
J. Bull,
Fra. Wilks,
Wm. Parkin,
John Gilbert,
Jos. Paice, jun.
Rich. Mico,
Jo. Miranda,
Geo. Streatfield,
John Everet,
Thompson Hayne.
At the Court at St. James's the 30th Day of April, 1724.
PRESENT
The King's Most Excellent Majesty in Council.
Upon Reading this Day at the Board the humble Petition and Representation of Samuel Baker, Samuel Storke, and several others, Merchants of London, trading to New-York, in behalf of themselves, and the rest of the Persons concern'd in the New-York Trade, which Petition sets forth, That great Discouragements have been brought upon the British Trade, by an Act passed in the said Colony of New York, the 19th of November, 1720, entitled, An Act for the Encouragement of the Indian Trade, and rendering of it more beneficial to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French. And that as the said Act was to continue in force only for three Years, they are informed the Government of New-York either have, or are about passing an Act to revive and continue the same: Wherefore they humbly pray, that the Governor of that Colony may be ordered, not to pass any new Act for that purpose; and if any such Act be already pass'd, that it may be repealed.
It is ordered by his Majesty in Council, That the said Petition (a Copy whereof is hereunto annexed) be, and it is hereby referred to the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, to examine into the same, and report to his Majesty, at this Board, what they conceive fit to be done therein.
Signed,
James Vernon.
Extract of the Minutes of the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, the 7th of July, 1724.
Mr. Sharp attending, as he had been desired, with several New-York Merchants, their Lordships took again into Consideration the Order of Council of the 30th of April, mentioned in the Minutes of the first of May last, referring to the Board their Petition against the Renewing an Act passed in New-York, in November, 1720, entitled, An Act for the Encouragement of the Indian Trade, and rendering of it more effectual to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French. And Mr. Sharp, in behalf of the several Merchants, acquainted their Lordships, That he conceived this Act, tho' its Intention of gaining the Indians to the English Interest might be good, would have quite a contrary Effect, because, if the Trade with the French was prevented, and the Merchants should discontinue that with the Indians, (as he was informed they would) the French might lay hold of this Opportunity to furnish themselves with Goods from Europe, and supply the Five Nations of Indians, and thereby gain them to their Interest: And this, by reason of their Situation, would not be in the Power of the English to prevent: That they were two or three hundred Leagues distant from Albany, and that they could not come to trade with the English but by going down the River St. Laurence, and from thence through a Lake, which brought them within eighteen Leagues of Albany.
And that the French having made Settlements along the said River, it would be in their Power, whenever they pleased, to cut off that Communication.
That this Act had been so great a Discouragement to the British Trade, in general, that there had not been, by far, so great a Quantity of Beaver, and other Furs, imported into Great-Britain since the passing the said Act, as there was before; nor half the Quantity of European Goods exported.
That several Merchants who had sent over to New-York considerable Quantities of European Goods, had received Advice from their Correspondents, That should another Act of the like Nature be passed, they could not find a vent for them, and desired they would send no more.
Upon the whole, Mr. Sharp desired, in behalf of the Merchants, that Mr. Burnet might be directed not to pass any Act of the like Nature for the future.
To the King's Most Excellent Majesty.
May it please your Majesty;
In Obedience to your Majesty's Commands, signified to us by your Order in Council of the 30th of April last, referring to us the Petition of several Merchants of London trading to New-York, setting forth "The great Discouragements that have been brought upon the British Trade by an Act passed in New-York the 19th of November, 1720, entitled, An Act for the Encouragement of the Indian Trade, and rendering of it more beneficial to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French. And that as the said Act is now expir'd, the said Merchants are informed the Government of New-York either have, or are about passing an Act to revive and continue the same; and therefore pray, that a stop may be put thereto." We humbly take leave to represent to your Majesty,
That we have been attended by the Petitioners, who informed us, that they have found this Act, by Experience, to be so great a Discouragement to the British Trade, that there has not been, by far, so considerable a Quantity of Beaver, and other Furs, imported into Great-Britain, from New-York, since the passing the said Act, as heretofore, nor half the Quantity of European Goods exported thither; in consequence whereof the Price of Furs is raised Five and Twenty and Thirty per Cent. to the great Prejudice of several British Manufactures.
They likewise affirmed, That it was impracticable to hinder the French from supplying the Indians with European Goods: For tho' New-York should not furnish them, the French would find another way to be supplied therewith, either from some other of his Majesty's Plantations, or, it might be, directly from Europe. That it was of dangerous Consequence to force this Trade into a new Channel, many of the Goods which the Indians want being as easy to be had directly from France or Holland, as from Great-Britain.
They further added, That it was not likely the Act, in question, should produce the Effects expected from it, more particularly that of securing the Five Indian Nations firmly to the British Interest; because, if the French should once get a Supply of the Goods necessary for the Indian Trade, from any other Place, as the Five Indian Nations are settled upon the Banks of the River of St. Lawrence, directly opposite to Quebeck, two or three hundred Leagues distant from the nearest British Settlement in New-York, the Vicinity of the French would furnish them with the Means of supplying even the Five Nations with these Goods, and consequently of alienating their Affections from the British Interest. And that there was no Prospect of obtaining a Trade with the French Indians by this means, because the French would always be able to prevent their Passage cross the Lakes and River of St. Lawrence to our Settlements.
These were the most material Objections made by the Merchants against the Bill.
On the other hand, the Preamble of the Act sets forth, That it was found by Experience, that the French of Canada, by means of Indian Goods brought from that Province, had not only almost wholly engrossed the Indian Trade, but had in great Measure, withdrawn the Affections of the Five Nations of Indians from the Inhabitants of that Province, and rendered them wavering in their Allegiance to your Majesty; and would, if such Trade were not prevented, altogether alienate the Minds of the said Indians, which would prove of dangerous Consequence to the English Interest in America.
And Mr. Burnet, your Majesty's Governor of New-York, informs us, That, since the passing of this Act, several of the far Indians had come to Albany to trade; That some of them came above one thousand Miles, and are now incorporated with the Five Nations: That he had likewise Intelligence of more far Indians that design'd to come to Albany, which he conceives to have been a good Effect proceeding from this Act: And likewise adds, That he did not doubt but the Cheapness of Goods in Albany would induce the Indians to trade there, rather than with the French at Montreal; and that the Traders of Albany began to be sensible of their Error in sharing a Trade with the French, which they now perceive they can keep wholly to themselves.
Upon the whole, being doubtful of some of the Facts alledged by the Merchants, and considering how far the British Trade may be affected by this Act, on the one hand; and how much the Security and Interest of your Majesty's Colonies in America may be concerned, on the other, we are humbly of Opinion, That no Directions should be sent to New-York, upon the Subject-Matter of this Act, till Mr. Burnet shall have been acquainted with the Objections of the Merchants thereto, and his Answers and Observations received thereupon. For which end, if your Majesty shall be graciously pleased to approve of this our Proposal, we shall forthwith send him Copies both of the Merchants Memorial, and of what Objections they have made before us to the Subject-Matter of this Bill.
Which is most humbly submitted. Signed,
J. Chetwind,
T. Pelham,
M. Bladen,
R. Plummer,
Ed. Ashe.
Whitehall
,
July
14, 1724.
The Report of a Committee of the Council held at New-York, November 6, 1724.
May it please your Excellency,
In Obedience to your Excellency's Commands in Council, the 29th of October, referring to us a Petition of several Merchants in London, presented to the King's most excellent Majesty, against renewing an Act passed in this Province, entitled, An Act for Encouragement of the Indian Trade, and rendering it more effectual to the Inhabitants of this Province, and for prohibiting the selling of Indian Goods to the French; as likewise the several Allegations of the said Merchants before the Right Hon. the Lords of Trade and Plantations, we beg Leave to make the following Remarks.
In order to make our Observations the more distinct and clear, we shall gather together the several Assertions of the said Merchants, both in their Petition, and delivered verbally before the Lords of Trade, as to the Situation of this Province, with respect to the French and Indian Nations, and observe on them, in the first Place, they being the Foundation on which all their other Allegations are grounded. Afterwards we shall lay before your Excellency, what we think necessary to observe on the other parts of the said Petition, in the Order they are in the Petition, or in the Report of the Lords of Trade.
In their geographical Accounts they say, "Besides the Nations of Indians that are in the English Interest, there are very many Nations of Indians, who are at present in the Interest of the French, and who lie between New-York and the Nations of Indians in the English Interest.——The French and their Indians would not permit the English Indians to pass over by their Forts."
The said Act "Restrains them (the Five Nations) from a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of New-York.
"The Five Indian Nations are settled upon the Banks of the River St. Lawrence, directly opposite to Quebeck, two or three Hundred Leagues distant from the nearest British Settlements in New-York.
"They (the Five Nations of Indians) were two or three Hundred Leagues distant from Albany; and that they could not come to trade with the English but by going down the River St. Lawrence, and from thence through a Lake, which brought them within eighteen Leagues of Albany."
These Things the Merchants have thought it safe for them, and consistent with their Duty to his sacred Majesty, to say in his Majesty's Presence, and to repeat them afterwards before the Right Hon. the Lords of Trade, though nothing can be more directly contrary to the Truth. For there are no Nations of Indians between New-York and the Nations of Indians in the English Interest, who are now six in Number, by the Addition of the Tuscaroras. The Mohawks (called Annies by the French) one of the Five Nations, live on the South-side of a Branch of Hudson's-River, (not on the North-side, as they are placed in the French Maps) and but forty Miles directly West from Albany, and within the English Settlements, some of the English Farms upon the same River being thirty Miles further West.
The Oneidas (the next of the Five Nations) lie likewise West from Albany, near the Head of the Mohawks-River, about one Hundred Miles from Albany.
The Onondagas lie about one Hundred and Thirty Miles West from Albany. And the Tuscaroras live partly with the Oneidas, and partly with the Onondagas.
The Cayugas are about one hundred and sixty Miles from Albany.
And the Sennekas (the furthest of all these Nations) are not above two hundred and forty Miles from Albany, as may appear by Mr. De L'Isle's Map of Louisiane, who lays down the Five Nations under the Name of Iroquois.
And Goods are daily carried from this Province to the Sennekas, as well as to those Nations that lie nearer, by Water all the Way, except three Miles, (or in the dry Seasons, five Miles) where the Traders carry over Land between the Mohawks-River and the Wood Creek, which runs into the Oneida-Lake, without going near either St. Lawrence-River, or any of the Lakes upon which the French pass, which are entirely out of their Way.
The nearest French Forts or Settlements to Albany, are Chambly and Monreal, both of them lying about North and by East from Albany, and are near two hundred Miles distant from it. Quebeck lies about three hundred and eighty Miles North-East from Albany. So far is it from being true, that the Five Nations are situated upon the Banks of the River St. Lawrence, opposite to Quebeck, that Albany lies almost directly between Quebeck and the Five Nations. And to say that these Indians cannot come to trade at Albany, but by going down the River St. Lawrence, and then into a Lake eighteen Leagues from Albany (we suppose they mean Lake Champlain) passing by the French Forts, is to the same Purpose as if they should say, that one cannot go from London to Bristol, but by Way of Edinburgh.
Before we go on to observe other Particulars, we beg Leave further to remark, that it is so far from being true, that the Indians in the French Interest, lie between New-York and our Five Nations of Indians, that some of our Nations of Indians lie between the French and the Indians, from whence the French bring the far greatest Quantity of their Furs: For the Sennekas (whom the French call Sonontouons) are situated between Lake Erie and Cataraqui Lake, (called by the French Ontario) near the great Fall of Jagara, by which all the Indians that live round Lake Erie, round the Lake of the Hurons, round the Lake of the Illenois, or Michegan, and round the great Upper Lake, generally pass in their Way to Canada. All the Indians situated upon the Branches of the Misissippi, must likewise pass by the same Place, if they go to Canada. And all of them likewise in their Way to Canada, pass by our Trading-Place upon the Cataraqui Lake, at the Mouth of the Onondaga River. The nearest and safest Way of carrying Goods upon the Cataraqui Lake towards Canada, being along the South-side of that Lake, (near where our Indians are settled, and our Trade of late is fixed) and not by the North-side and Cataraqui, or Frontinac Fort, where the French are settled.
Now that we have represented to your Excellency, that not one Word of the Geography of these Merchants is true, upon which all their Reasoning is founded, it might seem needless to trouble your Excellency with any further Remarks, were it not to show with what earnestness they are promoting the French Interest, to the Prejudice of all his Majesty's Colonies in North America, and that they are not ashamed of asserting any Thing for that End, even in the Royal Presence.
First, They say, "That by the Act passed in this Province, entitled, An Act for Encouragement of the Indian Trade, &c. All Trade whatsoever is prohibited in the strictest Manner, and under the severest Penalties, between the Inhabitants of New-York Government, and the French of Canada."
This is not true, for only carrying Goods to the French, which are proper for the Indian Trade, is prohibited. The Trade as to other Things, is left in the same State it was before that Act was made, as it will appear to any Person that shall read it: And there are yearly large Quantities of other Goods openly carried to Canada, without any Hindrance from the Government of New-York. Whatever may be said of the Severity and Penalties in that Act, they are found insufficient to deter some from carrying Goods clandestinely to the French; and the Legislature of this Province are convinced that no Penalties can be too severe, to prevent a Trade which puts the Safety of all his Majesty's Subjects of North America in the greatest Danger.
Their next Assertion is, All the Indian Goods have by this Act, been raised 25 l. to 30 l. per Cent. This is the only Allegation in the whole Petition, that there is any Ground for. Nevertheless, though the common Channel of Trade cannot be altered without some Detriment to it in the Beginning, we are assured from the Custom-house Books, that there has been every Year, since the passing of this Act, more Furs exported from New-York, than in the Year immediately before the passing of this Act. It is not probable, that the greatest Difference between the Exportation any Year before this Act, and any Year since, could so much alter the Price of Beaver, as it is found to be this last Year. Beaver is carried to Britain from other Parts besides New-York, and it is certain that the Price of Beaver is not so much altered here by the Quantity in our Market, as by the Demand for it in Britain. But as we cannot be so well informed here, what occasions Beaver to be in greater Demand in Britain, we must leave that to be enquired after in England. However, we are fully satisfied that it will be found to be for very different Reasons from what the Merchants alledge.
The Merchants go on and say, Whereas on the other Hand, this Branch of the New-York Trade, by the Discouragements brought upon it by this Act, is almost wholly engrossed by the French, who have already by this Act, been encouraged to send proper European Goods to Canada, to carry on this Trade, so that should this Act be continued, the New-York Trade which is very considerable, must be wholly lost to us, and center in the French.——Though New-York should not furnish them, the French would find another Way to be supplied therewith, either from some other of his Majesty's Plantations, or it might be directly from Europe.——Many of the Goods which the Indians want being as easy to be had directly from France or Holland, as from Great-Britain.
This is easily answered, by informing your Excellency, that the principal of the Goods proper for the Indian Market are only of the Manufactures of Great-Britain, or of the British Plantations, viz. Strouds, or Stroud-Waters, and other Woollens, and Rum. The French must be obliged to buy all their Woollens (the Strouds especially) in England, and thence carry them to France, in order to their Transportation to Canada. The Voyage to Quebeck through the Bay of St. Lawrence, is well known to be the most dangerous of any in the World, and only practicable in the Summer Months. The French have no Commodities in Canada, by reason of the Cold and Barrenness of the Soil, proper for the West-India Markets, and therefore have no Rum but by Vessels from France, that touch at their Islands in the West-Indies. New-York has, by Reason of its Situation, both as to the Sea and the Indians, every Way the Advantage of Canada. The New-York Vessels make always two Voyages in the Year from England, one in Summer and another in Winter, and several Voyages in a Year to the West-Indies. It is manifest therefore, that it is not in the Power of the French to import any Goods near so cheap to Canada, as they are imported to New-York.
But to put this out of all Controversy, we need only observe to your Excellency, That Strouds (without which no considerable Trade can be carried on with the Indians) are sold at Albany for 10 l. a Piece: They were sold at Monreal before this Act took Place, at 13 l. 2 s. 6 d. and now they are sold there for 25 l. and upwards: Which is an evident Proof, that the French have not, in these four Years Time (during the Continuance of this Act) found out any other Way to supply themselves with Strouds, and likewise that they cannot trade without them, seeing they buy them at so extravagant a Price.
It likewise appears, that none of the neighbouring Colonies have been able to supply the French with these Goods; and those that know the Geography of the Country, know it is impracticable to do it at any tolerable Rate, because they must carry their Goods ten Times further by Land than we need to do.
We are likewise assured, that the Merchants of Monreal lately told Mr. Vaudreuil their Governor, that if the Trade from Albany be not by some Means or other encouraged, they must abandon that Settlement. We have Reason therefore to suspect, that these Merchants (at least some of them) have been practised upon by the French Agents in London; for no doubt, the French will leave no Method untried to defeat the present Designs of this Government, seeing they are more afraid of the Consequences of this Trade between New-York and the Indians, than of all the warlike Expeditions that ever were attempted against Canada.
But to return to the Petitioners, They conceive nothing can tend more to the withdrawing the Affections of the Five Nations of Indians from the English Interest, than the Continuance of the said Act, which in its Effects restrains them from a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of New-York, and may too probably, estrange them from the English Interest, whereas by a Freedom of Commerce, and an encouraged Intercourse of Trade with the French and their Indians, the English Interest might in Time, be greatly improved and strengthened.
It seems to us a strange Argument to say, that an Act, the whole Purport of which is to encourage our own People to go among the Indians, and to draw the far Indians through our Indian Country to Albany (and which has truly produced these Effects) would on the contrary, restrain them from a free Commerce with the Inhabitants of New-York, and may too probably estrange them from the English Interest, and therefore that it would be much wiser in us to make use of the French, to promote the English Interest; and for which End, we ought to encourage a free Intercourse between them and our Indians. The reverse of this is exactly true, in the Opinion of our Five Nations; who in all their publick Treaties with this Government, have represented against this Trade, as The Building the French Forts with English Strouds: That the encouraging a Freedom of Commerce with our Indians, and the Indians round them, who must pass through their Country to Albany, would certainly increase both the English Interest and theirs, among all the Nations to the Westward of them; and that the carrying the Indian Market to Monreal in Canada, draws all the far Indians thither.
The last Thing we have to take Notice, is what the Merchants asserted before the Lords of Trade, viz. That there has not been half the Quantity of European Goods exported since the passing of this Act, that used to be.
We are well assured, that this is no better grounded than the other Facts they assert with the same Positiveness. For it is well known almost to every Person in New-York, that there has not been a less, but rather a greater Quantity of European Goods imported into this Place, since the passing of this Act, than was at any Time before it, in the same Space of Time. As this appears by the Manifests in the Custom-house here, the same may likewise be easily proved by the Custom-house Books in London.
As all the Arguments of the Merchants run upon the ill Effects this Act has had upon the Trade and the Minds of the Indians, every one of which we have shown to be asserted without the least Foundation to support them, there nothing now remains, but to show the good Effects this Act has produced, which are so notorious in this Province, that we know not one Person that now opens his Mouth against the Act.
Before this Act passed, none of the People of this Province travelled into the Indian Countries to trade: We have now above forty young Men, who have been several Times as far as the Lakes a trading, and thereby become well acquainted, not only with the Trade of the Indians, but likewise with their Manners and Languages; and these have returned with such large Quantities of Furs, that greater Numbers are resolved to follow their Example. So that we have good Reason to hope, that in a little Time the English will draw the whole Indian Trade of the Inland Countries to Albany, and into the Country of the Five Nations. This Government has built a publick Trading-house upon Cataraqui Lake, at Irondequat in the Sennekas Land, and another is to be built next Spring, at the Mouth or the Onondagas River. All the far Indians pass by these Places, in their Way to Canada; and they are not above half so far from the English Settlements, as they are from the French.
So far is it from being true what the Merchants say, That the French Forts interrupt all Communication between the Indians and the English, that if these Places be well supported, as they easily can be from our Settlements, in case of a Rupture with the French, it will be in the Power of this Province, to intercept the greatest Part of the Trade between Canada and the Indians, round the Lakes and the Branches of the Misissippi.
Since this Act passed, many Nations have come to Albany to trade, and settle Peace and Friendship, whose Names had not so much as been heard of among us.
In the Beginning of May 1723, a Nation of Indians came to Albany singing and dancing, with their Calumets before them, as they always do when they come to any Place where they have not been before. We do not find that the Commissioners of Indian Affairs, were able to inform themselves what Nation this was.
Towards the End of the same Month, eighty Men, besides Women and Children, came to Albany in the same Manner. These had one of our Five Nations with them for an Interpreter, by whom they informed the Commissioners, that they were of a great Nation, called Nehkereages, consisting of six Castles and Tribes; and that they lived near a Place called by the French Missilimakinak, between the Upper Lake and the Lake of the Hurons. These Indians not only desired a free Commerce, but likewise to enter into a strict League of Friendship with us and our Six Nations, that they might be accounted the Seventh Nation in the League; and being received accordingly, they left their Calumet as a Pledge of their Fidelity.
In June another Nation arrived, but from what Part of the Continent we have not learned.
In July the Twightwies arrived, and brought an Indian Interpreter of our Nations with them, who told, that they were called by the French Miamies, and that they live upon one of the Branches of the River Misissippi.
At the same Time some of the Tahsagrondie Indians, who live between Lake Erie and the Lake of the Hurons, near a French Settlement, did come and renew their League with the English, nor durst the French hinder them.
In July this Year, another Nation came, whose Situation and Name we know not. And in August and September, several Parties of the same Indians that had been here last Year. But the greatest Numbers of these far Indians have been met this Year, in the Indian Country by our Traders, every one of them endeavouring to get before another, in order to reap the Profits of so advantageous a Trade, which has all this Summer long, kept about forty Traders constantly employed, in going between our Trading-places in our Indian Country, and Albany.
All these Nations of Indians who came to Albany said, that the French had told them many strange Stories of the English, and did what they could to hinder their coming to Albany, but that they had resolved to break through by Force. The Difference on this Score between the Tahsagrondie Indians and the French (who have a Fort and Settlement there, called by them Le Detroit) rose to that Height this Summer, that Mr. Tonti who commanded there, thought it proper to retire, and return to Canada with many of his Men.
We are for these Reasons well assured, that this Year there will be more Beaver exported for Great-Britain, than ever was from this Province in one Year; and that if the Custom-house Books at London be looked into, it will be found, that there will be a far greater Quantity of Goods for the Indians, (Strouds especially) sent over next Spring, than ever was at any one Time to this Province; for the Merchants here tell us, that they have at this Time, ordered more of these Goods, than ever was done at any one Time before.
These Matters of Fact prove beyond Contradiction, that this Act has been of the greatest Service to New-York, in making us acquainted with many Nations of Indians, formerly entirely unknown and Strangers to us; in withdrawing them from their Dependance upon the French, and in uniting them to us and our Indians, by Means of Trade and mutual Offices of Friendship. Of what great Consequence this may be to the British Interest in general, as to Trade, is apparent to any Body. It is no less apparent likewise, that it is of the greatest Consequence to the Safety of all the British Colonies in North-America. We feel too sensibly, the ill Effects of the French Interest in the present War betwixt New-England, and only one Nation of Indians supported by the French. Of what dismal Consequences then might it be, if the French should be able to influence in the same Manner, so many and such numerous Nations, as lie to the Westward of this Province, Pensylvania and Maryland? On the other Hand, if all these Nations (who assert their own Freedom, and declare themselves Friends to those that supply them best with what they want) be brought to have a Dependance upon the English (as we have good Reason to hope, in a short Time they will) the French of Canada, in case of a War, must be at the Mercy of the English.
To these Advantages must be added, that many of our young Men having been induced by this Act to travel among the Indians, they learn their Manners, their Languages, and the Situation of all their Countries, and become inured to all Manner of Fatigues and Hardships, and a great many more being resolved to follow their Example; these young Men, in case of a War with the Indians, will be of ten Times the Service, that the same Number of the common Militia can be of.
The Effects of this Act have likewise so much quieted the Minds of the People, with Respect to the Security of the Frontiers, that our Settlements are now extended above thirty Miles further West towards the Indian Countries, than they were before it passed.
The only Thing that now remains to answer, is an Objection which we suppose may be made, What can induce the Merchants of London to petition against an Act, which will be really so much for their Interest in the End? The Reason is in all Probability, because they only consider their present Gain; and that they are not at all concerned for the Safety of this Country, in encouraging the most necessary Undertaking, if they apprehend their Profit for two or three Years may be lessened by it. This Inclination of the Merchants has been so notorious, that few Nations at War with their Neighbours, have been able to restrain them from supplying their Enemies with Ammunition and Arms. The Count D'Estrade, in his Letters in 1638 says, That when the Dutch were besieging Antwerp, one Beiland, who had loaded four Fly-boats with Arms and Powder for Antwerp, being taken up by the Prince of Orange's Order, and examined at Amsterdam, said boldly, That the Burghers of Amsterdam had a Right to trade every where: That he could name a Hundred that were Factors for the Merchants at Antwerp, and that he was one. That Trade cannot be interrupted, and that for his Part he was very free to own, that if to get any Thing by Trade it were necessary to pass through Hell, he would venture to burn his Sails. When this Principle so common to Merchants, is considered, and that some in this Place have got Estates by trading many Years to Canada, it is not to be wondered that they have acted as Factors for Canada in this Affair, and that they have transmitted such Accounts to their Correspondents in London, as are consistent with the Trust reposed in them by the Merchants of Canada.
In the last Place, we are humbly of Opinion, that it may be proper to print the Petition of the Merchants of London, and their Allegations before the Lords of Trade, together with the Answers your Committee has made thereto, in Vindication of the Legislature of this Province, of which we have the Honour to be a Part, if your Excellency shall approve of our Answers: That what we have said may be exposed to the Examination of every one in this Place, where the Truth of the Matters of Fact is best known; and that the Correspondents of these Merchants may have the most publick Notice to reply, if they shall think it proper, or to disown in a publick Manner, that they are the Authors of such groundless Informations.
All which is unanimously and humbly submitted by
Your Excellency's
Most obedient humble Servants,
R. Walter,
Rip Van Dam,
John Barberie,
Fr. Harrison,
Cadwallader Colden,
Ja. Alexander,
Abraham van Horn.
A Memorial concerning the Furr-Trade of the Province of New-York.
Presented to his Excellency William Burnet, Esq; Captain General and Governor, &c. by Cadwallader Colden, Surveyor General of the said Province, the 10th of November 1724.
It has of late been generally believed, that the Inhabitants of the Province of New-York are so advantageously situated, with respect to the Indian Trade, and enjoy so many Advantages as to Trade in general, that it is in their Power not only to rival the French of Canada, who have almost entirely engrossed the Furr-Trade of America, but that it is impossible for the French to carry on that Trade in Competition with the People of this Province. The enquiring into the Truth of this Proposition, may not only be of some Consequence, as to the Riches and Honour of the British Nation, (for it is well known how valuable the Furr-Trade of America is) but likewise as to the Safety of all the British Colonies in North-America. New-France (as the French now claim) extends from the Mouth of the River Misissippi, to the Mouth of the River St. Lawrence, by which the French plainly show their Intention of enclosing the British Settlements, and cutting us off from all Commerce with the numerous Nations of Indians, that are every where settled over the vast Continent of North-America. The English in America have too good Reason to apprehend such a Design, when they see the French King's Geographer publish a Map, by which he has set Bounds to the British Empire in America, and has taken in many of the English Settlements both in South-Carolina and New York, within these Boundaries of New-France. And the good Services they intend us, with the Indians, but too plainly appears at this Day, by the Indian War now carried on against New-England.
I have therefore for some Time past, endeavoured to inform myself, from the Writings of the French, and from others who have travelled in Canada, or among the Indians, how far the People of this Province may carry on the Indian Trade, with more Advantage than the French can; or what Disadvantages they labour under, more than the French do. As all Endeavours for the good of ones Country are excusable, I do not doubt but my Intention in this will be acceptable to your Excellency, though I be not capable of treating the Subject as it deserves.
I shall begin with Canada, and consider what Advantages they have either by their Situation, or otherwise. Canada is situated upon the River of St. Lawrence, by which the five great Lakes (which may properly be called, The five Inland Seas of North-America) empty themselves into the Ocean. The Mouth of this great River is in the Lat. of 50 Degrees, overagainst the Body of Newfoundland. It rises from the Cataracui Lake, (the Eastermost of the five great Lakes) about the Lat. of 44 Degrees, and runs from thence about North-East to the Ocean, and is about nine hundred Miles in Length, from that Lake to the Ocean. The five great Lakes which communicate with each other, and with this River, extend about one thousand Miles Westward, further into the Continent. So far the French have already discovered, and their Discoveries make it probable, that an Inland Passage may be found to the South-Sea, by the Rivers which run into these Lakes, and Rivers which run into the South-Sea.
The Method of carrying Goods upon the Rivers of North-America, into all the small Branches, and over Land, from the Branches of one River to the Branches of another, was learned from the Indians, and is the only Method practicable through such large Forests and Deserts as the Traders pass thro', in carrying from one Nation to another, it is this; the Indians make a long narrow Boat, made of the Bark of the Birch-tree, the Parts of which they join very neatly. One of these Canoes that can carry a Dozen Men, can itself be easily carried upon two Men's Shoulders; so that when they have gone as far by Water as they can (which is further than is easily to be imagined, because their loaded Canoes don't sink six Inches into the Water) they unload their Canoes, and carry both Goods and Canoes upon their Shoulders over Land, into the nearest Branch of the River they intend to follow. Thus, the French have an easy Communication with all the Countries bordering upon the River of St. Lawrence, and its Branches, with all the Countries bordering upon these In-land Seas, and the Rivers which empty themselves into these Seas, and can thereby carry their Burdens of Merchandize thro' all these large Countries, which could not by any other means than Water-carriage be carried thro' so vast a Tract of Land.
This, however, but half finishes the View the French have, as to their Commerce in North-America. Many of the Branches of the River Misissippi come so near to the Branches of several of the Rivers which empty themselves into the great Lakes, that in several Places there is but a short Land-Carriage from the one to the other. As soon as they have got into the River Misissippi, they open to themselves as large a Field for Traffick in the southern Parts of North-America, as was before mentioned with respect to the northern Parts. If one considers the Length of this River, and its numerous Branches, he must say, That by means of this River, and the Lakes, there is opened to his View such a Scene of inland Navigation as cannot be parallel'd in any other Part of the World.
The French have, with much Industry, settled small Colonies, and built stockaded Forts at all the considerable Passes between the Lakes, except between Cataracui Lake (called by the French Ontario) and Lake Erie, one of our Five Nations of Indians, whom we call Sennekas, (and the French Sonontouans) having hitherto refused them leave to erect any Buildings there.
The French have been indefatigable in making Discoveries, and carrying on their Commerce with Nations, of whom the English know nothing but what they see in the French Maps and Books. The Barrenness of the Soil, and the Coldness of the Climate of Canada, obliges the greatest number of the Inhabitants to seek their living by travelling among the Indians, or by trading with those that do travel. The Governor, and other Officers, have but a scanty Allowance from the King, and could not subsist were it not by the Perquisites they have from this Trade; neither could their Priests find any means to satisfy their Ambition and Luxury without it: So that all Heads and Hands are employ'd to advance it, and the Men of best Parts think it the surest way to advance themselves by travelling among the Indians, and learning their Languages; even the Bigotry and Enthusiasm of some hot Heads has not been a little useful in advancing this Commerce; for that Government having prudently turn'd the Edge of the Zeal of such hot Spirits upon converting the Indians, many of them have spent their Lives under the greatest Hardships, in endeavouring to gain the Indians to their Religion, and to love the French Nation, while, at the same time, they are no less industrious to represent the English as the Enemies of Mankind. So that the whole Policy of that Government, both civil and religious, is admirably turn'd to the general Advancement of this Trade. Indeed the Art and Industry of the French, especially that of their religious Missions, has so far prevail'd upon all the Indians in North-America, that they are every where directed by French Councils. Even our own Five Nations, (the Iroquois) who formerly were mortal Enemies of the French, and have always liv'd in the strictest Amity with the English, have, of late, (by the Practices of the French Priests) been so far gain'd, that several of the Mohawks, who live nearest the English, have left their Habitations, and are gone to settle near Monreal in Canada; and all the rest discover a Dread of the French Power. That much of this is truly owing to the Priests, appears from many of the Sachems of the Iroquois wearing Crucifixes when they come to Albany: And those Mohawk Indians that are gone to Canada, are now commonly known, both to the French and English, by the Name of The Praying Indians, it being customary for them to go through the Streets of Monreal with their Beads, praying and begging Alms.
But notwithstanding all these Advantages, the French labour under Difficulties that no Art or Industry can remove. The Mouth of the River of St. Lawrence, and more especially the Bay of St. Lawrence, lies so far North, and is thereby so often subject to tempestuous Weather and thick Fogs, that the Navigation there is very dangerous, and never attempted but during the Summer Months. The Wideness of this Bay, together with the many strong Currents that run in it, the many Shelves, and sunken Rocks that are every where spread over both the Bay and River, and the want of Places for anchoring in the Bay, all increase the Danger of this Navigation; so that a Voyage to Canada is justly esteem'd much more dangerous than to any other Part of America. The many Shipwrecks that happen in this Navigation, are but too evident Proofs of the Truth of this, particularly the Miscarriage of the last Expedition against Canada. The Channel is so difficult, and the Tides so strong, that after their Shipping get into the River, they never attempt to sail in the Night, tho' the Wind be fair, and the Weather good. These Difficulties are so considerable, that the French never attempt above one Voyage in a Year to Europe, or the West-Indies, tho' it be really nearer Europe than any of the English Colonies, where the Shipping that constantly use the Trade, always make two Voyages in the Year.
The Navigation between Quebeck and Monreal is likewise very dangerous and difficult: The Tide rises about 18 or 20 Feet at Quebeck, which occasions so strong a Stream, that a Boat of six Oars cannot make way against it: The River in many Places very wide, and the Channel at the same time narrow and crooked; there are many Shelves and sunken Rocks, so that the best Pilots have been deceived; for which reason the Vessels that carry Goods to Monreal are always obliged to anchor before Night, tho' both Wind and Tide be fair. The Flood goes no further than Trois Rivieres, half way to Monreal, and about ninety Miles from Quebeck: After they pass this Place they have a strong Stream always against them, which requires a fair Wind and a strong Gale to carry the Vessels against the Stream. And they are obliged in this Part of the River, as well as under the Trois Rivieres, to come to an anchor at Night, though the Wind be good. These Difficulties make the common Passages take up three or four Weeks, and sometimes six Weeks; tho' if they have the chance of a Wind to continue so long, they may run it in five or six Days.
After they pass Monreal they have a strong Stream against them till they come near the Lakes; so that in all that, which is about one hundred and fifty Miles in Length, they force their Canoes forward with setting Poles, or drag them with Ropes along shoar; and at five or six different Places in that way the River falls over Rocks with such Force, that they are obliged to unload their Canoes, and carry them upon their Shoulders. They never make this Voyage from Monreal to Cataracui in less than twenty Days, and frequently, twice that Time is necessary.
Now we are come so far as the Lake, my Design leads me no further, for at this Lake all the far Indians, that go to Canada, must pass by our Traders. And from thence the Road to the Indian Countries is the same from Albany that it is from Monreal.
Besides these Difficulties in the Transportation, the French labour under greater in the purchasing of the principal Goods proper for the Indian Market; for the most considerable and most valuable Part of their Cargo consists in Strouds, Duffils, Blankets, and other Woollens, which are bought at a much cheaper Rate in England than in France. The Strouds (which the Indians value more than any other Cloathing) are only made in England, and must be transported into France before they can be carried to Canada. Rum is another considerable Branch of the Indian Trade, which the French have not, by reason they have no Commodities in Canada fit for the West India Market. This they supply with Brandy, at a much dearer Rate than Rum can be purchased at New-York, tho' of no more Value with the Indians. Generally, all the Goods used in the Indian Trade, except Gun-Powder, and a few Trinkets, are sold at Monreal for twice their Value at Albany. To this likewise must be added, the necessity they are under of laying the whole Charge of supporting their Government on the Indian Trade. I am not particularly informed of their Duties or Imposts, but I am well assured, that they commonly give six or seven hundred Livres for a Licence for one Canoe, in proportion to her Largeness, to go with her Loading into the Indian Country to trade.
I shall next consider the Advantages the Inhabitants of New-York have in carrying on this Trade. In the first place, the Ships that constantly use the Trade to England, perform their Voyage to and from London twice every Year; and those that go to Bristol (the Port from whence the greatest part of the Goods for the Indian Trade are exported) frequently return in four Months. These Goods are bought much cheaper in England than in France: They are transported in less Time, with less Charge, and much less Risque, as appears by the Premio for Insurance between London and New-York, being only Two per Cent. Goods are easily carried from New-York to Albany, up Hudson's River, the Distance being only 140 Miles, the River very strait all the way, and bold, and very free from Sandbanks, as well as Rocks; so that the Vessels always sail as well by Night as by Day, and have the Advantage of the Tide upwards as well as downwards, the Flood flowing above Albany. It may therefore be safely concluded, that all sorts of Goods can be carried to Albany at a cheaper Rate than they can be to Quebeck, which is also three times further from the Indian Country than Albany is. To put the Truth of this out of all dispute, I need only observe what is well known both at New-York and Albany, viz. That almost all the Strouds carried by the French into the Indian Countries, as well as large Quantities of other Goods, for the Use of the French themselves, are carried from Albany to Monreal. There has been an Account kept of nine hundred Pieces of Strouds transported thither in one Year, besides other Commodities of very considerable Value. The Distance between Albany and Monreal is about two hundred Miles, all by Water, except twelve Miles between Hudson's River and the Wood-Creek, where they carry their Bark Canoes over Land, and about sixteen Miles between Chambly and La Prairie, overagainst Monreal. And tho' the Passage be so short and easy, these Goods are generally sold at double their Value in Albany.
But as this Path has been thought extremely prejudicial to the Interest of this Colony, I shall leave it, and go on to another, that leads directly from Albany into the Cataracui or Ontario Lake, without going near any of the French Settlements.
From Albany the Indian Traders commonly carry their Goods sixteen Miles over Land, to the Mohawks River at Schenechtady, the Charge of which Carriage is Nine Shillings New-York Money, or Five Shillings Sterling each Waggon-Load. From Schenechtady they carry them in Canoes up the Mohawks River, to the Carrying-place between the Mohawks River, and the River which runs into the Oneida Lake; which Carrying-place between is only three Miles long, except in very dry Weather, when they are obliged to carry them two Miles further. From thence they go with the Current down the Onondaga River to the Cataracui Lake. The Distance between Albany and the Cataracui Lake (this Way) is nearly the same with that between Albany and Monreal; and likewise with that between Monreal and the Cataracui Lake, and the Passage much easier than the last, because the Stream of the Mohawks River is not near so strong as the Cataracui River between the Lake and Monreal, and there is no Fall in the River, save one short one; whereas there are (as I have said) at least five in the Cataracui River, where the Canoes must be unloaded. Therefore it plainly follows, that the Indian Goods may be carried at as cheap a Rate from Albany to the Cataracui Lake, as from Albany to Monreal. So that the People of Albany plainly save all the Charge of carrying Goods two hundred Miles from Monreal to that Part of the Cataracui Lake, which the French have to carry before they bring them to the same Place from Monreal, besides the Advantage which the English have in the Price of their Goods.
I have said, That when we are in the Cataracui Lake, we are upon the Level with the French, because here we can meet with all the Indians that design to go to Monreal. But besides this Passage by the Lakes, there is a River which comes from the Country of the Sennekas, and falls into the Onondaga River, by which we have an easy Carriage into that Country, without going near the Cataracui Lake. The Head of this River goes near to Lake Erie, and probably may give a very near Passage into that Lake, much more advantageous than the Way the French are obliged to take by the great Fall of Jagara, because narrow Rivers are much safer for Canoes than the Lakes, where they are obliged to go ashore if there be any Wind upon the Water. But as this Passage depends upon a further Discovery, I shall say nothing more of it at this time.
Whoever then considers these Advantages New-York has of Canada, in the first buying of their Goods, and in the safe, speedy, and cheap Transportation of them from Britain to the Lakes, free of all manner of Duty or Imposts, will readily agree with me, that the Traders of New-York may sell their Goods in the Indian Countries at half the Price the People of Canada can, and reap twice the Profit they do. This will admit of no Dispute with those that know that Strouds (the Staple Indian Commodity) this Year are sold for Ten Pounds apiece at Albany, and at Monreal for Twenty-five Pounds, notwithstanding the great Quantity of Strouds said to be brought directly into Quebeck from France, and the great Quantities that have been clandestinely carried from Albany. It cannot therefore be denied that it is only necessary for the Traders of New-York to apply themselves heartily to this Trade, in order to bring it wholly into their own Hands; for in every thing besides Diligence, Industry, and enduring Fatigues, the English have much the Advantage of the French. And all the Indians will certainly buy, where they can, at the cheapest Rate.
It must naturally be objected, That if those things are true, how is it possible that the Traders of New-York should neglect so considerable and beneficial Trade for so long time?
In answering this Objection, I shall show the Difficulties New-York has labour'd under, by giving a short History of the Country, so far as it relates to this Trade. Which Method, I think, can be liable to the least Objection, and put the whole in the truest Light.
When this Country (the Province of New-York) came first under the Crown of Great-Britain, our Five Nations of Indians were mortal Enemies of the French at Canada, and were in a continual War with them, and all the Nations of Indians round the Lakes; so that then it was not safe for the English to travel further than the Countries of the Five Nations; nor would our Indians permit the far Indians (with whom they had constant War) to pass thro' their Countries to Albany. Besides, the Five Nations of Indians were at that time so numerous, (consisting of ten times the Number of fighting Men they now do) that the Trade with them alone was very considerable for so young and small a Colony. In the latter End of King Charles's Reign, when the Duke of York, and Popish Councils prevail'd, the Governor of New-York (who was likewise a Papist) had Orders to use all his Endeavours to make up a Peace between our Nations (the Iroquois) and the French; and that he should persuade the Five Nations to admit French Priests among them, in order to civilize them. The Consequence of which was, that the French thereby obtained a free Commerce upon the Lakes, and obtain'd leave to build Cataraqui Fort upon the North-side of Cataracui Lake, and have two Vessels of Force upon the same Lake. From this Time, during all King James's Reign, the French, whenever they had any Differences with our Five Nations, threaten'd, that the English of New-York would join with them, and destroy the Five Nations; by which, and the Practices of the French Priests, our Five Nations became very much alienated in their Affections from the English, and look'd upon them as a People depending upon the French. The Consequences of this appeared so dangerous to Colonel Dungan, the Governor of New-York, (though, as I have said, a Papist) that he again and again complain'd to his Master of the ill Offices the French Priests did the English among our Nations. When the English had thus procur'd a Peace for the French, they thought they might justly reap some Advantage from it; and it's hardly to be doubted but that they had Promises of that kind. They were therefore encouraged to send forty Men, with great Quantities of Goods, into the Lakes, under the Command of Major McGregory, to trade with the far Nations. At this time Mr. Denonville, Governor of Canada, was gathering together all the Force of Canada, and of the Indians, (Enemies of the Five Nations) in order to surprize the Five Nations, and destroy them, at the Time they thought themselves secure by the Peace so lately made. Major McGregory, and his Company, were met by a French Officer on Lake Erie, coming with a great Number of Men to the general Rendezvous of the French, and he, with all the English, were made Prisoners. They were used with such Severity as has never been practis'd between Christian Nations in open War, tho' the two Crowns, at that time, were not only at Peace, but under the strictest Ties of mutual Friendship; for the French used these People as Slaves in building Cataraqui Fort, and a poor Frenchman that had conducted them, was publickly shot to Death, as if he had brought an Enemy into their Country. Such was their Apprehensions then of the English getting any Footing among the Indians.
The French Governor surprized a Village of the Five Nations, who, on the French Faith, liv'd in great Security, but seven or eight Leagues from the French Fort, and sent these miserable People to the Galleys in France. He afterwards fell upon the Sennekas, and burnt their Villages, but without any Advantage to the French, they having lost more Men than the Indians did. This renew'd the War with greater Fury than ever, between the French and our Indians. For some time afterwards, our Indians, in a great Body, fell upon the Island of Monreal, while Mr. Denonville was in the Town: They burnt and destroy'd all the Villages and Houses round Monreal, and kill'd some hundreds of Men, Women, and Children. Afterwards they came into the open Fields before Monreal, and there defy'd the French Governor, who did not think it proper to fight them. And when they had done all the Mischief they could, they retir'd without any Loss.
About this Time the Revolution happen'd in Great-Britain, which was succeeded by a War between Great-Britain and France. In February, 1689/90, a Party of three hundred Men, consisting of equal Numbers of French and Indians, surprized Schenechtady in the Night-time, when the poor People were in their Beds, in the greatest Security, where they barbarously murdered sixty-three Men, Women, and Children, in cold Blood, laid the Village in Ashes, and then retir'd, without reaping any other Advantage besides this cruel Revenge on innocent People, for the Mischief our Indians had done them. This rais'd a cruel War between the two Colonies, in which there was much Mischief done, and Blood shed, without any Advantage to either side.
In Time of this War, the most Christian King's Governor of Canada was so much provoked, that he thought fit to follow the Example of our barbarous Indians, and burn his Indian Prisoners alive, in the most cruel Manner, in sight of all the Inhabitants of Quebeck, and to deliver up the English Prisoners to the French Indians, who indeed had more Mercy, for they kill'd none of them.
King William's Peace put an End to this War; but the Peace lasted so short a while, that the People of this Province hardly had time to re-settle their Farms on the Frontiers, which they had deserted in the Time of the War, much less to adventure trading in the Indian Countries, so lately the Scene of so much Cruelty. But both Colonies having now an Abhorrence of the Cruelties of the last War, agreed on a kind of Neutrality for the Indians, during Queen Anne's War, in which Time we lost much ground with our own Indians: For the French having learn'd, by dear Experience, that it was not possible for them to conquer our Five Indian Nations, resolv'd to try all Means to gain their Affections, and in this Art the French are always more successful than in that of War; and the English failing in two ill-concerted Expeditions against Canada, the Indians lost much of the Opinion they had of the English Power and Valour.
In Time of this last War, the clandestine Trade to Monreal began to be carried on by Indians, from Albany to Monreal. This gave Rise to the Kahnuaga, or Praying Indians, who are entirely made up of Deserters from the Mohawks and River Indians, and were either enticed thither by the French Priests, or by our Merchants, in order to carry Goods from Albany to Monreal, or run away for some Mischief done here. These Indians now consist of about eighty fighting Men, and live about four Leagues above Monreal: They neither plant nor hunt, but depend chiefly upon this private Trade for their Subsistence. These Indians, in time of War, gave the French Intelligence of all Designs here against them: By them likewise the French engaged our Five Nations in a War with the Indians Friends of Virginia, and from them we might expect the greatest Mischief in Time of War, seeing every Part of the Province is as well known to them as to any of the Inhabitants. But if this Trade was entirely at an end, we have reason to believe, that these Indians would return to their own Tribes, for they then could not long subsist where they now are.
As soon as the Peace was proclaim'd, an open Trade with Monreal was carried on with such Earnestness, that Monreal was fill'd with Indian Goods, and Albany exhausted; by which means Monreal became the principal, if not the only Indian Market, and the Indians depended entirely on the French for what they wanted.
Our Merchants were fond of the Canada Trade, because they sold large Quantities of Goods without any Trouble, the French taking them from their Doors; whereas the Trade with the Indians is carried on with a great deal of Toil and Fatigue; and as to the Interest of the Country, they either never thought any thing about it, or if they did, had no regard to it.
Now I have brought this Account to the Time your Excellency arriv'd; what has happen'd since, your Excellency knows better than I can by any means inform you. From the whole, it seems plain, that any Difficulties and Disadvantages this Province has been under, have only proceeded from the Wars, which have continued since the first settling of the Province, to the beginning of the last general Peace. But now, that not only this Province, but likewise our six Nations of Indians are at Peace, and in Amity, both with the French, and all the Indian Nations with whom we can have any Commerce, these Difficulties are all remov'd, and we now enjoy the most favourable Time, that at any time can be hoped for, in order to extend the British Commerce in North-America, while the French not only labour under the Difficulties which I have shown to be inseparable from the Situation of their Colony, but likewise under another Disadvantage, (not before taken notice of) by the Furr-Trade of Canada being restrain'd to one Company. This Company is obliged to pay heavy Duties in France upon the Importation of Beaver, or any other Furr; for which reason they always fix a Price upon Beaver, and their other Furrs, in Canada; and the Indian Traders of Canada being restrain'd from selling to any but the Company's Agents there, they cannot raise the Price of Indian Goods as the Price of European rise, or as their Profit on the Goods they sell to the Indians is lessen'd.
The Merchants of New-York allow our Indian Traders double the Price for Beaver, that the French Company allow their Indian Traders, the Price established by the Company for Beaver, in Canada, being two Livres, or eighteen Pence Sterling, the Pound-weight; and the current Price of Beaver in New-York being five Shillings New-York Money, or three Shillings Sterling the Pound-weight. Therefore it plainly follows, that our Indian Traders could under-sell the French Traders, tho' they were to give as great a Price for European Goods as the French do, and did transport them at as great Charge, because of the double Price they have for their Furrs in New-York.
But as our Indian Traders not only have a double Price for their Indian Goods, but likewise buy the Goods they sell to the Indians, at half the Price the French Indian Traders do, the French Traders must be ruin'd by carrying on this Trade, in Competition with the English of New-York. And the French Indian Traders had been ruin'd before now, if they had not found means to carry their Beaver to Albany, where they got double the Price they must have sold for in Canada.
It may be objected, against this Argument, That the Canada Company as soon as they find that the Traders cannot sell at their established Price, will allow a greater Price. But if we consider the Duties the French Company is obliged to pay to the King, they cannot allow so great a Price as the English can at New-York. And if it should be insisted, That the French Company may obtain a Remission of those, yet if the clandestine Trade with Albany be entirely stopt, the French Traders will be ruin'd before such Remission can be obtain'd, and their Trade will be at an end.
My Inclination led me to show what Advantages not only the Indian Trade would reap by extending our Frontiers as far as the Lakes, but likewise the British Trade in some other Branches, which the Parliament of Great Britain seem to have much at heart, viz. Naval Stores; for the Soil on both Sides of the Mohawks River being as rich as it is possible (I believe) for any Land to be, will be found the most proper for raising of Hemp, of any Part of America, and the whole Country round it being full of the largest Pines, the royal Navy is as likely to be well provided with Masts there, and at as cheap a rate as any where else. But I have already too far presum'd on your Excellency's Patience.
Cadwallader Colden.
To this it may not be improper to add the following Original Letter.
From J. A. Esq; to Mr. P. C. of London, shewing the Success of the Measures taken at that Time.
New-York, 1740.
SIR,
If you should be at the Pains to read these printed Papers, it will be a Pleasure to you to hear of the Success of the Measures taken by Governor Burnet for redeeming the Indian Trade out of the Hands of the French. He has succeeded far above our Expectations.
Governor Burnet, through his earnest Application, and at first chiefly with his Money, Credit, and Risque, erected a Trading-House and Fortification at the Mouth of the Onondagues River, called Osneigo, where the Province of New-York supports a Garrison of Soldiers, consisting of a Lieutenant and twenty Men, which are yearly relieved.
At this Place a very great Trade is carried on with the remote Indians, who formerly used to go down to the French at Monreal, and there buy our English Goods, at second Hand, at above twice the Price they now pay for them at Osneigo; whilst, at the same time, the French were chiefly supplied by one Gentleman at New-York, who almost entirely engrossed the Indian Trade of this Province, and thereby acquired a very great Estate and Influence. But the prudent Steps taken by our late worthy Governor, to open a free Trade, was the Cause of the Engrosser's losing his.—The Probability of doing this, was the principal Motive of our applying to the King, which is shown by these printed Papers.
The Indian Trade, to the great Advantage of this Province, is now divided into several hundred Hands, and there have been for many Years past upwards of one hundred young Men of this Province, who have gone yearly among the Indians, to supply them with our Goods.
By this means, at a modest Estimate, I am assured, that the Indian Trade of this Province is now far above five times as much as when Governor Burnet began to put his Scheme in execution.
And this is not all the Advantages reaped thereby, but a much more considerable one to this, and all the other English Colonies is, that not only our own six Nations, but also many far and remote Indian Nations are drawn off from their Dependance on the French, and made, by Trade and Intercourse, dependant on the English; by this means a great Security and Protection is acquired by the English, in case of a War with France; and by this Trade our Settlements in this Province are extended up to the Onondagues Carrying-place, which is now well attended with Waggons, for the more commodious transporting of Goods to trade in the Lakes.
And they are now settling on the Branches of Sasquehanah River; and from the western Branches of this River, there is but a small Land-Carriage to Allegheny, a Branch of that great River Misissippi; which Branch extending a thousand Miles from its Mouth, where it enters the said River; and which joins so near to our Settlements, as is above taken notice of, opens us a Trade to that vast Country, called by the French Louisiana, which they possess on the Misissippi.
I am,
SIR,
Your humble Servant,
J. A.
THE
TREATY
HELD WITH THE
INDIANS
OF THE
SIX NATIONS,
AT
PHILADELPHIA,
In JULY, 1742.
THE TREATY, &c.
The Deputies of the six Nations having, at their last Visit, agreed to release their Claim to all the Land on both Sides of the River Sasquehanah, as far South as this Province extends, and to the Northward to those called the Endless Mountains, or Kittochtinny Hills; in Consideration whereof, they then received a large Quantity of valuable Indian Goods for the Lands situate on the Eastern Side of the said River, but declined at that Time to receive any for those on the Western Side of the said River, chusing to defer the same till another Visit; a large Number arrived from these Nations at Philadelphia, on Wednesday the 30th of June, with Deputies duly impowered to receive the said Goods; and acquainted the Governor, that being weary from the Fatigue of their long Journey, they should crave three or four Days to rest themselves before they proceeded to their Business: In the mean time they would wait on the Governor to discourse, according to their usual Method, about News and other Occurrences; which the Governor readily agreed to, and ask'd them when they would chuse to pay their first Visit; which they desiring might be on Friday the 2d of July, in the Afternoon, the Council was accordingly summon'd, and met at Mr. Logan's House, where were
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Clement Plumsted
, }
Samuel Hasell
, }
Abraham Taylor
, } Esqrs;
Samuel Preston
, }
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Ralph Asheton
, }
Robert Strettell
, }
The Chiefs of the
Six Nations
, with the Chiefs of the
Shawanese
.
CANASSATEEGO
, the
Onondago
Chief, Speaker.
CONRAD WEISER
, Interpreter.
The Governor opened the Conference as follows.
BRETHREN,
'The Proprietor having purchased certain Lands from your Nations about six Years ago, a Moiety of what was agreed to be given in Consideration of that Purchase was at that Time delivered to them, and the other being at their Desire left in the Proprietor's Hands, he pressed you by Shikalamy to send last Year for it, and would have been glad to have seen you, and taken you by the Hand before his Departure. But as the Design of this Meeting is to hear your News, and converse together in a free and friendly Manner, I shall say no more about the Goods than that they lie ready at the Proprietor's House, and will be delivered when you shall have sufficiently rested from the Fatigue of your Journey.'
The Chief of the Onondagoes spoke.
'BRETHREN,
'We propose to rest four Days, and then come to the main Business. At present we are at a private Conference about News, and have something of this sort to mention to our Brother Onas.' And on the Governor's signifying they would be glad to know what it was, the Chief proceeded.
BRETHREN,
'It is our Way when we come to our Brethren, or any other Persons, whom we live in strict Friendship with, to remove all Obstructions to a good Understanding; with this View we are to inform you of a Piece of disagreeable News that happen'd in our Journey.——Some White People living at a Place called Conegocheegoe, whose Names we cannot tell, nor whether they belong to this or the neighbouring Government, but one of them, as we heard, had his House burnt over his Head some Years ago, and he was brought down a Prisoner and committed to the Goal of this City: These People lighting of our young Warriors, as they were hunting, made some Proposals about the Purchasing of Land from them, and our young Men being indiscreet, and unacquainted with publick Business, were foolish enough to hearken to them, and to receive five Duffil Strowds for two Plantations on the River Cohongoronto. A Conestogoe Indian, and a French Indian, and some others that were in Company, had three Duffil Strowds, and went away with them; and our young Men carried off the other two. As soon as this came to our Knowledge, we sent for our Warriors, and after examining and rebuking them severely, we took away their two Strowds, and publickly censured them for exposing us to our Brethren of Pensylvania, in doing a Thing so inconsistent with our Engagements to them; "You are, said we aloud, that all our People might hear and take Notice, to know and remember, that the Six Nations have obliged themselves to sell none of the Land that falls within the Province of Pensylvania, to any other but out Brother Onas, and that to sell Lands to any other is an high Breach of the League of Friendship." Brethren, this rash Proceeding of our young men makes us ashamed. We always mean well, and shall perform faithfully what we have promised: And we assure you, this Affair was transacted in the Manner we have related, without our Privity or Consent. And that you may be fully convinced of this, and of the Sincerity of our Intentions, we have brought you these two Strowds [here he presented two red Strowds to the Governor] they are the very Strowds our foolish young Men received; we took them from them, and we give them to you to return to those white People who made the Bargain, and desire when the Strowds are returned to them, they may be told what we now say, and that we shall not confirm such Bargains, nor any other that may interfere with our Engagements to our Brother Onas.'
The Governor then spoke:
'BRETHREN,
'I thank you for this Piece of News; you have taken this Matter perfectly right. All Bargaining for Land within this Province, is, to be sure, a manifest Breach of your Contract with the Proprietors, and what we know you will not countenance. We have hitherto found the Six Nations faithful to their Engagements, and this is a fresh Instance of their Punctuality. You could not help these Mistakes of your young Men; they were not done in your Presence: But as several Inconveniencies may arise from these kind of clandestine Sales, or from any such loose Sales of Land by your People, we desire you will, on your Return home, give publick Notice to all your Warriors not to bargain for any Land; or if they do, that you will not confirm such Bargains; and that this very Affair, together with what you have done therein, may be particularly reported to all your Nation assembled in Council.'
The Onondago Chief promised to give such publick Notice; and desiring Liberty to mend his former Speech, he proceeded:
'BRETHREN,
'I forgot one Circumstance: Our People, who pretended to sell the Land, demanded a Belt of Wampum of the Buyers to carry to their Chiefs; and on their declaring they had no Wampum, our Warriors said, they would not answer that their Chiefs would confirm this Bargain, since they never did any thing of this Nature without Wampum.'
The Governor, after a short Pause, spoke:
'BRETHREN of the Six Nations,
'I take this Opportunity to relate to you a Piece of disagreeable News I received some Days ago in a Letter from Le Tort, the Indian Trader, at Allegheny, who says, "That in May last some Indians of the Taway Nation, supposed by us to be the Twightwees, in their Return from War, called and staid some Time with the Shawanese; who being asked, and denying they had brought either Scalps or Prisoners, the Shawanese suspecting them, had the Curiosity to search their Bags, and finding two Scalps in them, that by the Softness of the Hair did not feel like Indian Scalps, they wash'd them clean, and found them to be the Scalps of some Christians. On this Discovery, the Twightwees were so much ashamed, that they stole away from their Town in the Night-time; and coming, as they afterwards understood, to a little Village belonging to the Shawanese, they told our People that their Hearts were full of Grief; for, as they came along the Road, they found it all bloody; and having good Cause to believe it was made bloody with the Blood of some of the white Brethren, they had very sorrowfully swept the Road; and desired them to inform the Governor of Pensilvania of their (the Twightwees) Grief; and how they had swept the Road clean." 'Le Tort adds, on Behalf of the Shawanese,' "That they were much grieved at this unfortunate Accident; and prayed, as they had no Concern in it, more than by being Instruments to discover it, their Brethren would not blame them, nor suffer a Misunderstanding to arise between them on this Account: They would sweep the Road clean, and wipe all the Blood away; and desired their Brethren would be satisfied with this, and not weep too much for a Misfortune that might not happen again as long as the Sun and Moon shone."
'The Person who delivered me Le Tort's Letter, brought this Bundle of Skins as a Present to me; but I told the Messenger, I would not meddle with it; he might leave it if he pleased: The Affair appear'd to me in a bad Light, and I would represent it to the Six Nations, who were expected in Town every Day. This is the Fact, as I have it from Le Tort: I desire to be inform'd if you know any thing of this Matter; and if you do not, that you will make diligent Enquiry who committed the Murder, and who are the unhappy Sufferers, and assist us to obtain Satisfaction, if it shall appear to be any, of our Fellow-Subjects that have been treated in this Manner.'
To inforce this Request, I present you with this String of Wampum.
The Onondago Chief, in Reply, said:
BRETHREN,
'We take this Information kindly at your Hands; we will take this String of Wampum home with us to our Lodgings, and there consult about the most regular and proper Steps to be taken by us to answer your Expectations, and when we have duly considered the Matter, we will return you an Answer.'
Upon this the Governor put an End to the Conference; and calling for Wine, and other Liquors, according to the Indian Custom, after a decent and chearful Entertainment, the Indians withdrew.
At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's House, July 5, 1742.
PRESENT
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Clement Plumsted
, } Esqrs;
With several Gentlemen of the Town.
The Chiefs of the Six Nations.
It being judg'd proper, at this critical Time, when we are in daily Expectation of a French War, to sound the Indians, and discover what Dependance we might have on them, in case their Aid should be wanted, an handsome Dinner was provided for their Chiefs; and after they had made an hearty Meal, and drank his Majesty's Health, the Proprietors, and the Health of the Six Nations, the Chiefs gave the solemn Cry, in Testimony of their Thanks for the Honour done them. And soon after the Governor began, in a free Way, to enquire for what Reason the Senecas were not come down, since they had an equal Share of the Goods with the other Nations.——Canassateego, their Speaker, said, 'The Senecas were in great Distress, on Account of a Famine that raged in their Country, which had reduced them to such Want, that a Father had been obliged to kill two of his Children to preserve his own, and the rest of his Family's Lives; and they could not now come down, but had given Directions about their Share of the Goods.'——The Governor express'd his Concern for the unhappy Circumstances of their Brethren of the Seneca Nation; and, after a short Respite, enquired if any of their Deputies were then at Canada, and whether the French Governor was making any warlike Preparations. And on their answering Yes, the Governor said, with a smiling, pleasant Countenance, 'I suppose, if the French should go to War with us, you will join them.' The Indians conferr'd together for some Time, and then Canassateego, in a chearful lively Manner, made answer.——'We assure you, the Governor of Canada pays our Nations great Court at this Time, well knowing of what Consequence we are to the French Interest: He has already told us, he was uncovering the Hatchet, and sharpening it, and hoped, if he should be obliged to lift it up against the English, our Nations would remain neuter, and assist neither Side.——But we will now speak plainly to our Brethren: Why should we, who are one Flesh with you, refuse to help you, whenever you want our Assistance?——We have continued a long Time in the strictest League of Amity and Friendship with you, and we shall always be faithful and true to you our old and good Allies.——The Governor of Canada talks a great deal, but ten of his Words do not go so far as one of yours.——We do not look towards them; we look towards you; and you may depend on our Assistance.' Whilst the Onondago Chief made this open and hearty Declaration, all the other Indians made frequently that particular Kind of Noise which is known to be a Mark of Approbation.——The Governor bid the Interpreter tell Canassateego, 'He did not set on foot this Enquiry from any Suspicion he had of the Six Nations wanting a due Regard for the English.—Our Experience of their Honour and Faith, said he, would not permit us to think any other of them, than that they would esteem our Friends their Friends, and our Enemies their Enemies, agreeable to the strict Union which had ever subsisted between us.—As to the Governor of Canada, he told them they need not mind what he said.—The English, on equal Terms, had beat the French, and could beat them again: And were they but to consider the Advantages which the English have, by possessing so many large and populous Countries, and so many good Ports on the Continent of America, they would soon see who had most Reason to fear a War, the French or the English.'
Here the Conversation dropped; and after another Glass of Wine, the Indians resumed the Discourse, by asking whether their Brethren had not been for some Time engaged in a War with the King of Spain, and what Successes they had met with.
The Governor told them, the King of Great-Britain lived in an Island, and being surrounded with the Sea, his chief Strength lay in his Ships; in which he was so much superior to his Enemies, that they were seldom to be met with on the broad Ocean, but sculk'd and hid themselves, only venturing out now and then; and whenever they did, they were almost sure to be taken; and that the King of Great-Britain had with his Ships, beat down, or taken several of the Spaniards great Forts in America.—The Indians said, they were pleased to hear their Brethren were an Over-match for their Enemies, and wish'd them good Success.
The Governor then enquired into the State and Condition of the Nations to the Westward of the Great Lakes, and whether they had any Warriors then in those Countries? Whether they had concluded Peace with the Southern Indians? And whether they had heard what their Deputies had done at Albany?
They made Answer: That they had always Abundance of their Men out amongst the Nations situate to the West of their Lakes.—That they had kindled a Fire with a vast many Nations, some whereof were Tributaries, and they had a good Understanding with all.—They set out from their own Country in Company with two Sets of Deputies, one going to hold a Treaty with the Southern Indians, and they believed a Peace would be concluded: The other going to meet the Governor of New-York, at Albany; but they could not tell what had been done at either Place.—On their return, they were to hold a General Council, and would inform their Brethren of these Particulars.
Then the Governor put an End to the Conference, by telling the Indians the Goods would be delivered to them at a Council to be held To-morrow Afternoon at the Meeting-House.
At a Council held in the Meeting House, Philadelphia, July 6, 1742.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Clement Plumsted
, }
Abraham Taylor
, } Esqrs;
Samuel Preston
, }
Ralph Asheton
, }
Robert Strettell
, }
CANASSATEEGO
, Chief of the
Onondagoes
, Speaker.
Shicalamy
, and a great Number of
Indians
, whose Names are as follows,
viz
.
ONONTOGOES
.
Sawegaty
, }
Caxhayion
, } Counsellors.
Saguyassatha
,
Kayadoghratie
, alias
Slanaghquasy
,
Rotier-uwughton
,
Tokaughaah
,
Tiorughwaghthe
,
Tokano-ungoh
,
Aronty-oony
,
Tohanohawighton
,
Tioghwatoony
,
Auughrahysey
.
CAIYOQUOS
.
Sahugh-sowa
, }
Tohatgaghthus
, } Chiefs.
Tokany-esus
,
Runho-hihio
,
Kanadoghary
,
Zior-aghquaty
,
Sagu-iughwatha
, alias
Cadcaradasey
,
Sca-yenties
,
Tats-heghteh
,
Alligh-waheis
,
Tayo-quario
,
Hogh degh runtu
,
Rotehn Haghtyackon
, Captain.
Sawoalieselhohaa
,
Sagughsa-eck
,
Uwantakeraa
,
Horuhot
,
Osoghquaa
,
Tuyanoegon
.
ANOYIUTS
,
or
ONEIDAS
.
Saristaquoh
, }
Ungquaterughiathe, alias
Shikelimo
, } Chiefs.
Tottowakerha
,
Taraghkoerus
,
Onughkallydawwy
, a noted young Chief.
Onughnaxqua
, Chief.
Tawyiakaarat
,
Tohathuyongochtha
,
Sughnakaarat
,
Taghneghdoerus
,
Tokanyiadaroeyon
,
Sagogughyatha
,
Rahehius
,
Tokanusoegon
.
JENONTOWANOS
,
or
SENECAS
.
Karugh iagh Raghquy
, Captain.
Tahn heentus
,
Onontyiack
.
TUSCARROROS
.
Sawontka
, }
Ti-ieroes
, } Chiefs.
Cloghsytowax
, }
Tokaryhoegon
, Captain.
Oghioghseh
,
Tieleghweghson
,
Tougrotha
,
Yorughianego
,
Ot-quehig
,
Squaghky
,
Sayadyio
,
Onughsowûghton
,
Cherigh wâstho
,
Aghsûnteries
,
Tion ogh scôghtha
,
Saligh wanaghson
,
Ohn-wâasey
,
Tocar-eher
[died since at
Tulpehokin
.]
Tohanatâkqua
,
Kanyhâag
.
SHAWANOES
.
Wehwehlaky
, Chief.
Aset teywa
,
Asoghqua
,
Maya minickysy
,
Wawyia Beeseny
.
Canestogo
Indians that speak the
Onayiut's
Language
.
Tior Haasery
, Chief.
Tanigh wackerau
,
Karha Cawyiat
,
Kayen quily quo
.
CANOYIAS
,
or
NANTIKOKES
,
of
Canestogo.
Des-seheg
,
Ichqua que heck
,
Quesamaag
,
Ayiok-ius
.
DELAWARES
of
Shamokin.
Olumapies
, }
Lingehanoah
, } Chiefs.
Kelly macquan
,
Quitie-yquont
,
Pishquiton
,
Nena chy haut
.
DELAWARES
from the
Forks.
Onutpe
, }
Lawye quohwon
, alias
Nutimus
, } Chiefs.
Toweghkappy
.
Cornel. Spring
, and others.
Conrad Weiser
,
Cornelius Spring
,
Interpreters
.
And a great Number of the Inhabitants of
Philadelphia
.
The Governor having commanded Silence, spoke as follows:
'Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations,
'Six Years ago a Number of your Chiefs obliged us with a Visit, when they agreed on Behalf of your Nations, to the Release of certain Lands on both Sides the River Sasquehannah, to the Southward of the Endless-Mountains, and within the Limits and Bounds of the King's Grant of this Province. In Consideration of which, a certain Quantity of Goods was agreed on, and delivered as a full Satisfaction for the said Lands, lying on the Eastern Side of the said River: And for the Lands on the Western Side of the said River, you desired the Payment should be deferr'd till another Opportunity. These Goods, which are exactly the same in Quantity, as those you received the last Time the Chiefs of your Nations were here, have been ready a considerable Time, and kept in Expectation of your coming for them: And now you are come down, fully impowered by your respective Councils to receive them, we are well pleased to deliver them; leaving it to you to make a fair and equal Division of them amongst yourselves. We are sorry for the Absence of our Brethren the Senecas, and much more so, that it should be owing to their Distress at Home by a Famine that rages in their Country:—A Famine so great, that you tell us a Father has been obliged to sacrifice one Part of his Family, even his own Children, for the Support and Preservation of himself, and the other Part.—We heartily commiserate their Condition, and do not doubt but you will do them fair and ample Justice in the Disposal of their Part of the Goods, in such Manner as they have instructed you. You shall now hear the List of the Goods read to you.'
Here, by the Governor's Order, the List of the Goods was read over, viz.
500 Pounds of Powder.
600 Pounds of Lead.
45 Guns.
60 Strowd-Matchcoats.
100 Blankets.
100 Duffil Matchcoats.
200 Yards Half-thick.
100 Shirts.
40 Hats.
40 Pair Shoes & Buckles.
40 Pair Stockings.
100 Hatchets.
500 Knives.
100 Hoes.
60 Kettles.
100 Tobacco-Tongs.
100 Scissars.
500 Awl-Blades.
120 Combs.
2000 Needles.
1000 Flints.
24 Looking-Glasses.
2 Pounds of Vermilion.
100 Tin-Pots.
1000 Tobacco-Pipes.
200 Pounds of Tobacco.
24 Dozen of Gartering, and
25 Gallons of Rum.
Then the Governor told them that the Goods, of which the Particulars had been just read to them, were in the Meeting-House, and would be sent to whatever Place they would direct.
The Governor then proceeded:
BRETHREN,
'You have often heard of the Care that your great and good Friend and Brother William Penn, took at all Times to cultivate a perfect good Harmony with all the Indians: Of these your Nations have ever been fully sensible; but more especially a Number of your Chiefs, about ten Years ago, when on the Arrival of a Son of your said great Friend William Penn, large and valuable Presents were exchanged by us with you; a new Road was made and clear'd; a new Fire kindled; and the Chain of Friendship made stronger, so as to last while the Sun and Moon endure.
'And now we cannot but congratulate ourselves, that your coming should happen at a Time, when we are in daily Expectation of a War being declared between the King of England, and the French King, well knowing that should such a War happen, it must very sensibly affect you, considering your Situation in the Neighbourhood of Canada. Your coming at this Juncture is particularly fortunate, since it gives us an Opportunity of mentioning several Things that may be necessary to be settled, between People so strictly and closely united as we are.—An Union not to be expressed by any Thing less, than the affectionate Regards which Children of the same Parents bear for each other, as conceiving ourselves to be one Flesh and one People.
'The utmost Care therefore ought mutually to be taken by us on both Sides, that the Road between us be kept perfectly clear and open, and no Lets nor the least Obstruction be suffered to lie in the Way; or if any should by Accident be found, that may hinder our free Intercourse and Correspondence, it must forthwith be removed.
To inforce this, we lay down a String of Wampum.
'In the next Place, we, on our Part, shall inlarge our Fire that burns between us. We shall provide more Fewel to increase it, and make it burn brighter and clearer, and give a stronger and more lasting Light and Warmth.
In Evidence of our sincere Intentions, we lay down this Belt of Wampum.
'In the last Place, considering the Obligations we are mutually under by our several Treaties, "That we should hear with our Ears for you, and you hear with your Ears for us." We shall at Times very willingly give you the earliest and best Intelligence, of any Designs that may be form'd to your Disadvantage.—And if you discover any Preparations that can hurt us, we desire you will immediately dispatch some suitable Person in whom we can place a Confidence, to give us a proper Information.'
To inforce this Request, as well as to brighten the Chain, we lay down this other Belt of Wampum.
On the Governor's concluding the Speech, the solemn Cry by Way of Approbation was repeated by the Indians, as many Times as there were Nations present; and then Canassateego rose up and spoke.
'BRETHREN,
'We thank you for your kind Speech: What you have said is very agreeable to us; and To-morrow when we have deliberated on the several Matters recommended to us, we will give you our Answer. We desire, as our Time will be wholly taken up in Council, you will order the Goods to be carried back to the Proprietaries to prevent their being lost, and that they may continue there till we call for them.'
At a Council held in the Meeting-House, July 7, 1742.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Abraham Taylor
, } Esqrs;
Samuel Preston
, }
Samuel Hasell
, }
Robert Strettell
, }
CANASSATEEGO's Speech on Behalf of the Six Nations.
'BRETHREN, the Governor and Council, and all present,
'According to our Promise we now propose to return you an Answer to the several Things mentioned to us Yesterday, and shall beg Leave to speak to publick Affairs first, tho' they were what you spoke to last. On this Head you Yesterday put us in Mind, first, "Of William Penn's early and constant Care to cultivate Friendship with all the Indians; of the Treaty we held with one of his Sons, about ten Years ago; and of the Necessity there is at this Time of keeping the Roads between us clear and free from all Obstructions." We are all very sensible of the kind Regard that good Man William Penn had for all the Indians, and cannot but be pleased to find that his Children have the same. We well remember the Treaty you mention held with his Son on his Arrival here, by which we confirmed our League of Friendship, that is to last as long as the Sun and Moon endure: In Consequence of this, we, on our Part, shall preserve the Road free from all Incumbrances; in Confirmation whereof we lay down this String of Wampum.
'You in the next Place said you would enlarge the Fire and make it burn brighter, which we are pleased to hear you mention; and assure you, we shall do the same, by adding to it more Fewel, that it may still flame out more strongly than ever: In the last Place, you were pleased to say that we are bound by the strictest Leagues, to watch for each others Preservation; that we should hear with our Ears for you, and you hear with your Ears for us: This is equally agreeable to us; and we shall not fail to give you early Intelligence, whenever any Thing of Consequence comes to our Knowledge: And to encourage you to do the same, and to nourish in your Hearts what you have spoke to us with your Tongues, about the Renewal of our Amity and the Brightening of the Chain of Friendship; we confirm what we have said with another Belt of Wampum.'
'BRETHREN,
'We received from the Proprietors Yesterday, some Goods in Consideration of our Release of the Lands on the West-side of Sasquehannah. It is true, we have the full Quantity according to Agreement; but if the Proprietor had been here himself, we think, in Regard of our Numbers and Poverty, he would have made an Addition to them.—If the Goods were only to be divided amongst the Indians present, a single Person would have but a small Portion; but if you consider what Numbers are left behind, equally entitled with us to a Share, there will be extremely little. We therefore desire, if you have the Keys of the Proprietor's Chest, you will open it, and take out a little more for us.
'We know our Lands are now become more valuable: The white People think we do not know their Value; but we are sensible that the Land is everlasting, and the few Goods we receive for it are soon worn out and gone. For the future, we will sell no Lands but when Brother Onas is in the Country; and we will know beforehand, the Quantity of the Goods we are to receive. Besides, we are not well used with respect to the Lands still unsold by us. Your People daily settle on these Lands, and spoil our Hunting.—We must insist on your removing them, as you know they have no Right to settle to the Northward of Kittochtinny-Hills.—In particular, we renew our Complaints against some People who are settled at Juniata, a Branch of Sasquahannah, and all along the Banks of that River, as far as Mahaniay; and desire they may be forthwith made to go off the Land, for they do great Damage to our Cousins the Delawares.
'We have further to observe, with respect to the Lands lying on the West-side of Sasquahannah, that though Brother Onas (meaning the Proprietor) has paid us for what his People possess, yet some Parts of that Country have been taken up by Persons, whose Place of Residence is to the South of this Province, from whom we have never received any Consideration. This Affair was recommended to you by our Chiefs at our last Treaty; and you then, at our earnest Desire, promised to write a Letter to that Person who has the Authority over those People, and to procure us his Answer: As we have never heard from you on this Head, we want to know what you have done in it. If you have not done any Thing, we now renew our Request, and desire you will inform the Person whose People are seated on our Lands, that that Country belongs to us, in Right of Conquest; we having bought it with our Blood, and taken it from our Enemies in fair War; and we expect, as Owners of that Land, to receive such a Consideration for it as the Land is worth. We desire you will press him to send a positive Answer: Let him say Yes or No: If he says Yes, we will treat with him; if No, we are able to do ourselves Justice; and we will do it, by going to take Payment ourselves.
'It is customary with us to make a Present of Skins, whenever we renew our Treaties. We are ashamed to offer our Brethren so few, but your Horses and Cows have eat the Grass our Deer used to feed on. This has made them scarce, and will, we hope, plead in Excuse for our not bringing a larger Quantity. If we could have spared more, we would have given more; but we are really poor; and desire you'll not consider the Quantity, but few as they are, accept them in Testimony of our Regard.'
Here they gave the Governor a Bundle of Skins.
The Governor immediately replied.
'BRETHREN,
'We thank you for the many Declarations of Respect you have given us, in this solemn Renewal of our Treaties: We receive, and shall keep your String and Belts of Wampum, as Pledges of your Sincerity, and desire those we gave you may be carefully preserved, as Testimonies of ours.
'In Answer to what you say about the Proprietaries.—They are all absent, and have taken the Keys of their Chest with them; so that we cannot, on their Behalf, enlarge the Quantity of Goods: Were they here, they might perhaps, be more generous; but we cannot be liberal for them.—The Government will, however, take your Request into Consideration; and in Regard to your Poverty, may perhaps make you a Present. I but just mention this now, intending to refer this Part of your Speech to be answered at our next Meeting.
'The Number of Guns, as well as every Thing else, answers exactly with the Particulars specified in your Deed of Conveyance, which is more than was agreed to be given you. It was your own Sentiments, that the Lands on the West-side of Sasquahannah, were not so valuable as those on the East; and an Abatement was to be made, proportionable to the Difference in Value: But the Proprietor overlooked this, and ordered the full Quantity to be delivered, which you will look on as a Favour.
'It is very true, that Lands are of late become more valuable; but what raises their Value? Is it not entirely owing to the Industry and Labour used by the white People, in their Cultivation and Improvement? Had not they come amongst you, these Lands would have been of no Use to you, any further than to maintain you. And is there not, now you have sold so much, enough left for all the Purposes of Living?—What you say of the Goods, that they are soon worn out, is applicable to every Thing; but you know very well, that they cost a great deal of Money; and the Value of Land is no more, than it is worth in Money.
'On your former Complaints against People's settling the Lands on Juniata, and from thence all along on the River Sasquahannah as far as Mahaniahy, some Magistrates were sent expresly to remove them, and we thought no Persons would presume to stay after that.'
Here they interrupted the Governor, and said:—
"These Persons who were sent did not do their Duty: So far from removing the People, they made Surveys for themselves, and they are in League with the Trespassers. We desire more effectual Methods may be used, and honester Persons employed."
Which the Governor promised, and then proceeded:
'BRETHREN,
'According to the Promise made at our last Treaty with you, Mr. Logan, who was at that Time President, did write to the Governor of Maryland, that he might make you Satisfaction for such of your Lands as his People had taken up, but did not receive one Word from him upon that Head. I will write to him again, and endeavour to procure you a satisfactory Answer. We do not doubt but he will do you Justice: But we exhort you to be careful not to exercise any Acts of Violence towards his People, as they likewise are our Brethren, and Subjects of the same great King; and therefore Violence towards them, must be productive of very evil Consequences.
'I shall conclude what I have to say at this Time, with Acknowledgments for your Present; which is very agreeable to us, from the Expressions of Regard used by you in presenting it: Gifts of this Nature receiving their Value from the Affection of the Giver, and not from the Quantity or Price of the Thing given.'
At a COUNCIL held at Philadelphia, July 8, 1742.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Clement Plumsted
, }
Samuel Hasell
, }
Abraham Taylor
, }
Samuel Preston
, } Esqrs;
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Ralph Asheton
, }
Robert Strettell
, }
The Board taking into Consideration, whether it be proper or not at this Time, to make a Present to the Indians of the Six Nations now in Town, in Return for their Present to this Government at Yesterday's Treaty;
Resolved,
That it is highly fit and proper that a Present be made to the said Indians at this Time.
And it is the Opinion of this Board, that the said Present should be of the Value of 500 l. or at least 300 l.
And it is recommended to Mr. Logan, Mr. Preston, and Mr. Lawrence, to acquaint Mr. Kinsey, the Speaker of the Assembly, with the Opinion of this Board; and that they request him to confer with such other Members of Assembly as are in Town, and report their Sentiments thereupon.
The Board taking into Consideration the Threats expressed by the Indians, at the Treaty Yesterday, against the Inhabitants of Maryland, settled on certain Lands on the West-side of Sasquahannah, which the Indians claim, and for which they require Satisfaction; and considering, that should those Threats, in any Sort be put in Execution, not only the Inhabitants of Maryland, but of this Government, and all his Majesty's Subjects on the Northern Continent of America, may thereby be involved in much Trouble: It is the Opinion of this Board, that the Governor write to the Governor of Maryland without Delay, to inform him of the Indians Complaints and Threats, and to request a satisfactory Answer; and that his Letter be sent by a special Messenger, at the publick Expence.
At a COUNCIL held July 9, 1742.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, Esq;
Clement Plumsted
, Esq;
Samuel Hasell
, Esq;
Robert Strettell
, Esq;
Samuel Preston
, Esq;
Ralph Asheton
, Esq;
Thomas Lawrence
, Esq;
Mr.
Peters
.
The Governor informed the Board, that the Indian Chiefs dining with him Yesterday, after Dinner delivered their Answer to two Affairs of Consequence:
The first related to the violent Battery committed on William Webb, in the Forks of Delaware, whereby his Jaw-bone was broke, and his Life greatly endangered, by an unknown Indian. Canassatego repeating the Message delivered to the Six Nations by Shickcalamy, in the Year 1740, with a String of Wampum, said in Answer: 'The Six Nations had made diligent Enquiry into the Affair, and had found out the Indian who had committed the Fact; he lived near Asopus, and had been examined and severely reprov'd: And they hoped, as William Webb was recovered, the Governor would not expect any further Punishment; and therefore they returned the String of Wampum received from their Brethren, by the Hand of Shickcalamy, in Token that they had fully complied with their Request.'
I thank'd them, said he, for their Care; but reminded them, that though the Man did not die, yet he lay a long Time in extreme Misery, and would never recover the free Use of his Speech, and was rendered less able to get his Livelihood; and in such Cases the English Laws obliged the Assailant to make good all Damages, besides paying for the Pain endured.—But as the Indian was, in all Probability, poor and unable to make Satisfaction, I told them, that for their Sake I would forgive him; adding, had Webb died, I make no Doubt but you would have put the Indian to Death, just as we did two of our People who had killed an Indian; we caused them to be hung on a Gallows, in the Presence of many Hundreds of our People, to deter all others from doing the like. Canassatego made me this Reply: 'The Indians know no Punishment but Death; they have no such Thing as pecuniary Mulcts; if a Man be guilty of a Crime, he is either put to Death, or the Fault is overlook'd. We have often heard of your Hanging-up those two Persons; but as none of our Indians saw the Men die, many believe they were not hanged, but transported to some other Colony: And it would be satisfactory to the Indians, if, for the future, some of them be sent for, to be Witnesses of such Executions.' I assured them, that whoever gave them that Information, abused them; for the Persons certainly suffered Death, and in the Presence of all the People.
Canassatego then proceeded to give an Answer to what was said to them the 2d Instant, relating to Le Tort's Letter: 'That they had, in Council, considered in what Manner the Matter recommended to them ought to be conducted; and they were of Opinion, that as the Shawanese, not the Twightwys (for they knew so much of it, that the People were of the Twightwy Nation in whose Bags the Scalps were found) had sent me a Present of Skins, I should in return, send them a Blanket or a Kettle, and with it a very sharp Message, that tho' they had done well in sweeping the Road from Blood, yet that was but a small Part of their Duty; they ought not to have suffered the Twightwys, after their Lye and the Discovery of the Scalps, to have left them, 'till they had given a full and true Account how they came by them, whose Scalps they were, and in what Place, and for what Reason the Men were kill'd; and when they had been fully satisfied of all these Particulars, then it was their Duty to have given Information to the Government where the white People lived, that the Murderers might be complained against, and punished by the Nation they belonged to: And as the Shawanese had omitted to perform the Part of Brethren, that I should reprove them for it, and charge them to make Amends for their Neglect, by using all possible Expedition to come at the Knowledge of these Things, and to aid their Brethren the white People in obtaining Justice.'
The Minutes of the preceding Council being read, Mr. Logan, in pursuance of the Board's Direction of Yesterday, reported, on behalf of himself, and the other Gentlemen to whom it was recommended, that they had confer'd with Mr. Kinsey, and requested him to consult the other Members of the Assembly concerning the making a Present to the Indians; and that Mr. Kinsey having collected the Sentiments of several Members of the Assembly in Town, whom he had confer'd with on that Subject, found them generally of Opinion, that a Present should at this Time be made; but that they had declined nominating any Sum: However, that Mr. Kinsey had given it as his own Opinion, that the Governor and Council might go as far as three hundred Pounds.
And accordingly it is refer'd to Mr. Logan, Mr. Preston, and Mr. Lawrence, to consider of, and prepare a proper List of the Goods whereof the Present should be composed, to the Value of three hundred Pounds, as aforesaid; advising with the Interpreter as to the Quantity and Quality.
At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's, the 9th of July, P. M. 1742.
PRESENT
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Samuel Preston
, } Esqrs;
Robert Strettell
, }
Abraham Taylor
, }
The
CHIEFS
of the
Six Nations
.
SASSOONAN
, and the
Delawares
.
NUTIMUS
, and the
Fork-Indians
.
CONRAD WEISER
, Interpreter.
The Governor spoke to the Chiefs of the Six Nations, as follows:
'BRETHREN,
'The last Time the Chiefs of the Six Nations were here, they were informed, that your Cousins, a Branch of the Delawares, gave this Province some Disturbance about the Lands the Proprietor purchased from them, and for which their Ancestors had received a valuable Consideration above fifty-five Years ago, as appears by a Deed now lying on the Table.—Sometime after this, Conrad Weiser delivered to your Brother Thomas Penn your Letter, wherein you request of him, and James Logan, that they would not buy Land, &c.—This has been shewn to them and interpreted; notwithstanding which they have continued their former Disturbances, and have had the Insolence to write Letters to some of the Magistrates of this Government, wherein they have abused your good Brethren, our worthy Proprietaries, and treated them with the utmost Rudeness and Ill-Manners. Being loth, from our Regard to you, to punish them as they deserve, I sent two Messengers to inform them that you were expected here, and should be acquainted with their Behaviour.—As you, on all Occasions, apply to us to remove all white People that are settled on Lands before they are purchased from you, and we do our Endeavours to turn such People off; we now expect from you, that you will cause these Indians to remove from the Lands in the Forks of Delaware, and not give any further Disturbance to the Persons who are now in Possession.'
To inforce this we lay down a String of Wampum.
Then were read the several Conveyances, the Paragraph of the Letter wrote by the Chiefs of the Six Nations relating to the Delawares; the Letters of the Fork-Indians to the Governor and Mr. Langhorne, and a Draught of the Land; these were then delivered to Conrad Weiser, who was desired to interpret them to the Chiefs, when they should take this Affair into their Consideration.
At a COUNCIL held July 10, 1742.
PRESENT
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Clement Plumsted
, }
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Abraham Taylor
, } Esqrs;
Samuel Preston
, }
Samuel Hasell
, }
Robert Strettell
, }
The Governor laid before the Board an Extract from the Treaty held here the 7th Instant with the Indians of the Six Nations, so far as it related to the Inhabitants of Maryland; as also a Letter he had prepared for the Governor of Maryland upon that Subject; both of which being approved, were ordered to be transcribed fair, in order to be dispatch'd the following Morning. The Letter was as follows:
Philadelphia, July 10, 1742.
The inclosed Extract of the Speech made by the Chiefs of the Six Nations, before a very numerous Audience, in this Place, with my Answer to it, is of so great Importance to all his Majesty's Colonies in this Part of his Dominions, and to your Government in particular, that I have employ'd a special Messenger to deliver it you. I hope you will enable me to send them a satisfactory Answer. It would be impertinent in me to say more to one so well informed as you are of those Nations, and of their absolute Authority over all the Indians bordering upon us, or of the Advantages of maintaining a strict Friendship with them at all Times, but more especially at this critical Juncture.
I am, Yours, &c.
An Account exhibited by Conrad Weiser of his Expences upon the Indians, and Indian Affairs, from February last to July 1, 1742, amounting to 36 l. 18 s. 3 d. was laid before the Board, and examin'd, and allow'd to be a just and very moderate Account.
And the Board taking into Consideration the many signal Services performed by the said Conrad Weiser to this Government, his Diligence and Labour in the Service thereof, and his Skill in the Indian Languages and Methods of Business, are of Opinion, that the said Conrad should be allowed, as a Reward from the Province at this Time, the Sum of Thirty Pounds, at least, besides Payment of his said Account.
At a COUNCIL held at the Great Meeting-House, July 10. P. M. 1742.
PRESENT
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Abraham Taylor
, } Esqrs;
Samuel Preston
, }
Samuel Hasell
, }
Robert Strettell
, }
CANASSATEGO
, }
SHICKCALAMY
, } And other
Indian
Chiefs.
CONRAD WEISER
, Interpreter.
And a great Number of the Inhabitants of Philadelphia.
The Governor spoke to the Indians as follows:
'BRETHREN,
'This Meeting will be short: It is in order to make you a Present from the Governor, the Council, the Assembly, and all our People. William Penn was known to you to be a good and faithful Friend to all the Indians: He made a League of Friendship with you, by which we became one People. This League has often since been renew'd by friendly Treaties; and as you have declared that the Friendship shall always last on your Parts, so we would have you believe that it shall remain inviolable on ours while the Sun and Moon endure.
'I gave you some Expectation of a Present, and we have it now ready to deliver to you. This Present is made you by the Governor, Council, Assembly, and all our People, in Consideration of the great Miseries and Distresses which you our good Friends have lately suffered. This will be some Relief to you for the present, and it's to be hoped your own Industry will soon retrieve your Circumstances.
'It has sometimes happened, and may happen again, that idle and untrue Stories are carried to you concerning us your Brethren; but our Desire is, and we expect it from you, that you will give no Credit to them; for we are, and always will be, your steady and sincere Friends.
'It is a Custom when we renew our Treaties with our good Friends the Indians, to clear the Road, and make our Fire burn bright: We have done so upon this Occasion; and, in Token of our Sincerity, we deliver you, as a Present from the Governor, the Council, the Assembly, and all the People of Pensylvania, the following Goods, viz.
24 Guns.
600 Pounds of Lead.
600 Pounds of Powder.
25 Strowdes }
90 Duffil } Match-Coats.
30 Blankets.
62 Yards of Half-Thicks.
60 Ruffled Shirts.
25 Hats.
1000 Flints.
50 Hoes.
50 Hatchets.
5 Pounds of Vermilion.
10 Dozen of Knives.
8 Dozen of Gimblets.
2 Dozen of Tobacco-Tongs.
25 Pair of Shoes.
25 Pair of Stockings.
25 Pair of Buckles.
Whereupon the Chiefs, and all the Indians, returned their solemn Thanks; and Canassatego said, 'They had no more to say as to publick Business at present; but they had somewhat under Deliberation, which, when they had duly considered, they would communicate.'
At a COUNCIL held at the Proprietor's, July 12, 1742.
PRESENT
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Robert Strettell
, } Esqrs;
Clement Plumsted
, }
Abraham Taylor
, }
Mr.
Richard Peters
.
CANASSATEGO
, } And sundry Chiefs of the
Six Nations
.
SHICKCALAMY
, }
SASSOONAN
, and the
Delawares
.
NUTTIMUS
, and the
Fork-Indians
.
CONRAD WEISER
, Interpreter.
Pisquetoman
, }
Cornelius Spring
, } Interpreters to the
Fork-Indians
.
Nicholas Scull
, }
CANASSATEGO
said:
'BRETHREN, the Governor and Council,
'The other Day you informed us of the Misbehaviour of our Cousins the Delawares, with respect to their continuing to claim, and refusing to remove from some Land on the River Delaware, notwithstanding their Ancestors had sold it by a Deed under their Hands and Seals to the Proprietaries, for a valuable Consideration, upwards of fifty Years ago; and notwithstanding that, they themselves had also not many Years ago, after a long and full Examination, ratified that Deed of their Ancestors, and given a fresh one under their Hands and Seals; and then you requested us to remove them, inforcing your Request with a String of Wampum.—Afterwards we laid on the Table our own Letters by Conrad Weiser; some of our Cousins Letters, and the several Writings to prove the Charge against our Cousins, with a Draught of the Land in Dispute.—We now tell you, we have perused all these several Papers: We see with our own Eyes, that they have been a very unruly People, and are altogether in the Wrong in their Dealings with you.—We have concluded to remove them, and oblige them to go over the River Delaware, and quit all Claim to any Lands on this Side for the future, since they have received Pay for them, and it is gone thro' their Guts long ago.—To confirm to you that we will see your Request executed, we lay down this String of Wampum in return for yours.'
Then turning to the Delawares, holding a Belt of Wampum in his Hand, he spoke to them as follows:
'COUSINS,
'Let this Belt of Wampum serve to chastise you. You ought to be taken by the Hair of the Head and shaked severely, till you recover your Senses and become sober. You don't know what Ground you stand on, nor what you are doing. Our Brother Onas's Cause is very just and plain, and his Intentions are to preserve Friendship. On the other Hand, your Cause is bad; your Heart far from being upright; and you are maliciously bent to break the Chain of Friendship with our Brother Onas, and his People. We have seen with our Eyes a Deed sign'd by nine of your Ancestors above fifty Years ago for this very Land, and a Release sign'd, not many Years since, by some of yourselves and Chiefs now living, to the Number of fifteen or upwards.—But how came you to take upon you to sell Land at all? We conquered you; we made Women of you; you know you are Women, and can no more sell Land than Women; nor is it fit you should have the Power of selling Lands, since you would abuse it. This Land that you claim is gone thro' your Guts; you have been furnished with Cloaths, Meat, and Drink, by the Goods paid you for it, and now you want it again, like Children as you are.—But what makes you sell Land in the Dark? Did you ever tell us that you had sold this Land? Did we ever receive any Part, even the Value of a Pipe-Shank, from you for it? You have told us a blind Story, that you sent a Messenger to us to inform us of the Sale, but he never came amongst us, nor we never heard any thing about it.—This is acting in the Dark, and very different from the Conduct our Six Nations observe in the Sales of Land; on such Occasions they give publick Notice, and invite all the Indians of their united Nations, and give them all a Share of the Present they receive for their Lands.—This is the Behaviour of the wise united Nations.—But we find you are none of our Blood: You act a dishonest Part, not only in this, but in other Matters: Your Ears are ever open to slanderous Reports about our Brethren; you receive them with as much Greediness as lewd Women receive the Embraces of bad Men. And for all these Reasons we charge you to remove instantly; we don't give you the Liberty to think about it. You are Women. Take the Advice of a wise Man, and remove immediately. You may return to the other Side of Delaware where you came from: But we do not know whether, considering how you have demean'd yourselves, you will be permitted to live there; or whether you have not swallowed that Land down your Throats as well as the Land on this Side. We therefore assign you two Places to go, either to Wyomen or Shamokin. You may go to either of these Places, and then we shall have you more under our Eye, and shall see how you behave. Don't deliberate; but remove away, and take this Belt of Wampum.'
This being interpreted by Conrad Weiser into English, and by Cornelius Spring into the Delaware Language, Canassatego taking a String of Wampum, added further.
'After our just Reproof, and absolute Order to depart from the Land, you are now to take Notice of what we have further to say to you. This String of Wampum serves to forbid you, your Children and Grand-Children, to the latest Posterity for ever, meddling in Land-Affairs; neither you, nor any who shall descend from you, are ever hereafter to presume to sell any Land: For which purpose, you are to preserve this String, in Memory of what your Uncles have this Day given you in Charge.—We have some other Business to transact with our Brethren, and therefore depart the Council, and consider what has been said to you.'
Canassatego then spoke to the Governor and Council:
'BRETHREN,
'We called at our old Friend James Logan's, in our Way to this City, and to our Grief we found him hid in the Bushes, and retired, thro' Infirmities, from publick Business. We press'd him to leave his Retirement, and prevailed with him to assist once more on our Account at your Councils. We hope, notwithstanding his Age, and the Effects of a Fit of Sickness, which we understand has hurt his Constitution, that he may yet continue a long Time to assist this Province with his Counsels. He is a wise Man, and a fast Friend to the Indians. And we desire, when his Soul goes to GOD, you may chuse in his Room just such another Person, of the same Prudence and Ability in counselling, and of the same tender Disposition and Affection for the Indians. In Testimony of our Gratitude for all his Services, and because he was so good as to leave his Country-House, and follow us to Town, and be at the Trouble, in this his advanced Age, to attend the Council, we present him with this Bundle of Skins.'
'BRETHREN,
'It is always our Way, at the Conclusion of a Treaty, to desire you will use your Endeavours with the Traders, that they may sell their Goods cheaper, and give us a better Price for our Deer-Skins. Whenever any particular Sort of Indian Goods is scarce, they constantly make us pay the dearer on that Account. We must now use the same Argument with them: Our Deer are killed in such Quantities, and our Hunting-Countries grown less every Day by the Settlement of white People, that Game is now difficult to find, and we must go a great Way in quest of it; they therefore ought to give us a better Price for our Skins; and we desire you would speak to them to do so. We have been stinted in the Article of Rum in Town. We desire you will open the Rum-Bottle, and give it to us in greater Abundance on the Road.'
To inforce our Request, about the Indian Traders, we present you with this Bundle of Skins.
'BRETHREN,
'When we first came to your Houses, we found them clean and in Order; but we have staid so long as to dirty them; which is to be imputed to our different Way of Living from the white People: And therefore, as we cannot but have been disagreeable to you on this Account, we present you with some Skins to make your Houses clean, and put them into the same Condition they were in when we came amongst you.'
'BRETHREN,
'The Business the Five Nations transact with you is of great Consequence, and requires a skilful and honest Person to go between us; one in whom both you and we can place a Confidence.—We esteem our present Interpreter to be such a Person, equally faithful in the Interpretation of whatever is said to him by either of us, equally allied to both; he is of our Nation, and a Member of our Council, as well as of yours. When we adopted him, we divided him into two equal Parts: One we kept for ourselves, and one we left for you. He has had a great deal of trouble with us, wore out his Shoes in our Messages, and dirty'd his Clothes by being amongst us, so that he is become as nasty as an Indian.
'In Return for these Services, we recommend him to your Generosity; and on our own Behalf, we give him Five Skins to buy him Clothes and Shoes with.'
'BRETHREN,
'We have still one more Favour to ask. Our Treaty, and all we have to say about publick Business, is now over, and to-morrow we design to leave you. We hope, as you have given us Plenty of good Provision whilst in Town, that you will continue your Goodness so far as to supply us with a little more to serve us on the Road. And we likewise desire you will provide us with Waggons, to carry our Goods to the Place where they are to be conveyed by Water.'
To these several Points the Governor made the following Reply.
'BRETHREN of the Six Nations,
'The Judgment you have just now pass'd on your Cousins the Delawares, confirms the high Opinion we have ever entertained of the Justice of the Six Nations. This Part of your Character, for which you are deservedly famed, made us wave doing ourselves Justice, in order to give you another Opportunity of convincing the World of your inviolable Attachment to your Engagements. These unhappy People might have always liv'd easy, having never receiv'd the least Injury from us; but we believe some of our own People were bad enough to impose on their Credulity, and engage them in these wrong Measures, which we wish, for their Sakes, they had avoided.
'We hoped, from what we have constantly given in Charge to the Indian Traders, that they would have administred no just Cause of Complaint: If they do you Wrong, it is against our Inclinations, and contrary to our express Directions. As you have exhibited no particular Charge against them, we shall use our best Endeavours to persuade them to give you as much for your Skins as they can possibly afford; and to take Care that their Goods which they give in Exchange for Skins, be of the best Sort. We will likewise order you some Rum to serve you on your journey home, since you desire it.
'We wish there had been more Room and better Houses provided for your Entertainment; but not expecting so many of you, we did the best we could. 'Tis true, there are a great many Houses in Town, but as they are the Property of other People, who have their own Families to take care of, it is difficult to procure Lodgings for a large Number of People, especially if they come unexpectedly.
'We entertain the same Sentiments of the Abilities and Probity of the Interpreter as you have express'd. We were induc'd at first to make use of him in this important Trust, from his being known to be agreeable to you, and one who had lived amongst you for some Years, in good Credit and Esteem with all your Nations; and have ever found him equally faithful to both. We are pleas'd with the Notice you have taken of him, and think he richly deserves it at your Hands. We shall not be wanting to make him a suitable Gratification, for the many good and faithful Services he hath done this Government.
'We have already given Orders for Waggons to carry your Goods, and for a Supply of Provisions to serve you on the Road in your Return home, where we heartily wish you may arrive in good Health.'
After the Governor had concluded, Mr. Logan return'd an Answer to that Part of Canassatego's Speech which related to him, and said, 'That not only upon the Account of his Lameness, of which the Indians themselves were Witnesses; but on Account of another Indisposition, which about three Years since had laid him under an Incapacity of expressing himself with his former usual Freedom, he had been obliged to live retired in the Country. But that our first Proprietor, the Honourable William Penn, who had ever been a Father and true Friend to all the Indians, having above forty Years since recommended them to his particular Care, he had always, from his own Inclination, as well as from that strict Charge, endeavoured to convince all the Indians, that he was their true Friend; and was now well pleased, that after a Tract of so many Years, they were not insensible of it. He thanked them kindly for their Present, and heartily joined with them in their Desires, that this Government may always be furnished with Persons of equally good Inclinations, and not only with such, but also with better Abilities to serve them.'
And then Canassatego said, he had forgot to mention, that Shickcalamy and Caxhayn had been employ'd on several Messages to this Government, and desir'd they might be consider'd on that Account.
At a COUNCIL held the 12th of July, P. M. 1742.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieutenant-Governor.
James Logan
, }
Clement Plumsted
, }
Samuel Hasell
, }
Robert Strettell
, } Esqrs;
Samuel Preston
, }
Thomas Lawrence
, }
Abraham Taylor
, }
Mr.
Richard Peters
.
The Board taking into Consideration the Regulation of the necessary Expences of the Indians travelling down hither, and returning; and upon an Estimate made by Conrad Weiser, amounting to about one hundred Pounds, it appearing that the said Sum of 100 l. will be necessary to be advanced to Conrad Weiser to defray those Expences, Mr. Logan, on the Proprietaries Behalf, proposes to advance 40 l. and the Treasurer declaring he had no publick Money in his Hands, and that if he had, he would not advance Money without the Assembly's Order; it is recommended to Mr. Preston and Mr. Lawrence, to confer with Mr. Kinsey, and know whether he, as Speaker of the Assembly, and Trustee of the Loan-Office, will advance the other 60 l.
And the Indians having requested that they might have a small Quantity of Rum, to be added to their Provisions, to comfort them on the Road: The Board is of Opinion, that there be added to the said Estimate for twenty Gallons of Rum for the aforesaid Use. And in Return for their Present of Skins, at requesting that the Indian Traders be enjoin'd to sell their Goods cheaper, the Board directs that two Strouds be presented. And that five Pounds be given to Caxhayn on the Account of the Province, for his Services; and to Shickcalamy the like Sum.
A just Copy, compared by
PATRICK BAIRD, Secr.
A
TREATY,
Held at the Town of
Lancaster, in Pensylvania,
By the Honourable the
Lieutenant-Governor of the PROVINCE,
And the Honourable the
Commissioners for the PROVINCES
OF
Virginia and Maryland,
with the
INDIANS
OF THE
SIX NATIONS,
In JUNE, 1744.
A Treaty with the INDIANS of the Six Nations.
In the Court-House in the Town of Lancaster, on Friday the Twenty-second of June, 1744,
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Lieut. Governor of the Province of
Pensylvania
, and Counties of
Newcastle, Kent
and
Sussex
, on
Delaware
.
The Hon
ble
Thomas Lee
, Esq; } Commissioners
Colonel
William Beverly
, } of
Virginia
.
The Hon
ble
Edm. Jennings
, Esq; }
Philip Thomas
, Esq; } Commissioners
Colonel
Robert King
, } of
Maryland
.
Colonel
Thomas Colville
, }
The Deputies of the
Onandagoes, Senecas, Cayogoes, Oneidas
and
Tuscaroraes
.
Conrad Weiser
, Interpreter.
The Governor and the Commissioners took some of the Indian Chiefs by the Hand, and, after they had seated themselves, the Governor bid them welcome into the Government; and there being Wine and Punch prepared for them, the Governor and the several Commissioners drank Health to the Six Nations; and Canassatego, Tachanoontia, and some other Chiefs, returned the Compliments, drinking the Healths of Onas[1], Assaragoa[2], and the Governor of Maryland.
After they were all served with Wine, Punch, Pipes and Tobacco, the Governor told the Indians, that as it was customary, and indeed necessary, they should have some Time to rest after so long a Journey, and as he thought three Days would be no more than sufficient for that Purpose, he proposed to speak to them on Monday next; after which, the honourable Commissioners would take their own Time to deliver what they had to say.
CANASSATEGO answered the Governor: We thank you for giving us Time to rest; we are come to you, and shall leave it intirely to you to appoint the Time when we shall meet you again. We likewise leave it to the Governor of Maryland, by whose Invitation we came here, to appoint a Time when he will please to mention the Reason of his inviting us. As to our Brother Assaragoa, we have at this present Time nothing to say to him; not but we have a great deal to say to Assaragoa, which must be said at one Time or another; but not being satisfied whether he or we should begin first, we shall leave it wholly to our Brother Onas to adjust this between us, and to say which shall begin first.
In the Court-House at Lancaster, June 25, 1744. A. M.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of
Virginia
.
The Honourable the Commissioners of
Maryland
.
The Deputies of the
Six Nations
.
Conrad Weiser
, Interpreter.
The Governor spoke as follows.
Honourable Gentlemen, Commissioners for the Governments of Virginia and Maryland, and Brethren, Sachims, or Chiefs of the Indians of the Six Nations.
At a Treaty, held by me two Years ago, in Behalf of the Government of Pensylvania, with a Number of the Chiefs of the Indians of the Six Nations, I was desired by them to write to the Governor of Maryland concerning some Lands in the back Parts of that Province, which they claim a Right to from their Conquests over the ancient Possessors, and which have been settled by some of the Inhabitants of that Government, without their Consent, or any Purchase made from them. It was at that time understood that the Claim was upon Maryland only; but it has since appeared, by some Letters formerly wrote by Mr. President Logan to the late Governor of Maryland, that it related likewise to some Lands in the back Parts of Virginia. The Governors of those Colonies soon manifested a truly equitable Disposition to come to any reasonable Terms with the Six Nations on account of those Lands, and desired, that for that End a Time and Place might be fixed for a Treaty with them; but before this could be effected, an unfortunate Skirmish happened in the back Parts of Virginia, between some of the Militia there, and a Party of the Indian Warriors of the Six Nations, with some Loss on both Sides. Who were the Aggressors is not at this time to be discussed, both Parties having agreed to bury that Affair in Oblivion, and the Government of Virginia having, in Token of the Continuance of their Friendship, presented the Six Nations, through my Hands, with Goods to the Value of One Hundred Pounds Sterling. To prevent further Hostilities, and to heal this Breach, I had, before the Present was given, made a Tender of my good Office; which both Parties accepted, and consented, on my Instances, to lay down their Arms: Since which the Faith pledged to me has been mutually preserved, and a Time and Place has been agreed upon, through my Intervention, for accommodating all Differences, and for settling a firm Peace, Union and Friendship, as well between the Government of Virginia as that of Maryland, and the Indians of the Six Nations[3]. The honourable the Commissioners for these two Governments, and the Deputies of the Six Nations, are now met at the Place appointed for the Treaty. It only remains therefore for me to say, that if my further good Offices shall be thought useful for the Accomplishment of this Work, you may rely most assuredly upon them.
But I hope, honourable Gentlemen Commissioners, it will not be taken amiss if I go a little further, and briefly represent to you, how especially necessary it is at this Juncture, for his Majesty's Service, and the Good of all his Colonies in this Part of his Dominions, that Peace and Friendship be established between your Governments and the Indians of the Six Nations.
These Indians, by their Situation, are a Frontier to some of them; and, from thence, if Friends, are capable of defending their Settlements; if Enemies, of making cruel Ravages upon them; if Neuters, they may deny the French a Passage through their Country, and give us timely Notice of their Designs. These are but some of the Motives for cultivating a Good Understanding with them; but from hence the Disadvantages of a Rupture are abundantly evident. Every Advantage you gain over them in War will be a weakening of the Barrier of those Colonies, and consequently be, in effect, Victories over yourselves and your Fellow Subjects. Some Allowances for their Prejudices and Passions, and a Present now and then for the Relief of their Necessities, which have, in some Measure, been brought upon them by their Intercourse with us, and by our yearly extending our Settlements, will probably tie them more closely to the British Interest. This has been the Method of New-York and Pensylvania, and will not put you to so much Expence in twenty Years, as the carrying on a War against them will do in one. The French very well know the Importance of these Nations to us, and will not fail by Presents, and their other usual Arts, to take Advantage of any Misunderstanding we may have with them[4]. But I will detain you, Gentlemen, no longer. Your own superior Knowledge will suggest to you more than I can say on this Subject.
Friends and Brethren, Sachems, or Chiefs of the Indians of the Six Nations:
These, your Brethren of Virginia and Maryland, are come to enlarge the Fire, which was almost gone out, and to make it burn clearer; to brighten the Chain which had contracted some Rust, and to renew their Friendship with you; which it is their Desire may last so long as the Sun, the Moon and the Stars, shall give Light. Their Powers are derived from the Great King of England, your Father; and whatever Conclusions they shall come to with you, will be as firm and binding as if the Governors of these Provinces were themselves here. I am your Brother, and, which is more, I am your true Friend. As you know, from Experience, that I am so, I will now give you a few Words of Advice. Receive these your Brethren with open Arms; unite yourselves to them in the Covenant Chain, and be you with them as one Body, and one Soul. I make no doubt but the Governor of Canada has been taking Pains to widen the Breach between these your Brethren of Virginia and you; but as you cannot have forgot the Hatred the French have always borne to your Nations, and how kindly, on the contrary, you have been treated, how faithfully you have been protected by the Great King of England and his Subjects, you will not be at a Loss to see into the Designs of that Governor. He wants to divide you from us, in order the more easily to destroy you, which he will most certainly do, if you suffer yourselves to be deluded by him.
As to what relates to the Friendship established between the Government of Pensylvania and your Nations, I will take another Day to speak to you upon it.
To enforce what had been said, the Governor laid down a Belt of Wampum; upon which the Indians gave the Yo-hah[5].
After a short Pause, the Governor ordered the Interpreter to tell the Indians, that as they had greatly exceeded their appointed Time for meeting the Commissioners, he recommended to them to use all the Expedition possible in giving their Answer to what had been said, that they might forthwith proceed to treat with the respective Commissioners on the Business they came about.
Then Canassatego repeated to the Interpreter the Substance of what the Governor had spoke, in order to know if he had understood him right (a Method generally made use of by the Indians) and when the Interpreter told him he had taken the true Sense, Canassatego proceeded to return the Thanks of the Six Nations for the Governor's kind Advice, promising to follow it as far as lay in their Power; but as it was their Custom when a Belt was given to return another, they would take Time till the Afternoon to provide one, and would then give their Answer.
In the Court-House at Lancaster, June 25, 1744. P. M.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Governor, &c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of
Virginia
.
The Honourable the Commissioners of
Maryland
.
The Deputies of the
Six Nations
.
Conrad Weiser
, Interpreter.
Canassatego's Answer to the Governor's Speech delivered in the Morning.
Brother Onas,
You spoke in the Presence of Assaragoa and the Governor of Maryland to us, advising us to receive them as our Brethren, and to unite with them in the Covenant Chain as one Body, and one Soul. We have always considered them as our Brethren, and, as such, shall be willing to brighten the Chain of Friendship with them; but since there are some Disputes between us respecting the Lands possessed by them, which formerly belonged to us, we, according to our Custom, propose to have those Differences first adjusted, and then we shall proceed to confirm the Friendship subsisting between us, which will meet with no Obstruction after these Matters are settled.
Here they presented the Governor with a Belt of Wampum, in return for the Belt given them in the Morning by the Governor; and the Interpreter was ordered to return the Yo-hah.
Then the Governor, in Reply, spoke as follows:
I receive your Belt with great Kindness and Affection; and as to what relates to the Governments of Virginia and Maryland, the honourable Commissioners, now present, are ready to treat with you. I shall only add, that the Goods for the Hundred Pounds Sterling, put into my Hands by the Governor of Virginia, as a Token of his good Dispositions to preserve Friendship with you, are now in Town, and ready to be delivered, in consequence of what was told you by Conrad Weiser when he was last at Onandago.
Then the Governor, turning to the Commissioners of Virginia and Maryland, said, Gentlemen, I have now finished what was incumbent upon me to say by way of Introduction to the Indians; and as you have a full Authority from your respective Governments to treat with them, I shall leave the rest intirely to you, and either stay or withdraw, as you shall think most for your Service.
The Commissioners said, They were all of Opinion, it would be for their Advantage that the Governor should stay with them; and therefore they unanimously desired he would favour them with the Continuance of his Presence whilst they should be in Treaty with the Indians: Which his Honour said he would at their Instance very readily do, believing it might expedite their Business, and prevent any Jealousy the Indians might conceive at his withdrawing.
The Commissioners of Maryland ordered the Interpreter to acquaint the Indians that the Government of Maryland was going to speak to them, and then spoke as follows:
Friends and Brethren of the united Six Nations,
We, who are deputed from the Government of Maryland by a Commission under the Great Seal of that Province, now in our Hands (and which will be interpreted to you) bid you welcome; and in Token that we are very glad to see you here as Brethren, we give you this String of Wampum.
Upon which the Indians gave the Yo-hah.
When the Governor of Maryland received the first Notice, about seven Years ago, of your Claim to some Lands in that Province, he thought our good Friends and Brethren of the Six Nations had little Reason to complain of any Injury from Maryland, and that they would be so well convinced thereof, on farther Deliberation, as he should hear no more of it; but you spoke of that Matter again to the Governor of Pensylvania, about two Years since, as if you designed to terrify us.
It was very inconsiderately said by you, that you would do yourselves Justice, by going to take Payment yourselves: Such an Attempt would have intirely dissolved the Chain of Friendship subsisting, not only between us, but perhaps the other English and you.
We assure you, our People, who are numerous, courageous, and have Arms ready in their Hands, will not suffer themselves to be hurt in their Lives and Estates.
But, however, the old and wise People of Maryland immediately met in Council, and upon considering very cooly your rash Expressions, agreed to invite their Brethren, the Six Nations, to this Place, that they might learn of them what Right they have to the Land in Maryland, and, if they had any, to make them some reasonable Compensation for it; therefore the Governor of Maryland has sent us to meet and treat with you about this Affair, and the brightening and strengthening the Chain which hath long subsisted between us. And as an Earnest of our Sincerity and Good-will towards you, we present you with this Belt of Wampum.
On which the Indians gave the Yo-hah.
Our Great King of England, and his Subjects, have always possessed the Province of Maryland free and undisturbed from any Claim of the Six Nations for above one hundred Years past, and your not saying any thing to us before, convinces us you thought you had no Pretence to any Lands in Maryland; nor can we yet find out to what Lands, or under what Title you make your Claim: For the Sasquahannah Indians, by a Treaty above ninety Years since (which is on the Table, and will be interpreted to you) give, and yield to the English Nation, their Heirs and Assigns for ever, the greatest Part (if not all) of the Lands we possess, from Patuxent River, on the Western, as well as from Choptank River, on the Eastern Side of the Great Bay of Chessapeak. And, near Sixty Years ago, you acknowledged to the Governor of New-York at Albany, "That you had given your Lands, and submitted yourselves to the King of England."
We are that Great King's Subjects, and we possess and enjoy the Province of Maryland by Virtue of his Right and Sovereignty thereto; why, then, will you stir up any Quarrel between you and ourselves, who are as one Man, under the Protection of that Great King?
We need not put you in mind of the Treaty (which we suppose you have had from your Fathers) made with the Province of Maryland near Seventy Years ago, and renewed and confirmed twice since that time.
By these Treaties we became Brethren; we have always lived as such, and hope always to continue so.
We have this further to say, that altho' we are not satisfied of the Justice of your Claim to any Lands in Maryland, yet we are desirous of shewing our Brotherly Kindness and Affection, and to prevent (by any reasonable Way) every Misunderstanding between the Province of Maryland and you our Brethren of the Six Nations.
For this Purpose we have brought hither a Quantity of Goods for our Brethren the Six Nations, and which will be delivered you as soon as we shall have received your Answer, and made so bright and large a Fire as may burn pure and clear whilst the Sun and Moon shall shine.
We have now freely and openly laid our Bosoms bare to you; and that you may be the better confirmed of the Truth of our Hearts, we give you this Belt of Wampum.
Which was received with the Yo-hah.
After a little Time Canassatego spoke as follows:
Brother, the Governor of Maryland,
We have heard what you have said to us; and, as you have gone back to old Times, we cannot give you an Answer now, but shall take what you have said into Consideration, and, return you our Answer some Time to Morrow. He then sat down, and after some Time he spoke again.
Brother, the Governor of Maryland,
If you have made any Enquiry into Indian Affairs, you will know, that we have always had our Guns, Hatchets and Kettles mended when we came to see our Brethren. Brother Onas, and the Governor of York always do this for us; and we give you this early Notice, that we may not thereby be delayed, being desirous, as well as you, to give all possible Dispatch to the Business to be transacted between us.
The Commissioners of Virginia and Maryland said, since it was customary, they would give Orders to have every Thing belonging to them mended that should want it.
In the Court-House at Lancaster, June 26, 1744, P. M.
PRESENT,
The Honourable
GEORGE THOMAS
, Esq; Governor,
&c.
The Honourable the Commissioners of
Virginia
.
The Honourable the Commissioners of
Maryland
.
The Deputies of the
Six Nations.
Conrad Weiser
, Interpreter.
CANASSATEGO spoke as follows:
Brother, the Governor of Maryland,
When you invited us to kindle a Council Fire with you, Conedogwainet was the Place agreed upon; but afterwards you, by Brother Onas, upon second Thoughts, considering that it would be difficult to get Provisions and other Accommodations where there were but few Houses or Inhabitants, desired we would meet our Brethren at Lancaster, and at his Instances we very readily agreed to meet you here, and are glad of the Change; for we have found Plenty of every thing; and as Yesterday you bid us welcome, and told us you were glad to see us, we likewise assure you we are as glad to see you; and, in Token of our Satisfaction, we present you with this String of Wampum.
Which was received with the usual Ceremony.
Brother, the Governor of Maryland,
You tell us, that when about Seven Years ago you heard, by our Brother Onas, of our Claim to some Lands in your Province, you took no Notice of it, believing, as you say, that when we should come to reconsider that Matter, we should find that we had no Right to make any Complaint of the Governor of Maryland, and would drop our Demand. And that when about two Years ago we mentioned it again to our Brother Onas, you say we did it in such Terms as looked like a Design to terrify you; and you tell us further, that we must be beside ourselves, in using such a rash Expression as to tell you, We know how to do ourselves Justice if you still refuse. It is true we did say so, but without any ill Design; for we must inform you, that when we first desired our Brother Onas to use his Influence with you to procure us Satisfaction for our Lands, We, at the same time, desired him, in case you should disregard our Demand, to write to the Great King beyond the Seas, who would own us for his Children as well as you, to compel you to do us Justice: And, two years ago, when we found that you had paid no Regard to our just Demand, nor that Brother Onas had convey'd our Complaint to the Great King over the Seas, we were resolved to use such Expressions as would make the greatest Impressions on your Minds, and we find it had its Effect; for you tell us, "That your wise Men held a Council together, and agreed to invite us, and to enquire of our Right to any of your Lands, and if it should be found that we had a Right, we were to have a Compensation made for them: And likewise you tell us, that our Brother, the Governor of Maryland, by the advice of these wise Men, has sent you to brighten the Chain, and to assure us of his Willingness to remove whatever impedes a good Understanding between us." This shews that your wise Men understood our Expressions in their true Sense. We had no Design to terrify you, but to put you on doing us the Justice you had so long delayed. Your wise Men have done well; and as there is no Obstacle to a good Understanding between us, except this Affair of our Land, we, on our Parts, do give you the strongest Assurances of our good Disposition towards you, and that we are as desirous as you to brighten the Chain, and to put away all Hindrances to a perfect good Understanding; and, in Token of our Sincerity, we give you this Belt of Wampum.
Which was received, and the Interpreter ordered to give the Yo-hah.
Brother, the Governor of Maryland,
When you mentioned the Affair of the Land Yesterday, you went back to old Times, and told us, you had been in Possession of the Province of Maryland above One Hundred Years; but what is One Hundred Years in Comparison of the Length of Time since our Claim began? since we came out of this Ground? For we must tell you, that long before One Hundred Years our Ancestors came out of this very Ground, and their Children have remained here ever since. You came out of the Ground in a Country that lies beyond the Seas, there you may have a just Claim, but here you must allow us to be your elder Brethren, and the Lands to belong to us long before you knew any thing of them. It is true, that above One Hundred Years ago the Dutch came here in a Ship, and brought with them several Goods; such as Awls, Knives, Hatchets, Guns, and many other Particulars, which they gave us; and when they had taught us how to use their Things, and we saw what sort of People they were, we were so well pleased with them, that we tied their Ship to the Bushes on the Shore; and afterwards, liking them still better the longer they staid with us, and thinking the Bushes too slender, we removed the Rope, and tied it to the Trees; and as the Trees were liable to be blown down by high Winds, or to decay of themselves, we, from the Affection we bore them, again removed the Rope, and tied it to a strong and big Rock [here the Interpreter said, They mean the Oneido Country] and not content with this, for its further Security we removed the Rope to the big Mountain [here the Interpreter says they mean the Onandago Country] and there we tied it very fast, and roll'd Wampum about it; and, to make it still more secure, we stood upon the Wampum, and sat down upon it, to defend it, and to prevent any Hurt coming to it, and did our best Endeavours that it might remain uninjured for ever. During all this Time the New-comers, the Dutch, acknowledged our Right to the Lands, and sollicited us, from Time to Time, to grant them Parts of our Country, and to enter into League and Covenant with us, and to become one people with us.
After this the English came into the Country, and, as we were told, became one People with the Dutch. About two Years after the Arrival of the English, an English Governor came to Albany, and finding what great Friendship subsisted between us and the Dutch, he approved it mightily, and desired to make as strong a League, and to be upon as good Terms with us as the Dutch were, with whom he was united, and to become one People with us: And by his further Care in looking into what had passed between us, he found that the Rope which tied the Ship to the great Mountain was only fastened with Wampum, which was liable to break and rot, and to perish in a Course of Years; he therefore told us, he would give us a Silver Chain, which would be much stronger, and would last for ever. This we accepted, and fastened the Ship with it, and it has lasted ever since. Indeed we have had some small Differences with the English, and, during these Misunderstandings, some of their young Men would, by way of Reproach, be every now and then telling us, that we should have perished if they had not come into the Country and furnished us with Strowds and Hatchets, and Guns, and other Things necessary for the Support of Life; but we always gave them to understand that they were mistaken, that we lived before they came amongst us, and as well, or better, if we may believe what our Forefathers have told us. We had then Room enough, and Plenty of Deer, which was easily caught; and tho' we had not Knives, Hatchets, or Guns, such as we have now, yet we had Knives of Stone, and Hatchets of Stone, and Bows and Arrows, and those served our Uses as well then as the English ones do now. We are now straitened, and sometimes in want of Deer, and liable to many other Inconveniencies since the English came among us, and particularly from that Pen-and-Ink Work that is going on at the Table (pointing to the Secretary) and we will give you an Instance of this. Our Brother Onas, a great while ago, came to Albany to buy the Sasquahannah Lands of us, but our Brother the Governor of New-York, who, as we suppose, had not a good Understanding with our Brother Onas, advised us not to sell him any Land, for he would make an ill Use of it; and, pretending to be our good Friend, he advised us, in order to prevent Onas's, or any other Person's imposing upon us, and that we might always have our Land when we should want it, to put it into his Hands; and told us, he would keep it for our Use, and never open his Hands, but keep them close shut, and not part with any of it, but at our Request. Accordingly we trusted him, and put our Land into his Hands, and charged him to keep it safe for our Use; but, some Time after, he went to England, and carried our Land with him, and there sold it to our Brother Onas for a large Sum of Money; and when, at the Instance of our Brother Onas, we were minded to sell him some Lands, he told us we had sold the Sasquahannah Lands already to the Governor of New-York, and that he had bought them from him in England; tho', when he came to understand how the Governor of New-York had deceived us, he very generously paid us for our Lands over again.
Tho' we mention this Instance of an Imposition put upon us by the Governor of New-York, yet we must do the English the Justice to say, we have had their hearty Assistances in our Wars with the French, who were no sooner arrived amongst us than they began to render us uneasy, and to provoke us to War, and we had several Wars with them; during all which we constantly received Assistance from the English, and, by their Means, we have always been able to keep up our Heads against their Attacks.
We now come nearer home. We have had your Deeds interpreted to us, and we acknowledge them to be good and valid, and that the Conestogoe or Sasquahannah Indians had a Right to sell those Lands to you, for they were then theirs; but since that Time we have conquered them, and their Country now belongs to us, and the Lands we demanded Satisfaction for are no Part of the Lands comprized in those Deeds; they are the Cohongorontas[6] Lands; those, we are sure, you have not possessed One Hundred Years, no, nor above Ten Years, and we made our Demands so soon as we knew your People were settled in those Parts. These have never been sold, but remain still to be disposed of; and we are well pleased to hear you are provided with Goods, and do assure you of our Willingness to treat with you for those unpurchased Lands; in Confirmation whereof, we present you with this Belt of Wampum.
Which was received with the usual Ceremonies.
CANASSATEGO added, that as the three Governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pensylvania, had divided the Lands among them, they could not, for this Reason, tell how much each had got, nor were they concerned about it, so that they were paid by all the Governors for the several Parts each possessed, and this they left to their Honour and Justice.