A MAP of the Country of the Five Nations, belonging to the Province of New York; and of the Lakes near which the Nations of Far Indians live, with part of Canada.
N.B. The Tuscaroras are now reckon'd a sixth Nation, & live between the Onondagues & Oneidas; & the Necariages of Misilimakinac were received to be the seventh Nation at Albany, May 30.th 1723; at their own desire, 80 Men of that Nation being present besides Women & children. The chief Trade with the far Indians is at the Onondagues rivers mouth where they must all pass to go towards Canada.
THE
H I S T O R Y
OF THE
FIVE Indian NATIONS
OF
C A N A D A,
Which are dependent
On the Province of New-York in America,
AND
Are the Barrier between the English and French in that Part of the World.
WITH
Accounts of their Religion, Manners, Customs, Laws, and Forms of Government; their several Battles and Treaties with the European Nations; particular Relations of their several Wars with the other Indians; and a true Account of the present State of our Trade with them.
In which are shewn
The great Advantage of their Trade and Alliance to the British Nation, and the Intrigues and Attempts of the French to engage them from us; a Subject nearly concerning all our American Plantations, and highly meriting the Consideration of the British Nation at this Juncture.
By the Honourable C a d w a l l a d e r C o l d e n, Esq; One of his Majesty's Counsel, and Surveyor-General of New-York.
To which are added,
Accounts of the several other Nations of Indians in North-America, their Numbers, Strength, &c. and the Treaties which have been lately made with them. A Work highly entertaining to all, and particularly useful to the Persons who have any Trade or Concern in that Part of the World.
L O N D O N:
Printed for T. Osborne, in Gray's-Inn. MDCCXLVII.
TO THE HONOURABLE
G E N E R A L
O G L E T H O R P E.
SIR,
The Indian Affairs have ever appeared to your judgment of such Importance to the Welfare of our own People, that you have ever carefully applied your Thoughts to them; and that with such Success, that not only the present Generation will enjoy the Benefit of your Care, but our latest Posterity bless your Memory for that Happiness the Foundation of which was laid under your Care, provided that the People here, whose Duty and Interest is chiefly concerned, do on their own Parts second your Endeavours, towards securing the Peace, and advancing the Prosperity of their Country.
The following Account of the Five Indian Nations will shew what dangerous Neighbours the Indians have once been; what Pains a neighbouring Colony (whose Interest is opposite to ours) has taken to withdraw their Affections from us; and how much we ought to be on our Guard. If we only consider the Riches which our Enemies receive from the Indian Trade (though we were under no Apprehensions from the Indians themselves) it would be highly imprudent in us to suffer such People to grow Rich and Powerful, while it is in our Power to prevent it, with much less Charge and Trouble, than it is in theirs to accomplish their Designs.
These Considerations alone are sufficient to make the Indian Affairs deserve the most serious Thoughts of every Governor in America. But I well know, besides; that your Excellency's views are not confined to the Interest of one Country only.
The Five Nations are a poor and, generally called, barbarous People, bred under the darkest Ignorance; and yet a bright and noble Genius shines through these black Clouds. None of the greatest Roman Heroes have discovered a greater Love to their Country, or a greater Contempt of Death, than these people called Barbarians have done, when Liberty came in Competition. Indeed, I think our Indians have outdone the Romans in this Particular; some of the greatest of those have we know murdered themselves to avoid Shame or Torments; but our Indians have refused to die meanly, or with but little Pain, when they thought their Country's Honour would be at stake by it[1]; but have given their Bodies, willingly, to the most cruel Torments of their Enemies, to shew, as they said, that the Five Nations consisted of Men, whose Courage and Resolution could not be shaken. They greatly sully, however, those noble virtues, by that cruel Passion, Revenge; this they think is not only lawful, but honourable, to exert without Mercy on their Country's Enemies, and for this only it is that they can deserve the Name of Barbarians.
But what, alas! Sir, have we Christians done to make them better? We have indeed Reason to be ashamed, that these Infidels, by our Conversation and Neighbourhood, are become worse than they were before they knew us. Instead of virtues we have only taught them Vices, that they were intirely free from before that Time. The narrow Views of private Interest have occasioned this, and will occasion greater, even publick Mischiefs, if the Governors of the People do not, like true Patriots, exert themselves, and put a stop to these growing Evils. If these Practices be winked at, instead of faithful Friends, that have manfully fought our Battles for us, the Five Nations will become faithless Thieves and Robbers, and join with every Enemy that can give them any Hopes of Plunder.
If Care were taken to plant and cultivate in them that general Benevolence to Mankind, which is the true first Principle of virtue, it would effectually eradicate those horrid Vices, occasioned by their unbounded Revenge; and then they would no longer deserve the Name of Barbarians, but would become a People, whose Friendship might add Honour to the British Nation.
The Greeks and Romans, Sir, once as much Barbarians as our Indians now are, deified the Heroes that first taught them those virtues, from whence the Grandeur of those renowned Nations wholly proceeded; a good Man, however, will feel more real Satisfaction and Pleasure, from the Sense of having any Way forwarded the Civilizing of a barbarous Nation, or of having multiplied the Number of good Men, than from the fondest Hopes of such extravagant Honours.
These Considerations, I believe, will induce you, Sir, to think a History of the Five Nations not unworthy of your Patronage; and on these only it is that I presume to offer my best Endeavours in this, who am, with the greatest Respect,
S I R,
Your most obedient,
and most humble Servant,
Cadwallader Colden.
THE
P R E F A C E
TO THE
F i r s t P a r t.
Though every one that is in the least acquainted with the Affairs of North-America, knows of what Consequence the Indians, commonly known to the People of New-York by the Name of the Five Nations, are, both in Peace and War; I know of no Accounts of them, published in English, but what are very imperfect, and indeed meer Translations of French Authors, who themselves know little of the Truth. This seems to throw some Reflections on the Inhabitants of our Province, as if we wanted Curiosity to enquire into our own Affairs, and were willing to rest satisfied with the Accounts the French give us of our own Indians, notwithstanding that the French in Canada are always in a different Interest, and sometimes in open Hostility with us. This Consideration, I hope, will justify my attempting to write an History of the Five Nations at this Time; and having had the Perusal of the Minutes of the Commissioners for Indian Affairs, I have been enabled to collect many Materials for this History, which are not to be found any where else; and cannot but think, that a History of this Kind will be of great Use to all the British Colonies in North-America, since it may enable them to learn Experience at the Expence of others: And if I can contribute any Thing to so good a Purpose, I shall not think my Labour lost.
It will be necessary for me here to say something in Excuse of two Things in the following Performance, which, I am afraid, will naturally be found Fault with in it. The first is, the filling up so great Part of the Work with the Adventures of small Parties, and sometimes with those of one single Man: And the second is, the inserting so many Speeches at length.
As to the first, the History of Indians would be very lame, without an Account of these private Adventures; for their warlike Expeditions are almost always carried on by surprising each other, and their whole Art of War consists in managing small Parties. The whole Country being one continued Forest, gives great Advantages to those skulking Parties, and has obliged the Christians to imitate the Indians in this Method of making War among them. And some would, doubtless, be desirous to know the Manners and Customs of the Indians, in their publick Treaties especially, who could not be satisfied without taking Notice of several minute Circumstances, and Things otherwise of no Consequence. We are fond of searching into remote Antiquity, to know the Manners of our earliest Progenitors; and, if I am not mistaken, the Indians are living Images of them.
My Design therefore in the second was, that thereby the Genius of the Indians might appear. An Historian may paint Mens Actions in lively Colours, or in faint Shades, as he likes best, and in both Cases preserve a perfect Likeness; but it will be a difficult Task to shew the Wit, Judgment, Art, Simplicity, and Ignorance of the several Parties, managing a Treaty, in other Words than their own. As to my Part, I thought myself incapable of doing it, without depriving the judicious Observer of the Opportunity of discovering much of the Indian Genius, by my contracting or paraphrasing their Harangues, and without committing often gross Mistakes. For, on these Occasions, a skilful Manager often talks confusedly, and obscurely, with Design; which if an Historian should endeavour to amend, the Reader would receive the History in a false Light.
The Reader will find a great Difference between some of the Speeches here given of those made at Albany, and those taken from the French Authors. Ours are genuine and truly related, as delivered by the sworn Interpreters, of whom Truth only is required; a rough Stile, with Truth, is preferable to Eloquence without it: This may be said in Justification of the Indian Expression, though I must own, that I suspect our Interpreters may not have done Justice to the Indian Eloquence. For the Indians having but few Words, and few complex Ideas, use many Metaphors in their Discourse, which interpreted by an unskilful Tongue, may appear mean, and strike our Imagination faintly; but under the Pen of a skilful Representer, might strongly move our Passions by their lively Images. I have heard an old Indian Sachem speak with much Vivacity and Elocution, so that the Speaker pleased and moved the Auditors with the Manner of delivering his Discourse; which however, as it afterwards came from the Interpreter, disappointed us in our Expectations. After the Speaker had employed a considerable Time in haranguing with much Elocution, the Interpreter often explained the whole by one single Sentence. I believe the Speaker, in that Time, embellished and adorned his Figures, that they might have their full Force on the Imagination, while the Interpreter contented himself with the Sense, in as few Words as it could be expressed.
He that first writes the History of Things, which are not generally known, ought to avoid, as much as possible, to make the Evidence of the Truth depend intirely on his own Veracity and Judgment; and for this Reason I have related several Transactions in the Words of the Registers, when this is once done, he that shall write afterwards, need not act with so much Caution.
The History of these Indians, I promise myself, will give an agreeable Amusement to many; almost every one will find something in it suited to his own Palate; but every Line will not please every Man; on the contrary, one will naturally approve what another condemns, as one desires to know what another thinks not worth the Trouble of reading; for which Reason, I think, it is better to run the Risque of being sometimes tedious to certain Readers, than to omit any Thing that may be useful to the World.
I have sometimes thought, that Histories wrote with all the Delicacy of a fine Romance, are like French Dishes, more agreeable to the Palate than the Stomach, and less wholesome than more common and coarser Diet.
An Historian's Views must be curious and extensive, and the History of different People and different Ages requires different Rules, and often different Abilities to write it; I hope therefore the Reader will, from those Considerations, receive this first Attempt of this kind, with more than usual Allowances.
The Inhabitants of New-York have been much more concerned in the Transactions, which followed the Year 1688, than in those which preceded it. And as it requires uncommon Courage and Resolution to engage willingly in the Wars against a cruel and barbarous Enemy, I should be sorry to forget any that might deserve to be remembered by their Country, with Gratitude on that Occasion.
A
V O C A B U L A R Y
OF
Some Words and Names used by the French Authors, who treat of the Indian Affairs, which are different from the Names of the same People or Places, used or understood by the English, and may therefore be useful to those who intend to read the French Accounts, or compare them with the Accounts now published.
| Names used by the French. | The same are called by the English, or by the Five Nations. |
| Abenaguies. | Owenagungas, or New-England Indians, and are sometimes called the Eastern Indians. |
| Algonkins. | Adirondacks. |
| Amihouis. | Dionondadies, or Tuinondadeks, a Branch or Tribe of the Quatoghies. |
| Aniez. | Mohawks, called likewise Maquas. |
| Bay des Puans. | Enitajiche. |
| Chigagou. | Caneraghik. |
| Corlaer, or Corlard. | Schenectady. But the Five Nations commonly call the Governor of New-York by this Name, and often the People of the Province of New-York in general. |
| Detroit. | Teuchsagrondie. |
| Hurons. | Quatoghie. |
| Hinois. | Chictaghicks. |
| Iroquois. | The Five Nations. |
| Hinois. | Chictaghicks. |
| Iroquois. | The Five Nations. |
| Lac Huron. | Caniatare, or Quatoghe lake. |
| Loups. | Scahkook Indians. |
| Manhattan. | New-York City. |
| Mascoutecs. | Odislastagheks. |
| Mourigan. | Mahikander, or River Indians, living on Hudson's River, below Albany. |
| Miamies. | Twightwies. |
| Missilimakinak. | Teiodondoraghie. |
| Missisakies. | Achsisaghecks. |
| Oneyouts. | Oneydoes. |
| Ontario lac. | Cadarackui Lake. |
| Orange. | Albany. |
| Outagamies. | Quacksies, and Scunksiks. |
| Outawas. | Utawawas, or Dewagunhas. |
| Renards. | Quaksies. |
| Sauiteurs. | Estiaghicks. |
| Shaouonons. | Satanas. |
| Tateras. | Toderiks. |
| Terre rouge. | Scunksik. |
| Tongorias. | Erighecks. |
| Tsonontouans. | Senekas. |
THE
C O N T E N T S.
| The Introduction, being a short View of the Form of Government of the Five Nations, and of their Laws and Customs. | pag. 1 |
[PART I. CHAP. I.]
| Of the Wars of the Five Nations, with the Adirondacks and Quatoghies. | 21 |
[CHAP. II.]
| The Wars and Treaties of Peace of the Indians of the Five Nations with the French, from 1665 to 1683, and their Affairs with New-York in that time. | 31 |
[CHAP. III.]
| Of the Transactions of the Indians of the Five Nations with the neighbouring English colonies. | 36 |
[CHAP. IV.]
| Mons. De la Barre's Expedition, and some remarkable Transactions in 1684. | 59 |
[CHAP. V.]
| The English attempt to trade in the Lakes, and the French attack the Senekas. | 71 |
[CHAP. VI.]
| Colonel Dongan's Advice to the Indians. Adario's Enterprize, and Montreal sacked by the Five Nations. | 80 |
[PART II. CHAP. I.]
| The State of Affairs in New-York and Canada at the Time of the Revolution in Great-Britain. | 91 |
[CHAP. II.]
| A Treaty between the Agents of Massachusets-Bay, New-Plymouth, and Connecticut, and the Sachems of the Five Nations at Albany, in the Year 1689. | 100 |
[CHAP. III.]
| An Account of a general Council of the Five Nations at Onondaga, to consider of the Count De Frontenac's Message. | 105 |
[CHAP. IV.]
| The French surprize Schenectady. The Mohawks Speech of Condolance on that Occasion. | 113 |
[CHAP. V.]
| The Five Nations continue the War with the French. The Mohawks encline to Peace. Their Conferences with the Governor of New-York. | 121 |
[CHAP. VI.]
| The English attack Montreal by Land, in Conjunction with the Indians, and Quebeck by Sea. | 126 |
[CHAP. VII.]
| The French, and the Five Nations, continue the War all Winter with various Success. The French burn a Captain of the Five Nations alive. | 131 |
[CHAP. VIII.]
| The Five Nations treat with Capt. Ingoldsby. | 137 |
[CHAP. IX.]
| The French surprize, and take three Mohawk Castles. | 142 |
[CHAP. X.]
| The Treaties and Negotiations the Five Nations had with the English and French in the Years 1693, and 1694. | 150 |
[CHAP. XI.]
| The War continued. The French repossess themselves of Cadarackui Fort; and find means to break off the Treaty between the Five Nations and Dionondadies. | 180 |
[CHAP. XII.]
| The Count De Frontenac attacks Onondaga in Person with the whole Force of Canada. The Five Nations continue the War with the French, and make Peace with the Dionondadies. | 188 |
[CHAP. XIII.]
| The Conduct which the English and French observed in regard to the Five Nations, immediately after the Peace of Ryswick. | 196 |
| Treaties, Charters, publick Acts &c. from pag. 204, to the End. |
THE
I N T R O D U C T I O N,
BEING
A short View of the Form of Government of the Five Nations, and of their Laws, Customs, &c.
It is necessary to know something of the Form of Government of the People, whose History one is about to know, and a few Words will be sufficient to give the Reader a Conception of that of the Five Nations, because it still remains under original Simplicity, and free from those complicated Contrivances, which have become necessary to the Nations, where Deceit and Cunning have increased as much as their Knowledge and Wisdom.
The Five Nations (as their Name denotes) consist of so many Tribes or Nations, joined together by a League or Confederacy, like the United Provinces, and without any Superiority of the one over the other. This Union has continued so long, that the Christians know nothing of the Original of it: The People in it are known by the English under the Names of Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onondagas, Cayugas, and Sennekas.
Each of these Nations is again divided into three Tribes or Families, who distinguish themselves by three different Arms or Ensigns, the Tortoise, the Bear, and the Wolf; and the Sachems, or old Men of these Families, put this Ensign, or Mark of their Family, to every publick Paper, when they sign it.
Each of these Nations is an absolute Republick by itself, and every Castle in each Nation makes an independent Republick, and is govern'd in all publick Affairs by its own Sachems or old Men. The Authority of these Rulers is gain'd by, and consists wholly in the Opinion the rest of the Nation have of their Wisdom and Integrity. They never execute their Resolutions by Force upon any of their People. Honour and Esteem are their principal Rewards; as Shame, and being despised, their Punishments. They have certain Customs, which they observe in their publick Transactions with other Nations, and in their private Affairs among themselves; which it is scandalous for any one among them not to observe, and these always draw after them either publick or private Resentment, whenever they are broke.
Their Leaders and Captains, in like Manner, obtain their Authority, by the general Opinion of their Courage and Conduct, and lose it by a failure in those Virtues.
Their great Men, both Sachems and Captains, are generally poorer than the common People; for they affect to give away and distribute all the Presents or Plunder they get in their Treaties or in War, so as to leave nothing to themselves. There is not a Man in the Ministry of the Five Nations, who has gain'd his Office, otherwise than by Merit; there is not the least Salary, or any Sort of Profit, annexed to any Office, to tempt the Covetous or Sordid; but, on the contrary, every unworthy Action is unavoidably attended with the Forfeiture of their Commission; for their Authority is only the Esteem of the People, and ceases the Moment that Esteem is lost. Here we see the natural Origin of all Power and Authority among a free People, and whatever artificial Power or Sovereignty any Man may have acquired, by the Laws and Constitution of a Country, his real Power will be ever much greater or less, in Proportion to the Esteem the People have of him.
The Five Nations think themselves by Nature superior to the rest of Mankind, and call themselves Ongue-honwe; that is, Men surpassing all others. This Opinion, which they take Care to cultivate into their Children, gives them that Courage, which has been so terrible to all the Nations of North America; and they have taken such Care to impress the same Opinion of their People on all their Neighbours, that they, on all Occasions, yield the most submissive Obedience to them. I have been told by old Men in New England, who remembered the Time when the Mohawks made War on their Indians, that as soon as a single Mohawk was discover'd in the Country, their Indians raised a Cry from Hill to Hill, A Mohawk! A Mohawk! upon which they all fled like Sheep before Wolves, without attempting to make the least Resistance, whatever Odds were on their Side. The poor New England Indians immediately ran to the Christian Houses, and the Mohawks often pursued them so closely, that they entered along with them, and knocked their Brains out in the Presence of the People of the House; but if the Family had Time to shut the Door, they never attempted to force it, and on no Occasion did any Injury to the Christians. All the Nations round them have, for many Years, intirely submitted to them, and pay a yearly Tribute to them in Wampum[2]; they dare neither make War nor Peace, without the Consent of the Mohawks. Two old Men commonly go about every Year or two, to receive this Tribute; and I have often had Opportunity to observe what Anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old Men remained in that Part of the Country where I was. An old Mohawk Sachem, in a poor Blanket and a dirty Shirt, may be seen issuing his Orders with as arbitrary an Authority, as a Roman Dictator. It is not for the Sake of Tribute however, that they make War, but from the Notions of Glory, which they have ever most strongly imprinted on their Minds; and the farther they go to seek an Enemy, the greater Glory they think they gain; there cannot, I think, be a greater or stronger Instance than this, how much the Sentiments, impressed upon a People's Mind, conduce to their Grandeur, or one that more verifies a Saying often to be met with, though but too little minded, That it is in the Power of the Rulers of a People to make them either Great or Little; for by inculcating only the Notions of Honour and Virtue, or those of Luxury and Riches, the People, in a little Time, will become such as their Rulers desire. The Five Nations, in their Love of Liberty, and of their Country, in their Bravery in Battle, and their Constancy in enduring Torments, equal the Fortitude of the most renowned Romans. I shall finish their general Character by what an Enemy, a Frenchman, says of them, Monsieur De la Poterie, in his History of North America.
"When we speak (says he) of the Five Nations in France, they are thought, by a common Mistake, to be mere Barbarians, always thirsting after human Blood; but their true Character is very different. They are indeed the fiercest and most formidable People in North America, and, at the same Time, are as politick and judicious, as well can be conceived; and this appears from the Management of all the Affairs which they transact, not only with the French and English, but likewise with almost all the Indian Nations of this vast Continent."
Their Matters of Consequence, which concern all the Nations, are transacted in a general Meeting of the Sachems of each Nation. These Conventions are commonly held at Onnondaga, which is nearly the Center of their Country; but they have fixed on Albany for the Place of treating with the British Colonies.
They strictly follow one Maxim, formerly used by the Romans to increase their Strength, that is, they encourage the People of other Nations to incorporate with them; and when they have subdued any People, after they have satiated their Revenge by some cruel Examples, they adopt the rest of their Captives; who, if they behave well, become equally esteemed with their own People; so that some of their Captives have afterwards become their greatest Sachems and Captains. The Tuskaroras, after the War they had with the People of Carolina, fled to the Five Nations, and are now incorporated with them; so that they now properly indeed consist of six Nations, though they still retain the old Name of the Five Nations among the English. The Cowetas also, or Creek-Indians, are in the same Friendship with them.
The Tuskaroras, since they came under the Province of New York, behave themselves well, and remain peaceable and quiet; and by this may be seen the Advantage of using the Indians well, and I believe, if they were still better used (as there is Room enough to do it) they would be proportionably more useful to us.
The Cruelty the Indians use in their Wars, towards those that do not or cannot resist, such as Women and Children, and to their Prisoners, after they have them in their Power, is deservedly indeed held in Abhorrence: But whoever reads the History of the so famed ancient Heroes, will find them, I'm afraid, not much better in this Respect. Does Achilles's Behaviour to Hector's dead Body, in Homer, appear less savage? This Cruelty is also not peculiar to the Five Nations, but equally practised by all other Indians. It is wonderful, how Custom and Education are able to soften the most horrid Actions, even among a polite and learned People; witness the Carthaginians and Phoenicians burning their own Children alive in Sacrifice; and several Passages in the Jewish History; and witness, in later Times, the Christians burning one another alive, for God's Sake.
When any of the young Men of these Nations have a Mind to signalize themselves, and to gain a Reputation among their Countrymen, by some notable Enterprize against their Enemy, they at first communicate their Design to two or three of their most intimate Friends; and if they come into it, an Invitation is made, in their Names, to all the young Men of the Castle, to feast on Dog's Flesh; but whether this be, because Dog's Flesh is most agreeable to Indian Palates, or whether it be as an Emblem of Fidelity, for which the Dog is distinguished by all Nations, that it is always used on this Occasion, I have not sufficient Information to determine. When the Company is met, the Promoters of the Enterprize set forth the Undertaking in the best Colours they can; they boast of what they intend to do, and incite others to join, from the Glory there is to be obtained; and all who eat of the Dog's Flesh, thereby inlist themselves.
The Night before they set out, they make a grand Feast, to this all the noted Warriors of the Nation are invited; and here they have their War Dance, to the Beat of a Kind of a Kettle-drum. The Warriors are seated in two Rows in the House, and each rises up in his Turn, and sings the great Acts he has himself performed, and the Deeds of his Ancestors; and this is always accompanied with a Kind of a Dance, or rather Action, representing the Manner in which they were performed; and from Time to Time, all present join in a Chorus, applauding every notable Act. They exaggerate the Injuries they have at any Time received from their Enemies, and extol the Glory which any of their Ancestors have gained by their Bravery and Courage; so that they work up their spirits to a high Degree of warlike Enthusiasm. I have sometimes persuaded some of their young Indians to act these Dances, for our Diversion, and to shew us the Manner of them; and even, on these Occasions, they have work'd themselves up to such a Pitch, that they have made all present uneasy. Is it not probable, that such Designs as these have given the first Rise to Tragedy?
They come to these Dances with their Faces painted in a frightful Manner, as they always are when they go to War, to make themselves terrible to their Enemies; and in this Manner the Night is spent. Next Day they march out with much Formality, dressed in their finest Apparel, and, in their March, observe a profound Silence. An Officer of the regular Troops told me, that while he was Commandant of Fort-Hunter, the Mohawks, on one of these Occasions, told him, that they expected the usual military Honours as they passed the Garison. Accordingly he drew out his Garison, the Men presented their Pieces as the Indians passed, and the Drum beat a March; and with less Respect, the Officer said, they would have been dissatisfied. The Indians passed in a single Row, one after another, with great Gravity and profound Silence; and every one of them, as he passed the Officer, took his Gun from his Shoulder, and fired into the Ground near the Officer's Foot: They marched in this Manner three or four Miles from their Castle. The Women, on these Occasions, always follow them with their old Clothes, and they send back by them their Finery in which they marched from the Castle. But before they go from this Place, where they exchange their Clothes, they always peel a large Piece of the Bark from some great Tree; they commonly chuse an Oak, as most lasting; upon the smooth Side of this Wood they, with their red Paint, draw one or more Canoes, going from Home, with the Number of Men in them padling, which go upon the Expedition; and some Animal, as a Deer or Fox, an Emblem of the Nation against which the Expedition is designed, is painted at the Head of the Canoes; for they always travel in Canoes along the Rivers, which lead to the Country against which the Expedition is designed, as far as they can.
After the Expedition is over, they stop at the same Place in their Return, and send to their Castle, to inform their Friends of their Arrival; that they may be prepared to give them a solemn Reception, suited to the Success they have had. In the mean Time, they represent on the same, or some Tree near it, the Event of the Enterprize, and now the Canoes are painted with their Heads turned towards the Castle; the Number of the Enemy killed, is represented by Scalps painted black, and the Number of Prisoners by as many Withs, (in their Painting not unlike Pothooks) with which they usually pinion their Captives. These Trees are the Annals, or rather Trophies of the Five Nations: I have seen many of them; and by them, and their War Songs, they preserve the History of their great Achievements. The solemn Reception of these Warriors, and the Acclamations of Applause, which they receive at their Return, cannot but have in the Hearers the same Effect, in raising an Emulation for Glory, that a Triumph had on the old Romans.
After their Prisoners are secured, they never offer them the least Male-treatment, but, on the contrary, will rather starve themselves, than suffer them to want; and I have been always assured, that there is not one Instance, of their offering the least Violence to the Chastity of any Woman that was their Captive. But notwithstanding this, the poor Prisoners afterwards undergo severe Punishments before they receive the last Doom of Life or Death. The Warriors think it for their Glory, to lead them through all the Villages of the Nations subject to them, which lie near the Road; and these, to shew their Affection to the Five Nations, and their Abhorrence of their Enemies, draw up in two Lines, through which the poor Prisoners, stark naked, must run the Gauntlet; and on this Occasion, it is always observed, the Women are much more cruel than the Men. The Prisoners meet with the same sad Reception when they reach their Journey's End; and after this, they are presented to those that have lost any Relation in that or any former Enterprize. If the Captives be accepted, there is an End to their Sorrow from that Moment; they are dressed as fine as they can make them; they are absolutely free (except to return to their own Country) and enjoy all the Privileges the Person had, in whose Place they are accepted; but if otherwise they die in Torments, to satiate the Revenge of those that refuse them.
If a young Man or Boy be received in Place of a Husband that was killed, all the Children of the Deceased call that Boy Father; so that one may sometimes hear a Man of thirty say, that such a Boy of fifteen or twenty is his Father.
Their Castles are generally a Square surrounded with Palisadoes, without any Bastions or Out-works; for, since the general Peace, their Villages lie all open.
Their only Instruments of War are Musquets, Hatchets, and long sharp pointed Knives; these they always carry about with them: Their Hatchet, in War-time, is stuck in their Girdle behind them; and besides what Use they make of this Weapon in their Hand, they have a dexterous Way of throwing it, which I have seen them often practise in their Exercise, by throwing it into a Tree at a Distance: They have, in this, the Art of directing and regulating the Motion, so that though the Hatchet turns round as it flies, the Edge always sticks in the Tree, and near the Place at which they aim it. The Use of Bows and Arrows are now intirely laid aside, except among the Boys, who are still very dexterous in killing Fowls and other Animals with them.
They use neither Drum nor Trumpet, nor any Kind of musical Instrument in their Wars; their Throats serve them on all Occasions, where such are necessary. Many of them have a surprising Faculty of raising their Voice, not only in inarticulate Sounds, but likewise to make their Words understood at a great Distance; and we find the same was practised by Homer's Heroes,
Thrice to its Pitch his lofty Voice he rears,—— O Friend! Ulysses Shouts invade my Ears.
The Five Nations have such absolute Notions of Liberty, that they allow of no Kind of Superiority of one over another, and banish all Servitude from their Territories. They never make any Prisoner a Slave; but it is customary among them to make a Compliment of Naturalization into the Five Nations; and, considering how highly they value themselves above all others, this must be no small Compliment. This is not done by any general Act of the Nation, but every single Person has a Right to do it, by a Kind of Adoption. The first Time I was among the Mohawks, I had this Compliment from one of their old Sachems, which he did, by giving me his own Name, Cayenderongue. He had been a notable Warrior; and he told me, that now I had a Right to assume to myself all the Acts of Valour he had performed, and that now my Name would echo from Hill to Hill all over the Five Nations. As for my Part, I thought no more of it at that Time, than as an Artifice to draw a Belly full of strong Liquor from me, for himself and his Companions; but when about ten or twelve Years afterwards, my Business led me again among them, I directed the Interpreter to say something from me to the Sachems; he was for some Time at a Loss to understand their Answer, till he had asked me whether I had any Name among them: I then found that I was really known to them by that Name, and that the old Sachem, from the Time he had given me his Name, had assumed another to himself. I was adopted, at that Time, into the Tribe of the Bear, and, for that Reason, I often afterwards had the kind Compliment of Brother Bear.
The Hospitality of these Indians is no less remarkable, than their other Virtues; as soon as any Stranger comes, they are sure to offer him Victuals. If there be several in Company, and come from a-far, one of their best Houses is cleaned and given up for their Entertainment. Their Complaisance, on these Occasions, goes even farther than Christian Civility allows of, as they have no other Rule for it, than the furnishing their Guest with every Thing they think will be agreeable to him; for this Reason, some of their prettiest Girls are always ordered to wash themselves, and dress in their best Apparel, in Order to be presented to the Stranger, for his Choice; and the young Lady, who has the Honour to be preferred on these Occasions, performs all the Duties of a fond Wife, during the Stranger's Stay: But this last Piece of Hospitality is now either laid aside by the Mohawks, or, at least, they never offer it to any Christian. This Nation indeed has laid aside many of its ancient Customs, and so likewise have the other Nations, with whom we are best acquainted; and have adopted many of ours; so that it is not easy now to distinguish their original and genuine Manners, from those which they have lately acquired; and for this Reason it is, that they now seldom offer Victuals to Persons of any Distinction, because they know, that their Food and Cookery is not agreeable to our delicate Palates. Their Men value themselves, in having all Kind of Food in equal Esteem. A Mohawk Sachem told me with a Kind of Pride, That a Man eats every Thing without Distinction, Bears, Cats, Dogs, Snakes, Frogs, &c. intimating, that it is Womanish, to have any Delicacy in the Choice of Food.
I can however give two strong Instances of the Hospitality of the Mohawks, which fell under my own Observation; and which shew, that they have the very same Notion of Hospitality, which we find in the ancient Poets. When I was last in the Mohawks Country, the Sachems told me, that they had an Englishman among their People, a Servant who had run from his Master in New York. I immediately told them, that they must deliver him up. No, they answered, we never serve any Man so, who puts himself under our Protection. On this I insisted on the Injury they did thereby to his Master; and they allowed it might be an Injury, and replied, though we never will deliver him up, we are willing to pay the Value of the Servant to the Master. Another Man made his Escape from the Goal of Albany, where he was in Prison on an Execution for Debt; the Mohawks received him, and, as they protected him against the Sheriff and his Officers, they not only paid the Debt for him, but gave him Land, over and above sufficient for a good Farm, whereon he lived when I was last there. To this it may be added, all their extraordinary Visits are accompanied with giving and receiving Presents of some Value; as we learn likewise from Homer was the Practice in old Times.
Polygamy is not usual among them; and indeed, in any Nation, where all are on a Par, as to Riches and Power, Plurality of Wives cannot well be introduced. As all Kind of Slavery is banished from the Countries of the Five Nations, so they keep themselves free also from the Bondage of Wedlock; and when either of the Parties becomes disgusted, they separate without Formality or Ignominy to either, unless it be occasioned by some scandalous Offence in one of them. And in Case of Divorce, the Children, according to the natural Course of all Animals, follow the Mother. The Women here bring forth their Children with as much Ease as other Animals, and without the Help of a Midwife, and, soon after their Delivery, return to their usual Employment. They alone also perform all the Drudgery about their Houses, they plant their Corn, and labour it, in every Respect, till it is brought to the Table: They likewise cut all their Fire-wood, and bring it Home on their Backs, and in their Marches bear the Burdens. The Men disdain all Kind of Labour, and employ themselves alone in Hunting, as the only proper Business for Soldiers. At Times, when it is not proper to hunt, one finds the old Men in Companies, in Conversation; the young Men at their Exercises, shooting at Marks, throwing the Hatchet, Wrestling, or Running, and the Women all busy at Labour in the Fields.
On these Occasions, the State of Lacedæmon ever occurs to my Mind, which that of the Five Nations, in many Respects, resembles; their Laws, or Customs, being, in both, form'd to render the Minds and Bodies of the People fit for War.
Theft is very scandalous among them; and it is necessary it should be so among all Indians, since they have no Locks, but those of their Minds, to preserve their Goods.
There is one Vice which the Indians have all fallen into, since their Acquaintance with the Christians, and of which they could not be guilty before that Time, that is, Drunkenness: It is strange, how all the Indian Nations, and almost every Person among them, Male and Female, are infatuated with the Love of strong Drink; they know no Bounds to their Desire, while they can swallow it down, and then indeed the greatest Man among them scarcely deserves the Name of a Brute.
They never have been taught to conquer any Passion, but by some contrary Passion; and the Traders, with whom they chiefly converse, are so far from giving them any Abhorrence of this Vice, that they encourage it all they can, not only for the Profit of the Liquor they sell, but that they may have an Opportunity to impose upon them. And this, as they chiefly drink Spirits, has destroyed greater Numbers, than all their Wars and Diseases put together.
The People of the Five Nations are much given to Speech-making, ever the natural Consequence of a perfect Republican Government: Where no single Person has a Power to compel, the Arts of Persuasion alone must prevail. As their best Speakers distinguish themselves in their publick Councils and Treaties with other Nations, and thereby gain the Esteem and Applause of their Countrymen, (the only Superiority which any one of them has over the others) it is probable they apply themselves to this Art, by some Kind of Study and Exercise, in a great Measure. It is impossible for me to judge how far they excel, as I am ignorant of their Language; but the Speakers whom I have heard, had all a great Fluency of Words, and much more Grace in their Manner, than any Man could expect, among a People intirely ignorant of all the liberal Arts and Sciences.
I am inform'd, that they are very nice in the Turn of their Expressions, and that few of themselves are so far Masters of their Language, as never to offend the Ears of their Indian Auditory, by an unpolite Expression. They have, it seems, a certain Urbanitas, or Atticism, in their Language, of which the common Ears are ever sensible, though only their great Speakers attain to it. They are so much given to Speech-making, that their common Complements, to any Person they respect, at meeting and parting, are made in Harangues.
They have some Kind of Elegancy in varying and compounding their Words, to which, not many of themselves attain, and this principally distinguishes their best Speakers. I have endeavoured to get some Account of this, as a Thing that might be acceptable to the Curious; but, as I have not met with any one Person who understands their Language, and also knows any Thing of Grammar, or of the learned Languages, I have not been able to attain the least Satisfaction. Their present Minister tells me, that their Verbs are varied, but in a Manner so different from the Greek or Latin, that he cannot discover by what Rule it was done; and even suspects, that every Verb has a peculiar Mode: They have but few radical Words, but they compound their Words without End; by this their Language becomes sufficiently copious, and leaves Room for a good Deal of Art to please a delicate Ear. Sometimes one Word among them includes an entire Definition of the Thing; for Example, they call Wine Oneharadeseboengtseragberie, as much as to say, a Liquor made of the Juice of the Grape. The Words expressing Things lately come to their Knowledge are all Compounds: They have no Labeals in their Language, nor can they pronounce perfectly any Word wherein there is a Labeal; and when one endeavours to teach them to pronounce these Words, they tell one, they think it ridiculous that they must shut their Lips to speak. Their Language abounds with Gutturals and strong Aspirations, these make it very sonorous and bold; and their Speeches abound with Metaphors, after the Manner of the Eastern Nations, as will best appear by the Speeches that I have copied.
As to what religious Notions they have, it is difficult to judge of them; because the Indians, that speak any English, and live near us, have learned many Things of us; and it is not easy to distinguish the Notions they had originally among themselves, from those they have learned of the Christians. It is certain they have no Kind of publick Worship, and I am told that they have no radical Word to express God, but use a compound Word, signifying the Preserver, Sustainer, or Master of the Universe; neither could I ever learn what Sentiments they have of a future Existence. Their funeral Rites seem to be formed upon a Notion of some Kind of Existence after Death: They make a large round Hole, in which the Body can be placed upright, or upon its Haunches, which after the Body is placed in it, is covered with Timber, to support the Earth which they lay over, and thereby keep the Body free from being pressed; they then raise the Earth in a round Hill over it. They always dress the Corps in all its Finery, and put Wampum and other Things into the Grave with it; and the Relations suffer not Grass or any Weed to grow on the Grave, and frequently visit it with Lamentations: But whether these Things be done only as Marks of Respect to the Deceased, or from a Notion of some Kind of Existence after Death, must be left to the Judgment of the Reader.
They are very superstitious in observing Omens and Dreams; I have observed them shew a superstitious Awe of the Owl, and be highly displeased with some that mimicked the Cry of that Bird in the Night. An Officer of the regular Troops has informed me also, that while he had the Command of the Garrison at Oswego, a Boy of one of the far Westward Nations died there; the Parents made a regular Pile of split Wood, laid the Corps upon it, and burnt it; while the Pile was burning, they stood gravely looking on, without any Lamentation, but when it was burnt down, they gathered up the Bones with many Tears, put them into a Box, and carried them away with them; and this Inclination, which all ignorant People have to Superstition and amusing Ceremonies, gives the Popish Priests a great Advantage in recommending their Religion, beyond what the Regularity of the Protestant Doctrine allows of.
Queen Anne sent over a Missionary to reside among the Mohawks, and allowed him a sufficient Subsistence from the privy Purse; she sent Furniture for a Chappel, and a valuable set of Plate for the Communion Table; and (if I am not mistaken) the like Furniture and Plate for each of the other Nations, though that of the Mohawks was only applied to the Use designed. The common Prayer, or at least a considerable Part of it, was translated also into their Language and printed; some other Pieces were likewise translated for the Minister's Use, viz. An Exposition of the Creed, Decalogue, Lord's Prayer, and Church Catechism, and a Discourse on the Sacraments. But as that Minister was never able to attain any tolerable Knowledge of their Language, and was naturally a heavy Man, he had but small Success; and his Allowance failing, by the Queen's Death, he left them. These Nations had no Teacher, from that Time, till within these few Years, that a young Gentleman, out of pious Zeal, went voluntarily among the Mohawks. He was at first intirely ignorant of their Language, and had no Interpreter, except one of the Indians, who understood a little English, and had, in the late Missionary's Time, learn'd to read and write in his own Language. He learned from him how to pronounce the Words in the Translations, which had been made for the late Missionary's Use. He set up a School, to teach their Children to read and write their own Language; and they made surprizing Proficiency, considering their Master did not understand their Language. I happened to be in the Mohawk Country, and saw several of their Performances; I was present at their Worship, where they went through some Part of the Common Prayer with great Decency. I was likewise present, several Times, at their private Devotions, which some of them performed duly, Morning and Evening. I had also many Opportunities of observing the great Regard they had for this young Man; so far, that the Fear of his leaving them made the greatest Restraint on them, with which he threatened them, after they had been guilty of any Offence. Soon after that Time, this Gentleman went to England, received Orders, and was sent by the Society, Missionary to Albany, with Liberty to spend some Part of his Time among the Mohawks.
I had lately a Letter from him, dated the seventh of December, 1641, in which he writes as follows:
"Drunkenness was so common among them, that I doubt, whether there was one grown Person of either Sex free from it; seldom a Day passed, without some, and very often forty or fifty being drunk at a Time. But I found they were very fond of keeping me among them, and afraid I should leave them, which I made Use of to good Purpose; daily threatning them with my Departure, in Case they did not forsake that Vice, and frequently requiring a particular Promise from them singly; by which Means (through God's Blessing) there was a gradual Reformation; and I know not that I have seen above ten or twelve Persons drunk among them this Summer. The Women are almost all entirely reformed, and the Men very much. They have intirely left off Divorces, and are legally married. They are very constant and devout at church and Family Devotions. They have not been known to exercise Cruelty to Prisoners, and have, in a great Measure, left off going a fighting, which I find the most difficult, of all Things, to dissuade them from. They seem also persuaded of the Truths of Christianity. The greatest Inconveniency I labour under, is the Want of an Interpreter, which could I obtain, for two or three Years, I should hope to be tolerably Master of their Language, and be able to render it easier to my Successor."
This Gentleman's uncommon Zeal deserves, I think, this publick Testimony, that it may be a Means of his receiving such Encouragement, as may enable him to pursue the pious Purposes he has in View.
The Mohawks, were they civilized, may be useful to us many Ways, and, on many Occasions, more than any of our own People can be; and this well deserves to be considered.
There is one Custom their Men constantly observe, which I must not forget to mention; That if they be sent with any Message, though it demand the greatest Dispatch, or though they bring Intelligence of any imminent Danger, they never tell it at their first Approach; but sit down for a Minute or two, at least, in Silence, to recollect themselves, before they speak, that they may not shew any Degree of Fear or Surprize, by an indecent Expression. Every sudden Repartee, in a publick Treaty, leaves with them an Impression of a light inconsiderate Mind; but, in private Conversation, they use, and are delighted with brisk witty Answers, as we can be. By this they shew the great Difference they place between the Conversations of Man and Man, and of Nation and Nation; and in this, and a thousand other Things, might well be an Example to the European Nations.
THE
H I S T O R Y
OF THE
Five INDIAN Nations,
DEPENDING
On the Province of NEW-YORK.
PART I.
The History of the Five Nations, from the Time the Christians first knew any Thing of them, to that of the Revolution in Great-Britain.
CHAP. I.
Of the Wars of the Five Nations with the Adirondacks and Quatoghies.
The first Settlers of New-York having been little curious in inquiring into the Indian Affairs, further than what related to Trade; or, at least, having neglected to transmit their Discoveries to Posterity, it is much more difficult to give a just History of these Nations before, than since the Time of their being under the Crown of England. What we can learn of Certainty, however, is this. The French settled at Canada in the Year 1603, six Years before the Dutch possessed themselves of New-Netherlands, now called New-York, and found the Five Nations at War with the Adirondacks, which, they tell us, was occasioned in the following Manner.
The Adirondacks formerly lived three-hundred Miles above Trois Rivieres, where now the Utawawas are situated; at that Time they employ'd themselves wholly in Hunting, and the Five Nations made planting of Corn their Business. By this Means they became useful to each other, by exchanging Corn for Venison. The Adirondacks, however, valued themselves, as delighting in a more manly Employment, and despised the Five Nations, in following Business, which they thought only fit for Women. But it once happened, that the Game failed the Adirondacks, which made them desire some of the young Men of the Five Nations to assist them in Hunting. These young Men soon became much more expert in Hunting, and able to endure Fatigues, than the Adirondacks expected or desired; in short, they became jealous of them, and, one Night, murdered all the young Men they had with them. The Five Nations complained to the Chiefs of the Adirondacks, of the Inhumanity of this Action; but they contented themselves with blaming the Murderers, and ordered them to make some small[3] Presents to the Relations of the murdered Persons, without being apprehensive of the Resentment of the Five Nations; for they looked upon them, as Men not capable of taking any great Revenge.
This however provoked the Five Nations to that Degree, that they soon resolved, by some Means, to be revenged; and the Adirondacks being informed of their Designs, thought to prevent them, by reducing them with Force to their Obedience.
The Five Nations then lived near where Mont Real now stands; they defended themselves at first but faintly against the vigorous Attacks of the Adirondacks, and were forced to leave their own Country, and fly to the Banks of the Lakes where they live now. As they were hitherto Losers by the War, it obliged them to apply themselves to the Exercise of Arms, in which they became daily more and more expert. Their Sachems, in order to raise their People's Spirits, turned them against the Satanas[4], a less warlike Nation, who then lived on the Banks of the Lakes; for they found it was difficult to remove the Dread their People had of the Valour of the Adirondacks. The Five Nations soon subdued the Satanas, and drove them out of their Country; and their People's Courage being thus elevated, they, from this Time, not only defended themselves bravely against the whole Force of the Adirondacks, but often carried the War into the Heart of the Adirondacks's Country, and, at last, forced them to leave it, and to fly into that Part of the Country, where Quebeck is now built.
There are more Instances than one in History, of poor dispirited Nations, that by some signal Affront or Abuse have had their Spirits so raised, that they have not only performed notable Things on a sudden, but, if they happened, at the same Time, to be led and governed by wise Men, have so far kept up, and improved that Spirit, that they have become, in a Manner, a different People. Let us examine History, and we shall find, that the different Figure every Country has made in the World, has been ever principally owing to the Principles which were inculcated into, and carefully cultivated in the People. In this chiefly consists the Art of making a Nation glorious, or the Crime of debasing them into Servitude or Slavery. It was from the Notions of Liberty, Honour, and Glory, and such wise and generous Principles, which the meanest Citizen among the old Romans entertained, that they became so great and powerful, and a Terror to all Nations; as the sordid, timorous, cunning Artifices, and the Love of Wealth and sensual Pleasures, cultivated among the present Romans, has debased them now into the meanest and least feared Nation on the Earth. The History of the Five Nations will readily shew, how far the ancient Roman Principles have been cultivated among them.
Soon after this Change of the People of these Nations, the French arrived at Canada, and settled at Quebeck; and they thinking it adviseable to gain the Esteem and Friendship of the Adirondacks, in whose Country they settled, Monsieur Champlain, the first Governor of Canada, joined the Adirondacks in an Expedition against the Five Nations. They met a Party of two-hundred Men of the Five Nations in Corlar's Lake, which the French, on this Occasion called by Monsieur Champlain's Name, and both Sides went ashore to prepare for Battle, which proved to the Disadvantage of the Five Nations. The French, in short, kept themselves undiscover'd, till the Moment they began to join Battle; and their Fire-arms surprised the Five Nations so much, that they were immediately put into Confusion; for, before that Time, they had never seen such Weapons. The Trade with the French, soon after this, drew most of the neighbouring Nations to Quebeck, and they all joined in the War against the Five Nations.
The Adirondacks having their Numbers thus increased, and their Fire-arms giving them new Confidence, proposed nothing less to themselves, than the intire Destruction of the Five Nations. Upon this, their young Warriors became fierce and insolent, and would not be kept under any Discipline or Subjection to their Captains; but, upon all Occasions, rashly attacked the Enemy, who were obliged to keep themselves upon the defensive; and to make up what they wanted in Force, by Stratagems, and a skilful Management of the War. The young Men of the Five Nations soon perceived the Advantages they gained by this Conduct, and every Day grew more submissive to their Captains, and diligent in executing any Enterprize.
The Five Nations sent out small Parties only, who meeting with great Numbers of the Adirondacks, retired before them with seeming Terror, while the Adirondacks pursued them with Fury, and without Thought, till they were cunningly drawn into Ambuscades, where most of their Men were killed or taken Prisoners, with little or no Loss to the Five Nations.
The Adirondacks, by this Means, wasted away, and their boldest Soldiers were almost intirely destroy'd, while the Number of the Five Nations were increased, by the Addition of the Prisoners, which they took from the Satanas.
The wisest and best Soldiers of the Adirondacks, when it was too late, now at length discovered, that they must learn the Art of War from those Enemies that they at first despised; and now five of their Captains endeavoured to perform by themselves singly, with Art and by Stratagem, what they could not do by Force at the Head of their Armies; they had however no longer any Hopes of conquering, their Thoughts were only set on Revenge.
It is not improper to observe here, once for all, that in writing the History of Indians, it is often necessary to give an Account of the Enterprizes of single Persons, otherwise the Indian Genius can never be known, or their Manner of making War understood. An Indian named Piskaret was at this Time one of the Captains of greatest Fame among the Adirondacks: This bold Man, with four other Captains, set out for Trois-Rivieres in one Canoe, each of them being provided with three Musquets, which they loaded with two Bullets apiece, joined with a small Chain ten Inches long; they met with five Canoes in Sorel River, each having ten Men of the Five Nations on Board. Piskaret and his Captains, as soon as those of the Five Nations drew near, pretended to give themselves up for lost, and sung their Death Song,[5] then suddenly fired upon the Canoes, which they repeated with the Arms that lay ready loaded, and tore those Birch Vessels betwixt Wind and Water. The Men of the Five Nations were so surprized, that they tumbled out of their Canoes, and gave Piskaret and his Companions the Opportunity of knocking as many of them on the Head as they pleased, and saving the others, to feed their Revenge, which they did, by burning them alive with the most cruel Torments. This however was so far from glutting Piskaret's Revenge, that it seemed rather to give a keener Edge to it; for he soon after undertook another Enterprize, in which none of his Countrymen durst accompany him: He was well acquainted with the Country of the Five Nations, and set out about the Time the Snow began to melt, with the Precaution of putting the hinder Part of his Snow Shoes forward, that if any should happen upon his Footsteps, they might think he was gone the contrary Way; and, for further Security, went along the Ridges and high Grounds, where the Snow was melted, that his Track might be often lost; when he came near one of the Villages of the Five Nations, he hid himself till Night, and then entered a Cabin, while every Body was fast asleep, murdered the whole Family, and carried their Scalps into his lurking Place. The next day the People of the Village searched for the Murderer in vain. The following Night he murdered all he found in another Cabin. The Inhabitants next Day searched likewise in vain for the Murderer; but the third Night a Watch was kept in every House. Piskaret in the Night bundled up the Scalps he had taken the two former Nights, to carry, as the Proof of his Victory, and then stole privately from House to House, till at last he found an Indian nodding, who was upon the Watch in one of the Houses; he knockt this Man on the Head; but as this alarmed the rest, he was forced immediately to fly. He was however under no great Concern from the Pursuit, being more swift of Foot than any Indian then living. He let his Pursuers come near him from Time to Time, and then would dart from them. This he did with Design to tire them out with the Hopes of overtaking Him. As it began to grow dark, he hid himself, and his Pursuers stop'd to rest. They not being apprehensive of any Danger from a single Man, soon fell asleep, and the bold Piskaret observing this, knock'd them all on the Head, and carried away their Scalps with the rest. Such Stories as these are told among the Indians, as extraordinary Instances of the Courage and Conduct of their Captains. The Indians will often travel thus three or four Hundred Miles singly, or two or three in Company, and lurk about their Enemy's Borders for several Weeks, in Hopes to revenge the Death of a near Relation or dear Friend. Indeed they give themselves so very much up to Revenge, that this Passion seems to gnaw their Souls, and gives them no Rest till they satisfy it. It is this Delight in Revenge, that makes all barbarous Nations cruel; and the curbing such Passions is one of the happy Effects of being civilized.
The Five Nations are so much delighted with Stratagems in War, that no Superiority of their Forces ever make them neglect them. They amused the Adirondacks and their Allies the Quatoghies (called by the French Hurons) by sending to the French, and desiring Peace. The French desired them to receive some Priests among them, in Hopes that those prudent Fathers would, by some Art, reconcile them to their Interest, and engage their Affections. The Five Nations readily accepted the Offer, and some Jesuits went along with them: But after they had the Jesuits in their Power, they used them only as Hostages, and thereby obliged the French to stand neuter, while they prepared to attack the Adirondacks and Quatoghies, and they defeated the Quatoghies in a dreadful Battle fought within two Leagues of Quebeck.
The French own, That if the Five Nations had known their Weakness at that Time, they might have easily destroyed the whole Colony.
This Defeat, in Sight of the French Settlements, struck Terror into all their Allies, who were at that Time very numerous, because of the Trade with the French, which furnished them with many the most useful Conveniences; for before that Time the Indians had no Iron Tool among them.
The Nipeceriniens, who then lived on the Banks of St. Laurence River, fled upon this to the Northward, believing that the extreme Coldness of the Climate, and a barren Soil, would be the securest Defence against the Ambition of the Five Nations. The Remainder of the Quatoghies fled with the Utawawas Southwestward; and for the greater Security, settled in an Island, which being further than the Name of the Five Nations had then reached, they trusted to the Distance of the Place, and the Advantage of its Situation.
Their last Expedition having succeeded so well, the Five Nations gave out, that they intended next Winter to visit Yonnendio, (the Name they give to the Governor of Canada;) these Visits are always made with much Shew. Under this Pretence they gathered together 1000 or 1200 Men. Their out Scouts met with Piskaret near Niccolet River, and still pretending a friendly Visit to the Governor of Canada, as their only Design, he told them, that the Adirondacks were divided into two Bodies, one of which hunted on the North Side of St. Laurence River at Wabmake, three Leagues above Trois Rivieres, and the other at Nicolet. As soon as they had gained this Information, they killed him, and returned with his Head to the Army. The Five Nations divided likewise into two Bodies; they surprized the Adirondacks in both Places, and in both cut them in pieces.
Thus the most warlike and polite Nation of all the Indians in North America, was almost intirely destroyed by a People they at first despised, and by a War which their Pride and Injustice brought upon them; and we here see, that all the Advantages of Numbers, Courage and Weapons, is not equal to good discipline in an Army.
A very few Adirondacks only now remain in some Villages near Quebeck, who still waste away and decay, by their drinking strong Waters, tho' when the French first settled at Quebeck, 1500 fighting Men of them lived between that Place and Sillerie, which are only a League distant, besides those that lived at Saquenay, Trois Rivieres, and some other Places. And since this decisive Battle, the Adirondacks have never been considered as of any Consequence, either in Peace or War.
The Quatoghies and Atawawas now soon began to be in Want of the European Commodities, which had made them considerable among their new Friends. In order therefore to supply themselves anew, they returned to Trade at Quebeck; and by this Means the Place of their Retreat was discovered to the five Nations; and they not having their Revenge satiated, while the Quatoghies had a Being, soon convinced them, that no Extent of Country could set bounds to that Passion, when it rages in the Hearts of the Five Nations, for they soon after attack'd them in their new Settlement. The Quatoghies had the good Fortune to discover the Five Nations Time enough to make their Escape, and fled to the Putewatemies, who lived a Day's Journey further, where they, and all the Neighbouring Nations, secured themselves in a large Fort. The Five Nations followed, but, being in Want of Provision, they could not attempt a Siege, and therefore proposed a Treaty with the Putewatemies, which was accepted. The Putewatemies acknowledged the Five Nations as Masters of all the Nations round them, applauded their Valour, and promised them their Friendship, and to supply them with Provisions; they would not however trust themselves out of their Fort, but sent out a Supply; and even this they did, only with Design to do that by Treachery, which they durst not attempt by Force; for the Provisions were poisoned. The Treachery was discovered however to the Five Nations, by an old Quatoghie, who had a Son Prisoner among them; his Affection for his Son overcoming even his Hatred to his Country's Enemies. This Treachery highly enraged the Five Nations against the Putewatemies, and the neighbouring People; but Famine obliging them to retire at this Time, they divided their Armies into Parties, the better to provide for their Subsistence, by Hunting; one of these Parties in their Chace fell in with a Village of the Chicktaghicks (called by the French Hinois) and surprized the old Men, Women and Children, when the young Men were abroad hunting; but the young Men, upon their Return, gathering together all the rest of the Villages, pursued this Party of the Five Nations, and recovered the Prisoners.
This was the first Time that the Five Nations had been seen in those Parts, but their Name was become so terrible, that the Chictaghicks, notwithstanding this Advantage, left their Country, and fled to the Nations that lived westward, till the General Peace was settled by the French, and not till on that Occasion returned to their own Country.
CHAP. II.
The Wars and Treaties of Peace of the Indians of the Five Nations with the French, from 1665 to 1683, and their Affairs with New-York in that Time.
In June 1665 Monsieur De Trasi appointed Vice-Roy of America by the French King, arrived at Quebeck, after he had visited the French Islands in the West Indies, and brought with him four Companies of Foot; and in September of the same Year, Mr. Coursel arrived Governor General of Canada; he brought with him a Regiment and several Families, with all Things necessary for establishing of a Colony. Their Force being now thus considerably augmented, the French Governor resolved to chastise the Insolence of the Five Nations; and for that Purpose, in the Winter, sent out a Party against the Mohawks, but these by the Cold, and their not knowing the Use of Snow Shoes, suffered very much, without doing any Thing against the Enemy.
This Party however fell in with Skenectady[6], a small Town which Corlear (a considerable Man among the Dutch) had then newly settled. When they appeared near Shenectady, they were almost dead with Cold and Hunger; and the Indians, who were then in that Village, had intirely destroyed them, if Corlear, (in Compassion to his fellow Christians) had not contriv'd their Escape. He had a mighty Influence over the Indians; and it is from him, and in Remembrance of his Merit, that all Governors of New-York are called Corlear by the Indians to this Day, tho' he himself was never Governor. He persuaded the Indians, that this was a small Party of the French Army come to amuse them, that the great Body was gone directly towards their Castles, and that it was necessary for them immediately to go in Defence of their Wives and Children. This they believed, and readily obeyed; and as soon as the Indians were gone, he sent to the French, and supplied them with Provisions and other Necessaries to carry them back. The French Governor, in Order to reward so signal a Service, invited Corlear to Canada; but as he went through the great Lake, which lies to the Northward of Albany, his Canoe was overset, and he was drowned; and from this Accident that Lake has ever since been called Corlear's Lake, by the People of New-York. There is a Rock in this Lake, on which the Waves dash and fly up to a great Height; when the Wind blows hard, the Indians believe, that an old Indian lives under this Rock, who has the Power of the Winds; and therefore, as they pass it in their Voyages over, they always throw a Pipe, or some other small Present to this old Indian, and pray a favourable Wind. The English that pass with them sometimes laugh at them, but they are sure to be told of Corlear's Death. Your great Countryman Corlear (say they) as he passed by this Rock, jested at our Fathers making Presents to this Old Indian, and in Derision turned up his Backside, but this Affront cost him his Life.
In the following Spring the Vice-Roy and the Governor of Canada, with twenty eight Companies of Foot, and all the Militia of the Colony, marched into the Country of the Mohawks, with a Design to destroy this Nation, which by their Wars not only prevented their Commerce with the western Indians, but likewise often put their Colony in Danger. It certainly was a bold Attempt, to march above 700 Miles from Quebeck through vast unknown Forests. The Mohawks however, on their Approach, Men, Women, and Children, retired into the Woods, and all that the French were able to do, was to burn some Villages, and to murder some old Sachems that (like the old Roman Senators,) chose rather to dye than to desert their Houses.
The French were so conceited before, of their Superiority over the Indians in their Skill of War, and their Weapons, that they thought they could not escape, but the little Honour or Advantage they got by this Expedition lessened their Vanity, and made them desirous of Peace; and the Five Nations remaining fearful of the French fire Arms, it was without much Difficulty concluded in the Year 1667.
The Five Nations however being naturally very enterprizing and haughty, one of their Parties some Time after met with some French in their hunting, and quarrelled with them. The Indians had the Advantage, they killed several of the French, and carried one Prisoner into their own Country. Monsieur de Coursel sent on this to threaten the Five Nations with War, if they did not deliver up these Murderers; and the Five Nations, to shew their publick Displeasure at this Breach of Peace, sent Agariata, the Captain of the Company that did the Mischief, with forty others, to beg Pardon; but Monsieur Coursel was resolved to make an Example of Agariata, and ordered him to be hanged in Sight of his Countrymen; and the French think that this Severity was a great Means of preserving the Peace till the Year 1683.
The Dutch, who settled in the New Netherlands, now called New-York, in 1609, entered into an Alliance with the Five Nations, which continued without any Breach on either Side, till the English gained this Country. The Dutch gained the Hearts of the Five Nations by their kind Usage, and were frequently useful to the French, in saving those of them that were prisoners from the Cruelty of the Indians.
In 1664, New-York being taken by the English, they likewise immediately entered into a Friendship with the Five Nations, which has continued without the least Breach to this Day; and History, I believe, cannot give an Instance of the most Christian or most Catholick Kings observing a Treaty so strictly, and for so long a Time as these Barbarians, as they are called, have done.
The English and French (Peace being every where settled) now endeavoured to extend their Commerce and Alliances among the Indian Nations, that live to the westward of New-York. The French however, in their Measures, discovered always a Design of conquering and commanding; for with this View Mr. de Frontenac, who had succeeded in the Government of Canada, in the Year 1672, persuaded the Five Nations to allow him to build a Fort on the north Side of Cadarackui Lake, under Pretence of a Store for Merchandise, and the Security of his Traders, and under the same Pretence built several other Forts at some other considerable Places far in the Country.
The English and Dutch, on the contrary, prosecuted their Measures only with the Arts of Peace, by sending People among the Indians to gain their Affections, and to persuade them to come to Albany to trade; but the War with the Dutch, which happened about this Time, prevented even these honest Designs from having the Success they otherwise might have had; for in the Year 1673, New-York being surprised by the Dutch, and restored the next Year to the English, the Alterations of Government, and of Masters, obstructed very much any Measures that could have been taken for the publick Good. Their Trade was likewise considerably hindered by the War which the Five Nations had at that Time with the River Indians[7], which forced many of those Indians to seek Shelter among the Utawawas, who fell under the French Government at last; however, the English, Dutch and French having all made Peace in Europe, and the Government of New-York likewise having obtained a Peace between the Five Nations and Mahikandars or River Indians, both the English and French were at full Liberty to prosecute their Designs of extending their Commerce among the Indians, which both did with very considerable Success and Advantage to the Inhabitants of their respective Colonies.
But this Justice must be done to the French, that they far exceeded the English in the daring Attempts of some of their Inhabitants, in travelling very far among unknown Indians, discovering new Countries, and every where spreading the Fame of the French Name and Grandeur. The Sieur Perot travelled in the Year 1667 as far as the Fall St. Mary beyond Missilimakinak, and having learned those Indians Language, gained them over to his Country's Interest.
The Courage and Resolution of many of these Adventurers are deservedly recorded by the French; but the English give it another Turn, and say it is the Barrenness and Poverty of Canada that pushes the Men of Spirit there, upon Enterprizes, that they would not have attempted, if they had lived in the Province of New-York. The chief Reason, in my Opinion, however, of the French having so far succeeded beyond the English is, that the Indian Affairs are the particular Care of the Governor and other principal Officers in Canada, who have the greatest Knowledge and Authority; whereas those Affairs in New-York are chiefly left to the Management of a few Traders with the Indians, who have no Care for, or Skill in publick Affairs, and only mind their private Interest.
CHAP. III.
Of the Transactions of the Indians of the Five Nations with the neighbouring English Colonies.
The Five Nations being now amply supplied by the English with Fire-Arms and Ammunition, give full Swing to their warlike Genius, and soon resolved to revenge the Affronts they had at any Time received from the Indian Nations that lived at a greater Distance from them. The nearest Nations, as they were attack'd, commonly fled to those that were further off, and the Five Nations pursued them. This, together with a Desire they had of conquering, or Ambition of making all the Nations round them their Tributaries, or to acknowledge the Five Nations to be so far their Masters, as to be absolutely directed by them in all Affairs of Peace and War with their Neighbours, made them overrun great Part of North-America. They carried their Arms as far South as Carolina, to the Northward of New-England, and as far West as the River Mississipi, over a vast Country, which extends twelve hundred Miles in Length, from North to South, and about six hundred Miles in breadth; where they intirely destroyed many Nations, of whom there are now no Accounts remaining among the English.
These warlike Expeditions often proved troublesome to the Colonies of Virginia and Maryland; for not only the Indians that were Friends to those Colonies became Victims to the Fury of the Five Nations, but the Christian Inhabitants likewise were frequently involved in the same Calamity.
The French having a long Time felt the Inconveniencies and Dangers they were in from this restless warlike Spirit of the Five Nations, made use of this Time of Peace to guard against it for the future, and were very diligent in pursuing the most prudent Measures. They sent some of their wisest Priests and Jesuits to reside among them, and the Governors of New-York were ordered, by the Duke of York, to give these Priests all the Incouragement in their Power. The chief View of these Priests was, to give the Indians the highest Opinion of the French Power and Wisdom, and to render the English as suspected and as mean as possible in their Eyes. They waited likewise for every Opportunity to breed a Quarrel between the English and the Indians, and to withdraw the Five Nations from fighting with those Nations that traded to Canada. For these Purposes these Priests were instrumental in turning the Resentment of the Five Nations against the Indians, that were in Friendship with Virginia and Maryland. The Governor of Maryland, on the other Hand, to prevent the ill Consequences, that might happen by Wars between Nations that were in Friendship with the English, and lived in their Neighbourhood, sent Colonel Coursey, in the Year 1677, to Albany, to increase the Friendship between Virginia and Maryland on the one Part, and the Five Nations on the other; and, accordingly, both Sides gave mutual Promises at Albany: But this good Understanding was soon shaken by some Parties of the Oneydoes, Onondagas, and Senekas, who were out when this Treaty was made, and were ignorant of it. One of them met with the Susguehana Indians, who were in Friendship with Maryland, and fell upon them; they killed four of the Susguehanas, and took six Prisoners. Five of these Prisoners fell to the Share of the Senekas, who, as soon as they arrived in their own Country, sent them back with Presents, to shew that they kept their Promises with Maryland; but the Oneydoes detained the Prisoner they had.
Another Party, that went against the Canagesse Indians (Friends of Virginia) were surprised by a Troop of Horse, who killed one Man, and took a Woman Prisoner: The Indians, in Revenge, killed four of the Inhabitants, and carried away their Scalps, with six Christian Prisoners.
The Mohawks, all this while, kept strictly to their Words, and suffered none of their Men to go towards Virginia and Maryland.
There is Reason to think that the Dutch, who lived about Albany at that Time, spirited up the Indians against the English; the national Differences, that were then recent, bred a Rancour in their Spirits. Some Dutchmen persuaded the Oneydoes, that the English at New-York were resolved to destroy them, and put them into a terrible Disturbance; for here the Dutch and the French Priests joined in the same Measures. The Commandant at Albany hearing of this, sent two Interpreters of the Indian Language, to persuade the Oneydoes to come to Albany, in Order to be assured of the English Friendship, and to have their Jealousy removed; which being done, Swerise, one of the chief Sachems of the Oneydoes, excused his Countrymen at Albany the fifteenth of February 1678/9, by laying the Blame on the People of Schenectady, who had informed not one, but several of their People, and at several Times, that the English designed to cut them all off; and said, had they not Reason to believe the People of Schenectady, who are Friends and Neighbours to the English? They brought with them a Christian Woman and her Child, that had been taken Prisoners, and restored them, praying the Governor to use his Interest to have their People restored, that had been taken by the People of Virginia; but they kept another Christian Woman and her two Children, which they said they did only till such Time as their Prisoners should be restored, or some Canastoga Indians given in their Place.
When the Five Nations make Peace with another Nation, that has taken some of the Five Nations Prisoners, if these Prisoners be dead, or cannot be restored, they usually demand some Indians, in Friendship with the Five Nations, in their stead; who either are adopted in Place of their dead Friends, or restored to their own Nation; and sometimes they desire some of their Enemies to be given to them, and even those frequently are adopted by a Father in Place of a Son, or by a Sister in Place of a Brother, and, most frequently, by a Wife in Place of a Husband lost in the Wars; but if they chance not to be agreeable to the Relations, then they are certainly made Sacrifices to their Revenge.
Governor Andross, being acquainted by Letter with this last Proposal of the Oneydoes, required the immediate Delivery of the Christian Prisoners, and promised to write to Virginia to have the Indian Prisoners sav'd. Some Presents being given to the Oneydoes, and they promised to bring them in a Month's Time.
They, at the same Time, informed the Commandant at Albany, that eight of their Men were then out against the People of Virginia; that they knew nothing of what was now promised; and therefore, in Case they should do any Harm, they desired that it might not be taken as a Breach of their Promises they now made. They promised likewise to inform the Governor of every Thing these Parties shou'd happen to do. In the last Place they said, we shall be very sorry if any Thing should happen to the Prisoners that we have promised to restore, lest it should create some Jealousies of us, we hope that you will consider that they are mortal. Accordingly, in May following, the Oneydoes brought the other three Prisoners to Albany, and, on the Twenty-fourth of that Month, Swerise, when he delivered them to the Commandant at Albany, and the Commissioners for Indian Affairs, said,
"Brethren,
"We are come to this Place with much Trouble, as we did last Winter, and renew the Request we then made, that six Indians be delivered to us in the Room of these six Christians, in Case our People, who are Prisoners, be dead. None of us have gone out against the Christians since we were last here; but we told you then that some were then out, who knew nothing of the Governor's Orders, and we desired, that if any Thing happened it might not be taken ill. Now thirteen of our People, who went out against our Indian Enemies, met eighteen Men on Horseback, as far from any of the English Plantations as Cahnuaga is from Albany, they fired upon our People; our Men, being Soldiers, returned their Fire, and killed two Men and two Horses, and brought away their Scalps.
"It would be convenient that the Governor tell the People of Virginia, not to send their Men so far from Home; for if they should meet our Parties in their Way against our Enemies, the Cahnowas, whom the English call Arogisti, we cannot answer for the Consequences.
"We have now observed the Governor's Orders, in bringing the three other Christian Prisoners; and we trust the Affair of our Prisoners wholly to the Governor.
"We have now performed our Promises: But where are our Prisoners; or, if they be dead, the others in their Room, now when it is so late in the Spring? However, we will still trust this to the Governor."
Then delivering the Prisoners one by one, said, "We have, we say, now performed our Promises, and are not ashamed. We hope Corlaer, who governs the whole Country, will likewise do that, of which he need not be ashamed.
"Corlaer governs the whole Land, from New-York to Albany, and from thence to the Senekas Land; we, who are his Inferiors, shall faithfully keep the Chain: Let him perform his Promise, as we have ours, that the Chain be not broken on his Side, who governs the whole Country."
Then the Commissioners gave them Presents for their kind Usage of the Prisoners.
After which Swerise stood up again and said; "Let Corlaer take Care, that the Indian Woman, that is wanting, be restored, and, for those that are killed, others in their Room. If Corlaer will not give Ear to us in this Affair, we will not hereafter give Ear to him in any Thing."
Hearing afterwards, that these last Words were ill taken, Swerise, with two more of the chief Oneydoe Sachems, excused it, saying; "What we said, of not hearkening any more to Corlaer, did not proceed from the Heart, but was spoken by Way of Argument, to make Corlaer more careful to release our People that are Prisoners; and you may be convinced it was so, when you consider that it was said after your Answer, and without laying down either Bever, or any Belt or Wampum, as we always do, when we make Propositions[8]; therefore we desire, that, if it be noted, it may be blotted out, and not made known to Corlaer, for we hold firmly to our Covenant, as we said in our Propositions."
They, at the same Time, told them, That the Sinondowans[9] came to them with eight Belts, desiring them no longer to prosecute the War with the Virginia Indians, but to go to War against the Dewaganas[10], a Nation lying to the North-westward; and that the Sennekas did desire them to set these Christians at Liberty, and to carry them to Albany; all which we promised to do.
The Five Nations continuing however still to be troublesome to Virginia, that Government, in September following, sent Colonel William Kendall, and Colonel Southley Littleton, to Albany, to renew and confirm the Friendship between Virginia and the Five Nations. Colonel Littleton died at Albany, before the Indians arrived; and Colonel Kendall spoke first to the Oneydoes, and told them in a set Speech, "That their People had taken away and destroyed their Goods and People, and brought some of the Women and Children of Virginia Captives into their Castles, contrary to that Faith and Promise, and in Breach of the Peace made with Colonel Coursey, without any the least Provocation, or Injury done, by the People of Virginia. However, through the great Respect Virginia has to their Nations, and by the Persuasions of the Governor of New-York, and the Information he has given the Government of Virginia, that they had quietly and peaceably delivered to him the Prisoners taken from Virginia, who were returned safely; and their excusing the same, and Inclination to live peaceably, without injuring Virginia for the future; the Government of Virginia did forgive all the Damages the Five Nations have done to the People of Virginia, though very great; provided that they, or any living among them, for the future, do not offend, or molest the People of Virginia, or Indians living among them."
He spoke to the Mohawks and Sennekas, separately from the Oneydoes, because they had not done any Mischief, and promised them kind and neighbourly Usage when they came to Virginia, and gave them Presents; they returned the Compliment, with an Assurance of their Friendship, and condoled Colonel Littleton's Death, after the Indian Manner, by a Present of a Belt of black Wampum, besides the Belt given, on renewal of the Friendship.
The Onnondagas did not come till November; on the fifth of which Month the Virginia Agent spoke to them, in the same Words he did to the Oneydoes. It does not appear, by the Register of Indian Affairs, what Answer the Oneydoes and Onnondagas made, but it is certain they did not observe Friendship with Virginia, but molested them with reiterated Incursions of their Parties. It is observable, however, that these two Nations, and the Cayugas, only had French Priests among them at that Time, and that none of the rest ever molested the English; for which Reason, Colonel Dongan, notwithstanding the Orders he had received from his Master, and that he himself was a Papist, complained of the ill Offices these Priests did to the English Interest, and forbid the Five Nations to entertain any of them; though the English and French Crowns, while he was Governor of New-York, seemed to be more than ever in strict Friendship.
The French had no Hopes of persuading the Five Nations to break with New-York directly, but they were in Hopes, that, by the Indian Parties doing frequent Mischief in Virginia, the Government of New-York would be forced to join, in resenting the Injury, and thereby that Union, between the Government of New-York and the Five Nations, would be broke, which always obstructed, and often defeated, the Design the French had, of subjecting all North America to the Crown of France. For this Reason, the Governors of New-York have always, with the greatest Caution, avoided a Breach with these Nations, on Account of the little Differences they had with the neighbouring Colonies. These new Incursions of these two Nations were so troublesome to the People of Virginia, that their Governor, the Lord Howard of Effingham, thought it necessary, for their Security, to undertake a Journey to New-York.
I shall give a particular Account of this Affair, which was thought of such Consequence, that a Peer of England left his Government, and travelled four-hundred Miles, to treat with the Five Nations; and shall take this Opportunity of describing some Ceremonies they use, in making Peace.
The Sachems of the Five Nations being called to Albany, eight Mohawks, three Oneydoes, three Onnondagas, and three Cayuga Sachems, met his Lordship there; and, on the thirteenth of July, 1684, he, accompanied by two of the Council of Virginia, spoke to the Sachems as follows, in the Presence of Colonel Thomas Dongan, Governor of New-York, and the Magistrates of Albany. The Senekas being far off, were not then arrived.
Proposals made by the Right Honourable Francis Lord Howard of Effingham, Governor-general of his Majesty's Dominion of Virginia.
To
The Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onnondagas, and Cayugas.
"It is now about seven Years, said he, since you (unprovoked) came into Virginia, a Country belonging to the great King of England, and committed several Murders and Robberies, carrying away our Christian Women and Children Prisoners into your Castles. All which Injuries we designed to have revenged on you, but at the Desire of Sir Edmond Andross, then Governor-general of this Country, we desisted from destroying you, and sent our Agents, Colonel William Kendal, and Colonel Southley Littleton, to confirm and make sure the Peace, that Colonel Coursey of Maryland included us in, when he first treated with you. We find, that as you quickly forgot what you promised Colonel Coursey, so you have wilfully broke the Covenant-chain which you promised our Agent, Colonel Kendal, should be kept more strong and bright, if we of Virginia would bury, in the Pit of Oblivion, the Injury then done us; which, upon Governor Andross's Intercession, and your Submission, we were willing to forget: But you not at all minding the Covenant then made, have every Year since, come into our Country in a war-like Manner, under Pretence of fighting with our Indians, our Friends and Neighbours, which you ought not to have done, our Agent having included them likewise in the Peace. You not only destroyed, and took several of them Prisoners, but you have also killed and burnt our Christian People, destroying Corn and Tobacco, more than you made Use of, killed our Horses, Hogs, and Cattle; not to eat, but to let them lie in the Woods and stink: This you did, when you were not denied any Thing you said you wanted.
"I must also tell you, that, under the Pretence of Friendship, you have come to Houses at the Heads of our Rivers (when they have been fortified) with a white Sheet on a Pole, and have laid down your Guns before the Fort; upon which, our People taking you for Friends, have admitted your great Men into their Forts, and have given them Meat and Drink, what they desired. After the great Men had refreshed themselves, and desiring to return, as they were let out of the Fort-gates, the young Men commonly rushed into the Fort, and plundered the Houses, taking away, and destroying all the Corn, Tobacco, and Bedding, and what else was in the Houses. When they went away, they generally also took several Sheep with them, and killed several Cows big with Calf, and left them behind them cut to Pieces, and flung about, as if it were in Defiance of us, and in Derision of our Friendship. These, and many more Injuries that you have done us, have caused me to raise Forces, to send to the Heads of our Rivers, to defend our People from these Outrages, till I came to New-York, to Colonel Thomas Dongan, your Governor-general, to desire him, as we are all one King's Subjects, to assist me in warring against you, to revenge the Christian Blood that you have shed, and to make you give full Satisfaction for all the Goods that you have destroyed: But by the Mediation of your Governor, I am now come to Albany to speak with you, and to know the Reason of your breaking the Covenant-chain, not only with us and our neighbour Indians, but with Maryland, who are great King Charles's Subjects; for our Indians have given King Charles their Land; therefore I, the Governor of Virginia, will protect them, as your Governor, under the great Duke of York and Albany, will henceforth you, when the Chain of Friendship is made between us all.
"Now I have let you know, that I am sensible of all the Injuries you have done us, and by the Desire of your Governor-general, I am willing to make a new Chain with you for Virginia, Maryland, and our Indians, that may be more strong and lasting, even to the Word's End; so that we may be Brethren, and great King Charles's Children.
"I propose to you, first, That you call out of our Countries of Virginia and Maryland, all your young Men or Soldiers that are now there.
"Secondly, That you do not hinder or molest our friendly Indians from hunting in our Mountains, it having been their Country, and none of yours; they never go into your Country to disturb any of you.
"Thirdly, Though the Damages you have done our Country be very great, and would require a great deal of Satisfaction, which you are bound to give; yet we assure you, that only by the Persuasions of your Governor, who is at a vast deal of Trouble and Charge for your Welfare, which you ever ought to acknowledge, I have pass'd it by and forgiven you; upon this Condition, that your People, nor any living among you, for the future, ever commit any Incursions upon our Christians or Indians living among us, or in Maryland.
"For the better Confirmation of the same, and that the Peace now concluded may be lasting, I propose to have two [11] Hatchets buried, as a final Determination of all Wars and Jarrings between us; one on behalf of us and our Indians, and the other for all your Nations united together, that ever did us any Injury, or pretended to war against our Indian Friends, or those of Maryland.
"And that nothing may be wanting for Confirmation thereof (if you desire it) we are willing to send some of our Indian Sachems, with an Agent, next Summer, about this Time, that they may ratify the Covenant with you here, in this prefixed House, where you may see and speak together as Friends.
"That the Covenant now made between us, in this prefixed House, in the Presence of your Governor, may be firmly kept and performed on your Parts, as it always has been on ours; and that you do not break any one Link of the Covenant-chain for the future, by your People's coming near our Plantations; when you march to the Southward, keep to the Feet of the Mountains, and do not come nigh the Heads of our Rivers, there being no Bever-hunting there; for we shall not for the future, though you lay down your Arms as Friends, ever trust you more, you have so often deceived us."
The next Day the Mohawks answer'd first by their Speaker, saying:
"We must, in the first Place, say something to the other three Nations, by Way of Reproof, for their not keeping the former Chain, as they ought; and therefore we desire you, great Sachem of Virginia, and you Corlaer, and all here present to give Ear, for we will conceal nothing of the Evil they have done." [Then turning to the other Nations.] "You have heard Yesterday all that has been said; as for our Parts, we are free of the Blame laid on us; we have always been obedient to Corlaer, and have steadily kept our Chain with Virginia, Maryland, and Boston; but ye are stupid and brutish, and have no Understanding, we must stamp Understanding into you. Let the new Chain made Yesterday be carefully preserved for the future. This we earnestly recommend to you, for we are ready to cry for Shame of you; let us be no more ashamed on your Account, but be obedient, and take this Belt, to keep what we say in your Memory.
"Hear now, now is the Time to hearken; the Covenant-chain had very near slipt, by your not keeping it firmly. Hold it fast now, when all former Evils are buried in the Pit.
"You Oneydoes, I speak to you as Children; be no longer childish, or void of Understanding.
"You Onondagas, our Brethren, you are like deaf People, that cannot hear, your Senses are covered with Dirt and Filth.
"You Cayugas, do not return into your former Ways. There are three Things we must all observe.
"First, The Covenant with Corlear. Secondly, the Covenant with Virginia and Maryland. Thirdly, with Boston. We must stamp Understanding into you, that you may be obedient; and take this Belt for a Remembrancer."
Then Cadianne, the same Mohawk Speaker, turning to my Lord, said:
"We are very thankful to you, great Sachem of Virginia, that you are persuaded by Corlear, our Governor, to forgive all former Faults. We are very glad to hear you, and see your Heart softened. Take these three Bevers as a Token.
"We thank the great Sachem of Virginia for saying, that the Axe shall be thrown into the Pit. Take these two Bevers, as a Token of our Joy and Thankfulness.
"We are glad that Assarigoa[12] will bury in the Pit what is past. Let the Earth be trod hard over it; or rather, let a strong Stream run under the Pit, to wash the Evil away out of our Sight and Remembrance, and that it may never be digged up again.
"Assarigoa, you are a Man of Knowledge and Understanding, thus to keep the Covenant-chain bright as Silver; and now again to renew it, and make it stronger. (Then pointing to the three other Nations, said,) But they are Chain-breakers. I lay down this as a Token, that we Mohawks have preserved the Chain intire on our Parts. Gives two Bevers and a Racoon.
"The Covenant must be kept; for the Fire of Love of Virginia and Maryland burns in this Place, as well as ours, and this House of Peace must be kept clean. Gives two Bevers.
"We now plant a Tree[13], whose Top will reach the Sun, and its Branches spread far abroad, so that it shall be seen afar off; and we shall shelter ourselves under it, and live in Peace without Molestation. Here he gave two Bevers.
"You proposed Yesterday, that if we were desirous to see the Indians of Virginia, you are willing to send some of their Sachems next Summer, about this Time, to this Place. This Proposal pleases me very much, the sooner they come the better, that we may speak with them in this House, which is appointed for our speaking with our Friends; and give two Belts to confirm it.
"You have now heard what Exhortation we have made to the other three Nations; we have taken the Hatchet out of their Hands; we now therefore pray, that both your Hatchets may likewise be buried in a deep Pit. Giving two Bevers.
"Assarigoa, some of us Mohawks are out against our Enemies, that lie afar off, they will do you no Harm, nor plunder, as the others do. Be kind to them, if they shall happen to come to any of your Plantations; give them some Tobacco and some Victuals; for they will neither rob nor steal, as the Oneydoes, Onnondagas, and Cayugas have done.
"The Oneydoes particularly thank you, great Sachem of Virginia, for consenting to lay down the Axe. The Hatchet is taken out of all their Hands. Gives a Belt.
"We again thank Assarigoa, that he has made a new Chain. Let it be kept bright and clean, and held fast on all Sides; let not any one pull his Arm from it. We include all the four Nations, in giving this Belt.
"We again pray Assarigoa, to take the Oneydoes into his Favour, and keep the Chain strong with them; for they are our Children. Gives a Belt.
"The Oneydoes give twenty Bevers, as a Satisfaction for what they promised the Lord Baltimore, and desire that they may be discharged of that Debt."
The two Governors told them, that they would use their Endeavours with the Lord Baltimore, to persuade him to forgive what remained.
Then the Indians desired that the Hole might be dug, to bury the Axes, viz. one in Behalf of Virginia and their Indians, another in Behalf of Maryland and theirs, and three for the Onnondagas, Oneydoes, and Cayugas. The Mohawks said, there was no Need of burying any on their Account, for the first Chain had never been broke by them.
Then the three Nations spoke by an Onnondaga, called Thanohjanihta, who said:
"We thank the great Sachem of Virginia, that he has so readily forgiven and forgot the Injuries that have been done; and we, for our Parts, gladly catch at, and lay hold of the new Chain. Then each of them delivered an Axe to be buried, and gave a Belt.
"I speak in the Name of all three Nations, and include them in this Chain, which we desire may be kept clean and bright like Silver. Gives a Belt.
"We desire that the Path may be open for the Indians under Assarigoa's Protection, to come safely and freely to this Place, in order to confirm the Peace." Gives six Fathom of Wampum.
Then the Axes were buried in the south-east End of the Court-yard, and the Indians threw the Earth upon them; after which the Lord Howard told them, since now a firm Peace is concluded, we shall hereafter remain Friends, and Virginia and Maryland will send once in two or three Years to renew it, and some of our Sachems shall come, according to your Desire, to confirm it.
Last of all the Oneydoes, the Onnondagas, and Cayugas, jointly sang the Peace-song, with Demonstrations of much Joy; and thanked the Governor of New-York for his effectual Mediation with the Governor of Virginia in their Favour.
Colonel Dungan had gained the Affections of the Five Nations, and they esteemed him much.
They desired the Duke of York's Arms to put upon their Castles, which, from the Sequel of their Story, we may suppose they were told would save them from the French. Colonel Dungan desired them to call Home those of their Nations that had settled in Canada[14]. To which they answered, Corlear keeps a Correspondence and Friendship with Canada, and therefore he can prevail more than we can. Let Corlear use his Endeavours to draw our Indians Home to their own Country.
The Government of the Massachusets Bay had appointed Colonel Stephanus Cortland, one of the Council of New-York, their Agent at this Time, to renew their Friendship likewise with the Five Nations, and to give them some small Presents; which was accordingly done.
The Governor of New-York, Colonel Dungan, concluded with this Advice to them: Keep a good Understanding among yourselves; if any Difference happen, acquaint me with it, and I will compose it. Make no Agreement with the French, or any other Nation, without my Knowledge and Approbation. Then he gave the Duke's Arms to be put up at each of their Castles, in Hopes it might deter the French from attacking them, (as they were threatened from Canada) by this so manifest a Declaration of their being under the Protection of the Crown of England, when the two Crowns were in the strictest Friendship; but it is probable the French chose this very Time to attack them, to bring them off from that Confidence they seemed to have in the English.
It may be proper, before I proceed, to insert here also a remarkable Speech made by the Onnondagas and Cayugas to the two Governors, on the second Day of August, viz.
"Brother Corlear,
"Your Sachem is a great Sachem, and we are but a small People; but when the English came first to Manhatan,[15] to Aragiske[16] and to Yakokranagary[17], they were then but a small People, and we were great. Then, because we found you a good People, we treated you kindly, and gave you Land; we hope therefore, now that you are great, and we small, you will protect us from the French. If you do not, we shall lose all our Hunting and Bevers: The French will get all the Bevers. The Reason they are now angry with us is, because we carry our Bever to our Brethren.
"We have put our Lands and ourselves under the Protection of the great Duke of York, the Brother of your great Sachem, who is likewise a great Sachem.
"We have annexed the Susquehana River, which we won with the Sword, to this Government; and we desire it may be a Branch of the great Tree that grows in this Place, the Top of which reaches the Sun, and its Branches shelter us from the French, and all other Nations. Our Fire burns in your Houses, and your Fire burns with us; we desire it may be so always. But we will not that any of the great Penn's People settle upon the Susquehana River, for we have no other Land to leave to our Children.
"Our young Men are Soldiers, and when they are provoked, they are like Wolves in the Woods, as you, Sachem of Virginia, very well know.
"We have put ourselves under the great Sachem Charles, that lives on the other Side the great Lake. We give you these two white dressed Deer-skins, to send to the great Sachem, that he may write on them, and put a great red Seal to them, to confirm what we now do; and put the Susquehana River above the Falls, and all the rest of our Land under the great Duke of York, and give that Land to none else. Our Brethren, his People, have been like Fathers to our Wives and Children, and have given us Bread when we were in Need of it; we will not therefore join ourselves, or our Land, to any other Government but this. We desire Corlear, our Governor, may send this our Proposition to the great Sachem Charles, who dwells on the other Side the great Lake, with this Belt of Wampum, and this other smaller Belt to the Duke of York his Brother: And we give you, Corlear, this Bever, that you may send over this Proposition.
"You great Man of Virginia, we let you know, that great Penn did speak to us here in Corlear's House by his Agents, and desired to buy the Susquehana River of us, but we would not hearken to him, for we had fastened it to this Government.
"We desire you therefore to bear witness of what we now do, and that we now confirm what we have done before. Let your Friend, that lives on the other Side the great Lake, know this, that we being a free People, though united to the English, may give our Lands, and be joined to the Sachem we like best. We give this Bever to remember what we say."
The Senekas arrived soon after, and, on the fifth of August, spoke to the Lord Howard in the following Manner:
"We have heard and understood what Mischief hath been done in Virginia; we have it as perfect as if it were upon our Fingers Ends. O Corlear! we thank you for having been our Intercessor, so that the Axe has not fallen upon us.
"And you Assarigoa, great Sachem of Virginia, we thank you for burying all Evil in the Pit. We are informed, that the Mohawks, Oneydoes, Onnondagas, and Cayugas, have buried the Axe already; now we that live remotest off, are come to do the same, and to include in this Chain the Cahnawaas, your Friends. We desire therefore, that an Axe, on our Part, may be buried with one of Assarigoa's. O Corlear! Corlear! we thank you for laying hold of one End of the Axe; and we thank you, great Governor of Virginia, not only for throwing aside the Axe, but more especially for your putting all Evil from your Heart. Now we have a new Chain, a strong and a straight Chain, that cannot be broken. The Tree of Peace is planted so firmly, that it cannot be moved, let us on both Sides hold the Chain fast.
"We understand what you said of the great Sachem, that lives on the other Side the great Water.
"You tell us, that the Cahnawaas will come hither, to strengthen the Chain. Let them not make any Excuse, that they are old and feeble, or that their Feet are sore. If the old Sachems cannot, let the young Men come. We shall not fail to come hither, tho' we live farthest off, and then the new Chain will be stronger and brighter.
"We understand, that because of the Mischief that has been done to the People and Castles of Virginia and Maryland, we must not come near the Heads of your Rivers, nor near your Plantations, but keep at the Foot of the Mountains; for tho' we lay down our Arms, as Friends, we shall not be trusted for the future, but looked on as Robbers. We agree however to this Proposition, and shall wholly stay away from Virginia: And this we do in Gratitude to Corlear, who has been at so great Pains to persuade you, great Governor of Virginia, to forget what is past. You are wise in giving Ear to Corlear's good Advice, for we shall now go a Path which was never trod before.
"We have now done speaking to Corlear, and the Governor of Virginia; let the Chain be for ever kept clean and bright by him, and we shall do the same.
"The other Nations from the Mohawks Country to the Cayugas, have delivered up the Susquehana River, and all that Country, to Corlear's Government. We confirm what they have done by giving this Belt."
Coll. Bird, one of the Council of Virginia, and Edmond Jennings Esq; Attorney General of that Province, came with four Indian Sachems, (according to the Lord Howard's Promise) to renew and confirm the Peace, and met the Five Nations at Albany in September 1685.
Coll. Bird accused them of having again broke their Promise, by taking an Indian Girl from an English Man's House, and four Indian Boys Prisoners.
They excused this, by its being done by the Parties that were out when the Peace was concluded, who knew nothing of it; which Accident they had provided against in their Articles. They said, the four Boys were given to the Relations of those Men that were lost; and it would be difficult to obtain their Restoration: But they at last promised to deliver them up.
The Senakas and Mohawks declared themselves free of any Blame, and chid the other Nations.
So that we may still observe the Influence which the French Priests had obtained over those other Nations, and to what Christian like Purpose they used it.
The Mohawks Speaker said, "Where shall I seek the Chain of Peace? Where shall I find it but upon our Path[18]? And whither doth our Path lead us, but into this House? This is a House of Peace;" after this he sang all the Links of the Chain over. He afterwards sang by Way of Admonition to the Onondagas, Oneydoes, and Cayugas, and concluded all with a Song to the Virginia Indians.
The French Priests however still employed their Influence over the Onnondagas, Cayugas, and Oneydoes; and it was easy for them to spirit up the Indians (naturally revengeful) against their old Enemies. A Party of the Oneydoes went out two Years after this against the Wayanoak Indians, Friends of Virginia, and killed some of the People of Virginia, who assisted those Indians. They took six Prisoners, but restored them at Albany, with an Excuse, that they did not know they were Friends of Virginia. But Coll. Dungan on this Occasion told them, That he only had kept all the English in North-America from joining together to destroy them; that if ever he should hear of the like Complaint, he would dig up the Hatchet, and join with the rest of the English to cut them off Root and Branch; for there were many Complaints made of him to the King by the English, as well as by the Governor of Canada, for his favouring of them.
We have now gone through the material Transactions which the Five Nations had with the English, in which we find the English pursuing nothing but peaceable and Christian-like Measures; and the Five Nations (tho' Barbarians) living with the People of New-York, like good Neighbours and faithful Friends, and generally with all the English also, except when they were influenced by the Jesuites; at the same Time, one cannot but admire the Zeal, Courage, and Resolution of these Jesuites, that would adventure to live among Indians at War with their Nation; and the better to carry their Purposes, to comply with all the Humours and Manners of such a wild People, so as not to be distinguished by Strangers from meer Indians. One of them, named Milet, remained with the Oneydoes till after the Year 1694; he was advanced to the Degree of a Sachem, and had so great an Influence over them, that the other Nations could not prevail with them to part with him. While he lived with them, the Oneydoes were frequently turned against the Southern Indians (Friends of the English southern Colonies) and were always wavering in their Resolutions against the French at Canada.
We shall now see what Effect the Policy of the French had, who pursued very different Measures from the English.
CHAP. IV.
Mr. De la Barre's Expedition, and some remarkable Transactions in 1684.
The French, in the Time they were at Peace with the Five Nations, built their Forts at Taidonderaghi and Missilimakinak, and made a Settlement there. They carried on their Commerce among the numerous Nations that live on the Banks of the great Lakes, and the Banks of the Mississipi; they not only prosecuted their Trade among these Nations, but did all they could to secure their Obedience, and to make them absolutely subject to the Crown of France, by building Forts at the considerable Passes, and placing small Garisons in them. They took in short all the Precautions in their Power, not only to restrain the Indians by Force, but likewise to gain their Affections, by sending Missionaries among them. The only Obstruction they met with was from the Five Nations, who introduced the English of New-York into the Lakes to trade with the Indians that lived round them. This gave the French much Uneasiness, because they foresaw, that the English would not only prove dangerous Rivals, but that the Advantages which they had in Trade, beyond what it was possible for the Inhabitants of Canada to have, would enable the People of New-York so far to undersel them, that their Trade would soon be ruined, and all the Interest lost which they had gained with so much Labour and Expence. The Five Nations likewise continued in War with many of the Nations, with the Chictaghicks particularly, who yielded the most profitable Trade to the French; and as often as they discovered any of the French carrying Ammunition towards these Nations, they fell upon them, and took all their Powder, Lead and Arms from them. This made the French Traders afraid of travelling, and prevented their Indians from hunting, and also lessened the Opinion they had of the French Power, when they found that the French were not able to protect them against the Insults of the Five Nations.
The Senakas lie next to the Lakes, and nearest to the Nations with whom the French carried on the greatest Trade, these People were so averse to that Nation, that they would never receive any Priests among them, and of Consequence were most firmly attach'd to the English Interest, who supplied them with Arms and Powder (the Means to be revenged of their Enemies.) For these Reasons Mr. De la Barre (Governor of Canada) sent a Messenger to Coll. Dungan, to complain of the Injuries the Senakas had done to the French, and to shew the Necessity he was under to bring the Five Nations to Reason by Force of Arms. This Messenger happening to arrive at the Time the Indians met the Lord Howard at Albany, Coll. Dungan told the Senakas the Complaints that the French Governor made of them. To which they gave him the following Answer, in Presence of Mr. De la Barre's Messenger, on the 5th of August 1684.
"We were sent for, and are come, and have heard what you have said to us, that Corlear hath great Complaints of us, both from Virginia and Canada. What they complain of from Canada may possibly be true, that some of our young Men have taken some of their Goods, but Yonnendio the Governor of Canada, is the Cause of it. He not only permits his People to carry Ammunition, Guns, Powder, Lead, and Axes to the Tuihtuih-ronoons[19] our Enemies, but sends them thither on purpose. These Guns which he sends knock our Bever Hunters on the Head, and our Enemies carry the Bevers to Canada that we would have brought to our Brethren. Our Bever Hunters are Soldiers, and could bear this no longer. They met some French in their Way to our Enemies, and very near them, carrying Ammunition, which our Men took from them. This is agreeable to our Customs in War; and we may therefore openly own it, tho' we know not whether it be practised by the Christians in such like Cases.
"When the Governor of Canada speaks to us of the Chain, he calls us Children, and saith, I am your Father, you must hold fast the Chain, and I will do the same: I will protect you as a Father doth his Children. Is this Protection, to speak thus with his Lips, and at the same Time to knock us on the Head, by assisting our Enemies with Ammunition?