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Minor errors, attributable to the printer, have been corrected. Please see the transcriber’s [note] at the end of this text for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation.

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THE
WAR IN SYRIA.

BY

COMMODORE SIR CHARLES NAPIER, K.C.B.,

&c., &c., &c.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. I.

LONDON:

JOHN W. PARKER, WEST STRAND.

M.DCCC.XLII.

London:

Harrison and Co., Printers,

St. Martin’s Lane.

ADVERTISEMENT.

In giving an account of the War in Syria, I have endeavoured to state the facts as they occurred, of most of which I was an eye-witness. The Levant Papers have furnished me with much useful information, and I have endeavoured to make no statements that cannot be borne out either by them or by documents in my own possession.

In writing a work of this kind I have been obliged to publish letters and extracts of letters from these Papers, in order to save the reader the trouble of examining them, and, indeed, it is not in the power of the public to get hold of Parliamentary Papers without a serious expense; this I trust will be a sufficient excuse for the numerous documents that I have thought it necessary to give.

May, 1842.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

INTRODUCTION.

In writing the history of the War in Syria, I began after the battle of Nizib, and the defection of the Turkish fleet, which had well nigh laid Turkey prostrate at the feet of her powerful vassal; but it is necessary that the uninformed reader should be acquainted how Mehemet Ali, who began a simple soldier, should have risen to such a height of power as to attract the attention of the nations of Europe, and cause them to come forward, at the imminent risk of a European war, to interfere between the vassal and the master.

Mehemet Ali is of low origin, and was born at Cavallo, in Roumelia, in 1769. He left his parents when young, and began his career as a tobacco-merchant, but soon tired of trade, became a soldier, and was sent to Egypt, at the time of the French invasion, at the head of a body of Arnauts (Albanians.) After the evacuation of Egypt by the French, he made himself extremely useful to Kourschid Pacha, the governor of Egypt, who was unpopular with the Mamelukes, and disliked by his own soldiers. Mehemet was too clever for the Governor, and soon began to see an opening for himself. Kourschid became jealous, and endeavoured to get rid of him; but the future Pacha of Egypt had gained over his countrymen to his interest, and, with the assistance of the Mamelukes, deposed the Pacha, and stepped into his shoes. His own talent, and the weakness of the Porte, kept him in place; though many attempts were made to remove him.

Mehemet Ali never openly opposed the Porte; he was the most submissive of Pachas, and always managed to gain his point, and each unsuccessful attempt of the Porte to displace him left him more powerful than ever. When the British landed at Damietta, in 1807, Mehemet Ali ruled in Egypt, and it was principally owing to his energetic conduct that the expedition failed.

The massacre of the Mamelukes, which took place in 1811, cannot be justified, even according to Eastern ideas. That they were extremely troublesome and dangerous there cannot be a doubt; they would have had no hesitation whatever in overthrowing Mehemet Ali’s government, and putting him to death; and had he openly attacked them, he would have been justified; but a breach of hospitality is a greater crime in the East than in the West. He had invited the Mamelukes to eat salt with him, and he treacherously attacked and butchered them in the citadel of Cairo in cold blood. One alone escaped; he took a desperate leap over the battlements, his horse was killed on the spot, and he alone, of between 400 and 500, survived to tell the story of the massacre of his fellows.

About this time the Pacha began to extend his views beyond Egypt, and his first step was to take advantage of the opening afforded by the depredations of the Wahabees, a reforming military sect of Arabs, who had captured Mecca and Medina, plundered the caravans, and put a stop to the pilgrimages of the Faithful. Less actuated, it may be fairly supposed, by religious zeal than by political wisdom, he procured orders from the Porte, by virtue of which he attacked, and at length, after several campaigns, succeeded in subduing them; his two sons Toussoon and Ibrahim greatly exerting themselves in the war. The pachalic of the Holy Cities was in consequence granted by the Sultan to Ibrahim, but Mehemet Ali pushed his arms still further, and did not desist till he had got into his possession the most valuable parts of the coast of Arabia.

Shortly after the massacre of the Mamelukes, Mehemet, with the assistance of Colonel Seve (now Souliman Pacha), an officer of merit in the French service, set to work to raise an army and to discipline it on the European model. The latter was no easy task; he had to contend against the habits and prejudices of the Arabs, but nevertheless, he succeeded in this, as he has done in most of his undertakings. In 1824 he was enabled to send a powerful army and fleet to Greece to assist in putting down the insurrection; here the Allies interfered; the “untoward” battle of Navarino destroyed his fleet, and not more than half his army returned to the land of their birth. As a reward for his services, however, the government of Candia was conferred on him by the Porte.

From this time to 1831 Mehemet Ali employed himself in improving his country, and perfecting his establishments; and though according to our notions, the means he employed were not very mild or humane, the public works he executed in a short time were almost as wonderful as those of Peter the Great.

His military and naval conscriptions, and other acts of tyranny, induced many of the inhabitants of Egypt to abandon their country and take refuge in Syria, and they were protected by Abdallah Pacha, the Governor of the province in which stands the celebrated fortress of St. Jean d’Acre. This Pacha was under considerable obligation to Mehemet Ali; but, nevertheless, disregarded all his remonstrances. Mehemet Ali was not a man to be trifled with; and, under the pretence of recovering his Fellahs and punishing Abdallah Pacha, he took steps from which the far-famed Eastern Question at length arose.

He assembled an army of 40,000 men, including eight regiments of cavalry, and several thousand Bedouins, a large park of artillery and a battering train. At the head of this army he placed his son Ibrahim Pacha. A squadron of five sail-of-the-line and several frigates were despatched to Acre in the month of November, 1831, a season of the year rather too late to commence a campaign. Nevertheless, Ibrahim having crossed the Desert, set himself down before Acre in December.

The Grand Prince of Lebanon, the Emir Bechir, after much hesitation, paid him a visit in his camp before Acre, and brought presents of horses for Ibrahim and Abbas Pachas, and endeavoured to make his visit one of compliment only. Ibrahim, seeing the immense advantage of gaining him over to his interest, either by force or persuasion, detained him in his camp for several months, and at last obtained a promise of his co-operation; he was then permitted to return to Ibteddin, leaving, however, his grandson, the Emir Mahmoud, as a hostage for his fidelity.

The siege was conducted with so little skill both by land and sea, that six months elapsed before the fortress fell into the possession of Ibrahim Pacha, and then it was taken by storm. The following, extracted from the work of Mr. St. John, is the best account I have been able to procure[^[1]].

“Ibrahim on the 26th of May, ordering the generals, colonels, and chiefs of battalions into his tent, made the following arrangements for carrying the place by storm. Ahmed Bey, General of Brigade, with the first battalion of the second regiment of infantry, was directed to mount the breach near the tower of Kapoo-Boorjou; to the second battalion, the breach opposite Nebi-Saleh was assigned, and to the third, that of Zavié; each assaulting party to be supported by a party in reserve. About an hour after midnight, scaling ladders were commanded to be brought to the trench near the tower of Kerim Boorjou. Each officer, moreover, received particular instructions. During the night the batteries kept up a continual fire upon the city, and immediately after sunrise the order for the assault was given. The breaches of Zavié and Nebi-Saleh were at once carried; but the detachment which had been directed against the tower of Kapoo-Boorjou, meeting with some resistance, exhibited signs of trepidation, and was about to give ground. Observing this, Ibrahim, sabre in hand, advanced towards them, and succeeded, by vehement menaces, in arresting their retrograde movement. At the same time the reserve advanced to their support, and while a part of the men kept the enemy in check by a well-directed fire, the others threw up an intrenchment.

“In the city, the Turkish soldiers, whose numbers had been reduced to about 2000, with the chivalrous Abdallah Pacha at their head, exhibited eminent proofs of bravery. In one hour and a half they made three different sallies, and though constantly repulsed, left upon the minds of the besiegers a high idea of their indomitable[indomitable] intrepidity. The cannonading continued all day on both sides. At the breach of Zavié, the Arabs having penetrated to the gate near the tower of the Khazné, Abdallah Pacha, followed by his staff, attacked them in person, and driving them beyond the ditch where they were exposed to the fire of the besieged, they retired under the cover of their own battery. Ibrahim, supported by a great number of inferior officers, endeavoured to bring them once more to the charge; but they again gave way, and retired before the Turks. He now ordered one of his chaooshes to snatch the colours from the standard-bearer, and advance towards the enemy. The soldier refused to deliver them. A second was sent, and met with the same refusal; but the standard-bearer himself now marching forward to the breach, was followed by the Arabs, who returned to the charge with so much fury, that they succeeded in reaching the parapet, from behind which they dislodged the enemy with stones. Such was the nature of the contest for hours, a series of successes and disasters, more fatal, however, to the Turks than to the Arabs, since, their numbers being small, every man was missed. At length the firing ceased on both sides; and this suspension of slaughter continued until half past five in the afternoon.

“In this interval, the principal engineer was directed to reconnoitre a part of the wall, where Ibrahim supposed the scaling ladders might be successfully applied; and his report confirming the suspicion of the General, orders were issued to commence the escalade. As the operation was conducted in the teeth of the enemy, who maintained a constant and murderous fire, the number of men who fell in effecting it was considerable; but their efforts were at length crowned with success, and a party of horse also throwing themselves into the town, the besieged perceived that all further defence was impracticable, and demanded quarter. Immediately afterwards, a deputation consisting of certain officers of artillery, with the mufti and imam of Abdallah Pacha, arrived, imploring the clemency of the victor. They were graciously received by Ibrahim, who promised them his protection, and even allowed the officers to retain their arms. To Abdallah Pacha, life only was guaranteed. By this time the city was filled with soldiers, and those excesses and atrocities, too common on the storming of towns, took place; but such property as could be discovered was next day restored to the owners. It has been asserted, upon the authority of an European consul, then in the city, that the soldiers of Ibrahim were allowed seven days’ sack of the town; but the author of this report is an ardent partisan of Abdallah Pacha; and it may be further remarked that, since Mohammed Ali aimed at gaining a permanent footing in Syria, the thing itself is improbable.

“Abdallah Pacha, two days after the taking of Acre, was sent prisoner into Egypt, where he was received with the honours due to a brave man, and had a palace, situated on the island of Rhouda, assigned him for his residence.”

The Turkish Government were not unwilling to see Abdallah Pacha deprived of Acre, as they thought he had assumed an air of too much independence, and they also hoped that Mehemet Ali, who they saw with a jealous eye was becoming too powerful, would exhaust his resources by undertaking a campaign in Syria. After the capture of Acre the Porte soon began to perceive that Abdallah Pacha’s position was taken possession of by a more powerful, a more ambitious, and a more dangerous vassal; they therefore ordered him immediately to withdraw from Syria, and not expecting compliance, collected an army of 20,000 men on the banks of the Orontes, and advanced another from Anatolia, to oppose him.

Mehemet Ali, however, had no idea of satisfying himself with the capture of Acre. He had now passed the Rubicon, and he directed Ibrahim to advance a part of his army on Balbeck to watch the operations of Hussein Pacha, who commanded the Ottoman army, and to occupy Damascus with the remainder. Ali Pacha, who commanded the Turkish troops in that city, evacuated it without firing a shot, and retired on Homs, by the old road of Palmyra, and joined the Turkish army.

Ibrahim Pacha, having now possession of Damascus, advanced on Khan Kousseir, where he arrived on the 6th of July. The next morning he attacked and defeated a part of the Turkish army, and took 3000 prisoners and 13 field pieces. On the 8th the Egyptian army entered Homs, and took 1500 prisoners and 14 guns. The remains of the Ottoman army retired on Aleppo, and formed a junction with the force under Hussein Pacha; from thence they continued their retreat, in two columns, on Beylan, and soon after Ibrahim took possession of Aleppo, where he halted a short time to reorganize his army.[his army.] On the 29th he again came in sight of the Ottoman army, again attacked, and again defeated them, taking 25 guns and 2000 prisoners. On the following day the Egyptians entered Alexandretta, where they found 14 guns and abundance of stores and provisions; and the Turks now retired on Mount Taurus.

The Sultan becoming alarmed for the stability of his throne, made great exertions, and speedily collected an army of 50,000 men, and a good train of artillery, and placed them under the command of Rechid Pacha, the Grand Vizier. The Egyptian army had now assembled at Adana, and on the 14th of October they drove the Turks from the defiles of Mount Taurus, and on the 20th the Egyptian advanced guard occupied Erekli, where they remained till the 27th of November.

On the 13th of December, the whole army was put in motion, and arrived at Koniyeh on the 17th, the day after the Turks had evacuated it. From that time to the 20th of December, various movements took place on both sides, and on the 21st the battle of Koniyeh was fought, when the Ottoman army was totally defeated and dispersed by Ibrahim Pacha, and the Grand Vizier taken prisoner.

Nothing now hindered the conqueror from marching on Scutari, where he might have arrived early in January, and before the Russians had reached the Bosphorus. Had he followed this course, Constantinople would have been revolutionized, and the power of the Sultan overturned, and most probably Mehemet Ali would have been placed on the throne of Osman.

The Egyptian army did not leave Koniyeh till the 20th of January, 1833, and reached Kutayah on the 1st of February. The Russians had by that time arrived in the Bosphorus, called in by the Sultan, who, being neglected by his natural friends, was obliged to apply to his natural enemy to protect him from the rebellion of one of his own subjects.

The arrival of the Russian squadron and army in the Bosphorus decided Ibrahim to enter into negociations, and the Treaty of Kutayah, by which the Ottoman empire was saved from immediate destruction, was signed, the Pachalic of Adana and the whole of Syria (by far the most valuable part of their conquests,) being entrusted to Mehemet Ali and his son.

This Treaty, so mortifying to the Sultan’s pride, was followed by that of Unkiar Skelessi, and the consequent departure of the Russian squadron from the Bosphorus; they had, however, learnt the road to Constantinople, which neither the British nor French Governments ought to have permitted, and the time is not far distant when they will profit by their experience.

Shortly after the Treaty of Kutayah, Ibrahim retired within the defiles of the Taurus, and the whole province was formally put under the government of Mehemet Ali.

Had the Pacha of Egypt been a wise man, and ameliorated, in the slightest degree, the condition of the people he had released from the barbarous rule of the Turks, so as to have made them feel the difference, he might have consolidated his power both in Syria and Egypt, and restored these two fine countries to prosperity. His tribute to the Porte was small, and he possessed the power to render the people both prosperous and happy. The conduct of his army, too, when passing through Syria had been most exemplary, and the inhabitants had to their astonishment observed the wonderful difference between an irregular and undisciplined Turkish force and the order and regularity of the Egyptian troops, and, generally speaking, were most favourable to the change of masters. But Mehemet Ali, though possessing ten times the intelligence and energy of a Turk, was still an Oriental, and only knew how to govern the people entrusted to his charge with Eastern despotism.

The powers of Europe now turned their attention to Egypt with increased interest, and England was the first to establish a permanent agent and Consul at the Court of Alexandria; her example was followed, shortly after, by the other great powers of Europe. Mehemet Ali had been permitted to send his officers to England, and they were instructed in our dockyards in the art of ship-building, and were even received on board our ships to be instructed in seamanship and discipline. What greater proof could we have given of the interest we took in Mehemet Ali, than such a distinguished mark of favour? and what other conclusion could he have drawn, than that we were favourable to his government? The French were not behind us; they even went farther. A French officer of distinction had disciplined the Pacha’s army; he had now also a French Admiral at the head of the navy; and great credit is due to both for the state of order and discipline into which they have brought both arms of the service.

Had Mehemet Ali been now satisfied, he might have lived to see the inhabitants of the countries he ruled rich and prosperous, and invoking blessings on his head for having given them happiness, tranquillity, and security of property; but the old man, either mistrusting Turkey, or having a lurking ambition to be seated on the throne of Osman, instead of reducing his armies, and remitting part of the imposts on the people, began his government in Syria by increasing the taxation, and afterwards introduced the conscription, of all measures the most unpopular in Eastern countries.

Ibrahim was not insensible to the imprudence of those measures, and remonstrated with his father, and shortly after entirely withdrew from the management of the civil affairs of the country; when Scheriff Pacha was appointed civil governor of Syria, and established the seat of government at Damascus.

Mehemet Ali’s first new financial measure was the ferdeh, a tax on all males from twelve years upwards, varying from fifteen to five hundred piastres, according to their means. This was paid by all classes and religions, and the Christians, who before paid a poll-tax, were also obliged to pay the ferdeh, in addition to the regular taxes. Forced contributions were also occasionally raised to supply the exigencies of the government. According to Mr. Farren, the Syrian contributions was raised from 20,000 to 32,000 purses.

The Governor and local officers, it is true, were not allowed to receive bribes; but the people gained little by this. Besides the regular taxes, and the occasional forced contributions, the government was in the habit of purchasing what was required for the maintenance of the army at their own price, the inhabitants being obliged to deliver it into the government stores at their own risk and cost. They were also liable to be pressed to work at the public establishments, and even transported to distant parts of the country, receiving pay hardly sufficient to keep body and soul together.

In addition to these oppressions, whenever the army was put in motion the inhabitants were obliged to furnish animals to transport baggage and provisions, and were paid two-thirds less than the common wages of the country. If horses or mules were wanted for the government, they were seized without any respect to persons, and paid for at whatever price the authorities thought proper to give. Vessels for the transport of provisions and government stores were seized in like manner, and the owners paid about a third of the freight they could have gained in trade.

Tampering with the currency was a source of dishonest gain to the Pacha: taxes were ordered to be paid in certain coins, Mehemet Ali fixing the value always below its standard; in short, there was a system of legal pillage established from one end of the country to the other.

These oppressions were nevertheless borne with, for they are common in Eastern governments; and, had not their new ruler commenced the disarmament of the people, and the forced levies, they probably would never have endeavoured to shake off his yoke. But his measures, odious in themselves, were rendered quite intolerable by the mode in which they were executed. According to Mr. Farren, the conscription in Syria amounted to 11 per cent. on the male population; the classes who were exempt from the conscription were obliged to find substitutes either by fine or purchase, and many who had been seized and drafted into regiments more than once, and obtained their discharge by purchase, were again seized, and their remonstrances wholly disregarded.

“The periods,” says Mr. Farren, in his excellent letter to Lord Lindsay[^[2]], “of the forced levies are kept secret, and generally commence on a Friday, when the mosques are resorted to. At the hour of prayer numerous parties of soldiers are distributed through the quarters of the cities, and intelligence is conveyed to them by the firing of a gun of the moment to commence. They then rush on all the citizens who may be in the streets, and drive or drag them struggling along to the great square of the Serai, when, having left them in its inclosure, they return to make fresh captives of all upon their routes. A short time suffices to spread a thrill of fear and despair throughout the city. Women may be seen rushing wildly through the streets, followed by their children, to seek the husband, son, or father, who but a few hours before had left them to provide for their daily wants, and now are separated, perhaps for ever, from their families without a parting benediction.

“Within the inclosure, which files of armed troops surround, the wretched victims are crowded together, bowed down with despair, while, pressing upon every avenue, their wives and daughters and aged mothers may be seen, wildly darting their frenzied glances through the captives in search of a missing relative, or bursting into paroxysms of despair on beholding the lost objects of their fears; and, all around, the air is rent by the cries of these unfortunates, cursing, as I have heard them, the very name of their prophet, and invoking the Deity himself to avenge the cause of the poor and the oppressed. The wretched conscripts are taken immediately before the medical men of the army, and, unless physically disqualified, are sent off to the Castle, confined there, dressed as soldiers, and in a week or fortnight, marched out of the place and drafted into the regiments. This is no exaggerated picture, and many travellers in England—and one especially, Sir Edwin Pearson, who was lately with me at Damascus during one of these scenes,—can verify this statement, and attest the general wretchedness of the people. In the dead of the night the quarters of the city have been entered by armed soldiers, the houses forcibly opened, and their male inmates dragged from them. At these times the shops are closed for days, and all business is suspended. Considerable loss is consequently sustained by all classes, and as the debts that may be due by those who are seized are seldom or never recovered, large sums are lost in that manner to the citizens.

“The soldiers avail themselves of the general panic to get money from the aged or maimed,—and even by entering houses and seizing children in them, who are liberated by their frightened mothers at any immediate sacrifice.”

It is not surprising that people, thus driven to despair, should revolt. In the year 1834 the insurrections began in the Haouran, and spread afterwards to the country of the Druses and Naplousians. These insurrections, however, Mehemet Ali managed with his usual energy to put down, and established more security to the people from being plundered by anybody but himself; that, and a greater facility and safety in travelling through the country, appear to have been the only merits of Mehemet Ali’s government in Syria. Thus things proceeded for a while, the Pacha exerting himself to fortify the passes of Taurus, and building barracks at Antioch and other places, particularly at St. Jean d’Acre, while Ibrahim and his officers laboured to introduce new cultures, as of the sugar-cane, the indigo plant, &c., and with some success; but this could not reconcile the Syrians to the grinding monopolies and vexatious burdens of their ruler, and very strong measures were required to keep up the Egyptian authority.

In the year 1838 Mehemet Ali first began to talk of independence, and announced to the Consuls his intention, at no distant period, of declaring himself. Shortly after this he set out on an expedition to the mines of Sennaar, and was absent some considerable time.

The Sultan, as might have been expected, had never ceased to form plans for the recovery of Syria to his rule, and as early as the year 1834 he had committed the charge of several of the pachalics of the eastern part of Asia Minor to a Circassian soldier, named Hafiz Pacha, in order that he might there raise an army for that purpose. Hafiz laboured with great zeal in the cause, and from the remoteness of the districts, his progress was unnoticed by the European Powers. At length, in the beginning of 1839 the Porte more openly made preparations for war; and on the 12th of February of that year, Count Molé for the first time brought the affairs of the East under the consideration of Lord Granville, the British Ambassador[^[3]]; and Lord Palmerston repeatedly wrote to Lord Ponsonby to discourage, by every possible means, the Porte from again embroiling themselves in war with Mehemet Ali; declaring, at the same time, that if the Porte was attacked, assistance would be given; but, if on the other hand they became the aggressors, it might change the whole face of affairs.

Notwithstanding the advice given to the Porte by the Allied Ministers at Constantinople, the Sultan, relying on the reports of the efficiency of his army in Asia Minor, communicated to him by his General, gave directions for the advance of the Turkish army, and they actually marched beyond Bir, which is only sixty miles distant from Aleppo. Mehemet Ali determined, however, not to be the aggressor, and directed Ibrahim to refrain from making any movement in advance.

Russia and Austria becoming alarmed lest the peace of Europe should be disturbed, instructed their Consuls at Alexandria to request that Mehemet Ali would desire Ibrahim to withdraw his troops towards Damascus, assuming that Ibrahim was the first to put his army in motion, which certainly was not the case. France seeing the possibility also of a rupture between the Porte and Mehemet Ali, expressed a strong desire that Great Britain would act in concert with her, and proposed to send a fleet of eight or nine sail of the line to the Levant, to co-operate with the British fleet, which she supposed would consist of ten sail of the line.

Whether Mehemet Ali was sincere in his desire to avoid hostilities with the Porte or not, is not very easy to divine; but his actions certainly seem in his favour. He not only remitted the tribute to the Porte, but he declared to M. Cochelet, the Consul-General of France, that if the troops of the Sultan were withdrawn on the other side of the Euphrates, he would order his army to retrograde, and direct Ibrahim to return to Damascus; nay more, if the Turks would retire still further, he would recall[recall] Ibrahim into Egypt; and if the Four Powers would guarantee peace, and procure him the hereditary succession, he would withdraw a great part of his army from Syria[^[4]].

Notwithstanding all this, Lord Ponsonby, so early as the 20th of May, 1839, declared the Pacha the aggressor, and sided with Russia. He finishes a long despatch to Lord Palmerston with these remarkable words, “Russia has declared a truth—a limited truth—the Great Powers cannot deny it; their repeated declarations engage them to oppose the aggressor[^[5]].”

In the beginning of May, Ibrahim seeing all prospect of peace at an end, left his agricultural pursuits at Khan Jouman, distant five hours from Aleppo, and immediately gave orders for the assembling of his army at the latter place. The army of Ibrahim was said to consist of 55,000 infantry, 10,000 cavalry, and 196 guns, besides 6000 irregular cavalry. That of the Sultan was supposed to amount to 80,000 men of all arms, and 170 guns.

On the 7th of June Mehemet Ali received intelligence from Ibrahim that the Turks had driven back a detachment of Egyptian cavalry. He immediately invited the Consuls to a conference, and asked their advice as to his future conduct. They unanimously advised him to act on the defensive; and above all, not to send his fleet to sea, which he had determined on doing. This advice he decided for the present to follow, but a circumstance soon occurred to alter his determination.

On the 9th of June the Turkish fleet sailed for the Dardanelles, under the command of the Capudan Pacha; Captain Walker of the British Navy embarked with him as his adviser; and the Capudan Pacha intended to remain six or eight days in the Dardanelles. On the same day, Mehemet Ali, having received letters from Ibrahim, giving an account that the advanced guard of the Turkish army had attacked some of his troops on the territory under his government, lost all patience, and, in spite of the remonstrance of the Consuls at Alexandria, sent orders to Ibrahim to drive the Turks out of his territory, and then march on the main body; and, if victorious, occupy Malatiyeh, Kharput, Urfah, and Diyarbekr.

On the 16th of June Captain Caillier, an aide-de-camp of Marshal Soult’s, arrived at Alexandria, with orders to call upon Mehemet Ali to suspend hostilities, whereupon the Pacha gave him a letter to Ibrahim, desiring him not to pass the frontier; and, if in the Turkish territory, to halt, unless Hafiz Pacha continued to advance; he was then to engage him. On the 16th of June the first division of the Egyptian squadron sailed, and the remainder on the following day. Captain Caillier left Alexandria on the 19th for Alexandretta.

On the 25th and 26th of June, orders were sent by the English and French Governments to their naval Commanders-in-Chief in the Mediterranean, to proceed to the coast of Syria, and prevent a collision between the Turkish and Egyptian fleets, and urge them to return to their respective ports, in the event of their having sailed. They were also directed to open a communication with the Turkish and Egyptian Generals, and exert their influence to bring about a suspension of arms, and a wider separation between the hostile armies. Should the Turkish General refuse to agree to these propositions, it was to be pointed out to him that all communication by sea would be closed, and his supplies cut off. If the refusal, on the other hand, should proceed from Ibrahim Pacha, similar representations were to be made to him, and communication cut off between Alexandria and Syria. In some respects the English instructions differed from the French. The English Admiral had no orders to cut off the Turkish supplies by sea, in the event of their refusing the armistice; nor had he any orders to receive a Russian squadron should they tender their services; but the English Admiral was at liberty to force the Dardanelles should a Russian fleet arrive at Constantinople, which the French Admiral was not authorized to do without fresh instructions.

On the 2nd of July a further instruction was sent to Sir Robert Stopford in accordance with the instructions of the French Admiral, to receive a Russian force should it offer its co-operation[^[6]].

Lord Ponsonby having written to Sir Robert Stopford, that war was inevitable between the Turks and Egyptians, the Admiral, on the 7th of June, being then in Palermo Bay, despatched Sir Thomas Fellowes in the Vanguard, together with a brig, to the Levant, to watch the Turkish squadron, but with positive orders to observe the strictest neutrality. At this time the Commander-in-Chief had received no instructions how to act.

Sir Thomas Fellowes arrived in Besika Bay on the 29th of June, and the following day received a visit from Captain Walker, accompanied by M. Etienne Pisani, and Mr. Lander, the British Consul at the Dardanelles, with an offer, on the part of the Capudan Pacha, of provision, and also to ascertain whether Sir Robert Stopford was expected, and whether he would interfere with the Turkish fleet. This, of course, Sir Thomas Fellowes declined answering. M. Pisani then went on board the ship of the Capudan Pacha, who distinctly informed him that he had orders to attack the Egyptian fleet, and should sail in a few days. He was under some apprehensions that the French would interrupt him, but he assured M. Pisani, that, unless the English interfered also, he should proceed in the execution of the Sultan’s orders.

On the 30th of June Sultan Mahmoud, who had been in bad health for some time, died, and his son, Abdul Medjid, a youth of sixteen, was declared of age by the Divan, and proclaimed Emperor. Orders were immediately forwarded to Hafiz Pacha to suspend hostilities, and the Capudan Pacha was directed not to quit the Dardanelles.

A few days after the Sultan’s death, the Ottoman Minister of Foreign Affairs communicated to the Ambassadors that the young Sultan was disposed to confer the hereditary Government of Egypt on Mehemet Ali, on condition that he would restore Syria, Candia, and the Holy Cities, to the Porte[^[7]]. These pacific intentions, however, were too late, for on the 24th of June Ibrahim Pacha had attacked and totally defeated the Turkish army at Nezib, who lost all their guns, ammunition, and baggage, and the remainder repassed the frontier in complete disorder. In addition to this misfortune, the Capudan Pacha had sailed from the Dardanelles, and on falling in with Admiral Lalande, sent his second in command on board to say, that when he heard of the Sultan’s death he was of opinion that he had been poisoned by Hosrew and Halil Pacha, who were devoted to Russia; and under this impression he had written to Hafiz Pacha to march on Constantinople; that he should apply to Mehemet Ali for assistance, and in the mean while take the Turkish fleet to Candia. This M. Lalande advised him not to do, and he then intimated his intention of going to Rhodes.

The French and English Ambassadors, in consequence of these untoward and unexpected events, wrote to the Grand Vizier to assure him of their support, and Lord Ponsonby also wrote to Sir Robert Stopford to recommend him not to be at any distance from the centre of affairs.

The Admiral left Malta on the 2nd of July, in consequence of a private letter from Lord Minto, desiring him to proceed off the south end of Cyprus, and there wait for orders. His arrival there he communicated to Lord Ponsonby under date of the 11th of July. It does not appear that at this time Sir Robert Stopford had received Lord Palmerston’s instructions of the 25th of June, which pointed out to him the course he ought to follow in the event of the defeat of the Turkish army, and on the Egyptian and Turkish squadron meeting each other at sea. Had these instructions arrived, the Admiral, no doubt, would have conceived it his duty to have taken still stronger steps to have prevented the defection of the Turkish fleet; and it is to be regretted that in the absence of instructions he had not taken upon himself to have immediately proceeded off Alexandria, and forced the Capudan Pacha to return to his duty, particularly if he had received in time Lord Ponsonby’s reply (dated July 19,) to his letter announcing his arrival off Cyprus, in which his Lordship states,

“I think the spirit and the end of your instructions indicate that it would be proper to consider the Ottoman fleet, thus removed from the authority of its legitimate Sovereign by the rebellious act of the Capudan Pacha, as being thereby subjected to the vigorous exertion of your power; and I think it would be right to take all safe and proper means to prevent that fleet being delivered up to the Pacha of Egypt, if there should be fortunately still time left for so doing; and I am of opinion it will be equally advantageous and just to restore it to the Sultan.

“I have stated my opinion in consequence of your desire, and I have only to add that there is perfect tranquillity here.”

Sir Thomas Fellowes’s orders were so strict, that though he kept company with the Ottoman fleet for several days, he had no communication with the Capudan Pacha; but even if he had, he could not have discovered his intentions, because Captain Walker himself, who was on board, had no notion that they were going off Alexandria for any other purpose than attacking the Egyptian squadron. This, however, was very far from the Turkish Admiral’s intention.

On the 9th of July an Ottoman corvette arrived at Alexandria, having on board Sheriff Aga, the kiaya of the Capudan Pacha, who was the bearer of a letter to Mehemet Ali; Mehemet did not conceal its contents, which were to ask permission to bring the fleet to Alexandria as a friend, stating that the Capudan Pacha disapproved of the election of Hosrew to the post of Grand Vizier, and that he would co-operate with Mehemet Ali in placing him as vakeel to the young Sultan, as the only person fit to rule the empire. On the same evening Mehemet Ali sent the Nile steamer with his reply to the Capudan Pacha, and on the 10th the Rhadamanthus left Alexandria to communicate this intelligence to the Commander-in-Chief, as appears by Colonel Campbell’s despatch to Lord Palmerston of the 11th of July[^[8]].

On the same day that the Rhadamanthus left, a Turkish steamer arrived with despatches from Hosrew Pacha to Mehemet Ali, who was very communicative to Colonel Campbell. The purport of this despatch was, to announce the accession of Abdul Medjid, and his pardon of Mehemet Ali: that it was his intention to send him the nichan iftikhar, a decoration indicative of high favour, and grant him the hereditary succession of Egypt and its dependencies; and that he had ordered the Turkish troops to retire from the frontiers of Syria.

On the reception of this, Mehemet Ali said he should consider the war at an end, and should order Ibrahim to retire on Marash. That he hoped the Allies would be satisfied; and as soon as everything was settled, he would proceed to Constantinople to do homage to his sovereign. That should Achmet Pacha wish to deliver up the fleet, he would not accept it, but send it back to Constantinople; and that as for the post of vakeel, he would rather remain in his present position. All this seemed very well; but we shall shortly see how he acted.

On the 14th of July the Turkish fleet arrived off Alexandria, and, as no doubt had been previously arranged, formed a junction with the Egyptian fleet. The following morning, the Nile steamer, bearing the flag of the Capudan Pacha, arrived in the harbour, and the traitor was well received by Mehemet Ali[^[9]].

So secret was all this kept on board the Capudan Pacha’s ship, that Captain Walker, who was with him, had no notion of what the Turkish Admiral was about, until he sent a steamer to direct two ships, who, being bad sailers, were left astern, to rendezvous off Alexandria. On speaking to the Capudan Pacha, he was assured that Mehemet Ali had put the Egyptian fleet under his orders, and that he was proceeding to Egypt to confer with Mehemet Ali on what were the best steps to be taken for the good of the Turkish empire. When the Turkish fleet anchored, Captain Walker landed, and left Alexandria for Constantinople on the 20th, much to the annoyance of the Capudan Pacha, who wished him to remain.

The Allied Consuls used all their endeavours in vain to advise Mehemet Ali to send back the fleet. He said he would have nothing to do with Hosrew, who was his bitter foe; and that he had written to him to send in his resignation; and should Hosrew do so, all would be right.

Mehemet Ali’s enmity to Hosrew was much strengthened by the latter having sent, through the hands of the French Consul, letters to the General and inferior Admirals of the Turkish fleet, calling upon them to return to their allegiance. These letters M. Cochelet gave to Mehemet Ali, who delivered them to the Admirals, when, as might have been expected from the position they were in, they tore them up with indignation.

On the 16th about sixty of the principal officers of the Turkish fleet came on shore, and were presented to the Pacha, who received them in a gracious manner. By the 28th the whole of the Turkish and Egyptian fleets had entered the port of Alexandria, so that had the Commander-in-Chief proceeded off there immediately after the Rhadamanthus had joined him, or even had he proceeded after his receipt of the despatch of the 25th of June which I believe arrived by the Hydra, there would have been ample time to have secured them. This would have completely anticipated Lord Palmerston’s instructions of the 7th of August[^[10]], which directed the Admiral to use his utmost efforts to prevent the Turkish fleet going into Alexandria, and to endeavour to oblige them to return under the authority of the Sultan.

The Commander-in-Chief, however, may have had other instructions, which do not appear in the Levant Papers, for the guidance of his conduct, or he might have thought that the force under his orders, without the co-operation of the French squadron, was not sufficient to have enforced his demand on the Capudan Pacha to return to his allegiance if supported in his treason by the Egyptian fleet. But, nevertheless, I think the experiment might have been tried, and probably would have succeeded to a certain extent, because the entrance into the harbour of Alexandria is so difficult and so shallow that large ships must be considerably lightened before they can enter, and neither the Egyptian nor Turkish Admiral would have ventured to weaken their squadron by either entering in detail or lightening the ships in the presence of a British squadron hostile to their measures. The Commander-in-Chief, however, as I have before said, may have had other instructions, or he took a different view of the case, for instead of going off Alexandria he repaired to Besika Bay, where he was joined the same evening by the Powerful, Ganges, and Implacable. At this point, then, my history of the War in Syria commences.

[1]. Egypt under Mohammed Ali, vol. ii., pp. 493-496.

[2]. Letters from the Holy Land, vol. ii.

[3]. See Levant Papers, Part I., p. 1.

[4]. See Levant Papers, Part I., p. 54.

[5]. Ibid., p. 29.

[6]. See Levant Papers, Part I., pp. 90, 93, 101, 122.

[7]. See Levant Papers, Part I., p. 183.

[8]. See Levant Papers, Part I., p. 219.

[9]. The following is a portion of the account of the reception of the Turkish Admiral by the Pacha, furnished by the dragoman of the British Consul-General, and published at length in the Levant Papers:

“When the Nile steamer anchored, Mushir Achmet went into the boat, and immediately a salute of nineteen guns was fired by the Nile, which salute was repeated by the forts the moment he landed, when he was received by the Pacha’s civil officers of rank, and he rode upon the Pacha’s own horse; and thus preceded by the said officers, cawasses, and chiaushes, went to the Pacha’s palace between two files of the troops that were placed all the way. As soon as he entered the palace gate, Mehemet Ali walked out of his room to meet him, when the Admiral seeing him, unbuckled his sword, gave it to one of the officers behind him, and walked respectfully towards the Viceroy, and bowed to the ground as if meaning to kiss his dress, while the Viceroy embraced and kissed him, saying, ‘Welcome, brother.’ After this, they walked arm in arm into the Viceroy’s room, all the officers following them. They sat near each other on the middle of the sofa. The Capudan Pacha then told his Highness that, for a long time past, it was his wish to have the honour of seeing him. After coffee, and pipes, the Viceroy dismissed all the bystanders, and this was at half-past nine o’clock; when Sheriff Aga, the Capudan Pacha’s Kiaya, who was still within, walked up to the Viceroy, and kissing his feet, told him, ‘Now you are both together, with your leave I retire,‘ meaning that he had accomplished his object, and fulfilled his duty so far. His Highness and the Capudan Pacha remained by themselves in the room till half-past ten o‘clock, after which the Capudan Pacha walked out of the room bare-footed, his own servant not being there to give him his shoes, and was obliged to walk about twenty paces without shoes, until his servant brought them, as well as his sword, upon which he went to the Musappi Serai (the palace for guests), accompanied in the same way as he had arrived. When he entered the palace assigned to him, all the civil officers, as well as Houssein Pacha, kissed his foot, and he asked them to take seats, and gave them coffee, telling them, ‘Thank God, my wishes to meet the Viceroy are accomplished, and you may know that I have obtained his Highness’s permission for the landing of the Vice and the Rear Admirals.’

“With the Capudan Pacha ten officers landed, two of whom are Beys (Colonels), and one is the brother of Osman Pacha, the ex-Egyptian Admiral, who deserted to Constantinople more than five years ago.”

[10]. See Levant Papers, Part I., p. 255.

THE WAR IN SYRIA.

CHAPTER I.

State of Affairs in the Levant in August, 1839—The Author’s Interview with Hosrew Pacha—Sir Robert Stopford at Constantinople; his Interview with the Sultan—Impolitic Junction of the English and French Fleets—Sir John Louis takes the command of the English Squadron—The Author tenders his Resignation.

The loss of the battle of Nizib, the death of the Sultan Mahmoud, and the defection of the Turkish fleet, threatened to place Turkey at the mercy of Mehemet Ali, or under the protection of Russia. At the earnest desire of France Ibrahim Pacha halted, and in the beginning of August, 1839, the combined squadrons of England and France assembled in Besika Bay, ready to proceed to Constantinople, should Ibrahim march, or should the Russians leave Sebastapol.

The allied ministers, however, do not appear to have considered how the squadrons were to pass the Dardanelles; the current runs constantly to the southward, and the prevailing winds are generally from the opposite direction. It rarely happens that a favourable breeze sufficiently strong springs up to enable ships to pass the Hellespont; and we had not an adequate number of steam vessels to take the ships in tow. Russia had a strong fleet and army at Sebastapol, and could approach the Sultan’s capital at pleasure, whereas we were powerless, and as for being able to protect the Porte from a sudden attack, either from Russia or Ibrahim Pacha, we might just as well have been in Malta Harbour.

As forty-eight hours would have been sufficient for a Russian fleet and army to arrive at Constantinople, it always appeared to me, after the unforeseen misfortunes which had befallen the Porte, the ambassadors and admirals ought to have taken the responsibility on themselves, and anchored the squadrons in the Golden Horn the first favourable opportunity; the ministers of the different Powers could then have treated the Eastern Question on an equal footing. Russia would, no doubt, have stormed, threatened, and, perhaps, withdrawn her ambassador, but she would not have gone to war, and, after a time, would have sent her squadron to Constantinople to join that of England and France; strong detachments should then have appeared off Alexandria, and, most probably, Mehemet Ali, seeing a close union between the great Powers of Europe, would have given up the Turkish fleet, and restored Syria to the Porte.

This was not done, and France soon began to take a new view of the Eastern Question, and shortly after refused to send the combined fleets to Alexandria to demand the Turkish squadron, and, under all circumstances, I think she was right; a hostile fleet could not enter the harbour easily, or indeed at all, if proper precautions were taken. We had no troops to land, and the absence of the Russian squadron would have given Mehemet Ali reason to believe the four Powers were not united. Alexandria might have been bombarded, it is true, and the fleet burnt, but that would have been almost as untoward an event as the battle of Navarino, and certainly would not have tended to strengthen the Turkish empire; it might have provoked Mehemet Ali to order Ibrahim to advance, which would have brought the Russians to Constantinople, and once there, they most assuredly would not have permitted us to pass the Dardanelles.

About this time the Admiral and many of the officers were at Constantinople, when it was intimated to him that he might shortly expect decided instructions; leave was immediately stopped, and the officers were ordered to rejoin their ships forthwith. These instructions were supposed to be, to proceed to Alexandria, but they never arrived, as France objected to the measure. Admiral Roussin was recalled, we became cool with France, and began to draw near to Russia. During my sojourn at Constantinople, I had an opportunity of examining the sea defences, the capital, and the Bosphorus, and I sent Colonel Napier, who was with me, to examine the land fortifications. The batteries were numerous, well placed, and mounted many heavy guns; but with a strong wind and current a fleet might pass down without much damage, and if that fleet was accompanied by an army the fortifications could be taken in reverse; the defences of the Dardanelles are strong to the sea, but weak to the land; a fleet might descend with the stream, but it would be no easy matter to go against it.

When at Constantinople I had an interview with the Grand Vizier, Hosrew Pacha. The old man appeared nearly eighty; he is of low stature, and a good deal deformed; his countenance fresh, with a most intelligent and penetrating eye, his dress simple. On entering his apartment he immediately rose, kissed my cheek, complimented Colonel Napier on his soldier-like appearance, and begged us to be seated; seeing us in boots, he called for his, which he drew on in great haste, apparently to be on a footing with us. Pipes and coffee were produced, and, after a few puffs, he began the conversation through Mr. Redhouse, the interpreter, by expressing his satisfaction at seeing me in the Sultan’s capital. I replied that I hoped to have an opportunity of performing some services for His Imperial Majesty, and that I thought the first step he ought to take, should be, inviting the combined fleets to Constantinople. The old man appeared to apprehend more danger from Mehemet Ali than from Russia, and did not relish this proposal; he roundly asserted that it would cause an insurrection, and the Christians would be massacred; that he was not afraid of Russia, and although the empire had been brought to a very low ebb by the incapacity of the men the late Sultan had placed at the head of the army, followed by the defection of the Turkish fleet, she was still strong; that he had no fears of Russia, and should her troops advance on Constantinople he would put himself at the head of the Ottoman army and defeat them. I asked him where his army was, as it had been destroyed at Nizib and replaced by boys; remarking that Russia would never think of marching, but would come by sea, pass the Bosphorus in spite of all the batteries, and take possession of Constantinople with the greatest ease.

To this he replied that, in the neighbourhood of the capital there was an army of 30,000 men, which was quite sufficient for its defence, and it would be much better if one half of the fleet was to remain at the mouth of the Dardanelles and the other half proceed to Alexandria. To this I answered, that nothing could be done at Alexandria without troops, that the entrance of the harbour was too shallow for ships to enter with their guns, and that Mehemet Ali had declared that if the fleet appeared there, he should instantly direct Ibrahim to march on Scutari; this would inevitably bring down the Russians, who would object to the French and English approaching Constantinople, even if they could get a fair wind, and the probability would be that it would embroil Europe in war, and Turkey would be sacrificed.

The Vizier inquired why an English army could not be spared to attack Alexandria. To this I replied, we had already too much on our hands; what with the troubles in Canada, the war in India, the prospect of an outbreak in China, and the Chartists at home, it was impossible to spare troops, and that I was sure Parliament would not grant supplies for such an expedition. This ended our conversation. Hosrew was strongly suspected of being in the interest, if not the pay of Russia; how far that is true, is hard to say.

The Admiral obtained firmans to see the mosques and other curiosities at Constantinople, which have been so often described that I shall not torment the reader with a repetition of an often told tale.

After passing ten days pleasantly enough between Constantinople and Therapia, and being entertained by the ambassadors, we embarked on board the Carysfort, which bore the Admiral’s flag, and, in tow of a steamer, left Therapia, and shortly after anchored abreast of the Sultan’s Asiatic palace. A royal salute was then fired, and returned by the batteries in the vicinity of the Imperial residence. Nothing can be more beautiful than the passage down the Bosphorus, and nothing more magnificent than the Sultan’s palaces and the country-houses situated on its banks.

Mahmoud was fond of building, and just before his death had finished a new palace on the European shore. With Colonel Napier’s permission, I give the account of an interview with the Sultan in nearly his own words.

“The household troops, such as they were, received the Admiral and his suite on landing, and we proceeded into a handsome apartment on the ground floor, where we were received by the Sultan’s brother-in-law, the Seraskier, Halil Pacha. Pipes were in this instance dispensed with, and after partaking of coffee and sweetmeats, handed round in gold filagree cups and saucers, richly studded with diamonds, a very common-place conversation took place, through the medium of the interpreter, between Sir Robert and the commander-in-chief of the Turkish forces.

“In about a quarter of an hour his ‘Highness’ sent word that he was ready to receive us, whereupon the whole suite, consisting of about a dozen British officers, proceeded, ‘booted‘ as we were, up a magnificent staircase, and through numerous apartments, the floors of which shone forth in all the splendour of the rarest and most highly-polished woods; and whilst the Turkish courtiers glided noiselessly along, in their purple slippers of thin morocco leather, a most martial tramp proclaimed our entrance into the presence chamber, where, on a sofa, sat the effeminate-looking Sultan, girded with the Sword of Osman.

“Abdul Medjid, the youthful Sultan, far from being

A man of solemn port,

Shawled to the nose and bearded to the eyes,

was a pale and sickly-looking youth, of apparently three or four and twenty, though in reality his age exceeded not seventeen; but it is said that his frequent visits to the harem had given him this appearance of premature age.

“He was plainly dressed, not in the Oriental style, but in a plain cloth military surtout and pantaloons, a short blue cloak, gracefully placed on his left shoulder, and a fez on his head. The only sign of regal magnificence displayed by him was a few brilliants on the clasp of his belt, with which the hilt of the sabre was likewise thickly studded.

“We formed half a circle round his Imperial Majesty, who did not deign to rise, and were presented by the Seraskier. Sir Robert Stopford then said, that the gratification he had received at seeing Constantinople, together with the attention he had met with, was very great. The Sultan, through Halil Pacha, who seemed to prompt him in all he uttered, replied, he was very glad his Excellency had felt so gratified.

“The Admiral then said, that he had been entrusted by Her Britannic Majesty with the command of a fleet, to render any service which might be required by the Sublime Porte. To this the Sultan bowed. Here ended the conference; we retired with the Seraskier, partook of the parting bowl of sherbet, and in four-and-twenty hours were once more in the midst of the fleet in Besika Bay.”

The fleets remained there till the end of October; the English then proceeded to Vourla for the winter, and were shortly followed by the French squadron, part of which went to Smyrna. The English now consisted of twelve sail of the line; the French of nine. The French ships were much larger and better manned than ours, and Admiral Lalande was indefatigable in exercising them, and I must admit that in harbour manœuvres they were equally as expert as ourselves, and in some respects superior; and I cannot refrain from observing that keeping the two fleets so much together was a most impolitic measure. When the French squadron first joined Sir Pulteney Malcolm in the Downs they were all abroad; the five or six years they had been almost constantly in company with the British had brought about a most astonishing change for the better, and although it may be very advantageous to have an alliance with France, there ought to be no acting together with fleets if it can possibly be avoided.

On the 22nd of January, 1840, Commodore Hyde Parker sailed for England, (his broad blue pennant had been up a few months,) and the Commander-in-chief shortly after obtained leave to proceed to Malta, with six sail of the line, and Sir John Louis, the Superintendant of Malta Dockyard, was ordered to Vourla, to take command of the remainder of the squadron; this was an unusual measure, and by no means complimentary to myself, who was the next senior officer. I in consequence proffered my resignation to the Admiral, which he declined to accept, and after some explanation with him my letter was withdrawn, and I pocketed the affront.

CHAPTER II.

The English Fleet winters at Smyrna—Summer Cruise—Insurrection in Lebanon—Opinion on the proper course of the English Fleet—The Powerful and Edinburgh sent to Beyrout—Murder of a Frank; conduct of the French Consul—Insignificance of the Insurrection—Mission of Mr. Wood—Grievances of the Mountaineers—Author’s Letter to the Egyptian Admiral—Letter from Souliman Pacha—Suppression of the Insurrection—Ignorance of the Allied Consuls—Visit to Tripoli—Excursion into the Mountains—Appearance of the Country—Ships ordered to Vourla Bay—Author’s Report to the Admiral.

The squadron now consisted of six sail of the line[^[11]], which, by degrees, were moved up to Smyrna, a much more agreeable anchorage than Vourla.

I had been confined to my cabin for six weeks with a severe cough, and I took up my quarters at Boujar, a small village a few miles from Smyrna, which very soon re-established my health; there was very good English society at both places, and the time passed agreeably enough.

While the squadron lay at Vourla the sulphur dispute with Naples commenced; their ports were blockaded, and the Admiral proceeded to the Bay with three or four sail of the line; this decided measure brought the King to his senses, and the question was settled through the mediation of France. On the 4th of June the squadron left Smyrna for a summer cruise; the French preceded us by a few days. We visited the beautiful island of Mitylene, which possesses one of the finest harbours in the world, completely land-locked, and capable of containing any number of ships; from thence we proceeded to Scio, which had not recovered from the ravages of the Turks during the Greek insurrection. The town was still in ruins, and there appeared little probability of it ever recovering its former splendour. From Scio we returned to Mitylene, from thence to Mosconisi, and, after visiting the ruins of Assos, passed between Mitylene and the Main, and anchored in Besika Bay on the 24th. Here the Gorgon joined, with the intelligence of an insurrection having broke out in Lebanon; of Mehemet Ali having offered to give up the Turkish fleet, and of his preparing an expedition to put the insurrection down. This expedition was chiefly composed of Turkish frigates, manned with mixed crews, and carrying an army of from 12,000 to 15,000 men, of which 4000 were Turks; thus employing the Sultan’s ships and troops to put down the Sultan’s subjects, who were anxious to shake off the yoke of Mehemet Ali. Hosrew Pacha was disgraced about this time, and a daughter was born to the Sultan; like an expert politician, Mehemet Ali sent Sami Bey to Constantinople, to compliment his master on the birth of a daughter, and to express his readiness, now the Grand Vizier was disgraced, to enter into negociations, and give up the fleet. This was evidently a blind; and it so far succeeded that a part of the squadron had actually sailed before his intentions were known; so secretly and so actively had he carried on the embarkation of the troops at the arsenal.

Colonel Hodges, the British Consul-General at Alexandria, had given every facility to the Turkish soldiers and sailors to desert, and when his conduct was brought before Parliament, Lord Palmerston declared that though he had no instructions to that effect, he perfectly approved of his assisting, by every means in his power, the Sultan’s subjects to return to their allegiance. On that declaration of Lord Palmerston I founded my opinion that the squadron ought immediately to proceed to the coast of Syria, seize the Sultan’s ships and troops, and carry them to Rhodes, till further orders, or allow them to act on the coast of Syria in assisting the insurrection, as circumstances might point out. Sir John Louis had no orders on the subject, and did not think proper to take the responsibility on himself. He, however, sent the Castor and Cyclops to Beyrout, for the protection of British subjects and property, and the Gorgon to Malta for instructions; the squadron returned next day to Vourla, and the Powerful to Smyrna.

In a few days orders arrived from Sir Robert Stopford for the Powerful and Edinburgh to proceed to Beyrout, but on no account to interfere in any way with the Egyptian squadron; the Commander-in-chief having taken the same view of the question as Sir John Louis. The French admiral was, however, not so certain of our intentions, and he despatched a steamer, with directions, it is generally supposed, to advise the immediate return of the Turkish ships to Alexandria. On the 1st of July we sailed from Vourla, and arrived at Beyrout on the 7th. The Turco-Egyptian squadron, with the exception of two frigates and several corvettes, had sailed two days before, on their return to Alexandria, after landing their troops. The Castor, which was cruising off the port, had seen them the day before my arrival.

It would have been easy to have come up with this fleet before they reached their destination, but as my orders were positive not to interfere, I anchored at Beyrout. Had we sailed from Besika Bay the day the Castor did, we should have found them at anchor, and it would not have been difficult to have caused a movement amongst the Turks, which would have furnished me with an excuse for carrying out my own views, and I may add, the policy of the Government; but at sea it could not have been done without a direct interference, from which I was interdicted; and here I may remark, an officer’s taking responsibility on himself, and acting without orders, is very different to acting in direct disobedience of orders, even when satisfied they are erroneous, and it must be a strong case to justify such a breach of discipline.

On my arrival at Beyrout, I was visited by Mr. Moore, the British Consul, who gave a most alarming account of the state of the country, and of the want of discipline and insubordination of the Albanian troops, who formed part of the Egyptian army under the immediate command of Souliman Pacha.

The servant of a French nobleman had been murdered, and the Consul of that nation had rather hastily struck his flag because the murderer was not immediately executed. He had been tried and condemned, but nothing would satisfy the Consuls short of his immediate execution, however contrary to the military law of Egypt, which required the sanction of the Viceroy. A deputation was sent to Alexandria to demand his execution, which took place on board the flag-ship there; and on the return of the deputation the French Consul rehoisted his flag, under a salute. The French Government disapproved of his conduct, and he was recalled.

On making inquiry, I found there had been one or two persons murdered by the Albanian troops, an occurrence not very extraordinary in Eastern countries, and not to be wondered at when we consider an army of nearly 15,000 men was collected in the neighbourhood of the town. I ascertained that the French Consul on striking his flag had put his countrymen under the protection of the Sardinian Consul, except this nobleman, whom Mr. Moore took charge of, and as it did not appear to me the British Consul had any authority to make a selection and give protection to this gentleman, I declined interfering; and a little more experience showed me that the outrages of the Albanians were as much exaggerated as the strength and respectability of the insurrection undoubtedly was. Mr. Wood, one of Lord Ponsonby’s dragomen, had been sent by the ambassador into the mountains of Lebanon, to ascertain the real strength of the mountaineers, and at his instigation a petition was signed and sent to the British Ambassador by five chiefs, one of whom, a sheik of inferior note, was styled the Seraskier[^[12]]. In fact the insurrection was never of any consequence. The mountaineers were justly dissatisfied at being obliged to work in the coal mine of Corneille, and on being required to deliver up the arms which had been supplied them to assist in putting down another sect. An attempt was also made to introduce the conscription, which is quite at variance with their ideas, and is viewed throughout the whole district of Lebanon with horror and detestation; moreover, they were oppressed with heavy taxes, the greater part of which went into the coffers of their own prince, the Emir Bechir; the odium, however, was thrown on Mehemet Ali, who only received 30,000 dollars annually from the mountains. They were unprovided with either arms or ammunition, were headed by no chief of note, and never could assemble, even for a few days, a force of a thousand men; nevertheless with that number they showed a considerable degree of boldness, and occasionally advanced to the walls of Beyrout, and fired a few shot into the town. Mehemet Ali, seeing the danger of a rising in Syria, should the mountaineers succeed, with his usual promptitude and decision, at once sent a powerful army to Beyrout; on their arrival, pacific proposals were sent to the mountaineers, who submitted. The following morning the greater part of the Egyptian camp was struck, and they marched to the neighbourhood of Deir el Kammar, the capital of the mountains; a little resistance was shown by small parties on the first advance, and the Albanians were sent to disperse them; in accomplishing this, several villages were destroyed, and they penetrated to the heights of Brumanah, and burnt the village and convent of Betmarie. Observing this from the Powerful, I sent the following letter to the Egyptian Admiral, to which Souliman Pacha replied.

“Sir,

“H.M. S. Powerful, Beyrout,

July 14, 1840.

“I observe with pain and regret that a general conflagration began in the mountains a few hours after the march of the troops from this place. Without at all entering into the question of whether the inhabitants of Lebanon are right or wrong in rising in favour of the Sultan, I do not conceive that the generals of the Pacha of Egypt can be justified in carrying on the war against them in the barbarous manner I now see in operation.

“I write to you, Sir, as an Egyptian admiral, and the officer holding the highest office now in Beyrout, to request you will immediately communicate to his Highness Abbas Pacha the horror I feel at witnessing such acts of useless barbarity, which must lead to the destruction of thousands of women and children, who can take no part in the insurrection.

“His Highness Abbas Pacha may rest assured that the five great Powers of Europe, who are now treating the Eastern question, will not view with satisfaction the manner he has adopted of putting down the insurrection.

“I have the honour to remain,

“Your obedient servant,

“Charles Napier.”

“To the Rear-Admiral

Commanding the Egyptian squadron at Beyrout.”

Souliman’s Reply, translated from the Arabic.

“The letter which has been sent to us in English, with its Arabic translation, from the senior officer, Captain Napier, commanding the English vessels in the port of Beyrout, has reached us, and from its Arabic translation we have understood its meaning.

“On our arrival at the place called Ain-el-Haj-mige, we there found one or two hundred insurgents, not originally from this place, but from Balbeck, and from the parts inhabited by mountaineers, who had come since the insurrection of this mountain, which has since submitted; they, therefore, knowing themselves guilty, and feeling the hand of punishment, in order to stir up the inhabitants, set fire to the different villages, saying, ‘Why have you submitted, and have given up your arms? we therefore choose to serve you in this manner,’ and to which the Christians of the mountains can attest and affirm. The above-mentioned insurgents, being at a place called Mulay, opposite the camp, some Albanians were sent against them, and drove them away after a fight; when pursuing them, the aforesaid insurgents, according to their promise, burnt the villages which they passed through in their flight and so gained the heights of the mountains; two of these individuals were caught, and brought in armed, but no injury was done them, and they were allowed to go after being furnished with a pass. The villages of Haded, Babda, Soafet, and other large villages like them, besides others near them, which are under us, have asked for security, which has been granted, and they have submitted peaceably and given up their arms; nothing has been done to them, only at the expulsion of the above-mentioned insurgents, they took from them their animals, arms, &c. The cavalry of Kabal, being like us troops, know very well the laws of war, and therefore those who are led astray, must expect to be killed, destroyed, &c., which they deserve, as they are not children. Still quarter is given them, as they may have been misled by the insurgents, and those who are found wounded after a battle are not destroyed.

“But if his Excellency the above-mentioned senior officer intends making any observations with regard to the movements or actions of the camp, then it does not appertain to us to answer; we cannot naturally but follow the instructions of his Highness our Master, the Viceroy. In consequence, all such answers can be given only by our Master the Viceroy to the Consuls-General at Alexandria; they alone are competent to do it, and which we beg to notify to your Excellency.

“(Signed) Souliman Pasha.”

Whether this was well translated or not, and whether what is stated here is correct, I am not able to say, but I must do them the justice of observing, that after that remonstrance I had nothing to complain of. The Egyptian troops marched to the neighbourhood of the Emir Bechir’s palace, Osman Pacha advanced from Balbeck, and the Emir sent his own troops to disarm the mountaineers. There were no executions, and only seven Emirs, at the instigation of the Grand Prince, were sent into Egypt, and from there were banished to Sennaar.

So badly informed were the allied Consuls, who felt a great interest in the mountaineers, and believed everything they wished, that for upwards of a week after the insurrection was put down, they fancied it in full force, and it was from a French merchant, who showed me a letter from Souliman Pacha’s secretary, I first learnt the actual state of the Mountain in the neighbourhood of Beyrout.

I sent the Edinburgh to Tripoli to learn what was passing there, and I followed on the 18th. On my arrival I found the mountaineers in that district, with few exceptions, had laid down their arms, and all was quiet; both ships watered, and returned to Beyrout. The exaggerated statements of Mr. Wood and Mr. Moore to the ambassador at Constantinople, who was ready to believe anything to the disadvantage of Mehemet Ali, had, however, their effect, and no doubt very much accelerated the signing the Treaty of the 15th of July.

At the very time I was writing to the Admiral that the insurrection was at an end, he was receiving letters from Constantinople, that it was in full force. On our return from Tripoli, we made an excursion into the mountains, on the road to Deir el Kammar, and there we saw nothing like the ravages of war; the country was beautifully cultivated to the tops of the highest mountains, and had we not known to contrary, we should have supposed from the appearance, that it was well governed. Nothing can be more beautiful than the mountains and villages of Lebanon, inhabited by a hardy and honest race of beings, and not a spot capable of cultivation is allowed to lie fallow. Terraces to support the soil are built up at great expense, and water conducted for irrigation throughout the mountain. The mulberry-tree is cultivated with great care, and produces two crops of leaves; the first goes to feed the silkworms, and the second the cattle in autumn. All kinds of fruit and vegetables are also produced, and the vine flourishes in great luxuriance nearly up to the summit of the mountain. As we were winding along the difficult passes we observed a steam-ship at sea, several thousand feet below us, making the best of her way to Beyrout, and before we had finished our repast, which the kindness of Mr. Moore had provided, we were agreeably surprised by the appearance of Captain Henderson, of the Gorgon, who had arrived from Alexandria, with orders to join the Commander-in-chief in Vourla Bay; this was a great disappointment, as we had projected excursions to Damascus and Balbeck, and also to the most interesting parts of these beautiful mountains. The subjoined is my report to the Admiral.

“Sir,

“H.M.S. Powerful, Beyrout,

July 20, 1840.

“A column of the Egyptian army marched to Sidon on the 8th, and returned on the 12th with a couple of squadrons of cavalry, whom they escorted to this place. On their march there and back the Albanians committed all sorts of disorders, burnt three or four villages and two convents, and even shot the muleteers who carried their baggage, in order to possess themselves of their animals.

“On the evening of the 13th, the Emir Hallid, second son of the Emir Bechir, ruling prince of the Mountain, came into Beyrout with 30 horse, leaving, it is said, 800 men in the neighbourhood, and next day the Egyptian army was put in motion and marched to the mountains; scarce two hours had elapsed ere the country was in a blaze, up to the tops of the highest hills; even the convents did not escape the fury of the Albanians. I thought it my duty to write on the subject to the Egyptian admiral, a copy of which letter I have the honour to inclose, together with Souliman Pacha’s reply. I only received positive information last night, that the insurrection was nearly put down; in fact, the chiefs, on seeing the imposing force Mehemet Ali sent against them, gave up the contest without a struggle. There are still men in arms in the mountains near Tripoli, but I fear all hope of Syria being relieved from the oppressive rule of Mehemet Ali by their own exertions is at an end. The Egyptian admiral sailed from here on the 15th, and was joined off Sidon by another frigate. There are lying here two Egyptian corvettes and three brigs; the town and neighbourhood is as quiet as can be expected, though attempts have been made to excite the Arabs against the Christians.

“Rejoicings are going on, and are to continue for seven days, in consequence of the birth of a Sultana, and I hope they will pass off quietly. However, at any moment, a feeling may be stirred up against the Franks and Christians, and no one can tell what would be the consequence; and as they are intermixed in the town there would be no means of protecting them, or of intimidating the Arabs. Should anything unpleasant occur I shall do all I can to preserve order.

“The Cyclops joined me on the 14th, and the Alecto on the 20th, to wait for the India Mail. The Turco-Egyptian squadron arrived at Alexandria on the 16th, to the great joy of Mehemet Ali. I have every reason to believe that the French steamer which arrived here the day after the Cyclops, brought the intelligence of our coming down, which hurried off the fleet. The French appear to be in favour of Mehemet Ali, and in that follow the views of the Government. The convents are under French protection, and their flag is flying in a dozen different places in the mountains; this gives them great influence. The greater part of the army is expected back daily, and I presume a part will be sent to Tripoli, should the insurgents be there in any force; they will also be pressed by Osman Pacha, who is at Merge.

“There are two French corvettes and a brig here; they appear very busy in their communication with the convents in Lebanon.

“I have the honour to remain, &c.,

“Charles Napier.”

“Rear-Admiral Sir John Louis, Bart.”

[11]. Benbow, Powerful, Edinburgh, Implacable, Hastings, Belleisle, and Castor.

[12]. See their Petition, in Appendix.

CHAPTER III.

The English ships withdrawn from the coast of Syria—The Author appointed to the command of a Squadron—Return to Beyrout—Instructions to the Squadron—Letters to the Egyptian Authorities, the British Consul, the Emir Bechir, and others—Proclamation to the Syrians—Letters from the Emir Bechir and Souliman Pacha.

On the 3rd of August we took leave of Beyrout, and sailed in company with the Edinburgh, to join the Commander-in-chief’s flag, leaving the Castor and Gorgon on the coast. Thinking it probable that counter orders might be sent to Rhodes, we made the best of our way thither. On the 10th we made Castel Rosso, on the coast of Caramania, and there fell in with the Ganges, commanded by my old friend Captain Reynolds, who brought me direction to hoist a broad blue pennant, and take under my command the Ganges, Thunderer, Edinburgh, Castor, and Gorgon, and return to Beyrout. He was the bearer of the Treaty of the 15th of July, and of orders to assist the mountaineers, supposing the insurrection to be in full force; the Ganges was directed to pass to the east of Cyprus, and the Thunderer to the west, in order to pick me up. All sail was made, and by noon next day we were fortunate in joining the latter ship, and then made the best of our way to Beyrout.

The service was rather of a delicate nature; the insurrection was over, and twenty days were allowed Mehemet Ali to reject or accept the Treaty of July. In the quarantine ground, two miles from Beyrout, were encamped 4000 Turks; it was known they were dissatisfied, and wished to return to Constantinople, but how to assist them, and how far to go under the existing treaty, was not very easy to decide; it was, however, important some effort should be made before they were moved out of our reach. It was also desirable to prevent, if possible, that enterprising officer Souliman Pacha (who had organized the Egyptian army) from removing the stores from the magazine, and from strengthening the town.

My position was not agreeable. If I commenced hostilities before the expiration of the twenty days and Mehemet Ali accepted the terms, I should be accused of precipitation, and of causing an unnecessary sacrifice of life; on the other hand, should Mehemet Ali hold out, I might be accused of supineness. Under this embarrassment we anchored at Beyrout on the 12th of August.

After perusing my orders, Lord Palmerston’s instructions, and the third article of the Convention, and giving them my best consideration, it appeared to me evident that, under all circumstances, nothing but a very decided demonstration could be undertaken, following that demonstration up by hostilities, should opportunity offer.

Beyrout is a small town surrounded by a wall, with a few weak turrets mouldering to ruins, and mounting very few guns. The arms, provisions, and ammunition were stored in two weak castles. About a mile and a half from the town, on a point of land, stands the quarantine establishment, surrounded by a high wall; on this establishment the Turkish troops were encamped, a second camp was a little removed, and a third a still greater distance in the country, where were quartered the Egyptian and Albanian troops.

My first object was to rise and protect the Turks, the second to recover the arms of the mountaineers.

The 13th was employed in preparing the following proclamation, and the letters necessary to carry this into execution; and at eleven o’clock of the 14th the squadron weighed. The Powerful was placed within three hundred yards of one castle, the Edinburgh about the same distance from another, the Ganges close into the bay, with her broadside bearing between the two camps I have described; the Thunderer off the point, and the Castor in the bay round it. The orders were as follows:—

“H.M.S. Powerful, Beyrout,

“12th of August, 1840.

“Memorandum.—The Powerful and Edinburgh will take up a position abreast of the town; the object of so doing is to induce the Governor to deliver the arms that have been taken from the inhabitants of Lebanon, and to assist the Turkish troops to return to their allegiance. I shall avoid hostilities, if possible, therefore great caution is to be used, and the Edinburgh will not fire without signal, even if the Powerful should open, and then the guns will be carefully directed at the batteries.

“The Ganges will take up a position to command the Turkish camp to the south, the Thunderer abreast of the island, and the Castor in the bay. Captain Reynolds will endeavour to send the accompanying letter on shore, and should any attempt be made to withdraw the Turkish troops he will enfilade the road, and endeavour to prevent their retiring, and he will do this with great caution, and spill as little blood as possible. It has been intimated to the Governor that any movement amongst the Turkish troops will be the signal for hostilities.

“Charles Napier, Commodore.”

“To the Captains of H.M.S. Ganges,

Thunderer, Castor, and Edinburgh.”

An officer was then sent to the Governor and the Consul with the papers marked 1 and 2. Lieutenant Fitzjames landed in the Turkish camp, a service of some danger, with No. 3, and the Proclamation. No. 4 was sent to the Grand Prince, and No. 5 to his Nephew. The Governor declined giving any answer, and the commander of the Turkish forces said he could not act without orders.

An attack on the town depended entirely on a movement in the Turkish camp, but they either had not spirit or inclination to throw up their caps and declare for the Sultan; or it is possible the soldiers were kept in ignorance of the proclamation, for though we remained three days in our position no movement took place. I threatened to commence hostilities should the Turkish troops be moved, but in the night they were gradually withdrawn by a gate we could not see, and mingled with the Egyptians.

Towards dark, as I suspected, the removal of the stores from the castles and water side began, and I sent an officer to remonstrate and threaten, and it was with much difficulty I refrained from putting my veto on the proceedings, through the medium of a few 32lb. shot; this could easily have been done; but was it justifiable? I thought not—and most unwillingly made up my mind, unless a fair opportunity offered, to allow the twenty days to expire.

No. 1.

“Sir,

“Great Britain, Austria, Russia and Prussia, have decided that Syria is to be restored to the Sultan. I notify this to you for your guidance. I demand that the Turkish troops be put under my protection, and that the arms be restored to the inhabitants of Mount Lebanon. I am unwilling to shed blood, or destroy the property of the inhabitants of Beyrout, therefore I caution you not to provoke hostilities; you must see, by the position I have taken up, that the town is at my mercy, therefore if you are the cause of uselessly shedding blood the responsibility must rest on your head. Any attempt to move the Turkish troops from their present position will be the signal for hostilities.

“I am, Sir, &c.,

“Chas. Napier.”

“His Excellency Mahmoud Bey, Governor of Beyrout.”

No. 2.

“Sir,

“I beg you will communicate to the Consuls of the different Powers, and the British merchants at Beyrout, that Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, have decided that Syria is to be restored to the Sultan. I have demanded that the Turkish troops be put under my protection, and that the arms be restored to the inhabitants of Lebanon. I trust the Governor will not provoke hostilities; if he does, the responsibility of shedding blood must be on his own head.

“I am, Sir, &c.,

“Chas. Napier, Commodore.”

“N. Moore, Esq., British Consul, Beyrout.”

No. 3.

“Sir,

“I inclose you a proclamation I have thought proper to issue; if you attempt to move out of the camp, hostilities will commence immediately.

“I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

“Chas. Napier, Commodore.”

“To the Commanding Officer of the Turkish Troops.”

“Proclamation.

“Syrians,

“Great Britain, Austria, Russia, and Prussia, &c., in conjunction with the Sultan, have decided that the rule of Mehemet Ali shall cease in Syria; and I have been sent here with an advanced squadron to assist in throwing off the yoke of the Pacha of Egypt.

“You know that a hatti-scheriff has been issued by the Sultan, securing the life and property of his subjects, and which is in full operation throughout the Turkish territories[territories]; in addition to this the allied Powers have engaged to recommend to the Sultan an arrangement which will render your condition happy and comfortable.

“Inhabitants of Lebanon, who are more particularly under my eyes, I call upon you to rise and throw off the yoke under which you are groaning; troops, arms, and ammunition, are daily expected from Constantinople, and, in the mean time, the Egyptians shall no longer molest your coast.

“Soldiers of the Sultan, who were treacherously led from your homes to the burning sands of Egypt, and have since been transported to Syria, I call upon you, in the name of the great Powers, to return to your allegiance. All past events will be forgotten, and your arrears of pay discharged by the Sultan.

“(Signed) Charles Napier.“

No. 4.

“Prince,

“I send you a Proclamation I have thought proper to issue. I call upon your Highness to return to your allegiance to the Sultan, or take the consequence.

“I have the honour to remain,

“Your Highness’s obedient servant,

“Charles Napier.”

“His Highness the Emir Bechir,

Grand Prince of Lebanon.”

No. 5.

“Prince,

“My Proclamation will be delivered to you by Mr. Wood, or forwarded. I call upon you to stand forth in favour of your Sovereign; you may rely upon all the support I can give, and of reinforcements from the Porte.

“I have the honour to remain,

“Your obedient servant,

“Charles Napier.”

“To the Emir Bechir Cassim.”

The Grand Prince sent no answer, but a few days after, his surgeon came on board, and gave me to understand that as soon as the Turkish troops landed the Emir would declare for the Sultan; the Emir Bechir Cassim sent a favourable reply, but wavered till he could see what turn affairs were likely to take.

Copy of a letter received from the Emir

Bechir Cassim.

“August 14, 1840.

“After the customary compliments to his Excellency Commodore Napier.

“I have had the honour to receive your commands, and I have to pray to the Almighty to preserve to eternity your Government and your Excellency.

“I have had the honour to receive the Proclamation you were pleased to send me, containing the decision of the four great Powers, to which I readily submit. I am prepared to render instantly all the services that may be required of me, while I consider the opportunity afforded me as a peculiar favour from God. I am waiting only for supreme orders to commence immediately acting accordingly with diligence, when I will also follow all your commands. I hope to be able to prove to you the sincerity of my declarations. You have forwarded to us your Proclamation through Mr. Wood; we will follow your instructions thereon.

“I have requested the bearer of the present to express to you my sentiments verbally, and I hope that, with your assistance, we shall obtain peace, tranquillity, and liberty.

“(Signed) Emir Bechir Cassim.”

Vessels were constantly arriving with provisions and warlike stores, which were detained, much to the annoyance of the unfortunate crews and passengers, and, I may add, to our own. Many of the vessels were loaded to the water’s edge, quite unseaworthy should it blow, and badly found in water and provisions; this induced me to write to Souliman Pacha as follows:

“Sir,

“Powerful, Beyrout, August 18, 1840.

“I am instructed to detain all ships of war and vessels having troops, military stores, or provisions on board, going from one part of Egypt or Syria to another. As it is a very vexatious duty for me to perform, I submit to your Excellency whether it would not be better to give orders to all the ports under your jurisdiction, not to permit any vessels to sail loaded with the description of articles I have pointed out. I have detained eleven officers and eighty-seven privates on board different vessels; they have no provisions, and are totally unaccustomed to our mode of living. I therefore submit to your Excellency’s consideration whether it would not be desirable to send them off provisions.

“I am, &c.,

“(Signed) Charles Napier, Commodore.”

“His Excellency Souliman Pacha, &c.”

“Commodore,

“Beyrout, August 18, 1810.

“I am very grateful for the advice which your Excellency gives me. I did not expect less from the noble character of so loyal and valiant a soldier as fame has long reported you to be. But it is impossible for me to profit by it, not having received any instructions from my Government that war exists between England and Egypt. I cannot, therefore, take upon myself to interrupt the communications between Egypt and Syria, or between the ports of the latter country. If, according to your instructions, you have taken from the vessels any passengers, provisions, or stores, belonging to the army or to the country, I can no longer consider them as our subjects or our property. I can only refer the matter to my Government, regretting that I am without the power to provide further.

“Receive, I beg you, Commodore, the assurance of the highest consideration of

“Your very humble servant,

“Souliman Pacha.”

CHAPTER IV.

Generous behaviour of Souliman Pacha; Intercepted Letter from Boghos Bey to that Officer—Interview of the Consuls with Mehemet Ali—A Turkish Squadron equipped—Arrival of the Turkish Troops—Force of the Egyptian Army—Its proper line of Action.

Souliman behaved with great generosity, though enraged at the detention of vessels, which appeared to him contrary to the usages of war; he received the sick into the hospitals, with a promise to deliver them up when demanded, and allowed not only the vessels detained, but the squadron, to be supplied with fresh provisions and vegetables, and, I may add, did everything to prevent a collision taking place.

On the 19th an Egyptian cutter arrived with despatches from Boghos Bey to the Grand Prince, to Souliman, and to the Governor of Beyrout; they were all to the same purpose, tending to show that France was determined to take an active part in favour of Mehemet Ali; the French merchants and priests were not idle in circulating reports to the same effect, and they were generally credited in the mountains. I subjoin Boghos Bey’s letter.

Copy of Intercepted Instructions sent to Souliman

Pacha.

“TO HIS EXCELLENCY SOULIMAN PACHA.

“After the usual compliments, &c.

“Notwithstanding that the conditions of the Convention signed in London have not yet transpired, nevertheless, the Russian, English, and Austrian Consuls, in their vain attempts to intrigue, have been employing their clerks day and night to make drafts of the aforesaid Convention, with the intention of distributing the same in Syria, to bring about an insurrection there if necessary. By way of aid, 6000 troops will be conveyed from Constantinople to Cyprus, and arms and ammunition will be sent to Syria. We have also learned that a firman has been sent to the Emir Bechir, notifying to him, that as by the Convention of London he is to be freed from the government of Mehemet Ali, he had better be aware of it in time, and not be found in allegiance with him. In the hope of creating an insurrection and disturbances in Syria, the aforesaid Consuls have made drafts of a Convention as above described, and have transmitted them to Syria in the English steamer. The French Consul at Beyrout will be deposed, and sent to Paris, for having acted contrary to the policy of his Government, and will be replaced by Monsieur Delvasy, who is now at Damascus for the affair of the Jews. On the other hand, the French Consul-General at Alexandria has been graciously decorated by his Government for having followed its views. The French are with us, and have agreed, out of friendship, to furnish us with 100,000 troops, 600,000 purses, and 24 ships of the line, with 80 steamers. That such is the resolution taken in France, we have it from the proper quarter.

“By the grace of God, after the above becomes known to you, let the quarantine be strictly enforced in the principal sea-port towns in Syria as before, by which you will ascertain the destination of all letters brought by vessels. Vessels must not be allowed to go to places where there are no sanatory establishments, it being irregular; and should any vessels go to such places, and desire to land any passengers, let them be slightly opposed; but should any one resist the quarantine, let him be informed that the sanatory regulations are the same for all. Our Master, the Viceroy, is in Upper Egypt; but on his return to-day or to-morrow, he will necessarily write to you in detail on the conduct you are to pursue, and until you receive his instructions, the present notification will serve you as a guide, &c.

“A copy of the same instructions has been addressed to the Governors and Kakya of Beyrout, and to the Governor-General of Damascus.

“(Signed) Boghos Bey.”

On the 20th, an Egyptian frigate, armed en flute, bound to Scanderoon with stores, was detained by the Castor, stationed off the Point, to give notice should the Egyptian fleet appear off, to raise the blockade.

On the 27th I heard from the Admiral, announcing his arrival off Alexandria, and was shortly after reinforced by the Revenge, Benbow, and Magicienne. The Consuls, on their first audience, had laid before the Pacha the Treaty of the 15th of July, which he rejected at once; and he gave them to understand it was useless coming to him at the expiration of either the ten days or the twenty, for they should have the same answer; and that what he had won with the sword, he should defend with it; and he added, that after the expiration of the twenty days, the sooner they took themselves off the better, as their longer stay would neither be for their honour or his interest. The old man kept his word; on the 5th of September Raifat Pasha and the Consuls again presented themselves, and they were dismissed with the same answer.

The Admiral, in his last dispatch, gave me to understand I might shortly expect a small Turkish force would arrive at Cyprus, under the orders of Captain Walker, who had been promoted to the rank of Rear-Admiral in the Turkish service. This appeared business-like, and we anxiously looked forward to some active service during the remaining two months of summer.

Shortly after this, I received a dispatch from Lord Ponsonby, announcing that a war with France might be expected at any moment, and recommending the ships to be on their guard, and that the Turkish Government had recalled the expedition. Some of the Turkish vessels had already sailed, and Admiral Walker, with great judgment and decision, pushed on, and sent me word of his approach. Not a moment was lost; the Hastings, which had joined, was sent to Cyprus to reinforce him, and supply his ships with provisions, and I removed my pennant to the Gorgon steamer, and ran down the coast as far as D’Jebail, to ascertain the best landing place; from there I crossed over to Cyprus, where I arrived next afternoon. Admiral Walker had anchored the day before.

The Turkish troops, to the amount of 5300 men, had been landed. The Government, with their accustomed want of foresight, had started them with only a fortnight’s provisions, of which only three days remained. With all my desire to commence active operations, it would have been madness to have brought this force to the coast of Syria, where nothing could be procured in the event of a reverse. The troops had really a very respectable appearance, and were much better than I expected. After a conference with the Admiral and General, it was decided to leave it to Admiral Walker’s discretion to start the moment he could procure a moderate supply, and we agreed to meet off Sidon, as by that time I should have determined on what part of the coast we should strike the first blow, on the success of which all our hopes depended.

From Cyprus we ran over and reconnoitred St. Jean d’Acre, which I was glad to see did not present any great obstacle to an attack from sea. Many men were employed completing the works on the land side; but the sea front, I suppose, was considered sufficiently strong.

From Acre we went off Tyre, which was occupied by Albanian troops, and in the evening anchored at Beyrout, having run over all this ground in little more than forty-eight hours. The following day the Carysfort was despatched to Cyprus with more provisions. On the 9th of September, the ships in the offing, who had directions to bring Admiral Walker to Beyrout, made the signal for a convoy. Sir Robert Stopford, in the Princess Charlotte, also hove in sight, and before sunset the whole were at anchor off the town. Sir Charles Smith, who had arrived in the Pique a few days before in bad health, was still too unwell to take the direction of the military affairs, and Sir Robert Stopford did me the honour of placing the troops under my command.

Souliman Pacha at this time was at the head of the army at Beyrout, and was supposed to have 15,000 men under his orders. Ibrahim and Osman were at Balbeck with 10,000 more; the garrison of Sidon consisted of 3000; that of Tripoli, and in the neighbourhood, 5000; the rest of the Egyptian army, consisting of from 40,000 to 50,000 men, were stationed in various parts of Syria.

Had the Egyptian troops at Beyrout, with the exception of the garrison, marched to the heights of Ornagacuan and the high land over Nahr-el-Kelb, those at Balbeck on Gazir, Harissa and Antoura, and those at Tripoli pushed along shore by D’Jebail the moment we landed, there is little doubt but we should have been withdrawn, and the troops sent to Cyprus, and Mehemet Ali would now have been in possession of Syria, and England, in all probability, involved in war with France; or even had we remained inactive, and contented ourselves with occupying a strong hold only, we should have incurred the same risk.

CHAPTER V.

The Allied Troops landed in D’Jounie Bay—Encampment—Reconnoissances—Submission of the Emir Abdallah—Beyrout summoned to Surrender—Reply of Souliman Pacha—Impolicy of the Attack on Beyrout—Forbearance of Souliman Pacha—Capture of D’Jebail—Captain Martin’s Report—Reconnoissance[Reconnoissance] to Merouba—Report to the Admiral.

As Beyrout was surrounded by a slight wall without a ditch, it did not appear to me advisable to make our first impression there, because had we succeeded in obtaining possession of the town, we should have been penned in by a very superior force, and had no opportunity of communicating with and arming the mountaineers, without whose assistance it would have been quite impossible to have made any impression on Souliman Pacha’s army. Under these circumstances, I suggested to the Admiral, who was commander-in-chief of the allied forces by sea and land, that we should put the troops ashore in D’Jounie Bay, in the province of Kesrouan, there intrench ourselves, and arm the mountaineers, who, we had reason to suppose, would flock down and join the Sultan’s standard. This province is separated from El-Kata by a deep gorge, through which runs the Nahr-el-Kelb; a stream only passable at its mouth, a few miles higher up at Argentoun, four or five leagues from the sea, and at Basquinta, where it rises. A road leads from Beyrout along the sea-shore to its mouth, passing round a precipitous promontory jutting into the sea; on this promontory stands a convent of monks. Another road leads further inland to a village, and from that village you may descend by a very rugged path across Nahr-el-Kelb (or Dog River), and ascend to another convent, on the top of the hills which look down on D’Jounie Bay. To the northward a road leads from Tripoli along shore, and crosses a bridge over another gorge; besides which, there are several roads which can be traversed by troops from Balbeck, leading to Antoura and Gazir, the capital of the province.

After dark on the 9th of September, the Turkish troops and marines were moved into the steamboats, which was accomplished by two in the morning; soon after eight they weighed, and proceeded off Beyrout Point to draw the enemy’s troops in that direction, and there wait till the sea breeze set in. This had the desired effect, and a few shot and shell were pitched into their columns to keep them in play. At ten the Powerful weighed, accompanied by Admiral Walker, in the Turkish line-of-battle-ship, a frigate, and corvette, the Pique, Castor, Carysfort, Daphne, and Wasp, and stood towards D’Jounie. The Castor and one steamer were directed to anchor off Nahr-el-Kelb, enfilade the pass, and land a Turkish battalion to the north of the river, and occupy the high ground over it, to prevent the advance of the Egyptians when they discovered our real attack. The rest of the squadron proceeded towards D’Jounie, where they anchored at two in the afternoon, and the whole of the troops, under the judicious direction of Admiral Walker and Captain Reynolds, were landed by four o’clock. The heights were immediately occupied, a couple of companies of marines, commanded by Captain Childs, were detached to reinforce the Turks at Nahr-el-Kelb, and a battalion was posted in the village of Zug, about a league distant from the camp; beyond them, a couple of battalions of Turks occupied a strong position, having their left flank protected by an impassable gorge[^[13]]. I took up my quarters in a Maronite chapel, in which we placed a gun; this chapel served for dining-room, bed-room, and powder magazine. My establishment was landed from the Powerful, and I look back to the month I passed there as one of the happiest of my life. Provisions were abundant, wine not bad, and Archdukes, Princes, Pachas, and Emirs were entertained; and I fear the laws of the prophet were frequently infringed by our Turkish allies.

The Carysfort and Daphne were despatched to D’Jebail to drive the Albanians out of a strong château, and impede the sudden advance of troops from Tripoli. The Wasp flanked the bridge I have before pointed out. After the troops were landed, the ships and steamers took up positions to protect the flanks of the camp in the event of an attack, and those in advance, if hard pressed, were ordered to retire, disputing the ground, but not to risk a severe loss. The Admiral, with the Princess Charlotte, Bellerophon, Ganges, Thunderer, Edinburgh, Hastings, Benbow, and the Austrian squadron, remained at Beyrout; the Zebra, and the Austrian frigate Guerriera, commanded by the Archduke, covered the bridge near the quarantine ground, and the Revenge was stationed in the bay between it and Dog River, to harass the enemy (should they advance,) and give us timely notice of their approach. At midnight the Revenge made the signal the enemy were advancing; I immediately landed and turned out the troops, and the Powerful was warped closer in; but it proved a false alarm. The following morning we began throwing up intrenchments, which were finished on the fourth day; and much praise is due to the exertions of both officers and men; Captain Reynolds, Berkeley, and indeed all the Captains and Commanders, were indefatigable. The defences were much too confined to secure our whole force; and I wished them enlarged, but the Engineer officer differed with me, and the Admiral ordered them not to be changed. During the time they were in progress, I occupied myself in gaining a knowledge of the country, and of the roads leading to our position, and I soon ascertained that there was little danger of being disturbed, even had we to contend with a more powerful army.

At first the mountaineers came in slowly, and the Admiral gave directions to re-embark the troops in a few days, but I succeeded in persuading him to allow them to remain. Our stay gave confidence to the inhabitants, who in two or three days began to flock in in great numbers, and the Emir Abdallah, nephew of the Grand Prince, and governor of the province, who had retired before a Turkish battalion, sent to his capital the day after we landed, came over in good style, bringing with him a considerable number of followers tolerably well mounted and armed. I now ordered Gazir, the capital of the province, to be occupied, and the road reconnoitred leading to Merouba, where Ibrahim and Osman Pacha had collected a considerable force; another detachment was sent to the neighbourhood of the convent of Harissa, on the right of Gazir, under Captain Loué, a Prussian officer attached to the Turkish army, both detachments having orders to retire to the camp should the enemy advance on their line. On the 15th of September the enemy pushed a reconnoitring party as far as Ackshout, on the road to Harissa, where they remained an hour, and then returned to Merouba; they seemed undecided, whether to advance on Gazir, Harissa, or Argentoun; their position gave them the choice of the three roads.

On the 11th a flag of truce was sent into Beyrout by Sir Robert Stopford and Admiral Bandeira, with a summons to Souliman Pacha to withdraw his troops: subjoined are the summons and reply.

“We, the Admirals of the British and Austrian squadrons, acting in obedience to the instructions of our respective Governments, and in the interests of his Highness the Sultan, consider our duty to represent to your Excellency our earnest desire to stop the effusion of blood, and to call upon your Excellency to withdraw your troops from Beyrout, and to deliver the town to our united forces, to be retained in the name of the Sultan.

“Your Excellency will have observed, from the fire of the ships yesterday, a small specimen only of the course we shall be compelled to pursue. The fire has not been pressed this morning, that your Excellency may benefit by the pause, and upon reflection come to the decision in consonance with our benevolent views, to spare the innocent inhabitants from the inevitable horrors which a few hours would inflict upon them.

“We request your Excellency will send an answer as soon as you can, or at the latest by half-past one.

“(Signed) Robert Stopford, Admiral.

Bandeira, Admiral.