THE TEACHING OF GEOMETRY
BY
DAVID EUGENE SMITH
GINN AND COMPANY
BOSTON · NEW YORK · CHICAGO · LONDON
COPYRIGHT, 1911, BY DAVID EUGENE SMITH
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
911.6
The Athenæum Press
GINN AND COMPANY · PROPRIETORS BOSTON · U.S.A.
PREFACE
A book upon the teaching of geometry may be planned in divers ways. It may be written to exploit a new theory of geometry, or a new method of presenting the science as we already have it. On the other hand, it may be ultraconservative, making a plea for the ancient teaching and the ancient geometry. It may be prepared for the purpose of setting forth the work as it now is, or with the tempting but dangerous idea of prophecy. It may appeal to the iconoclast by its spirit of destruction, or to the disciples of laissez faire by its spirit of conserving what the past has bequeathed. It may be written for the few who always lead, or think they lead, or for the many who are ranked by the few as followers. And in view of these varied pathways into the joint domain of geometry and education, a writer may well afford to pause before he sets his pen to paper, and to decide with care the route that he will take.
At present in America we have a fairly well-defined body of matter in geometry, and this occupies a fairly well-defined place in the curriculum. There are not wanting many earnest teachers who would change both the matter and the place in a very radical fashion. There are not wanting others, also many in number, who are content with things as they find them. But by far the largest part of the teaching body is of a mind to welcome the natural and gradual evolution of geometry toward better things, contributing to this evolution as much as it can, glad to know the best that others have to offer, receptive of ideas that make for better teaching, but out of sympathy with either the extreme of revolution or the extreme of stagnation.
It is for this larger class, the great body of progressive teachers, that this book is written. It stands for vitalizing geometry in every legitimate way; for improving the subject matter in such manner as not to destroy the pupil's interest; for so teaching geometry as to make it appeal to pupils as strongly as any other subject in the curriculum; but for the recognition of geometry for geometry's sake and not for the sake of a fancied utility that hardly exists. Expressing full appreciation of the desirability of establishing a motive for all studies, so as to have the work proceed with interest and vigor, it does not hesitate to express doubt as to certain motives that have been exploited, nor to stand for such a genuine, thought-compelling development of the science as is in harmony with the mental powers of the pupils in the American high school.
For this class of teachers the author hopes that the book will prove of service, and that through its perusal they will come to admire the subject more and more, and to teach it with greater interest. It offers no panacea, it champions no single method, but it seeks to set forth plainly the reasons for teaching a geometry of the kind that we have inherited, and for hoping for a gradual but definite improvement in the science and in the methods of its presentation.
CONTENTS
| CHAPTER | PAGE | |
| [I.] | Certain Questions now at Issue | 1 |
| [II.] | Why Geometry is Studied | 7 |
| [III.] | A Brief History of Geometry | 26 |
| [IV.] | Development of the Teaching of Geometry | 40 |
| [V.] | Euclid | 47 |
| [VI.] | Efforts at Improving Euclid | 57 |
| [VII.] | The Textbook in Geometry | 70 |
| [VIII.] | The Relation of Algebra to Geometry | 84 |
| [IX.] | The Introduction to Geometry | 93 |
| [X.] | The Conduct of a Class in Geometry | 108 |
| [XI.] | The Axioms and Postulates | 116 |
| [XII.] | The Definitions of Geometry | 132 |
| [XIII.] | How to attack the Exercises | 160 |
| [XIV.] | Book I and its Propositions | 165 |
| [XV.] | The Leading Propositions of Book II | 201 |
| [XVI.] | The Leading Propositions of Book III | 227 |
| [XVII.] | The Leading Propositions of Book IV | 252 |
| [XVIII.] | The Leading Propositions of Book V | 269 |
| [XIX.] | The Leading Propositions of Book VI | 289 |
| [XX.] | The Leading Propositions of Book VII | 303 |
| [XXI.] | The Leading Propositions of Book VIII | 321 |
| [INDEX] | 335 |
THE TEACHING OF GEOMETRY
CHAPTER I
CERTAIN QUESTIONS NOW AT ISSUE
It is commonly said at the present time that the opening of the twentieth century is a period of unusual advancement in all that has to do with the school. It would be pleasant to feel that we are living in such an age, but it is doubtful if the future historian of education will find this to be the case, or that biographers will rank the leaders of our generation relatively as high as many who have passed away, or that any great movements of the present will be found that measure up to certain ones that the world now recognizes as epoch-making. Every generation since the invention of printing has been a period of agitation in educational matters, but out of all the noise and self-assertion, out of all the pretense of the chronic revolutionist, out of all the sham that leads to dogmatism, so little is remembered that we are apt to feel that the past had no problems and was content simply to accept its inheritance. In one sense it is not a misfortune thus to be blinded by the dust of present agitation and to be deafened by the noisy clamor of the agitator, since it stirs us to action at finding ourselves in the midst of the skirmish; but in another sense it is detrimental to our progress, since we thereby tend to lose the idea of perspective, and the coin comes to appear to our vision as large as the moon.
In considering a question like the teaching of geometry, we at once find ourselves in the midst of a skirmish of this nature. If we join thoughtlessly in the noise, we may easily persuade ourselves that we are waging a mighty battle, fighting for some stupendous principle, doing deeds of great valor and of personal sacrifice. If, on the other hand, we stand aloof and think of the present movement as merely a chronic effervescence, fostered by the professional educator at the expense of the practical teacher, we are equally shortsighted. Sir Conan Doyle expressed this sentiment most delightfully in these words:
The dead are such good company that one may come to think too little of the living. It is a real and pressing danger with many of us that we should never find our own thoughts and our own souls, but be ever obsessed by the dead.
In every generation it behooves the open-minded, earnest, progressive teacher to seek for the best in the way of improvement, to endeavor to sift the few grains of gold out of the common dust, to weigh the values of proposed reforms, and to put forth his efforts to know and to use the best that the science of education has to offer. This has been the attitude of mind of the real leaders in the school life of the past, and it will be that of the leaders of the future.
With these remarks to guide us, it is now proposed to take up the issues of the present day in the teaching of geometry, in order that we may consider them calmly and dispassionately, and may see where the opportunities for improvement lie.
At the present time, in the educational circles of the United States, questions of the following type are causing the chief discussion among teachers of geometry:
1. Shall geometry continue to be taught as an application of logic, or shall it be treated solely with reference to its applications?
2. If the latter is the purpose in view, shall the propositions of geometry be limited to those that offer an opportunity for real application, thus contracting the whole subject to very narrow dimensions?
3. Shall a subject called geometry be extended over several years, as is the case in Europe,[1] or shall the name be applied only to serious demonstrative geometry[2] as given in the second year of the four-year high school course in the United States at present?
4. Shall geometry be taught by itself, or shall it be either mixed with algebra (say a day of one subject followed by a day of the other) or fused with it in the form of a combined mathematics?
5. Shall a textbook be used in which the basal propositions are proved in full, the exercises furnishing the opportunity for original work and being looked upon as the most important feature, or shall one be employed in which the pupil is expected to invent the proofs for the basal propositions as well as for the exercises?
6. Shall the terminology and the spirit of a modified Euclid and Legendre prevail in the future as they have
in the past, or shall there be a revolution in the use of terms and in the general statements of the propositions?
7. Shall geometry be made a strong elective subject, to be taken only by those whose minds are capable of serious work? Shall it be a required subject, diluted to the comprehension of the weakest minds? Or is it now, by proper teaching, as suitable for all pupils as is any other required subject in the school curriculum? And in any case, will the various distinct types of high schools now arising call for distinct types of geometry?
This brief list might easily be amplified, but it is sufficiently extended to set forth the trend of thought at the present time, and to show that the questions before the teachers of geometry are neither particularly novel nor particularly serious. These questions and others of similar nature are really side issues of two larger questions of far greater significance: (1) Are the reasons for teaching demonstrative geometry such that it should be a required subject, or at least a subject that is strongly recommended to all, whatever the type of high school? (2) If so, how can it be made interesting?
The present work is written with these two larger questions in mind, although it considers from time to time the minor ones already mentioned, together with others of a similar nature. It recognizes that the recent growth in popular education has brought into the high school a less carefully selected type of mind than was formerly the case, and that for this type a different kind of mathematical training will naturally be developed. It proceeds upon the theory, however, that for the normal mind,—for the boy or girl who is preparing to win out in the long run,—geometry will continue to be taught as demonstrative geometry, as a vigorous thought-compelling subject, and along the general lines that the experience of the world has shown to be the best. Soft mathematics is not interesting to this normal mind, and a sham treatment will never appeal to the pupil; and this book is written for teachers who believe in this principle, who believe in geometry for the sake of geometry, and who earnestly seek to make the subject so interesting that pupils will wish to study it whether it is required or elective. The work stands for the great basal propositions that have come down to us, as logically arranged and as scientifically proved as the powers of the pupils in the American high school will permit; and it seeks to tell the story of these propositions and to show their possible and their probable applications in such a way as to furnish teachers with a fund of interesting material with which to supplement the book work of their classes.
After all, the problem of teaching any subject comes down to this: Get a subject worth teaching and then make every minute of it interesting. Pupils do not object to work if they like a subject, but they do object to aimless and uninteresting tasks. Geometry is particularly fortunate in that the feeling of accomplishment comes with every proposition proved; and, given a class of fair intelligence, a teacher must be lacking in knowledge and enthusiasm who cannot foster an interest that will make geometry stand forth as the subject that brings the most pleasure, and that seems the most profitable of all that are studied in the first years of the high school.
Continually to advance, continually to attempt to make mathematics fascinating, always to conserve the best of the old and to sift out and use the best of the new, to believe that "mankind is better served by nature's quiet and progressive changes than by earthquakes,"[3] to believe that geometry as geometry is so valuable and so interesting that the normal mind may rightly demand it,—this is to ally ourselves with progress. Continually to destroy, continually to follow strange gods, always to decry the best of the old, and to have no well-considered aim in the teaching of a subject,—this is to join the forces of reaction, to waste our time, to be recreant to our trust, to blind ourselves to the failures of the past, and to confess our weakness as teachers. It is with the desire to aid in the progressive movement, to assist those who believe that real geometry should be recommended to all, and to show that geometry is both attractive and valuable that this book is written.
CHAPTER II
WHY GEOMETRY IS STUDIED
With geometry, as with other subjects, it is easier to set forth what are not the reasons for studying it than to proceed positively and enumerate the advantages. Although such a negative course is not satisfying to the mind as a finality, it possesses definite advantages in the beginning of such a discussion as this. Whenever false prophets arise, and with an attitude of pained superiority proclaim unworthy aims in human life, it is well to show the fallacy of their position before proceeding to a constructive philosophy. Taking for a moment this negative course, let us inquire as to what are not the reasons for studying geometry, or, to be more emphatic, as to what are not the worthy reasons.
In view of a periodic activity in favor of the utilities of geometry, it is well to understand, in the first place, that geometry is not studied, and never has been studied, because of its positive utility in commercial life or even in the workshop. In America we commonly allow at least a year to plane geometry and a half year to solid geometry; but all of the facts that a skilled mechanic or an engineer would ever need could be taught in a few lessons. All the rest is either obvious or is commercially and technically useless. We prove, for example, that the angles opposite the equal sides of a triangle are equal, a fact that is probably quite as obvious as the postulate that but one line can be drawn through a given point parallel to a given line. We then prove, sometimes by the unsatisfactory process of reductio ad absurdum, the converse of this proposition,—a fact that is as obvious as most other facts that come to our consciousness, at least after the preceding proposition has been proved. And these two theorems are perfectly fair types of upwards of one hundred sixty or seventy propositions comprising Euclid's books on plane geometry. They are generally not useful in daily life, and they were never intended to be so. There is an oft-repeated but not well-authenticated story of Euclid that illustrates the feeling of the founders of geometry as well as of its most worthy teachers. A Greek writer, Stobæus, relates the story in these words:
Some one who had begun to read geometry with Euclid, when he had learned the first theorem, asked, "But what shall I get by learning these things?" Euclid called his slave and said, "Give him three obols, since he must make gain out of what he learns."
Whether true or not, the story expresses the sentiment that runs through Euclid's work, and not improbably we have here a bit of real biography,—practically all of the personal Euclid that has come down to us from the world's first great textbook maker. It is well that we read the story occasionally, and also such words as the following, recently uttered[4] by Sir Conan Doyle,—words bearing the same lesson, although upon a different theme:
In the present utilitarian age one frequently hears the question asked, "What is the use of it all?" as if every noble deed was not its own justification. As if every action which makes for self-denial, for hardihood, and for endurance was not in itself a most precious lesson to mankind. That people can be found to ask such a question shows how far materialism has gone, and how needful it is that we insist upon the value of all that is nobler and higher in life.
An American statesman and jurist, speaking upon a similar occasion[5], gave utterance to the same sentiments in these words:
When the time comes that knowledge will not be sought for its own sake, and men will not press forward simply in a desire of achievement, without hope of gain, to extend the limits of human knowledge and information, then, indeed, will the race enter upon its decadence.
There have not been wanting, however, in every age, those whose zeal is in inverse proportion to their experience, who were possessed with the idea that it is the duty of the schools to make geometry practical. We have them to-day, and the world had them yesterday, and the future shall see them as active as ever.
These people do good to the world, and their labors should always be welcome, for out of the myriad of suggestions that they make a few have value, and these are helpful both to the mathematician and the artisan. Not infrequently they have contributed material that serves to make geometry somewhat more interesting, but it must be confessed that most of their work is merely the threshing of old straw, like the work of those who follow the will-o'-the-wisp of the circle squarers. The medieval astrologers wished to make geometry more practical, and so they carried to a considerable length the study of the star polygon, a figure that they could use in their profession. The cathedral builders, as their
art progressed, found that architectural drawings were more exact if made with a single opening of the compasses, and it is probable that their influence led to the development of this phase of geometry in the Middle Ages as a practical application of the science. Later, and about the beginning of the sixteenth century, the revival of art, and particularly the great development of painting, led to the practical application of geometry to the study of perspective and of those curves[6] that occur most frequently in the graphic arts. The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries witnessed the publication of a large number of treatises on practical geometry, usually relating to the measuring of distances and partly answering the purposes of our present trigonometry. Such were the well-known treatises of Belli (1569), Cataneo (1567), and Bartoli (1589).[7]
The period of two centuries from about 1600 to about 1800 was quite as much given to experiments in the creation of a practical geometry as is the present time, and it was no doubt as much by way of protest against this false idea of the subject as a desire to improve upon Euclid that led the great French mathematician, Legendre, to publish his geometry in 1794,—a work that soon replaced Euclid in the schools of America.
It thus appears that the effort to make geometry practical is by no means new. Euclid knew of it, the Middle Ages contributed to it, that period vaguely styled the Renaissance joined in the movement, and the first three centuries of printing contributed a large literature to the
subject. Out of all this effort some genuine good remains, but relatively not very much.[8] And so it will be with the present movement; it will serve its greatest purpose in making teachers think and read, and in adding to their interest and enthusiasm and to the interest of their pupils; but it will not greatly change geometry, because no serious person ever believed that geometry was taught chiefly for practical purposes, or was made more interesting or valuable through such a pretense. Changes in sequence, in definitions, and in proofs will come little by little; but that there will be any such radical change in these matters in the immediate future, as some writers have anticipated, is not probable.[9]
A recent writer of much acumen[10] has summed up this thought in these words:
Not one tenth of the graduates of our high schools ever enter professions in which their algebra and geometry are applied to concrete realities; not one day in three hundred sixty-five is a high school graduate called upon to "apply," as it is called, an algebraic or a geometrical proposition.... Why, then, do we teach these subjects, if this alone is the sense of the word "practical"!... To me the solution of this paradox consists in boldly confronting the dilemma, and in saying that our conception of the practical utility of those studies must be readjusted, and that we have frankly to face the truth that the "practical" ends we seek are in a sense ideal practical ends, yet such as have, after all, an eminently utilitarian value in the intellectual sphere.
He quotes from C. S. Jackson, a progressive contemporary teacher of mechanics in England, who speaks of pupils confusing millimeters and centimeters in some simple computation, and who adds:
There is the enemy! The real enemy we have to fight against, whatever we teach, is carelessness, inaccuracy, forgetfulness, and slovenliness. That battle has been fought and won with diverse weapons. It has, for instance, been fought with Latin grammar before now, and won. I say that because we must be very careful to guard against the notion that there is any one panacea for this sort of thing. It borders on quackery to say that elementary physics will cure everything.
And of course the same thing may be said for mathematics. Nevertheless it is doubtful if we have any other subject that does so much to bring to the front this danger of carelessness, of slovenly reasoning, of inaccuracy, and of forgetfulness as this science of geometry, which has been so polished and perfected as the centuries have gone on.
There have been those who did not proclaim the utilitarian value of geometry, but who fell into as serious an error, namely, the advocating of geometry as a means of training the memory. In times not so very far past, and to some extent to-day, the memorizing of proofs has been justified on this ground. This error has, however, been fully exposed by our modern psychologists. They have shown that the person who memorizes the propositions of Euclid by number is no more capable of memorizing other facts than he was before, and that the learning of proofs verbatim is of no assistance whatever in retaining matter that is helpful in other lines of work. Geometry, therefore, as a training of the memory is of no more value than any other subject in the curriculum.
If geometry is not studied chiefly because it is practical, or because it trains the memory, what reasons can be adduced for its presence in the courses of study of every civilized country? Is it not, after all, a mere fetish, and are not those virulent writers correct who see nothing good in the subject save only its utilities?[11] Of this type one of the most entertaining is William J. Locke,[12] whose words upon the subject are well worth reading:
... I earned my living at school slavery, teaching to children the most useless, the most disastrous, the most soul-cramping branch of knowledge wherewith pedagogues in their insensate folly have crippled the minds and blasted the lives of thousands of their fellow creatures—elementary mathematics. There is no more reason for any human being on God's earth to be acquainted with the binomial theorem or the solution of triangles, unless he is a professional scientist,—when he can begin to specialize in mathematics at the same age as the lawyer begins to specialize in law or the surgeon in anatomy,—than for him to be expert in Choctaw, the Cabala, or the Book of Mormon. I look back with feelings of shame and degradation to the days when, for a crust of bread, I prostituted my intelligence to wasting the precious hours of impressionable childhood, which could have been filled with so many beautiful and meaningful things, over this utterly futile and inhuman subject. It trains the mind,—it teaches boys to think, they say. It doesn't. In reality it is a cut-and-dried subject, easy to fit into a school curriculum. Its sacrosanctity saves educationalists an enormous amount of trouble, and its chief use is to enable mindless young men from the universities to make a dishonest living by teaching it to others, who in their turn may teach it to a future generation.
To be fair we must face just such attacks, and we must recognize that they set forth the feelings of many
honest people. One is tempted to inquire if Mr. Locke could have written in such an incisive style if he had not, as was the case, graduated with honors in mathematics at one of the great universities. But he might reply that if his mind had not been warped by mathematics, he would have written more temperately, so the honors in the argument would be even. Much more to the point is the fact that Mr. Locke taught mathematics in the schools of England, and that these schools do not seem to the rest of the world to furnish a good type of the teaching of elementary mathematics. No country goes to England for its model in this particular branch of education, although the work is rapidly changing there, and Mr. Locke pictures a local condition in teaching rather than a general condition in mathematics. Few visitors to the schools of England would care to teach mathematics as they see it taught there, in spite of their recognition of the thoroughness of the work and the earnestness of many of the teachers. It is also of interest to note that the greatest protests against formal mathematics have come from England, as witness the utterances of such men as Sir William Hamilton and Professors Perry, Minchin, Henrici, and Alfred Lodge. It may therefore be questioned whether these scholars are not unconsciously protesting against the English methods and curriculum rather than against the subject itself. When Professor Minchin says that he had been through the six books of Euclid without really understanding an angle, it is Euclid's text and his own teacher that are at fault, and not geometry.
Before considering directly the question as to why geometry should be taught, let us turn for a moment to the other subjects in the secondary curriculum. Why, for example, do we study literature? "It does not lower the price of bread," as Malherbe remarked in speaking of the commentary of Bachet on the great work of Diophantus. Is it for the purpose of making authors? Not one person out of ten thousand who study literature ever writes for publication. And why do we allow pupils to waste their time in physical education? It uses valuable hours, it wastes money, and it is dangerous to life and limb. Would it not be better to set pupils at sawing wood? And why do we study music? To give pleasure by our performances? How many who attempt to play the piano or to sing give much pleasure to any but themselves, and possibly their parents? The study of grammar does not make an accurate writer, nor the study of rhetoric an orator, nor the study of meter a poet, nor the study of pedagogy a teacher. The study of geography in the school does not make travel particularly easier, nor does the study of biology tend to populate the earth. So we might pass in review the various subjects that we study and ought to study, and in no case would we find utility the moving cause, and in every case would we find it difficult to state the one great reason for the pursuit of the subject in question,—and so it is with geometry.
What positive reasons can now be adduced for the study of a subject that occupies upwards of a year in the school course, and that is, perhaps unwisely, required of all pupils? Probably the primary reason, if we do not attempt to deceive ourselves, is pleasure. We study music because music gives us pleasure, not necessarily our own music, but good music, whether ours, or, as is more probable, that of others. We study literature because we derive pleasure from books; the better the book the more subtle and lasting the pleasure. We study art because we receive pleasure from the great works of the masters, and probably we appreciate them the more because we have dabbled a little in pigments or in clay. We do not expect to be composers, or poets, or sculptors, but we wish to appreciate music and letters and the fine arts, and to derive pleasure from them and to be uplifted by them. At any rate, these are the nobler reasons for their study.
So it is with geometry. We study it because we derive pleasure from contact with a great and an ancient body of learning that has occupied the attention of master minds during the thousands of years in which it has been perfected, and we are uplifted by it. To deny that our pupils derive this pleasure from the study is to confess ourselves poor teachers, for most pupils do have positive enjoyment in the pursuit of geometry, in spite of the tradition that leads them to proclaim a general dislike for all study. This enjoyment is partly that of the game,—the playing of a game that can always be won, but that cannot be won too easily. It is partly that of the æsthetic, the pleasure of symmetry of form, the delight of fitting things together. But probably it lies chiefly in the mental uplift that geometry brings, the contact with absolute truth, and the approach that one makes to the Infinite. We are not quite sure of any one thing in biology; our knowledge of geology is relatively very slight, and the economic laws of society are uncertain to every one except some individual who attempts to set them forth; but before the world was fashioned the square on the hypotenuse was equal to the sum of the squares on the other two sides of a right triangle, and it will be so after this world is dead; and the inhabitant of Mars, if he exists, probably knows its truth as we know it. The uplift of this contact with absolute truth, with truth eternal, gives pleasure to humanity to a greater or less degree, depending upon the mental equipment of the particular individual; but it probably gives an appreciable amount of pleasure to every student of geometry who has a teacher worthy of the name. First, then, and foremost as a reason for studying geometry has always stood, and will always stand, the pleasure and the mental uplift that comes from contact with such a great body of human learning, and particularly with the exact truth that it contains. The teacher who is imbued with this feeling is on the road to success, whatever method of presentation he may use; the one who is not imbued with it is on the road to failure, however logical his presentation or however large his supply of practical applications.
Subordinate to these reasons for studying geometry are many others, exactly as with all other subjects of the curriculum. Geometry, for example, offers the best developed application of logic that we have, or are likely to have, in the school course. This does not mean that it always exemplifies perfect logic, for it does not; but to the pupil who is not ready for logic, per se, it offers an example of close reasoning such as his other subjects do not offer. We may say, and possibly with truth, that one who studies geometry will not reason more clearly on a financial proposition than one who does not; but in spite of the results of the very meager experiments of the psychologists, it is probable that the man who has had some drill in syllogisms, and who has learned to select the essentials and to neglect the nonessentials in reaching his conclusions, has acquired habits in reasoning that will help him in every line of work. As part of this equipment there is also a terseness of statement and a clearness in arrangement of points in an argument that has been the subject of comment by many writers.
Upon this same topic an English writer, in one of the sanest of recent monographs upon the subject,[13] has expressed his views in the following words:
The statement that a given individual has received a sound geometrical training implies that he has segregated from the whole of his sense impressions a certain set of these impressions, that he has then eliminated from their consideration all irrelevant impressions (in other words, acquired a subjective command of these impressions), that he has developed on the basis of these impressions an ordered and continuous system of logical deduction, and finally that he is capable of expressing the nature of these impressions and his deductions therefrom in terms simple and free from ambiguity. Now the slightest consideration will convince any one not already conversant with the idea, that the same sequence of mental processes underlies the whole career of any individual in any walk of life if only he is not concerned entirely with manual labor; consequently a full training in the performance of such sequences must be regarded as forming an essential part of any education worthy of the name. Moreover, the full appreciation of such processes has a higher value than is contained in the mental training involved, great though this be, for it induces an appreciation of intellectual unity and beauty which plays for the mind that part which the appreciation of schemes of shape and color plays for the artistic faculties; or, again, that part which the appreciation of a body of religious doctrine plays for the ethical aspirations. Now geometry is not the sole possible basis for inculcating this appreciation. Logic is an alternative for adults, provided that the individual is possessed of sufficient wide, though rough, experience on which to base his reasoning. Geometry is, however, highly desirable in that the objective bases are so simple and precise that they can be grasped at an early age, that the amount of training for the imagination is very large, that the deductive processes are not beyond the scope of ordinary boys, and finally that it affords a better basis for exercise in the art of simple and exact expression than any other possible subject of a school course.
Are these results really secured by teachers, however, or are they merely imagined by the pedagogue as a justification for his existence? Do teachers have any such appreciation of geometry as has been suggested, and even if they have it, do they impart it to their pupils? In reply it may be said, probably with perfect safety, that teachers of geometry appreciate their subject and lead their pupils to appreciate it to quite as great a degree as obtains in any other branch of education. What teacher appreciates fully the beauties of "In Memoriam," or of "Hamlet," or of "Paradise Lost," and what one inspires his pupils with all the nobility of these world classics? What teacher sees in biology all the grandeur of the evolution of the race, or imparts to his pupils the noble lessons of life that the study of this subject should suggest? What teacher of Latin brings his pupils to read the ancient letters with full appreciation of the dignity of style and the nobility of thought that they contain? And what teacher of French succeeds in bringing a pupil to carry on a conversation, to read a French magazine, to see the history imbedded in the words that are used, to realize the charm and power of the language, or to appreciate to the full a single classic? In other words, none of us fully appreciates his subject, and none of us can hope to bring his pupils to the ideal attitude toward any part of it. But it is probable that the teacher of geometry succeeds relatively better than the teacher of other subjects, because the science has reached a relatively higher state of perfection. The body of truth in geometry has been more clearly marked out, it has been more successfully fitted together, its lesson is more patent, and the experience of centuries has brought it into a shape that is more usable in the school. While, therefore, we have all kinds of teaching in all kinds of subjects, the very nature of the case leads to the belief that the class in geometry receives quite as much from the teacher and the subject as the class in any other branch in the school curriculum.
But is this not mere conjecture? What are the results of scientific investigation of the teaching of geometry? Unfortunately there is little hope from the results of such an inquiry, either here or in other fields. We cannot first weigh a pupil in an intellectual or moral balance, then feed him geometry, and then weigh him again, and then set back his clock of time and begin all over again with the same individual. There is no "before taking" and "after taking" of a subject that extends over a year or two of a pupil's life. We can weigh utilities roughly, we can estimate the pleasure of a subject relatively, but we cannot say that geometry is worth so many dollars, and history so many, and so on through the curriculum. The best we can do is to ask ourselves what the various subjects, with teachers of fairly equal merit, have done for us, and to inquire what has been the experience of other persons. Such an investigation results in showing that, with few exceptions, people who have studied geometry received as much of pleasure, of inspiration, of satisfaction, of what they call training from geometry as from any other subject of study,—given teachers of equal merit,—and that they would not willingly give up the something which geometry brought to them. If this were not the feeling, and if humanity believed that geometry is what Mr. Locke's words would seem to indicate, it would long ago have banished it from the schools, since upon this ground rather than upon the ground of utility the subject has always stood.
These seem to be the great reasons for the study of geometry, and to search for others would tend to weaken the argument. At first sight they may not seem to justify the expenditure of time that geometry demands, and they may seem unduly to neglect the argument that geometry is a stepping-stone to higher mathematics. Each of these points, however, has been neglected purposely. A pupil has a number of school years at his disposal; to what shall they be devoted? To literature? What claim has letters that is such as to justify the exclusion of geometry? To music, or natural science, or language? These are all valuable, and all should be studied by one seeking a liberal education; but for the same reason geometry should have its place. What subject, in fine, can supply exactly what geometry does? And if none, then how can the pupil's time be better expended than in the study of this science?[14] As to the second point, that a claim should be set forth that geometry is a sine qua non to higher mathematics, this belief is considerably exaggerated because there are relatively few who proceed from geometry to a higher branch of mathematics. This argument would justify its status as an elective rather than as a required subject.
Let us then stand upon the ground already marked out, holding that the pleasure, the culture, the mental poise, the habits of exact reasoning that geometry brings,
and the general experience of mankind upon the subject are sufficient to justify us in demanding for it a reasonable amount of time in the framing of a curriculum. Let us be fair in our appreciation of all other branches, but let us urge that every student may have an opportunity to know of real geometry, say for a single year, thereafter pursuing it or not, according as we succeed in making its value apparent, or fail in our attempt to present worthily an ancient and noble science to the mind confided to our instruction.
The shortsightedness of a narrow education, of an education that teaches only machines to a prospective mechanic, and agriculture to a prospective farmer, and cooking and dressmaking to the girl, and that would exclude all mathematics that is not utilitarian in the narrow sense, cannot endure.
The community has found out that such schemes may be well fitted to give the children a good time in school, but lead them to a bad time afterward. Life is hard work, and if they have never learned in school to give their concentrated attention to that which does not appeal to them and which does not interest them immediately, they have missed the most valuable lesson of their school years. The little practical information they could have learned at any time; the energy of attention and concentration can no longer be learned if the early years are wasted. However narrow and commercial the standpoint which is chosen may be, it can always be found that it is the general education which pays best, and the more the period of cultural work can be expanded the more efficient will be the services of the school for the practical services of the nation.[15]
Of course no one should construe these remarks as opposing in the slightest degree the laudable efforts that are constantly being put forth to make geometry more
interesting and to vitalize it by establishing as strong motives as possible for its study. Let the home, the workshop, physics, art, play,—all contribute their quota of motive to geometry as to all mathematics and all other branches. But let us never forget that geometry has a raison d'être beyond all this, and that these applications are sought primarily for the sake of geometry, and that geometry is not taught primarily for the sake of these applications.
When we consider how often geometry is attacked by those who profess to be its friends, and how teachers who have been trained in mathematics occasionally seem to make of the subject little besides a mongrel course in drawing and measuring, all the time insisting that they are progressive while the champions of real geometry are reactionary, it is well to read some of the opinions of the masters. The following quotations may be given occasionally in geometry classes as showing the esteem in which the subject has been held in various ages, and at any rate they should serve to inspire the teacher to greater love for his subject.
The enemies of geometry, those who know it only imperfectly, look upon the theoretical problems, which constitute the most difficult part of the subject, as mental games which consume time and energy that might better be employed in other ways. Such a belief is false, and it would block the progress of science if it were credible. But aside from the fact that the speculative problems, which at first sight seem barren, can often be applied to useful purposes, they always stand as among the best means to develop and to express all the forces of the human intelligence.—Abbé Bossut.
The sailor whom an exact observation of longitude saves from shipwreck owes his life to a theory developed two thousand years ago by men who had in mind merely the speculations of abstract geometry.—Condorcet.
If mathematical heights are hard to climb, the fundamental principles lie at every threshold, and this fact allows them to be comprehended by that common sense which Descartes declared was "apportioned equally among all men."—Collet.
It may seem strange that geometry is unable to define the terms which it uses most frequently, since it defines neither movement, nor number, nor space,—-the three things with which it is chiefly concerned. But we shall not be surprised if we stop to consider that this admirable science concerns only the most simple things, and the very quality that renders these things worthy of study renders them incapable of being defined. Thus the very lack of definition is rather an evidence of perfection than a defect, since it comes not from the obscurity of the terms, but from the fact that they are so very well known.—Pascal.
God eternally geometrizes.—Plato.
God is a circle of which the center is everywhere and the circumference nowhere.—Rabelais.
Without mathematics no one can fathom the depths of philosophy. Without philosophy no one can fathom the depths of mathematics. Without the two no one can fathom the depths of anything.—Bordas-Demoulin.
We may look upon geometry as a practical logic, for the truths which it studies, being the most simple and most clearly understood of all truths, are on this account the most susceptible of ready application in reasoning.—D'Alembert.
The advance and the perfecting of mathematics are closely joined to the prosperity of the nation.—Napoleon.
Hold nothing as certain save what can be demonstrated.—Newton.
To measure is to know.—Kepler.
The method of making no mistake is sought by every one. The logicians profess to show the way, but the geometers alone ever reach it, and aside from their science there is no genuine demonstration.—Pascal.
The taste for exactness, the impossibility of contenting one's self with vague notions or of leaning upon mere hypotheses, the necessity for perceiving clearly the connection between certain propositions and the object in view,—these are the most precious fruits of the study of mathematics.—Lacroix.
Bibliography. Smith, The Teaching of Elementary Mathematics, p. 234, New York, 1900; Henrici, Presidential Address before the British Association, Nature, Vol. XXVIII, p. 497; Hill, Educational Value of Mathematics, Educational Review, Vol. IX, p. 349; Young, The Teaching of Mathematics, p. 9, New York, 1907. The closing quotations are from Rebière, Mathématiques et Mathématiciens, Paris, 1893.
CHAPTER III
A BRIEF HISTORY OF GEOMETRY
The geometry of very ancient peoples was largely the mensuration of simple areas and solids, such as is taught to children in elementary arithmetic to-day. They early learned how to find the area of a rectangle, and in the oldest mathematical records that have come down to us there is some discussion of the area of triangles and the volume of solids.
The earliest documents that we have relating to geometry come to us from Babylon and Egypt. Those from Babylon are written on small clay tablets, some of them about the size of the hand, these tablets afterwards having been baked in the sun. They show that the Babylonians of that period knew something of land measures, and perhaps had advanced far enough to compute the area of a trapezoid. For the mensuration of the circle they later used, as did the early Hebrews, the value π = 3. A tablet in the British Museum shows that they also used such geometric forms as triangles and circular segments in astrology or as talismans.
The Egyptians must have had a fair knowledge of practical geometry long before the date of any mathematical treatise that has come down to us, for the building of the pyramids, between 3000 and 2400 B.C., required the application of several geometric principles. Some knowledge of surveying must also have been necessary to carry out the extensive plans for irrigation that were executed under Amenemhat III, about 2200 B.C.
The first definite knowledge that we have of Egyptian mathematics comes to us from a manuscript copied on papyrus, a kind of paper used about the Mediterranean in early times. This copy was made by one Aah-mesu (The Moon-born), commonly called Ahmes, who probably flourished about 1700 B.C. The original from which he copied, written about 2300 B.C., has been lost, but the papyrus of Ahmes, written nearly four thousand years ago, is still preserved, and is now in the British Museum. In this manuscript, which is devoted chiefly to fractions and to a crude algebra, is found some work on mensuration. Among the curious rules are the incorrect ones that the area of an isosceles triangle equals half the product of the base and one of the equal sides; and that the area of a trapezoid having bases b, b', and the nonparallel sides each equal to a, is ½a(b + b'). One noteworthy advance appears, however. Ahmes gives a rule for finding the area of a circle, substantially as follows: Multiply the square on the radius by (16/9)2, which is equivalent to taking for π the value 3.1605. This papyrus also contains some treatment of the mensuration of solids, particularly with reference to the capacity of granaries. There is also some slight mention of similar figures, and an extensive treatment of unit fractions,—fractions that were quite universal among the ancients. In the line of algebra it contains a brief treatment of the equation of the first degree with one unknown, and of progressions.[16]
Herodotus tells us that Sesostris, king of Egypt,[17] divided the land among his people and marked out the boundaries after the overflow of the Nile, so that surveying must have been well known in his day. Indeed, the harpedonaptæ, or rope stretchers, acquired their name because they stretched cords, in which were knots, so as to make the right triangle 3, 4, 5, when they wished to erect a perpendicular. This is a plan occasionally used by surveyors to-day, and it shows that the practical application of the Pythagorean Theorem was known long before Pythagoras gave what seems to have been the first general proof of the proposition.
From Egypt, and possibly from Babylon, geometry passed to the shores of Asia Minor and Greece. The scientific study of the subject begins with Thales, one of the Seven Wise Men of the Grecian civilization. Born at Miletus, not far from Smyrna and Ephesus, about 640 B.C., he died at Athens in 548 B.C. He spent his early manhood as a merchant, accumulating the wealth that enabled him to spend his later years in study. He visited Egypt, and is said to have learned such elements of geometry as were known there. He founded a school of mathematics and philosophy at Miletus, known from the country as the Ionic School. How elementary the knowledge of geometry then was may be understood from the fact that tradition attributes only about four propositions to Thales,—(1) that vertical angles are equal, (2) that equal angles lie opposite the equal sides of an isosceles triangle, (3) that a triangle is determined by two angles and the included side, (4) that a diameter bisects the circle, and possibly the propositions about the
angle-sum of a triangle for special cases, and the angle inscribed in a semicircle.[18]
The greatest pupil of Thales, and one of the most remarkable men of antiquity, was Pythagoras. Born probably on the island of Samos, just off the coast of Asia Minor, about the year 580 B.C., Pythagoras set forth as a young man to travel. He went to Miletus and studied under Thales, probably spent several years in Egypt, very likely went to Babylon, and possibly went even to India, since tradition asserts this and the nature of his work in mathematics suggests it. In later life he went to a Greek colony in southern Italy, and at Crotona, in the southeastern part of the peninsula, he founded a school and established a secret society to propagate his doctrines. In geometry he is said to have been the first to demonstrate the proposition that the square on the hypotenuse is equal to the sum of the squares upon the other two sides of a right triangle. The proposition was known in India and Egypt before his time, at any rate for special cases, but he seems to have been the first to prove it. To him or to his school seems also to have been due the construction of the regular pentagon and of the five regular polyhedrons. The construction of the regular pentagon requires the dividing of a line into extreme and mean ratio, and this problem is commonly assigned to the Pythagoreans, although it played an important part in Plato's school. Pythagoras is also said to have known that six equilateral triangles, three regular hexagons, or four squares, can be placed about a point so as just to fill the 360°, but that no other regular polygons can be so placed. To his school is also due the proof for the general case that the sum of the angles of a triangle equals two right angles, the first knowledge of the size of each angle of a regular polygon, and the construction of at least one star-polygon, the star-pentagon, which became the badge of his fraternity. The brotherhood founded by Pythagoras proved so offensive to the government that it was dispersed before the death of the master. Pythagoras fled to [Megapontum], a seaport lying to the north of Crotona, and there he died about 501 B.C.[19]
For two centuries after Pythagoras geometry passed through a period of discovery of propositions. The state of the science may be seen from the fact that Œnopides of Chios, who flourished about 465 B.C., and who had studied in Egypt, was celebrated because he showed how to let fall a perpendicular to a line, and how to make an angle equal to a given angle. A few years later, about 440 B.C., Hippocrates of Chios wrote the first Greek textbook on mathematics. He knew that the areas of circles are proportional to the squares on their radii, but was ignorant of the fact that equal central angles or equal inscribed angles intercept equal arcs.
Antiphon and Bryson, two Greek scholars, flourished about 430 B.C. The former attempted to find the area of a circle by doubling the number of sides of a regular inscribed polygon, and the latter by doing the same for both inscribed and circumscribed polygons. They thus approximately exhausted the area between the polygon and the circle, and hence this method is known as the method of exhaustions.
About 420 B.C. Hippias of Elis invented a certain curve called the quadratrix, by means of which he could square the circle and trisect any angle. This curve cannot be constructed by the unmarked straightedge and the compasses, and when we say that it is impossible to square the circle or to trisect any angle, we mean that it is impossible by the help of these two instruments alone.
During this period the great philosophic school of Plato (429-348 B.C.) flourished at Athens, and to this school is due the first systematic attempt to create exact definitions, axioms, and postulates, and to distinguish between elementary and higher geometry. It was at this time that elementary geometry became limited to the use of the compasses and the unmarked straightedge, which took from this domain the possibility of constructing a square equivalent to a given circle ("squaring the circle"), of trisecting any given angle, and of constructing a cube that should have twice the volume of a given cube ("duplicating the cube"), these being the three famous problems of antiquity. Plato and his school interested themselves with the so-called Pythagorean numbers, that is, with numbers that would represent the three sides of a right triangle and hence fulfill the condition that a2 + b2 = c2. Pythagoras had already given a rule that would be expressed in modern form, as ¼(m2 + 1)2 = m2 + ¼(m2 - 1)2. The school of Plato found that ((½m)2 + 1)2 = m2 + ((½m)2 - 1)2. By giving various values to m, different Pythagorean numbers may be found. Plato's nephew, Speusippus (about 350 B.C.), wrote upon this subject. Such numbers were known, however, both in India and in Egypt, long before this time.
One of Plato's pupils was Philippus of Mende, in Egypt, who flourished about 380 B.C. It is said that he discovered the proposition relating to the exterior angle of a triangle. His interest, however, was chiefly in astronomy.
Another of Plato's pupils was Eudoxus of Cnidus (408-355 B.C.). He elaborated the theory of proportion, placing it upon a thoroughly scientific foundation. It is probable that Book V of Euclid, which is devoted to proportion, is essentially the work of Eudoxus. By means of the method of exhaustions of Antiphon and Bryson he proved that the pyramid is one third of a prism, and the cone is one third of a cylinder, each of the same base and the same altitude. He wrote the first textbook known on solid geometry.
The subject of conic sections starts with another pupil of Plato's, Menæchmus, who lived about 350 B.C. He cut the three forms of conics (the ellipse, parabola, and hyperbola) out of three different forms of cone,—the acute-angled, right-angled, and obtuse-angled,—not noticing that he could have obtained all three from any form of right circular cone. It is interesting to see the far-reaching influence of Plato. While primarily interested in philosophy, he laid the first scientific foundations for a system of mathematics, and his pupils were the leaders in this science in the generation following his greatest activity.
The great successor of Plato at Athens was Aristotle, the teacher of Alexander the Great. He also was more interested in philosophy than in mathematics, but in natural rather than mental philosophy. With him comes the first application of mathematics to physics in the hands of a great man, and with noteworthy results. He seems to have been the first to represent an unknown quantity by letters. He set forth the theory of the parallelogram of forces, using only rectangular components, however. To one of his pupils, Eudemus of Rhodes, we are indebted for a history of ancient geometry, some fragments of which have come down to us.
The first great textbook on geometry, and the greatest one that has ever appeared, was written by Euclid, who taught mathematics in the great university at Alexandria, Egypt, about 300 B.C. Alexandria was then practically a Greek city, having been named in honor of Alexander the Great, and being ruled by the Greeks.
In his work Euclid placed all of the leading propositions of plane geometry then known, and arranged them in a logical order. Most geometries of any importance written since his time have been based upon Euclid, improving the sequence, symbols, and wording as occasion demanded. He also wrote upon other branches of mathematics besides elementary geometry, including a work on optics. He was not a great creator of mathematics, but was rather a compiler of the work of others, an office quite as difficult to fill and quite as honorable.
Euclid did not give much solid geometry because not much was known then. It was to Archimedes (287-212 B.C.), a famous mathematician of Syracuse, on the island of Sicily, that some of the most important propositions of solid geometry are due, particularly those relating to the sphere and cylinder. He also showed how to find the approximate value of π by a method similar to the one we teach to-day, proving that the real value lay between 3-1/7 and 3-10/71. The story goes that the sphere and cylinder were engraved upon his tomb, and Cicero, visiting Syracuse many years after his death, found the tomb by looking for these symbols. Archimedes was the greatest mathematical physicist of ancient times.
The Greeks contributed little more to elementary geometry, although Apollonius of Perga, who taught at Alexandria between 250 and 200 B.C., wrote extensively on conic sections, and Hypsicles of Alexandria, about 190 B.C., wrote on regular polyhedrons. Hypsicles was the first Greek writer who is known to have used sexagesimal fractions,—the degrees, minutes, and seconds of our angle measure. Zenodorus (180 B.C.) wrote on isoperimetric figures, and his contemporary, Nicomedes of Gerasa, invented a curve known as the conchoid, by means of which he could trisect any angle. Another contemporary, Diocles, invented the cissoid, or ivy-shaped curve, by means of which he solved the famous problem of duplicating the cube, that is, constructing a cube that should have twice the volume of a given cube.
The greatest of the Greek astronomers, Hipparchus (180-125 B.C.), lived about this period, and with him begins spherical trigonometry as a definite science. A kind of plane trigonometry had been known to the ancient Egyptians. The Greeks usually employed the chord of an angle instead of the half chord (sine), the latter having been preferred by the later Arab writers.
The most celebrated of the later Greek physicists was Heron of Alexandria, formerly supposed to have lived about 100 B.C., but now assigned to the first century A.D. His contribution to geometry was the formula for the area of a triangle in terms of its sides a, b, and c, with s standing for the semiperimeter ½(a + b + c). The formula is
Probably nearly contemporary with Heron was Menelaus of Alexandria, who wrote a spherical trigonometry. He gave an interesting proposition relating to plane and spherical triangles, their sides being cut by a transversal. For the plane triangle ABC, the sides a, b, and c being cut respectively in X, Y, and Z, the theorem asserts substantially that
(AZ/BZ) · (BX/CX) · (CY/AY) = 1.
The most popular writer on astronomy among the Greeks was Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemaeus, 87-165 A.D.), who lived at Alexandria. He wrote a work entitled "Megale Syntaxis" (The Great Collection), which his followers designated as Megistos (greatest), on which account the Arab translators gave it the name "Almagest" (al meaning "the"). He advanced the science of trigonometry, but did not contribute to geometry.
At the close of the third century Pappus of Alexandria (295 A.D.) wrote on geometry, and one of his theorems, a generalized form of the Pythagorean proposition, is mentioned in [Chapter XVI] of this work. Only two other Greek writers on geometry need be mentioned. Theon of Alexandria (370 A.D.), the father of the Hypatia who is the heroine of Charles Kingsley's well-known novel, wrote a commentary on Euclid to which we are indebted for some historical information. Proclus (410-485 A.D.) also wrote a commentary on Euclid, and much of our information concerning the first Book of Euclid is due to him.
The East did little for geometry, although contributing considerably to algebra. The first great Hindu writer was Aryabhatta, who was born in 476 A.D. He gave the very close approximation for π, expressed in modern notation as 3.1416. He also gave rules for finding the volume of the pyramid and sphere, but they were incorrect, showing that the Greek mathematics had not yet reached the Ganges. Another Hindu writer, Brahmagupta (born in 598 A.D.), wrote an encyclopedia of mathematics. He gave a rule for finding Pythagorean numbers, expressed in modern symbols as follows:
He also generalized Heron's formula by asserting that the area of an inscribed quadrilateral of sides a, b, c, d, and semiperimeter s, is
The Arabs, about the time of the "Arabian Nights Tales" (800 A.D.), did much for mathematics, translating the Greek authors into their language and also bringing learning from India. Indeed, it is to them that modern Europe owed its first knowledge of Euclid. They contributed nothing of importance to elementary geometry, however.
The greatest of the Arab writers was Mohammed ibn Musa al-Khowarazmi (820 A.D.). He lived at Bagdad and Damascus. Although chiefly interested in astronomy, he wrote the first book bearing the name "algebra" ("Al-jabr wa'l-muqābalah," Restoration and Equation), composed an arithmetic using the Hindu numerals,[20] and paid much attention to geometry and trigonometry.
Euclid was translated from the Arabic into Latin in the twelfth century, Greek manuscripts not being then at hand, or being neglected because of ignorance of the language. The leading translators were Athelhard of Bath (1120), an English monk; Gherard of Cremona (1160), an Italian monk; and Johannes Campanus (1250), chaplain to Pope Urban IV.
The greatest European mathematician of the Middle Ages was Leonardo of Pisa[21] (ca. 1170-1250). He was very influential in making the Hindu-Arabic numerals known in Europe, wrote extensively on algebra, and was the author of one book on geometry. He contributed nothing to the elementary theory, however. The first edition of Euclid was printed in Latin in 1482, the first one in English appearing in 1570.
Our symbols are modern, + and - first appearing in a German work in 1489; = in Recorde's "Whetstone of Witte" in 1557; > and < in the works of Harriot (1560-1621); and × in a publication by Oughtred (1574-1660).
The most noteworthy advance in geometry in modern times was made by the great French philosopher Descartes, who published a small work entitled "La Géométrie" in 1637. From this springs the modern analytic geometry, a subject that has revolutionized the methods of all mathematics. Most of the subsequent discoveries in mathematics have been in higher branches. To the great Swiss mathematician Euler (1707-1783) is due, however, one proposition that has found its way into elementary geometry, the one showing the relation between the number of edges, vertices, and faces of a polyhedron.
There has of late arisen a modern elementary geometry devoted chiefly to special points and lines relating to the triangle and the circle, and many interesting propositions have been discovered. The subject is so extensive that it cannot find any place in our crowded curriculum, and must necessarily be left to the specialist.[22] Some idea of the nature of the work may be obtained from a mention of a few propositions:
The medians of a triangle are concurrent in the centroid, or center of gravity of the triangle.
The bisectors of the various interior and exterior angles of a triangle are concurrent by threes in the incenter or in one of the three excenters of the triangle.
The common chord of two intersecting circles is a special case of their radical axis, and tangents to the circles from any point on the radical axis are equal.
If O is the orthocenter of the triangle ABC, and X, Y, Z are the feet of the perpendiculars from A, B, C respectively, and P, Q, R are the mid-points of a, b, c respectively, and L, M, N are the mid-points of OA, OB, OC respectively; then the points L, M, N; P, Q, R; X, Y, Z all lie on a circle, the "nine points circle."
In the teaching of geometry it adds a human interest to the subject to mention occasionally some of the historical facts connected with it. For this reason this brief sketch will be supplemented by many notes upon the various important propositions as they occur in the several books described in the later chapters of this work.
CHAPTER IV
DEVELOPMENT OF THE TEACHING OF GEOMETRY
We know little of the teaching of geometry in very ancient times, but we can infer its nature from the teaching that is still seen in the native schools of the East. Here a man, learned in any science, will have a group of voluntary students sitting about him, and to them he will expound the truth. Such schools may still be seen in India, Persia, and China, the master sitting on a mat placed on the ground or on the floor of a veranda, and the pupils reading aloud or listening to his words of exposition.
In Egypt geometry seems to have been in early times mere mensuration, confined largely to the priestly caste. It was taught to novices who gave promise of success in this subject, and not to others, the idea of general culture, of training in logic, of the cultivation of exact expression, and of coming in contact with truth being wholly wanting.
In Greece it was taught in the schools of philosophy, often as a general preparation for philosophic study. Thus Thales introduced it into his Ionic school, Pythagoras made it very prominent in his great school at Crotona in southern Italy (Magna Græcia), and Plato placed above the door of his Academia the words, "Let no one ignorant of geometry enter here,"—a kind of entrance examination for his school of philosophy. In these gatherings of students it is probable that geometry was taught in much the way already mentioned for the schools of the East, a small group of students being instructed by a master. Printing was unknown, papyrus was dear, parchment was only in process of invention. Paper such as we know had not yet appeared, so that instruction was largely oral, and geometric figures were drawn by a pointed stick on a board covered with fine sand, or on a tablet of wax.
But with these crude materials there went an abundance of time, so that a number of great results were accomplished in spite of the difficulties attending the study of the subject. It is said that Hippocrates of Chios (ca. 440 B.C.) wrote the first elementary textbook on mathematics and invented the method of geometric reduction, the replacing of a proposition to be proved by another which, when proved, allows the first one to be demonstrated. A little later Eudoxus of Cnidus (ca. 375 B.C.), a pupil of Plato's, used the reductio ad absurdum, and Plato is said to have invented the method of proof by analysis, an elaboration of the plan used by Hippocrates. Thus these early philosophers taught their pupils not facts alone, but methods of proof, giving them power as well as knowledge. Furthermore, they taught them how to discuss their problems, investigating the conditions under which they are capable of solution. This feature of the work they called the diorismus, and it seems to have started with Leon, a follower of Plato.
Between the time of Plato (ca. 400 B.C.) and Euclid (ca. 300 B.C.) several attempts were made to arrange the accumulated material of elementary geometry in a textbook. Plato had laid the foundations for the science, in the form of axioms, postulates, and definitions, and he had limited the instruments to the straightedge and the compasses. Aristotle (ca. 350 B.C.) had paid special attention to the history of the subject, thus finding out what had already been accomplished, and had also made much of the applications of geometry. The world was therefore ready for a good teacher who should gather the material and arrange it scientifically. After several attempts to find the man for such a task, he was discovered in Euclid, and to his work the next chapter is devoted.
After Euclid, Archimedes (ca. 250 B.C.) made his great contributions. He was not a teacher like his illustrious predecessor, but he was a great discoverer. He has left us, however, a statement of his methods of investigation which is helpful to those who teach. These methods were largely experimental, even extending to the weighing of geometric forms to discover certain relations, the proof being given later. Here was born, perhaps, what has been called the laboratory method of the present.
Of the other Greek teachers we have but little information as to methods of imparting instruction. It is not until the Middle Ages that there is much known in this line. Whatever of geometry was taught seems to have been imparted by word of mouth in the way of expounding Euclid, and this was done in the ancient fashion.
The early Church leaders usually paid no attention to geometry, but as time progressed the quadrivium, or four sciences of arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy, came to rank with the trivium (grammar, rhetoric, dialectics), the two making up the "seven liberal arts." All that there was of geometry in the first thousand years of Christianity, however, at least in the great majority of Church schools, was summed up in a few definitions and rules of mensuration. Gerbert, who became Pope Sylvester II in 999 A.D., gave a new impetus to geometry by discovering a manuscript of the old Roman surveyors and a copy of the geometry of Boethius, who paraphrased Euclid about 500 A.D. He thereupon wrote a brief geometry, and his elevation to the papal chair tended to bring the study of mathematics again into prominence.
Geometry now began to have some place in the Church schools, naturally the only schools of high rank in the Middle Ages. The study of the subject, however, seems to have been merely a matter of memorizing. Geometry received another impetus in the book written by Leonardo of Pisa in 1220, the "Practica Geometriae." Euclid was also translated into Latin about this time (strangely enough, as already stated, from the Arabic instead of the Greek), and thus the treasury of elementary geometry was opened to scholars in Europe. From now on, until the invention of printing (ca. 1450), numerous writers on geometry appear, but, so far as we know, the method of instruction remained much as it had always been. The universities began to appear about the thirteenth century, and Sacrobosco, a well-known medieval mathematician, taught mathematics about 1250 in the University of Paris. In 1336 this university decreed that mathematics should be required for a degree. In the thirteenth century Oxford required six books of Euclid for one who was to teach, but this amount of work seems to have been merely nominal, for in 1450 only two books were actually read. The universities of Prague (founded in 1350) and Vienna (statutes of 1389) required most of plane geometry for the teacher's license, although Vienna demanded but one book for the bachelor's degree. So, in general, the universities of the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries required less for the degree of master of arts than we now require from a pupil in our American high schools. On the other hand, the university students were younger than now, and were really doing only high school work.
The invention of printing made possible the study of geometry in a new fashion. It now became possible for any one to study from a book, whereas before this time instruction was chiefly by word of mouth, consisting of an explanation of Euclid. The first Euclid was printed in 1482, at Venice, and new editions and variations of this text came out frequently in the next century. Practical geometries became very popular, and the reaction against the idea of mental discipline threatened to abolish the old style of text. It was argued that geometry was uninteresting, that it was not sufficient in itself, that boys needed to see the practical uses of the subject, that only those propositions that were capable of application should be retained, that there must be a fusion between the demands of culture and the demands of business, and that every man who stood for mathematical ideals represented an obsolete type. Such writers as Finæus (1556), Bartoli (1589), Belli (1569), and Cataneo (1567), in the sixteenth century, and Capra (1678), Gargiolli (1655), and many others in the seventeenth century, either directly or inferentially, took this attitude towards the subject,—exactly the attitude that is being taken at the present time by a number of teachers in the United States. As is always the case, to such an extreme did this movement lead that there was a reaction that brought the Euclid type of book again to the front, and it has maintained its prominence even to the present.
The study of geometry in the high schools is relatively recent. The Gymnasium (classical school preparatory to the university) at Nürnberg, founded in 1526, and the Cathedral school at Württemberg (as shown by the curriculum of 1556) seem to have had no geometry before 1600, although the Gymnasium at Strassburg included some of this branch of mathematics in 1578, and an elective course in geometry was offered at Zwickau, in Saxony, in 1521. In the seventeenth century geometry is found in a considerable number of secondary schools, as at Coburg (1605), Kurfalz (1615, elective), Erfurt (1643), Gotha (1605), Giessen (1605), and numerous other places in Germany, although it appeared but rarely in the secondary schools of France before the eighteenth century. In Germany the Realschulen—schools with more science and less classics than are found in the Gymnasium—came into being in the eighteenth century, and considerable effort was made to construct a course in geometry that should be more practical than that of the modified Euclid. At the opening of the nineteenth century the Prussian schools were reorganized, and from that time on geometry has had a firm position in the secondary schools of all Germany. In the eighteenth century some excellent textbooks on geometry appeared in France, among the best being that of Legendre (1794), which influenced in such a marked degree the geometries of America. Soon after the opening of the nineteenth century the lycées of France became strong institutions, and geometry, chiefly based on Legendre, was well taught in the mathematical divisions. A worthy rival of Legendre's geometry was the work of Lacroix, who called attention continually to the analogy between the theorems of plane and solid geometry, and even went so far as to suggest treating the related propositions together in certain cases.
In England the preparatory schools, such as Rugby, Harrow, and Eton, did not commonly teach geometry until quite recently, leaving this work for the universities. In Christ's Hospital, London, however, geometry was taught as early as 1681, from a work written by several teachers of prominence. The highest class at Harrow studied "Euclid and vulgar fractions" one period a week in 1829, but geometry was not seriously studied before 1837. In the Edinburgh Academy as early as 1885, and in Rugby by 1839, plane geometry was completed.
Not until 1844 did Harvard require any plane geometry for entrance. In 1855 Yale required only two books of Euclid. It was therefore from 1850 to 1875 that plane geometry took a definite place in the American high school. Solid geometry has not been generally required for entrance to any eastern college, although in the West this is not the case. The East teaches plane geometry more thoroughly, but allows a pupil to enter college or to go into business with no solid geometry. Given a year to the subject, it is possible to do little more than cover plane geometry; with a year and a half the solid geometry ought easily to be covered also.
Bibliography. Stamper, A History of the Teaching of Elementary Geometry, New York, 1909, with a very full bibliography of the subject; Cajori, The Teaching of Mathematics in the United States, Washington, 1890; Cantor, Geschichte der Mathematik, Vol. IV, p. 321, Leipzig, 1908; Schotten, Inhalt und Methode des planimetrischen Unterrichts, Leipzig, 1890.
CHAPTER V
EUCLID
It is fitting that a chapter in a book upon the teaching of this subject should be devoted to the life and labors of the greatest of all textbook writers, Euclid,—a man whose name has been, for more than two thousand years, a synonym for elementary plane geometry wherever the subject has been studied. And yet when an effort is made to pick up the scattered fragments of his biography, we are surprised to find how little is known of one whose fame is so universal. Although more editions of his work have been printed than of any other book save the Bible,[23] we do not know when he was born, or in what city, or even in what country, nor do we know his race, his parentage, or the time of his death. We should not feel that we knew much of the life of a man who lived when the Magna Charta was wrested from King John, if our first and only source of information was a paragraph in the works of some historian of to-day; and yet this is about the situation in respect to Euclid. Proclus of Alexandria, philosopher, teacher, and mathematician, lived from 410 to 485 A.D., and wrote a commentary on the works of Euclid. In his writings, which seem to set forth in amplified form his lectures to the students in the Neoplatonist School
of Alexandria, Proclus makes this statement, and of Euclid's life we have little else:
Not much younger than these[24] is Euclid, who put together the "Elements," collecting many of the theorems of Eudoxus, perfecting many of those of Theætetus, and also demonstrating with perfect certainty what his predecessors had but insufficiently proved. He flourished in the time of the first Ptolemy, for Archimedes, who closely followed this ruler,[25] speaks of Euclid. Furthermore it is related that Ptolemy one time demanded of him if there was in geometry no shorter way than that of the "Elements," to whom he replied that there was no royal road to geometry.[26] He was therefore younger than the pupils of Plato, but older than Eratosthenes and Archimedes; for the latter were contemporary with one another, as Eratosthenes somewhere says.[27]
Thus we have in a few lines, from one who lived perhaps seven or eight hundred years after Euclid, nearly all that is known of the most famous teacher of geometry that ever lived. Nevertheless, even this little tells us about when he flourished, for Hermotimus and Philippus were pupils of Plato, who died in 347 B.C., whereas Archimedes was born about 287 B.C. and was writing about 250 B.C. Furthermore, since Ptolemy I reigned from 306 to 283 B.C., Euclid must have been teaching about 300 B.C., and this is the date that is generally assigned to him.
Euclid probably studied at Athens, for until he himself assisted in transferring the center of mathematical
culture to Alexandria, it had long been in the Grecian capital, indeed since the time of Pythagoras. Moreover, numerous attempts had been made at Athens to do exactly what Euclid succeeded in doing,—to construct a logical sequence of propositions; in other words, to write a textbook on plane geometry. It was at Athens, therefore, that he could best have received the inspiration to compose his "Elements."[28] After finishing his education at Athens it is quite probable that he, like other savants of the period, was called to Alexandria by Ptolemy Soter, the king, to assist in establishing the great school which made that city the center of the world's learning for several centuries. In this school he taught, and here he wrote the "Elements" and numerous other works, perhaps ten in all.
Although the Greek writers who may have known something of the life of Euclid have little to say of him, the Arab writers, who could have known nothing save from Greek sources, have allowed their imaginations the usual latitude in speaking of him and of his labors. Thus Al-Qifṫī, who wrote in the thirteenth century, has this to say in his biographical treatise "Ta'rīkh al-Ḥukamā":
Euclid, son of Naucrates, grandson of Zenarchus, called the author of geometry, a Greek by nationality, domiciled at Damascus, born at Tyre, most learned in the science of geometry, published a most excellent and most useful work entitled "The Foundation or Elements of Geometry," a subject in which no more general treatise existed before among the Greeks; nay, there was no one even of later date who did not walk in his footsteps and frankly profess his doctrine.
This is rather a specimen of the Arab tendency to manufacture history than a serious contribution to the biography of Euclid, of whose personal history we have only the information given by Proclus.
Euclid's works at once took high rank, and they are mentioned by various classical authors. Cicero knew of them, and Capella (ca. 470 A.D.), Cassiodorius (ca. 515 A.D.), and Boethius (ca. 480-524 A.D.) were all more or less familiar with the "Elements." With the advance of the Dark Ages, however, learning was held in less and less esteem, so that Euclid was finally forgotten, and manuscripts of his works were either destroyed or buried in some remote cloister. The Arabs, however, whose civilization assumed prominence from about 750 A.D. to about 1500, translated the most important treatises of the Greeks, and Euclid's "Elements" among the rest. One of these Arabic editions an English monk of the twelfth century, one Athelhard (Æthelhard) of Bath, found and translated into Latin (ca. 1120 A.D.). A little later Gherard of Cremona (1114-1187) made a new translation from the Arabic, differing in essential features from that of Athelhard, and about 1260 Johannes Campanus made still a third translation, also from Arabic into Latin.[29] There is reason to believe that Athelhard, Campanus, and Gherard may all have had access to an earlier Latin translation, since all are quite alike in some particulars while diverging noticeably in others. Indeed, there is an old English verse that relates:
The clerk Euclide on this wyse hit fonde
Thys craft of gemetry yn Egypte londe ...
Thys craft com into England, as y yow say,
Yn tyme of good Kyng Adelstone's day.
If this be true, Euclid was known in England as early as 924-940 A.D.
Without going into particulars further, it suffices to say that the modern knowledge of Euclid came first through the Arabic into the Latin, and the first printed
edition of the "Elements" (Venice, 1482) was the Campanus translation. Greek manuscripts now began to appear, and at the present time several are known. There is a manuscript of the ninth century in the Bodleian library at Oxford, one of the tenth century in the Vatican, another of the tenth century in Florence, one of the eleventh century at Bologna, and two of the twelfth century at Paris. There are also fragments containing bits of Euclid in Greek, and going back as far as the second and third century A.D. The first modern translation from the Greek into the Latin was made by Zamberti (or Zamberto),[30] and was printed at Venice in 1513. The first translation into English was made by Sir Henry Billingsley and was printed in 1570, sixteen years before he became Lord Mayor of London.
Proclus, in his commentary upon Euclid's work, remarks:
In the whole of geometry there are certain leading theorems, bearing to those which follow the relation of a principle, all-pervading, and furnishing proofs of many properties. Such theorems are called by the name of elements, and their function may be compared to that of the letters of the alphabet in relation to language, letters being indeed called by the same name in Greek [στοιχεια, stoicheia].[31]
This characterizes the work of Euclid, a collection of the basic propositions of geometry, and chiefly of plane geometry, arranged in logical sequence, the proof of each depending upon some preceding proposition, definition, or assumption (axiom or postulate). The number
of the propositions of plane geometry included in the "Elements" is not entirely certain, owing to some disagreement in the manuscripts, but it was between one hundred sixty and one hundred seventy-five. It is possible to reduce this number by about thirty or forty, because Euclid included a certain amount of geometric algebra; but beyond this we cannot safely go in the way of elimination, since from the very nature of the "Elements" these propositions are basic. The efforts at revising Euclid have been generally confined, therefore, to rearranging his material, to rendering more modern his phraseology, and to making a book that is more usable with beginners if not more logical in its presentation of the subject. While there has been an improvement upon Euclid in the art of bookmaking, and in minor matters of phraseology and sequence, the educational gain has not been commensurate with the effort put forth. With a little modification of Euclid's semi-algebraic Book II and of his treatment of proportion, with some scattering of the definitions and the inclusion of well-graded exercises at proper places, and with attention to the modern science of bookmaking, the "Elements" would answer quite as well for a textbook to-day as most of our modern substitutes, and much better than some of them. It would, moreover, have the advantage of being a classic,—somewhat the same advantage that comes from reading Homer in the original instead of from Pope's metrical translation. This is not a plea for a return to the Euclid text, but for a recognition of the excellence of Euclid's work.
The distinctive feature of Euclid's "Elements," compared with the modern American textbook, is perhaps this: Euclid begins a book with what seems to him the easiest proposition, be it theorem or problem; upon this he builds another; upon these a third, and so on, concerning himself but little with the classification of propositions. Furthermore, he arranges his propositions so as to construct his figures before using them. We, on the other hand, make some little attempt to classify our propositions within each book, and we make no attempt to construct our figures before using them, or at least to prove that the constructions are correct. Indeed, we go so far as to study the properties of figures that we cannot construct, as when we ask for the size of the angle of a regular heptagon. Thus Euclid begins Book I by a problem, to construct an equilateral triangle on a given line. His object is to follow this by problems on drawing a straight line equal to a given straight line, and cutting off from the greater of two straight lines a line equal to the less. He now introduces a theorem, which might equally well have been his first proposition, namely, the case of the congruence of two triangles, having given two sides and the included angle. By means of his third and fourth propositions he is now able to prove the pons asinorum, that the angles at the base of an isosceles triangle are equal. We, on the other hand, seek to group our propositions where this can conveniently be done, putting the congruent propositions together, those about inequalities by themselves, and the propositions about parallels in one set. The results of the two arrangements are not radically different, and the effect of either upon the pupil's mind does not seem particularly better than that of the other. Teachers who have used both plans quite commonly feel that, apart from Books II and V, Euclid is nearly as easily understood as our modern texts, if presented in as satisfactory dress.
The topics treated and the number of propositions in the plane geometry of the "Elements" are as follows:
| Book I. | Rectilinear figures | 48 |
| Book II. | Geometric algebra | 14 |
| Book III. | Circles | 37 |
| Book IV. | Problems about circles | 16 |
| Book V. | Proportion | 25 |
| Book VI. | Applications of proportion | 33 |
| —— | ||
| 173 | ||
Of these we now omit Euclid's Book II, because we have an algebraic symbolism that was unknown in his time, although he would not have used it in geometry even had it been known. Thus his first proposition in Book II is as follows:
If there be two straight lines, and one of them be cut into any number of segments whatever, the rectangle contained by the two straight lines is equal to the rectangles contained by the uncut straight line and each of the segments.
This amounts to saying that if x = p + q + r + ···, then ax = ap + aq + ar + ···. We also materially simplify Euclid's Book V. He, for example, proves that "If four magnitudes be proportional, they will also be proportional alternately." This he proves generally for any kind of magnitude, while we merely prove it for numbers having a common measure. We say that we may substitute for the older form of proportion, namely,
a : b = c : d,
the fractional form a/b = c/d.
From this we have ad = bc.
Whence a/c = b/d.
In this work we assume that we may multiply equals by b and d. But suppose b and d are cubes, of which, indeed, we do not even know the approximate numerical measure; what shall we do? To Euclid the multiplication by a cube or a polygon or a sphere would have been entirely meaningless, as it always is from the standpoint of pure geometry. Hence it is that our treatment of proportion has no serious standing in geometry as compared with Euclid's, and our only justification for it lies in the fact that it is easier. Euclid's treatment is much more rigorous than ours, but it is adapted to the comprehension of only advanced students, while ours is merely a confession, and it should be a frank confession, of the weakness of our pupils, and possibly, at times, of ourselves.
If we should take Euclid's Books II and V for granted, or as sufficiently evident from our study of algebra, we should have remaining only one hundred thirty-four propositions, most of which may be designated as basal propositions of plane geometry. Revise Euclid as we will, we shall not be able to eliminate any large number of his fundamental truths, while we might do much worse than to adopt these one hundred thirty-four propositions in toto as the bases, and indeed as the definition, of elementary plane geometry.
Bibliography. Heath, The Thirteen Books of Euclid's Elements, 3 vols., Cambridge, 1908; Frankland, The First Book of Euclid, Cambridge, 1906; Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, article Eukleides; Simon, Euclid und die sechs planimetrischen Bücher, Leipzig, 1901; Gow, History of Greek Mathematics, Cambridge, 1884, and any of the standard histories of mathematics. Both Heath and Simon give extensive bibliographies. The latest standard Greek and Latin texts are Heiberg's, published by Teubner of Leipzig.
CHAPTER VI
EFFORTS AT IMPROVING EUCLID
From time to time an effort is made by some teacher, or association of teachers, animated by a serious desire to improve the instruction in geometry, to prepare a new syllabus that shall mark out some "royal road," and it therefore becomes those who are interested in teaching to consider with care the results of similar efforts in recent years. There are many questions which such an attempt suggests: What is the real purpose of the movement? What will the teaching world say of the result? Shall a reckless, ill-considered radicalism dominate the effort, bringing in a distasteful terminology and symbolism merely for its novelty, insisting upon an ultralogical treatment that is beyond the powers of the learner, rearranging the subject matter to fit some narrow notion of the projectors, seeking to emasculate mathematics by looking only to the applications, riding some little hobby in the way of some particular class of exercises, and cutting the number of propositions to a minimum that will satisfy the mere demands of the artisan? Such are some of the questions that naturally arise in the mind of every one who wishes well for the ancient science of geometry.
It is not proposed in this chapter to attempt to answer these questions, but rather to assist in understanding the problem by considering the results of similar attempts. If it shall be found that syllabi have been prepared under circumstances quite as favorable as those that obtain at present, and if these syllabi have had little or no real influence, then it becomes our duty to see if new plans may be worked out so as to be more successful than their predecessors. If the older attempts have led to some good, it is well to know what is the nature of this good, to the end that new efforts may also result in something of benefit to the schools.
It is proposed in this chapter to call attention to four important syllabi, setting forth briefly their distinguishing features and drawing some conclusions that may be helpful in other efforts of this nature.
In England two noteworthy attempts have been made within a century, looking to a more satisfactory sequence and selection of propositions than is found in Euclid. Each began with a list of propositions arranged in proper sequence, and each was thereafter elaborated into a textbook. Neither accomplished fully the purpose intended, but each was instrumental in provoking healthy discussion and in improving the texts from which geometry is studied.
The first of these attempts was made by Professor Augustus de Morgan, under the auspices of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, and it resulted in a textbook, including "plane, solid, and spherical" geometry, in six books. According to De Morgan's plan, plane geometry consisted of three books, the number of propositions being as follows:
| Book I. | Rectilinear figures | 60 |
| Book II. | Ratio, proportion, applications | 69 |
| Book III. | The circle | 65 |
| —— | ||
| Total for plane geometry | 194 | |
Of the 194 propositions De Morgan selected 114 with their corollaries as necessary for a beginner who is teaching himself.
In solid geometry the plan was as follows:
| Book IV. | Lines in different planes, solids contained by planes | 52 |
| Book V. | Cylinder, cone, sphere | 25 |
| Book VI. | Figures on a sphere | 42 |
| —— | ||
| Total for solid geometry | 119 | |
Of these 119 propositions De Morgan selected 76 with their corollaries as necessary for a beginner, thus making 190 necessary propositions out of 305 desirable ones, besides the corollaries in plane and solid geometry. In other words, of the desirable propositions he considered that about two thirds are absolutely necessary.
It is interesting to note, however, that he summed up the results of his labors by saying:
It will be found that the course just laid down, excepting the sixth book of it only, is not of much greater extent, nor very different in point of matter from that of Euclid, whose "Elements" have at all times been justly esteemed a model not only of easy and progressive instruction in geometry, but of accuracy and perspicuity in reasoning.
De Morgan's effort, essentially that of a syllabus-maker rather than a textbook writer, although it was published under the patronage of a prominent society with which were associated the names of men like Henry Hallam, Rowland Hill, Lord John Russell, and George Peacock, had no apparent influence on geometry either in England or abroad. Nevertheless the syllabus was in many respects excellent; it rearranged the matter, it classified the propositions, it improved some of the terminology, and it reduced the number of essential propositions; it had the assistance of De Morgan's enthusiasm and of the society with which he was so prominently connected, and it was circulated with considerable generosity throughout the English-speaking world; but in spite of all this it is to-day practically unknown.
A second noteworthy attempt in England was made about a quarter of a century ago by a society that was organized practically for this very purpose, the Association for the Improvement of Geometrical Teaching. This society was composed of many of the most progressive teachers in England, and it included in its membership men of high standing in mathematics in the universities. As a result of their labors a syllabus was prepared, which was elaborated into a textbook, and in 1889 a revised syllabus was issued.
As to the arrangement of matter, the syllabus departs from Euclid chiefly by separating the problems from the theorems, as is the case in our American textbooks, and in improving the phraseology. The course is preceded by some simple exercises in the use of the compasses and ruler, a valuable plan that is followed by many of the best teachers everywhere. Considerable attention is paid to logical processes before beginning the work, such terms as "contrapositive" and "obverse," and such rules as the "rule of conversion" and the "rule of identity" being introduced before any propositions are considered.
The arrangement of the work and the number of propositions in plane geometry are as follows:
| Book I. | The straight line | 51 |
| Book II. | Equality of areas | 19 |
| Book III. | The circle | 42 |
| Book IV. | Ratio and proportion | 32 |
| Book V. | Proportion | 24 |
| —— | ||
| Total for plane geometry | 168 | |
Here, then, is the result of several years of labor by a somewhat radical organization, fostered by excellent mathematicians, and carried on in a country where elementary geometry is held in highest esteem, and where Euclid was thought unsuited to the needs of the beginner. The number of propositions remains substantially the same as in Euclid, and the introduction of some unusable logic tends to counterbalance the improvement in sequence of the propositions. The report provoked thought; it shook the Euclid stronghold; it was probably instrumental in bringing about the present upheaval in geometry in England, but as a working syllabus it has not appealed to the world as the great improvement upon Euclid's "Elements" that was hoped by many of its early advocates.
The same association published later, and republished in 1905, a "Report on the Teaching of Geometry," in which it returned to Euclid, modifying the "Elements" by omitting certain propositions, changing the order and proof of others, and introducing a few new theorems. It seems to reduce the propositions to be proved in plane geometry to about one hundred fifteen, and it recommends the omission of the incommensurable case. This number is, however, somewhat misleading, for Euclid frequently puts in one proposition what we in America, for educational reasons, find it better to treat in two, or even three, propositions. This report, therefore, reaches about the same conclusion as to the geometric facts to be mastered as is reached by our later textbook writers in America. It is not extreme, and it stands for good mathematics.
In the United States the influence of our early wars with England, and the sympathy of France at that time, turned the attention of our scholars of a century ago from Cambridge to Paris as a mathematical center. The influx of French mathematics brought with it such works as Legendre's geometry (1794) and Bourdon's algebra, and made known the texts of Lacroix, Bertrand, and Bezout. Legendre's geometry was the result of the efforts of a great mathematician at syllabus-making, a natural thing in a country that had early broken away from Euclid. Legendre changed the Greek sequence, sought to select only propositions that are necessary to a good understanding of the subject, and added a good course in solid geometry. His arrangement, with the number of propositions as given in the Davies translation, is as follows:
| Book I. | Rectilinear figures | 31 |
| Book II. | Ratio and proportion | 14 |
| Book III. | The circle | 48 |
| Book IV. | Proportions of figures and areas | 51 |
| Book V. | Polygons and circles | 17 |
| —— | ||
| Total for plane geometry | 161 | |
Legendre made, therefore, practically no reduction in the number of Euclid's propositions, and his improvement on Euclid consisted chiefly in his separation of problems and theorems, and in a less rigorous treatment of proportion which boys and girls could comprehend. D'Alembert had demanded that the sequence of propositions should be determined by the order in which they had been discovered, but Legendre wisely ignored such an extreme and gave the world a very usable book.
The principal effect of Legendre's geometry in America was to make every textbook writer his own syllabus-maker, and to put solid geometry on a more satisfactory footing. The minute we depart from a standard text like Euclid's, and have no recognized examining body, every one is free to set up his own standard, always within the somewhat uncertain boundary prescribed by public opinion and by the colleges. The efforts of the past few years at syllabus-making have been merely attempts to define this boundary more clearly.
Of these attempts two are especially worthy of consideration as having been very carefully planned and having brought forth such definite results as to appeal to a large number of teachers. Other syllabi have been made and are familiar to many teachers, but in point of clearness of purpose, conciseness of expression, and form of publication they have not been such as to compare with the two in question.
The first of these is the Harvard syllabus, which is placed in the hands of students for reference when trying the entrance examinations of that university, a plan not followed elsewhere. It sets forth the basal propositions that should form the essential part of the student's preparation, and that are necessary and sufficient for proving any "original proposition" (to take the common expression) that may be set on the examination. The propositions are arranged by books as follows:
| Book I. | Angles, triangles, parallels | 25 |
| Book II. | The circle, angle measure | 18 |
| Book III. | Similar polygons | 10 |
| Book IV. | Area of polygons | 8 |
| Book V. | Polygons and circle measure | 11 |
| Constructions | 21 | |
| Ratio and proportion | 6 | |
| —— | ||
| Total for plane geometry | 99 | |
The total for solid geometry is 79 propositions, or 178 for both plane and solid geometry. This is perhaps the most successful attempt that has been made at reaching a minimum number of propositions. It might well be further reduced, since it includes the proposition about two adjacent angles formed by one line meeting another, and the one about the circle as the limit of the inscribed and circumscribed regular polygons. The first of these leads a beginner to doubt the value of geometry, and the second is beyond the powers of the majority of students. As compared with the syllabus reported by a Wisconsin committee in 1904, for example, here are 99 propositions against 132. On the other hand, a committee appointed by the Central Association of Science and Mathematics Teachers reported in 1909 a syllabus with what seems at first sight to be a list of only 59 propositions in plane geometry. This number is fictitious, however, for the reason that numerous converses are indicated with the propositions, and are not included in the count, and directions are given to include "related theorems" and "problems dealing with the length and area of a circle," so that in some cases one proposition is evidently intended to cover several others. This syllabus is therefore lacking in definiteness, so that the Harvard list stands out as perhaps the best of its type.
The second noteworthy recent attempt in America is that made by a committee of the Association of Mathematical Teachers in New England. This committee was organized in 1904. It held sixteen meetings and carried on a great deal of correspondence. As a result, it prepared a syllabus arranged by topics, the propositions of solid geometry being grouped immediately after the corresponding ones of plane geometry. For example, the nine propositions on congruence in a plane are followed by nine on congruence in space. As a result, the following summarizes the work in plane geometry:
| Congruence in a plane | 9 |
| Equivalence | 3 |
| Parallels and perpendiculars | 9 |
| Symmetry | 20 |
| Angles | 15 |
| Tangents | 4 |
| Similar figures | 18 |
| Inequalities | 8 |
| Lengths and areas | 17 |
| Loci | 2 |
| Concurrent lines | 5 |
| —— | |
| Total for plane geometry | 110 |
Not so conventional in arrangement as the Harvard syllabus, and with a few propositions that are evidently not basal to the same extent as the rest, the list is nevertheless a very satisfactory one, and the parallelism shown between plane and solid geometry is suggestive to both student and teacher.
On the whole, however, the Harvard selection of basal propositions is perhaps as satisfactory as any that has been made, even though it appears to lack a "factor of safety," and it is probable that any further reduction would be unwise.
What, now, has been the effect of all these efforts? What teacher or school would be content to follow any one of these syllabi exactly? What textbook writer would feel it safe to limit his regular propositions to those in any one syllabus? These questions suggest their own answers, and the effect of all this effort seems at first thought to have been so slight as to be entirely out of proportion to the end in view. This depends, however, on what this end is conceived to be. If the purpose has been to cut out a very large number of the propositions that are found in Euclid's plane geometry, the effort has not been successful. We may reduce this number to about one hundred thirty, but in general, whatever a syllabus may give as a minimum, teachers will favor a larger number than is suggested by the Harvard list, for the purpose of exercise in the reading of mathematics if for no other reason. The French geometer, Lacroix, who wrote more than a century ago, proposed to limit the propositions to those needed to prove other important ones, and those needed in practical mathematics. If to this we should add those that are used in treating a considerable range of exercises, we should have a list of about one hundred thirty.
But this is not the real purpose of these syllabi, or at most it seems like a relatively unimportant one. The purpose that has been attained is to stop the indefinite increase in the number of propositions that would follow from the recent developments in the geometry of the triangle and circle, and of similar modern topics, if some such counter-movement as this did not take place. If the result is, as it probably will be, to let the basal propositions of Euclid remain about as they always have been, as the standards for beginners, the syllabi will have accomplished a worthy achievement. If, in addition, they furnish an irreducible minimum of propositions to which a student may have access if he desires it, on an examination, as was intended in the case of the Harvard and the New England Association syllabi, the achievement may possibly be still more worthy.
In preparing a syllabus, therefore, no one should hope to bring the teaching world at once to agree to any great reduction in the number of basal propositions, nor to agree to any radical change of terminology, symbolism, or sequence. Rather should it be the purpose to show that we have enough topics in geometry at present, and that the number of propositions is really greater than is absolutely necessary, so that teachers shall not be led to introduce any considerable number of propositions out of the large amount of new material that has recently been accumulating. Such a syllabus will always accomplish a good purpose, for at least it will provoke thought and arouse interest, but any other kind is bound to be ephemeral.[32]
Besides the evolutionary attempts at rearranging and reducing in number the propositions of Euclid, there have been very many revolutionary efforts to change his treatment of geometry entirely. The great French mathematician, D'Alembert, for example, in the eighteenth century, wished to divide geometry into three branches: (1) that dealing with straight lines and circles, apparently not limited to a plane; (2) that dealing with surfaces; and (3) that dealing with solids. So Méray in France and De Paolis[33] in Italy have attempted to fuse plane and solid geometry, but have not produced a system that has been particularly successful. More recently Bourlet, Grévy, Borel, and others in France have produced several works on the elements of mathematics that may lead to something of value. They place intuition to the front, favor as much applied mathematics as is reasonable, to all of which American teachers would generally agree,
but they claim that the basis of elementary geometry in the future must be the "investigation of the group of motions." It is, of course, possible that certain of the notions of the higher mathematical thought of the nineteenth century may be so simplified as to be within the comprehension of the tyro in geometry, and we should be ready to receive all efforts of this kind with open mind. These writers have not however produced the ideal work, and it may seriously be questioned whether a work based upon their ideas will prove to be educationally any more sound and usable than the labors of such excellent writers as Henrici and Treutlein, and H. Müller, and Schlegel a few years ago in Germany, and of Veronese in Italy. All such efforts, however, should be welcomed and tried out, although so far as at present appears there is nothing in sight to replace a well-arranged, vitalized, simplified textbook based upon the labors of Euclid and Legendre.
The most broad-minded of the great mathematicians who have recently given attention to secondary problems is Professor Klein of Göttingen. He has had the good sense to look at something besides the mere question of good mathematics.[34] Thus he insists upon the psychologic point of view, to the end that the geometry shall be adapted to the mental development of the pupil,—a thing that is apparently ignored by Méray (at least for the average pupil), and, it is to be feared, by the other recent French writers. He then demands a careful selection of the subject matter, which in our American schools would mean the elimination of propositions that are not basal, that is, that are not used for most of the
exercises that one naturally meets in elementary geometry and in applied work. He further insists upon a reasonable correlation with practical work to which every teacher will agree so long as the work is really or even potentially practical. And finally he asks that we look with favor upon the union of plane and solid geometry, and of algebra and geometry. He does not make any plea for extreme fusion, but presumably he asks that to which every one of open mind would agree, namely, that whenever the opportunity offers in teaching plane geometry, to open the vision to a generalization in space, or to the measurement of well-known solids, or to the use of the algebra that the pupil has learned, the opportunity should be seized.
CHAPTER VII
THE TEXTBOOK IN GEOMETRY
In considering the nature of the textbook in geometry we need to bear in mind the fact that the subject is being taught to-day in America to a class of pupils that is not composed like the classes found in other countries or in earlier generations. In general, in other countries, geometry is not taught to mixed classes of boys and girls. Furthermore, it is generally taught to a more select group of pupils than in a country where the high school and college are so popular with people in all the walks of life. In America it is not alone the boy who is interested in education in general, or in mathematics in particular, who studies geometry, and who joins with others of like tastes in this pursuit, but it is often the boy and the girl who are not compelled to go out and work, and who fill the years of youth with a not over-strenuous school life. It is therefore clear that we cannot hold the interest of such pupils by the study of Euclid alone. Geometry must, for them, be less formal than it was half a century ago. We cannot expect to make our classes enthusiastic merely over a logical sequence of proved propositions. It becomes necessary to make the work more concrete, and to give a much larger number of simple exercises in order to create the interest that comes from independent work, from a feeling of conquest, and from a desire to do something original. If we would "cast a glamor over the multiplication table," as an admirer of Macaulay has said that the latter could do, we must have the facilities for so doing.
It therefore becomes necessary in weighing the merits of a textbook to consider: (1) if the number of proved propositions is reduced to a safe minimum; (2) if there is reasonable opportunity to apply the theory, the actual applications coming best, however, from the teacher as an outside interest; (3) if there is an abundance of material in the way of simple exercises, since such material is not so readily given by the teacher as the seemingly local applications of the propositions to outdoor measurements; (4) if the book gives a reasonable amount of introductory work in the use of simple and inexpensive instruments, not at that time emphasizing the formal side of the subject; (5) if there is afforded some opportunity to see the recreative side of the subject, and to know a little of the story of geometry as it has developed from ancient to modern times.
But this does not mean that there is to be a geometric cataclysm. It means that we must have the same safe, conservative evolution in geometry that we have in other subjects. Geometry is not going to degenerate into mere measuring, nor is the ancient sequence going to become a mere hodge-podge without system and with no incentive to strenuous effort. It is now about fifteen hundred years since Proclus laid down what he considered the essential features of a good textbook, and in all of our efforts at reform we cannot improve very much upon his statement. "It is essential," he says, "that such a treatise should be rid of everything superfluous, for the superfluous is an obstacle to the acquisition of knowledge; it should select everything that embraces the subject and brings it to a focus, for this is of the highest service to science; it must have great regard both to clearness and to conciseness, for their opposites trouble our understanding; it must aim to generalize its theorems, for the division of knowledge into small elements renders it difficult of comprehension."
It being prefaced that we must make the book more concrete in its applications, either directly or by suggesting seemingly practical outdoor work; that we must increase the number of simple exercises calling for original work; that we must reasonably reduce the number of proved propositions; and that we must not allow the good of the ancient geometry to depart, let us consider in detail some of the features of a good, practical, common-sense textbook.
The early textbooks in geometry contained only the propositions, with the proofs in full, preceded by lists of definitions and assumptions (axioms and postulates). There were no exercises, and the proofs were given in essay form. Then came treatises with exercises, these exercises being grouped at the end of the work or at the close of the respective books. The next step was to the unit page, arranged in steps to aid the eye, one proposition to a page whenever this was possible. Some effort was made in this direction in France about two hundred years ago, but with no success. The arrangement has so much to commend it, however, the proof being so much more easily followed by the eye than was the case in the old-style works, that it has of late been revived. In this respect the Wentworth geometry was a pioneer in America, and so successful was the effort that this type of page has been adopted, as far as the various writers were able to adopt it, in all successful geometries that have appeared of late years in this country. As a result, the American textbooks on this subject are more helpful and pleasing to the eye than those found elsewhere.
The latest improvements in textbook-making have removed most of the blemishes of arrangement that remained, scattering the exercises through the book, grading them with greater care, and making them more modern in character. But the best of the latest works do more than this. They reduce the number of proved theorems and increase the number of exercises, and they simplify the proofs whenever possible and eliminate the most difficult of the exercises of twenty-five years ago. It would be possible to carry this change too far by putting in only half as many, or a quarter as many, regular propositions, but it should not be the object to see how the work can be cut down, but to see how it can be improved.
What should be the basis of selection of propositions and exercises? Evidently the selection must include the great basal propositions that are needed in mensuration and in later mathematics, together with others that are necessary to prove them. Euclid's one hundred seventy-three propositions of plane geometry were really upwards of one hundred eighty, because he several times combined two or more in one. These we may reduce to about one hundred thirty with perfect safety, or less than one a day for a school year, but to reduce still further is undesirable as well as unnecessary. It would not be difficult to dispense with a few more; indeed, we might dispense with thirty more if we should set about it, although we must never forget that a goodly number in addition to those needed for the logical sequence are necessary for the wide range of exercises that are offered. But let it be clear that if we teach 100 instead of 130, our results are liable to be about 100/130 as satisfactory. We may theorize on pedagogy as we please, but geometry will pay us about in proportion to what we give.
And as to the exercises, what is the basis of selection? In general, let it be said that any exercise that pretends to be real should be so, and that words taken from science or measurements do not necessarily make the problem genuine. To take a proposition and apply it in a manner that the world never sanctions is to indulge in deceit. On the other hand, wholly to neglect the common applications of geometry to handwork of various kinds is to miss one of our great opportunities to make the subject vital to the pupil, to arouse new interest, and to give a meaning to it that is otherwise wanting. It should always be remembered that mental discipline, whatever the phrase may mean, can as readily be obtained from a genuine application of a theorem as from a mere geometric puzzle. On the other hand, it is evident that not more than 25 per cent of propositions have any genuine applications outside of geometry, and that if we are to attempt any applications at all, these must be sought mainly in the field of pure geometry. In the exercises, therefore, we seek to-day a sane and a balanced book, giving equal weight to theory and to practice, to the demands of the artisan and to those of the mathematician, to the applications of concrete science and to those of pure geometry, thus making a fusion of pure and applied mathematics, with the latter as prominent as the supply of genuine problems permits. The old is not all bad and the new is not all good, and a textbook is a success in so far as it selects boldly the good that is in the old and rejects with equal boldness the bad that is in the new.
Lest the nature of the exercises of geometry may be misunderstood, it is well that we consider for a moment what constitutes a genuine application of the subject. It is the ephemeral fashion just at present in America to call these genuine applications by the name of "real problems." The name is an unfortunate importation, but that is not a matter of serious moment. The important thing is that we should know what makes a problem "real" to the pupil of geometry, especially as the whole thing is coming rapidly into disrepute through the mistaken zeal of some of its supporters.
A real problem is a problem that the average citizen may sometime be called upon to solve; that, if so called upon, he will solve in the manner indicated; and that is expressed in terms that are familiar to the pupil.
This definition, which seems fairly to state the conditions under which a problem can be called "real" in the schoolroom, involves three points: (1) people must be liable to meet such a problem; (2) in that case they will solve it in the way suggested by the book; (3) it must be clothed in language familiar to the pupil. For example, let the problem be to find the dimensions of a rectangular field, the data being the area of the field and the area of a road four rods wide that is cut from three sides of the field. As a real problem this is ridiculous, since no one would ever meet such a case outside the puzzle department of a schoolroom. Again, if by any stretch of a vigorous imagination any human being should care to find the area of a piece of glass, bounded by the arcs of circles, in a Gothic window in York Minster, it is fairly certain that he would not go about it in the way suggested in some of the earnest attempts that have been made by several successful teachers to add interest to geometry. And for the third point, a problem is not real to a pupil simply because it relates to moments of inertia or the tensile strength of a steel bar. Indeed, it is unreal precisely because it does talk of these things at a time when they are unfamiliar, and properly so, to the pupil.
It must not be thought that puzzle problems, and unreal problems generally, have no value. All that is insisted upon is that such problems as the above are not "real," and that about 90 per cent of problems that go by this name are equally lacking in the elements that make for reality in this sense of the word. For the other 10 per cent of such problems we should be thankful, and we should endeavor to add to the number. As for the great mass, however, they are no better than those that have stood the test of generations, and by their pretense they are distinctly worse.
It is proper, however, to consider whether a teacher is not justified in relating his work to those geometric forms that are found in art, let us say in floor patterns, in domes of buildings, in oilcloth designs, and the like, for the purpose of arousing interest, if for no other reason. The answer is apparent to any teacher: It is certainly justifiable to arouse the pupil's interest in his subject, and to call his attention to the fact that geometric design plays an important part in art; but we must see to it that our efforts accomplish this purpose. To make a course in geometry one on oilcloth design would be absurd, and nothing more unprofitable or depressing could be imagined in connection with this subject. Of course no one would advocate such an extreme, but it sometimes seems as if we are getting painfully near it in certain schools.
A pupil has a passing interest in geometric design. He should learn to use the instruments of geometry, and he learns this most easily by drawing a few such patterns. But to keep him week after week on questions relating to such designs of however great variety, and especially to keep him upon designs relating to only one or two types, is neither sound educational policy nor even common sense. That this enthusiastic teacher or that one succeeds by such a plan is of no significance; it is the enthusiasm that succeeds, not the plan.
The experience of the world is that pupils of geometry like to use the subject practically, but that they are more interested in the pure theory than in any fictitious applications, and this is why pure geometry has endured, while the great mass of applied geometry that was brought forward some three hundred years ago has long since been forgotten. The question of the real applications of the subject is considered in subsequent chapters.
In [Chapter VI] we considered the question of the number of regular propositions to be expected in the text, and we have just considered the nature of the exercises which should follow those propositions. It is well to turn our attention next to the nature of the proofs of the basal theorems. Shall they appear in full? Shall they be merely suggested demonstrations? Shall they be only a series of questions that lead to the proof? Shall the proofs be omitted entirely? Or shall there be some combination of these plans?
The natural temptation in the nervous atmosphere of America is to listen to the voice of the mob and to proceed at once to lynch Euclid and every one who stands for that for which the "Elements" has stood these two thousand years. This is what some who wish to be considered as educators tend to do; in the language of the mob, to "smash things"; to call reactionary that which does not conform to their ephemeral views. It is so easy to be an iconoclast, to think that cui bono is a conclusive argument, to say so glibly that Raphael was not a great painter,—to do anything but construct. A few years ago every one must take up with the heuristic method developed in Germany half a century back and containing much that was commendable. A little later one who did not believe that the Culture Epoch Theory was vital in education was looked upon with pity by a considerable number of serious educators. A little later the man who did not think that the principle of Concentration in education was a regula aurea was thought to be hopeless. A little later it may have been that Correlation was the saving factor, to be looked upon in geometry teaching as a guiding beacon, even as the fusion of all mathematics is the temporary view of a few enthusiasts to-day.[35]
And just now it is vocational training that is the catch phrase, and to many this phrase seems to sound the funeral knell of the standard textbook in geometry. But does it do so? Does this present cry of the pedagogical circle really mean that we are no longer to have geometry for geometry's sake? Does it mean that a panacea has been found for the ills of memorizing without understanding a proof in the class of a teacher who is so inefficient as to allow this kind of work to go on? Does it mean that a teacher who does not see the human side of
geometry, who does not know the real uses of geometry, and who has no faculty of making pupils enthusiastic over geometry,—that this teacher is to succeed with some scrappy, weak, pretending apology for a real work on the subject?
No one believes in stupid teaching, in memorizing a textbook, in having a book that does all the work for a pupil, or in any of the other ills of inefficient instruction. On the other hand, no fair-minded person can condemn a type of book that has stood for generations until something besides the mere transient experiments of the moment has been suggested to replace it. Let us, for example, consider the question of having the basal propositions proved in full, a feature that is so easy to condemn as leading to memorizing.
The argument in favor of a book with every basal proposition proved in full, or with most of them so proved, the rest having only suggestions for the proof, is that the pupil has before him standard forms exhibiting the best, most succinct, most clearly stated demonstrations that geometry contains. The demonstrations stand for the same thing that the type problems stand for in algebra, and are generally given in full in the same way. The argument against the plan is that it takes away the pupil's originality by doing all the work for him, allowing him to merely memorize the work. Now if all there is to geometry were in the basal propositions, this argument might hold, just as it would hold in algebra in case there were only those exercises that are solved in full. But just as this is not the case in algebra, the solved exercises standing as types or as bases for the pupil's real work, so the demonstrated proposition forms a relatively small part of geometry, standing as a type, a basis for the more important part of the work. Moreover, a pupil who uses a syllabus is exposed to a danger that should be considered, namely, that of dishonesty. Any textbook in geometry will furnish the proofs of most of the propositions in a syllabus, whatever changes there may be in the sequence, and it is not a healthy condition of mind that is induced by getting the proofs surreptitiously. Unless a teacher has more time for the course than is usually allowed, he cannot develop the new work as much as is necessary with only a syllabus, and the result is that a pupil gets more of his work from other books and has less time for exercises. The question therefore comes to this: Is it better to use a book containing standard forms of proof for the basal propositions, and have time for solving a large number of original exercises and for seeking the applications of geometry? Or is it better to use a book that requires more time on the basal propositions, with the danger of dishonesty, and allows less time for solving originals? To these questions the great majority of teachers answer in favor of the textbook with most of the basal propositions fully demonstrated. In general, therefore, it is a good rule to use the proofs of the basal propositions as models, and to get the original work from the exercises. Unless we preserve these model proofs, or unless we supply them with a syllabus, the habit of correct, succinct self-expression, which is one of the chief assets of geometry, will tend to become atrophied. So important is this habit that "no system of education in which its performance is neglected can hope or profess to evolve men and women who are competent in the full sense of the word. So long as teachers of geometry neglect the possibilities of the subject in this respect, so long will the time devoted to it be in large part wasted, and so long will their pupils continue to imbibe the vicious idea that it is much more important to be able to do a thing than to say how it can be done."[36]
It is here that the chief danger of syllabus-teaching lies, and it is because of this patent fact that a syllabus without a carefully selected set of model proofs, or without the unnecessary expenditure of time by the class, is a dangerous kind of textbook.
What shall then be said of those books that merely suggest the proofs, or that give a series of questions that lead to the demonstrations? There is a certain plausibility about such a plan at first sight. But it is easily seen to have only a fictitious claim to educational value. In the first place, it is merely an attempt on the part of the book to take the place of the teacher and to "develop" every lesson by the heuristic method. The questions are so framed as to admit, in most cases, of only a single answer, so that this answer might just as well be given instead of the question. The pupil has therefore a proof requiring no more effort than is the case in the standard form of textbook, but not given in the clear language of a careful writer. Furthermore, the pupil is losing here, as when he uses only a syllabus, one of the very things that he should be acquiring, namely, the habit of reading mathematics. If he met only syllabi without proofs, or "suggestive" geometries, or books that endeavored to question every proof out of him, he would be in a sorry plight when he tried to read higher mathematics, or even other elementary treatises. It is for reasons such as these that the heuristic textbook has never succeeded for any great length of time or in any wide territory.
And finally, upon this point, shall the demonstrations be omitted entirely, leaving only the list of propositions,—in other words, a pure syllabus? This has been sufficiently answered above. But there is a modification of the pure syllabus that has much to commend itself to teachers of exceptional strength and with more confidence in themselves than is usually found. This is an arrangement that begins like the ordinary textbook and, after the pupil has acquired the form of proof, gradually merges into a syllabus, so that there is no temptation to go surreptitiously to other books for help. Such a book, if worked out with skill, would appeal to an enthusiastic teacher, and would accomplish the results claimed for the cruder forms of manual already described. It would not be in general as safe a book as the standard form, but with the right teacher it would bring good results.
In conclusion, there are two types of textbook that have any hope of success. The first is the one with all or a large part of the basal propositions demonstrated in full, and with these propositions not unduly reduced in number. Such a book should give a large number of simple exercises scattered through the work, with a relatively small number of difficult ones. It should be modern in its spirit, with figures systematically lettered, with each page a unit as far as possible, and with every proof a model of clearness of statement and neatness of form. Above all, it should not yield to the demand of a few who are always looking merely for something to change, nor should it in a reactionary spirit return to the old essay form of proof, which hinders the pupil at this stage.
The second type is the semisyllabus, otherwise with all the spirit of the first type. In both there should be an honest fusion of pure and applied geometry, with no exercises that pretend to be practical without being so, with no forced applications that lead the pupil to measure things in a way that would appeal to no practical man, with no merely narrow range of applications, and with no array of difficult terms from physics and engineering that submerge all thought of mathematics in the slough of despond of an unknown technical vocabulary. Outdoor exercises, even if somewhat primitive, may be introduced, but it should be perfectly understood that such exercises are given for the purpose of increasing the interest in geometry, and they should be abandoned if they fail of this purpose.
Bibliography. For a list of standard textbooks issued prior to the present generation, consult the bibliography in Stamper, History of the Teaching of Geometry, New York, 1908.
CHAPTER VIII
THE RELATION OF ALGEBRA TO GEOMETRY
From the standpoint of theory there is or need be no relation whatever between algebra and geometry. Algebra was originally the science of the equation, as its name[37] indicates. This means that it was the science of finding the value of an unknown quantity in a statement of equality. Later it came to mean much more than this, and Newton spoke of it as universal arithmetic, and wrote an algebra with this title. At present the term is applied to the elements of a science in which numbers are represented by letters and in which certain functions are studied, functions which it is not necessary to specify at this time. The work relates chiefly to functions involving the idea of number. In geometry, on the other hand, the work relates chiefly to form. Indeed, in pure geometry number plays practically no part, while in pure algebra form plays practically no part.