The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 30 of 55, 1640 / Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

The Philippine Islands, 1493–1898

Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century,

Volume XXX, 1640

Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord Bourne.

The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMV

Contents of Volume XXX

Illustrations

Preface

The present volume contains no record of events in the year 1640; but its two documents are retrospective from that date. The first, an historical survey of Philippine commerce with Nueva España, from its beginning until 1640, is taken from the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), a work devoted to that subject and compiled by order of the Spanish government. The second is Aduarte’s noted history of the Dominican missions in the Philippines; although much of it is briefly synopsized, its great length permits us only to begin it here, two more volumes being necessary to complete it.

Valuable information regarding the trade between the Philippines and Nueva España is furnished by the Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), from which we take such matter as pertains to that commerce up to 1640. A brief summary of royal ordinances thereon is followed by a memorial sent (1640) to the royal visitor for Mexico, Juan Palafox y Mendoza, by Juan Grau y Monfalcón, agent at the Spanish court for the Philippine Islands. As Palafox is commissioned to investigate the condition, needs, and commerce of the islands, Grau sends him this memorial by way of information thereon, and as a brief for the islands in their controversy over the grievous restrictions placed on their commerce with Nueva España (which is mainly their export thither of Chinese silk fabrics). Grau’s argument is carefully divided and subdivided; it is not always ingenuous, and sometimes he overshoots his mark, or uses the same premises for different and at times incongruous results; but it is on the whole a forcible presentation of the difficulties and embarrassments under which that commerce is laboring, and even the colony striving for existence. He constantly urges the great importance of the Philippines to the Spanish crown, not only as a center of missionary effort in the Orient, but for the defense of the Moluccas and the spice trade, the maintenance of Eastern India, and the diversion from that region and from the American coasts of the Dutch enemy, on whom the Philippine colony is a continual and effective check; all these considerations are discussed at length. He lauds the bravery, loyalty, and piety of the Spaniards in those islands, and their great services to the crown. He computes the expenditures necessary to sustain the Philippine colony, and the revenues which it yields, and shows that its actual expense is but moderate, and far less than is supposed. From even this should properly be deducted the expenses of sustaining Moluco, a burden which falls on the Philippines, although the Spice Islands and their trade are the property of Portugal; such computation leaves but 26,000 pesos annually as the actual cost of maintaining the Philippines, Grau proposes two plans for securing this end: one, to pay all the expenses of the islands directly from the royal treasury; the other, to grant them a sufficient amount of commerce—the latter being the most expedient and desirable method. Granting this, it remains to consider the character, amount, and form of such commerce; Grau expatiates on the third of these in especial, recounting the annoyances and injuries inflicted at Acapulco on Philippine merchants and their goods.

Grau notices the accusations that have been made against the Philippine commerce, of infractions of the ordinances regulating it; while not denying these, he claims that they are not more extensive or serious than those that are committed in the India trade, and do not deserve the severity which has been employed against them. In behalf of the islands, Grau asks for an increase in the amount of trade permitted to them; for the restrictions on their commerce have greatly reduced their wealth, on which heavier burdens are constantly laid by the necessity of defending themselves from so many and so powerful enemies. The population of Manila is also much larger than when the trade was first limited, and needs more for its support; moreover, much of the amount permitted is granted to convents and other institutions, and to certain privileged persons, and various deductions are made from its total, thus diminishing its actual value. Grau argues that a sufficient increase in the trade of the islands would put a stop to illegal shipments of goods; and that the exporters cannot make any reasonable profits unless they are more liberally treated. He suggests that they be allowed to export goods freely, a limitation being placed only on the returns of silver therefor; and urges that the products of the islands be free from all restrictions, and not included in the amount permitted—which latter should apply only to Chinese goods—for which he adduces various forcible arguments. Discussing then the commerce between Nueva España and Peru, he shows that the suspension of this trade during 1635–40 has been very injurious to the Philippines, for various reasons; it has also hurt both Peru and Mexico, especially by checking the latter’s silk industry, which found a market in Peru. He defends the Peruvian merchants from the accusations made against them of transgressing the trade permission that had been accorded to them, and urges that, for the sake of all the western colonies, this permission be restored to Peru.

This memorial by Grau is followed by several royal decrees (dated February 14, 1640) addressed to Palafox; these are mainly “informatory,” and lay before that official the representations made by the citizens of the islands regarding their distressed condition—ordering him to investigate the affairs of Philipinas carefully and thoroughly, and report thereon to the home government. In later volumes of this series will be presented a considerable part of the Extracto historial—a work which, as we understand, has not before been Englished—on account of the importance attached not only to the book as an official report, but to the commerce of the Philippines as a factor in the history and development of that Spanish colony in the Far East.

Aduarte’s Historia de la provincia del Sancto Rosario (Manila, 1640) is here presented for the first time in English dress—partly in full translation and partly in synopsis, because this work, besides being voluminous, contains much about Japan and other countries, and other matter outside our scope. The earlier chapters (i–ix) of book i, here briefly summarized, describe the foundation of the province and the voyage of the first Dominican missionaries to Manila; also the unsuccessful effort at the same time to open a mission in China. In chapter x is described their entrance into Manila, their affectionate reception by all, and their establishment there as a religious community. The new arrivals are initiated into missionary labor at Bataan, and soon afterward are placed in charge of the Pangasinan natives, and of the Chinese at Manila. With the aid of Bishop Salazar, the Dominicans secure a piece of land for their convent and church; and they receive many gifts and alms from pious citizens. They labor for the good of the Spanish residents of Manila, and soon effect a great change in their morals and religious life. They prosper, and are able to erect a new and handsome stone church and the other buildings necessary for their establishment; but the noted fire of 1603 destroys all this great work. It is afterward rebuilt, even more solidly than before, and all by the alms of the faithful. Chapters xii-xv are devoted to an account of an image of our Lady of the Rosary possessed by this Dominican convent, and of the miracles wrought through its agency. Some of the friars had complained of the severity of their mode of life and of the rules imposed upon them; but all finally agree thereto, with great self-forgetfulness and devotion. Aduarte proceeds to recount the great advantages arising to the province from this procedure, and the holiness displayed by the Dominican religious in Luzón—statements confirmed by various letters written to Spain by trustworthy persons, not only within but without that order.

Chapter xix is devoted to an account of the Dominicans’ first mission-field, that of Bataán, and their labors therein. This field had been transiently occupied by other missionaries, but was so hard and barren that none of them had persevered in its cultivation. But the Dominicans “licked their fingers over the hardships,” and devote themselves most heroically to the care of these poor souls, and to learning their language—a difficult task for old men. One of them, Pedro de Bolaños, is overcome by the labors and privations of this sort of life, and is compelled to return to Manila, where he finally dies; and the others suffer much from illness. As soon as the fathers learn the language of those natives, they acquire great influence over the natives, especially through the confessional. They greatly abate drunkenness, the worst vice of the Indians, by “sending to Coventry” every intoxicated person; and they persuade the heathen to abandon their idols and superstitious practices, and even (perhaps the greatest triumph of all) to set free many slaves, and restore what they had taken from others in usury and by other unjust means. All this is accomplished within one year; and Bataán acquires a wide reputation for the religious and peaceful life which its natives lead. Various marvelous works are wrought for the fathers by divine power; “on the other hand, the devil played some tricks on them.” They have to encounter witches and devils, but the Lord gives them the victory over these evil beings.

Pangasinan is another mission-field assigned to the Dominicans, which also had been barren of gospel fruit through the obstinate hostility of its natives to the Christian faith. At first, they try to drive away the Dominicans also, but the holy lives of those fathers work a miracle in their hard hearts, and convert them to the faith. This is told in a letter from Bishop Benavides to the pope, written in 1598. He relates their hardships, patience, and devotion, in the face of the hatred and hostility of the natives—so bitter that the missionaries are entreated, not only by Spanish officers but by Bishop Salazar, to leave Pangasinan. But they refuse to go, and finally their persistent and unwearied kindness to the Indians, and their consistent Christian characters, soften those hard hearts; and, after three years of patient waiting, the fathers gather a rich harvest of souls. Those Indians are excellent Christians, and show most edifying devotion and piety, a statement thoroughly confirmed by later reports. The early persecution of the missionaries is explained by the fact that after their arrival the oracles of the native idols became silent, and by false accusations which the devil and his emissaries concoct against the religious. The conversions and pious acts of two prominent chiefs are related, as well as various miracles which occur in this mission.

The leading events and persons of the next mission (1588–89) are described. Amid the greatest difficulties and dangers, those religious make the perilous voyage to Manila. The first provincial chapter-meeting is held in that city, on June 12, 1588; on this occasion the new province is organized, and officers regularly elected. Some progress is made this year in Pangasinan; but some of the natives are obstinately hostile, and the missionaries are often ill-treated, and sometimes in danger of death. Their acts of charity to the Indians, and especially their success in curing some sick persons, gradually win the affection of the natives; and the fathers are able to do much to improve the condition of those people—above all, in furnishing them hospitals and medical care for the sick, thus saving many lives.

Soon after reaching the islands the Dominicans also undertake to minister to the Chinese who come to Manila. In this field, as among the Indians, they obtain a foothold by their generous and unwearied care for the sick; and soon they erect a hospital for the care of poor Chinese sick persons, which rapidly increases in size and in the aid bestowed upon it, and where nearly all the patients are converted before they leave it. One of their converts devotes himself to the service of the hospital for many years, and greatly aids the fathers in charge of it. New buildings are erected, and the number of converts is greatly increased. The village of Binondo is enlarged, and a large and beautiful church is erected, for this Chinese Christian population. The pious works of several of these converts are related.

The harvest of souls continues to increase, and in 1589 a small but helpful reënforcement of missionaries arrives at the islands. A full account is given of their labors in Pangasinan and Bataán, the marvels wrought for them, the renunciation of idols by the heathen, the devotion and piety displayed by the converts. Fathers Castro and Benavides go to China (1590) to attempt the establishment of a mission there; but their enterprise is a failure, on account of the Chinese hostility to foreigners. Juan Cobo, acting provincial during Castro’s absence, visits the missions and makes some arrangements for their more advantageous management. Excellent crops for several years, and the advice and aid of the missionaries, increase the temporal prosperity of the Indians; and they become more friendly to the religious, and more inclined to receive religious instruction.

Gomez Perez Dasmariñas arrives at Manila in 1590, as governor of the islands. Dissensions soon arise between him and Bishop Salazar, and the latter departs for Spain (in June, 1591), accompanied by Benavides. The governor is afterward slain by his own Chinese oarsmen. In April, 1592, Fray Alonso Ximenes is chosen provincial; the various missions are apportioned, and certain ordinances for their conduct and the better government of the province are enacted. Fray Juan de Castro and Fray Juan Cobo die soon afterward, of whom Aduarte presents full biographical accounts. A special assembly of the religious is convened in December, 1594, at which additional rules for their conduct are adopted. They are also asked to send religious to Nueva Segovia, for which mission two fathers are allotted. Aduarte describes that province, and its conquest (1581) by the Spaniards, to prevent it from becoming a Japanese possession. The Indians of that province are so warlike that for a long time the Spaniards can keep but a precarious hold upon it; and the friars find that they can accomplish nothing there with either Spaniards or Indians. The Dominicans, therefore, enter (1595) upon a hard and sterile field; but a considerable reënforcement of missionaries opportunely arrive to aid them, although many die while en route from España. Aduarte recounts the superstitious beliefs and observances current among the Cagayán Indians, notions which shape or modify nearly all of their social customs; they are, from his standpoint, slaves to the devil in all things. The Dominican missionaries, now eight in number, plan and begin the spiritual conquest of Cagayán. For nearly a year they endure, on account of the hostility of the natives, great sufferings from hunger, exposure, and apparently vain efforts; but gradually they subdue the natives by their unwearied self-denial, patience, and love. Their first-fruits consist in eight converted chiefs, who are baptized at Easter (1597), and these are the beginning of a rich harvest—at first, mainly of children baptized before they die from the prevalent epidemic of smallpox. Gradually, they are able to build churches in the respective villages, and to introduce among the Indians a civilized and Christian mode of life. At the time of Aduarte’s writing (ca. 1637), those people have become very fond of their religious, and ask for them to come to teach them—even changing their own residences, when necessary for their obtaining religious instruction. The supply of missionaries for that region is very inadequate, and should be promptly increased.

The Editors

July, 1905.

Commerce between the Philippines and Nueva España

By Antonio Alvarez de Abreu; Madrid, 1736.

Source: Translated from Abreu’s Extracto historial (Madrid, 1736), fol. 1–28; from a copy in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.

Translation: This is made by Emma Helen Blair.

Commerce between the Philippines and Nueva España

[From Extracto historial.[1]]

Period I

Of what has been ordained by royal decrees, now compiled, in regard to the commerce of Philipinas.

1–15. [This “period” consists of a very brief summary of the laws regarding the above commerce, issued from 1593 to 1635; this matter, in fuller form, has been already given in VOLS. XVII of this series, pp. 27–50, and XXV, pp. 48–73, with which this document should be read.]

Period II

Of the debates on this commerce which occurred in the royal Council of the Indias up to the year 1640, and the commissions which on that account were entrusted to Señor Don Juan de Palafox, who, being an official of the [India] House, went as bishop of Puebla de los Angeles.

Although in the collection of documents which was furnished to us by the Council, for the compilation of this Extracto, nothing appears relative to the controversies which occurred during the greater part of the last century in regard to the commerce of Philipinas, in order that the long silence on this matter—from the earliest decrees up to the year 1684, of which an account is given us by the papers in the Secretary’s office (with which “Period III” begins, and which the Extracto will follow)—may not seem irreparable, it has seemed to us desirable to form the present “Period” from a printed quarto book which was placed in the hands of Señor Palafox (who is now in Nueva España) by the deputy of those islands, and has reached us among other interesting documents. In this book are enumerated, for the purpose of furnishing information to that prelate—who was charged by the royal orders to inform [the government] regarding that affair [of the commerce]—the arguments which during the years 1638–40 were presented in behalf of the maintenance of the commerce of Philipinas, and the enlargement of the amount of trade allowed to that colony. We have not been able by any search to obtain the “Memorial” of one hundred and thirty-six sections which is said, in this printed book, to have been presented to the Council on this subject, in behalf of the city of Manila; but the insertion of the present document will not be unwelcome—not only because it contains substantially the same arguments which in following years up to the present time have been adduced, and which, it may reasonably be believed, those same islands will reproduce in the future whenever this subject is discussed; but because at the same time it presents certain information which is of no little value for better understanding the importance of that remote domain.

Justification of the maintenance of the Philipinas Islands and their commerce

To the very illustrious and reverend Señor Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, member of his Majesty’s Council, in the royal Council of the Indias, and bishop of Puebla de los Angeles: by Don Juan Grau y Monfalcón, procurator-general of the Philipinas Islands, agent for the principality of Catuluña, and syndic of the city of Barcelona.

Very illustrious and reverend sir:

Although I wrote for the city of Manila, the capital of the Philipinas islands, a memorial of one hundred and thirty-six sections—at the examination and discussion of which in the Council your illustrious Lordship was present—in regard to eighty-five petitions, to which can be reduced all the more important matters which may be presented concerning those islands and their trade-route and their maintenance; and that memorial with its petitions your illustrious Lordship is carrying with you, as it is printed, so that it seems as if there were no need of further information—and even these were superfluous to one who is so well informed on all the matters which he has in his keeping, and is so quick to understand those which may come before him: nevertheless, in order that I may to some extent relieve and set free your illustrious Lordship from the burdens imposed upon your memory, as I know the number and importance of the commissions that you must execute and the matters that you must decide in Nueva España (all which will be successfully accomplished, as we are assured by your wide experience in affairs), I have determined to comprise in this single treatise the matters which concern the city of Manila, and which it can present to you. It relates to the four leading points which were entrusted by his Majesty and the royal Council of the Indias, by royal decrees, to the judicious decision and accurate information of your Lordship, as follows:

First, to what extent and in what manner shall the commerce of those islands be tarried on?

Second, whether it will be expedient to increase and extend the permission which they at present enjoy, both in the export of merchandise and in the returns of money.

Third, whether in the amount of merchandise allowed to them shall be included the products of the islands, or only those of China shall be understood.

Fourth, whether the commerce which Perù was accustomed to hold with Nueva España shall be resumed, on account of the loss which results to the Philipinas and Nueva España from its suspension.

Point first

As for the first decree, which is so general as to include all, for treating of the commerce of the islands, which is essential to their preservation: this point, which in the memorial that I have cited is argued at length, can be reduced to an argument of three infallible propositions, of which, when two are proved, the third cannot be denied; and they are in this form.

The Philipinas Islands are absolutely necessary: first, to increase the preaching of the gospel; second, to maintain the authority, grandeur, and reputation of this crown; third, to defend the Moluco Islands and their trade; fourth, to support Eastern India; fifth, to relieve the Western Indias from their enemies; sixth, to aid the two crowns of Castilla and Portugal[2] in breaking down the power of the Dutch; seventh, to protect for both crowns the commerce of China. In order to support the islands, the commerce with Nueva España is requisite and necessary; for by no other means can their defense, or means for supporting it, be provided. It immediately follows that it is also requisite and necessary to grant this commerce to the islands, or, by abandoning them, to lose all the advantages which result from their preservation, as here represented.

The first proposition of this argument consists of eight fundamental reasons, which are stated therein; but it seems as if they ought to be proved, in order that their force and cogency may be fully understood. Accordingly, I will run through them as briefly as possible.

The first one is the increase of the preaching and promulgation of the holy gospel. This was the principal object which the Catholic sovereigns of Castilla had in carrying on the discovery of the Western Indias, and in colonizing and supporting them—and, consequently, in doing the same for all the islands adjacent to them, among the number of which are the Philipinas; and although the richness of those provinces greatly aided their efforts, this was a secondary object with the sovereigns, and a fulfilment of what is promised in the gospel, that we must seek first the kingdom of God, and that all the rest which the world possesses and esteems shall be gathered and added to us. Therefore, since their intention was the conversion of all the infidels who inhabit that opposite hemisphere, He who became flesh in order to redeem them chose that this undertaking should gain, as a secondary result, the infinite riches which the Indias have given and are giving to España. Such a reason is not lacking in the Philipinas Islands. Their first discovery and settlement were solely for extending the Catholic faith; for then it was not known that those islands would be rich—as indeed they are not of themselves—nor that there could be any further result than the conversion of their natives to the gospel law, and the opening of a gate by which the preaching of the gospel could be carried to other provinces and kingdoms of Asia. That enterprise was prosecuted very successfully, as is publicly known; and it is now very evident that all those islands are today in the bosom of the Church—for they contain an archbishopric and three episcopal sees, and very many convents and hospitals; and there may be seen the Christian religion as pure, as valued, and as venerated as it is in España. And this rouses all the more admiration because the location of the colony is so remote, and so surrounded by heathens, Moors, and heretics; and that, in spite of all, the power and revenues of this crown are able to maintain it. But for this result, which was the main one, what was the second, and in what was seen fulfilled the promise of the gospel? It was, that God has placed in those seas a firm column, on which He could found, and by which they could support themselves, Eastern India, the Molucas Islands, their commerce, and that of China; and which shall prove for the enemies of this crown—heretics, Moors, and heathens—a check upon their advance, a resistance to their intentions, and a strong rock on which they shall be broken, or at least their success may be checked and their machinations prevented. Such are the Philipinas Islands, and this rank they acquired after the preaching of the gospel entered them; and it seems as if it were a providence of Heaven to make them so necessary from the human standpoint, in order that the divine influences might not be lacking in them. For if sometimes the attainment of the first result might not be sufficient for maintaining them (which the piety of the kings of Castilla renders incredible), that of the second result would suffice, because even the divine needs to be maintained in the world by human protection. This is an axiom which, in lands newly converted, is generally accepted in the Indias; and it has been thoroughly proved by experience that the gospel is more effective among the barbarians when it is under the royal banners and standards than when it goes without them. Accordingly, it pleased God to ordain that these standards should be necessary in the Philipinas, in order that the preaching of the gospel, which was the motive for their going thither, might be established in their shelter. It is therefore established by a well-grounded proposition that, even if no more is looked for than this aim of converting the heathen, it is now impossible to give up the preservation of the Philipinas, as being so important a part of the Catholic church. And if the kings of Castilla, in order not to permit liberty of conscience in Flandes, have during more than seventy years maintained in those states (and, through them, in all Europa) the most tedious and costly war that any monarchy in the world has waged: how can it be denied that by abandoning so vast a number of Catholics as there are in those islands, who have been instructed by the Christian zeal of Spaniards, there will, if we leave them now, be introduced among them liberty of conscience? not to mention a mingling of schismatic heretics, Moors, Jews, and heathens of various sects, as is seen in Bantan (which is the Oriental Ginebra [i.e., Geneva]), and in all other places where the Dutch find entrance; and they would soon enter those islands [if we abandon them]. Even if they caused great expenses to this crown (which they do not), they ought to be supported and preserved.

The second reason is, that in these islands are involved the authority, grandeur, and reputation of this crown. [My statement in regard to] the authority is proved by various methods, which may be found in the memorial that I have cited—of which I will only notice here the power which is exercised by the governor who rules the islands in the name of his Majesty. So great is this that it may be affirmed with truth that in all his kingdoms and seigniories (although the viceroyalties are classed as superior to that government) the king does not appoint to an office of greater authority. If this is not evident, let it be noticed how many crowned kings render homage to that governor, and recognize him as their superior; how they respect him and fear his arms; how they desire his friendship, and, if they violate it, receive punishment. The king of Ternate died a prisoner in Manila; and he of Sian made, by force of arms, satisfaction for a reprisal which he had committed. Those of Siao and Tidore are our subjects, and that of Camboxa is our ally. The ruler of Great China is our friend, and the emperor of Japòn was such until the Dutch alienated him; and although the failure of the Japanese trade causes us loss, we have not feared to declare that ruler our enemy—as are those of Champa, Sian, and Mindanao; and, more than all, the Dutch, who keep those seas so infested. And it ought to be considered that the governor of Philipinas sends ambassadors to all those kings, with gifts to present to them, and receives those that they send to him in return; he makes peace and declares war, and does whatever seems to him expedient; and all this on his own responsibility, without waiting for a decision of the matter from España, because the excessive distance renders him the entire master in these acts. This is a preëminence of so great authority that no governor or viceroy in Europe exercises it. The grandeur which this monarchy preserves in those islands is widely known. In its material aspect, that domain extends through a circuit of 1,400 leguas, in which are included the two archipelagos of San Lazaro and Moluco: the latter composed of five especially important islands, which their own kings govern, with more than seventy others adjacent; the latter, of those which are properly called Philipinas, forty in number—some of them larger than all España, some as large as this country, and others somewhat smaller. This does not mention the islands that are small and uninhabited, which are without number. Among all these is [foremost] the island of Luzon, in which is the distinguished and ever loyal city of Manila, which is the precious stone of this setting, and which alone is enough to prove the grandeur of España—by its location, its splendor, its buildings, its sky, and its soil. In its citizens are resplendent the religious faith, the loyalty, and the courage which gave origin to that colony. Since Manila is, as some say, the antipodes of Sevilla, it seems as if it tried to imitate that city in its characteristics, and in being a military center and an emporium of commerce for that hemisphere. If one considers higher things, the power of the islands cannot be reduced to the region just mentioned. Manila may be compared to the city of Goa, the capital of Eastern India; and it is she who reduces to subjection all the coasts from the Straits of Sincapura to Japòn, and the islands of the Ladrones and the Papuas; for her fleets sail through all those seas with the never conquered and always victorious royal standards of España. Her ships are admitted into many maritime kingdoms of Asia, and into numberless islands adjacent to them; they make voyages so long that no others equal to these are known. They go to China and Japòn, and by the Southern Sea to Nueva España; and by way of the Northern Sea—coasting all the Oriental kingdoms, emerging [from the China Sea] through Sincapura, and doubling the great Stormy Cape, that of Buena Esperanza—they have reached the bar of San Lucar, with these two voyages making almost the entire circuit of the world. And if commerce is regarded as the greatest splendor of kingdoms (as it certainly is), this greatness is not lacking to the Philipinas; for they have so rich a commerce that, if they could enjoy it free, there is no city known to the world that would surpass, or even equal, Manila. That in that colony resides and is preserved the reputation of this crown, is evident, if it be noted that the maintenance of that reputation by the arms of España in Fuente-Rabia, in Salsas, in Italia, in Flandes, in Alemania, and in other parts of Europa is not to be wondered at; for if España is the heart which inspires strength in the mystical body of this monarchy, it is not much that the members which are nearest and so closely connected should share most effectively in this influx of energy. And if his Majesty (whom God preserve!) is the soul or vital breath of this heart, it cannot be denied that the closer proximity will cause the greater effect. Besides, the great number of the troops who go out from the adjoining [European] states prevents the enemy from seizing any one of those states; but the greatest cause of reputation for this crown is that, at a distance of three thousand leguas from the royal person and España, three thousand three hundred and thirty-six Spaniards, all of them occupied in those islands in war and in peace, on sea and on land, [accomplish what they do]. It is the citizens of Manila who are the substance of that diamond, where the adjoining states are all enemies—barbarians, heretics, Moors, and heathens. Those Spaniards are without hope of succor in emergencies, without safety for the unfortunate in the retreat, and even without the reward due them for their achievements; they are always inferior in numbers, and continually attacked by Dutch, Mindanaos, Japanese, Jaos, and other peoples. They are always in anxiety about the Chinese, or Sangleys, who number more than 30,000 in Manila; and about the natives, of whom there are more than 80,000. In that land of many islands they maintain fortified posts, and on the sea armed fleets of galleons, galleys, and champans—one for the defense of Manila, another for conveying troops and supplies to Terrenate, and another for the fort on the island of Hermosa. In this last island and in those of Moluco, our military posts confront the Dutch; our people are continually fighting on sea and on land, while they wage on the frontier a fierce war with the most wary people that is known, and with tribes who are as cruel as they can be. Yet, although their soldiers are so few, they meet innumerable obligations, acquit themselves of all, and cause the Spanish name to emerge from all gloriously, and the standards of the king our lord victoriously. Therefore, it is the Philipinas Islands that preserve the reputation of this crown with the most valor and the least reward, with the greatest hazard, and with most glory.

The third fundamental reason is, that the Philipinas defend the islands of Moluco, and the commerce in the cloves that are obtained from them. The importance of these islands is everywhere known, because in all the world there are no other islands nor any other region in which grows this spice or drug, so highly valued. For their discovery alone Hernando de Magallanes made, by order of the emperor Carlos Fifth, that celebrated voyage in which he found the strait to which he gave his name, and passed through it into the Southern Sea; and, although he was slain while making his claims, his ship sailed around the world. The lordship of those islands caused troublesome hostilities between the Castilians and Portuguese, which were ended by this crown giving them to that of Portugal, in fulfilment of a contract; for it seemed (and indeed was evident) that Castilla would have much difficulty in maintaining them when they were so separated from all its kingdoms and states, while Portugal, by possessing Eastern India, was less distant from and could better support them. The course of time showed that even India was very remote from them; for when the Dutch power entered the Orient and established a military post in Bantan[3]—a port nearer to Moluco, and more advantageously located than was India—it was so obviously impossible to defend them that in the end they were lost to us, the enemy getting possession of them all and of their commerce. But as the Philipinas were by that time quite populous, and so near to the Molucas that they were superior to Bantan [as a trading post], the task of restoring the Molucas [to Spanish control] was laid upon the governor, Don Diego de Acuña—who with his courage and energy, and the convenience of being so near, regained them and restored them to this crown. When both Castilla and Portugal recognized the great expense that India would have to incur in maintaining the Molucas, and that even with excessive expenditures it would be impossible to do so, on account of the injury being nearer than the remedy, and the enemy than the succor, those islands were, by the mutual agreement of the two crowns, united to the government of the Philipinas as regards their defense and support. The clove-trade was left to the Portuguese, because it was so important that, if it were taken from them, India would perish, or become greatly weakened. It is thus sufficiently proved that the Philipinas contributed to the restoration of all the forts in the Orient; and that in their preservation was and still is involved that of the Molucas, and consequently of all India. Thus they have been maintained since the year 1603, defending them by force of arms against the Dutch, who never cease their endeavors to expel the Castilians from those islands; this has been the cause of many naval encounters and battles, in which the arms of España have always remained victorious. Nevertheless, since the military force of Philipinas is small, the territory that they must defend large, and the aid which is given to them for this purpose very limited, it has not been possible to prevent the treachery and persistence of the Dutch from having some effect; nor to put a stop to their sharing in the clove trade at some forts which they keep in the Molucas, though at the cost of many men, armed vessels, and expenses. From all of these islands are produced each year 2,816,000 libras of cloves, of which the Dutch secure 1,098,000 libras, and the Portuguese and Castilians 1,718,000—and this latter supply is due to the protection of the Philipinas; while it is computed that the cloves which the Dutch carry away amount to three times as much as it will cost them to be absolute lords of the Molucas, even with the large garrisons and armed fleets which they keep and maintain for purchasing the spice and transporting it to Bantan. From this it obviously follows that without the Philipinas the Molucas would be lost, and their commerce and trade in cloves would cease—from which would follow two pernicious results, which would cause the loss of whatever his Majesty possesses in the Orient. One is, that India would be greatly weakened, for lack of that commerce; for if that country languishes on account of not having all of that trade, it may well be understood that she will perish if it be taken from her. The other is, that the Dutch in that case would have the entire benefit of the trade, and without much expense; for if [Holanda] with less than half the trade—and that at the cost of so many garrisons and fleets—gains such profits that they are enough to maintain whatever she has in India; if she were to secure all the cloves and, on account of the less cost, thus gain a profit of more than a thousand per cent upon her investments, while the gross amount would be doubled: it is very plain that India would not remain safe, the Western Indias would be more effectively harassed, the rebel states in Flandes would be strengthened, the coasts of España would experience their invasions, and everywhere the treasure that could be obtained from the Molucas alone would cause most injurious effects—as may be seen, with more detailed arguments, in the memorial that I have cited in behalf of the Philipinas, to which [colony] we owe the only compensation [that we receive] for all these losses.

The fourth reason is almost the sequence of what has been said in the third, although it is more general, since it takes notice that the Dutch fleets have entered the Orient with so strong a force that they have often placed India in risk of being lost to us; for if they were aided by the Moorish and heathen kings and the rulers of Persa and Mogòr[4]—and sometimes the Dutch are leagued with the English, who also navigate those seas—their invasion would be irresistible. What has prevented this danger has been the diversion furnished by the Philipinas—not only by diminishing their trade and profits in Moluco (as has been seen), in China, and in other regions, but by compelling them to divide their forces, and to maintain in some places very large ones. India is divided into two parts—[one], from the Cape of Buena Esperanza to the Straits of Sincapura; the other, from the straits to China and Japòn. The first is defended by the Portuguese fleets of India, which seldom go thither through the straits; the second, by the Castilians of Philipinas, who never come here by way of the straits. For both these, it is necessary that the Dutch send thither and maintain squadrons; and therefore it is proved, at this very beginning, that if the fleets of this crown are deficient in either of those regions, and the enemy can transfer all of his naval force to the one that remains [without defense] because there is no diversion [of his forces] in the other, it will be difficult if not impossible to defend [the one to which he goes]—an argument which admits no debate in the naval as well as in the military world. From this it follows that if now the Philipinas fail us Eastern India will remain without aid, and consequently in evident danger of being lost [to us]. This is further confirmed by the fact that, of the two parts into which India is divided, the enemy expends much more of his energy in the second than in the first. In the latter he is content with factories and barter, without keeping any fortified posts; in the former, he maintains the forts of Malayo, Toloco, Tacubo, Malaca, Tacome, Marieco, Motir, Nofagia, Tafacen, Tabelole, Bermevelt, Tabori, Gilolo, Amboino, Lagu, Maruco, Mozovia, Belgio, Bantan, and Hermosa Island. In these nineteen presidios there were, in the year 1616, 3,000 soldiers; 193 pieces of bronze artillery and 310 of iron, and 300 stone-mortars [pedreros]; and thirty war galleons. And all this is solely to defend themselves from the Philipinas, and to attack the islands so that the armed fleets of India shall not sail to that region—or, if they should go thither, it would be easy to stop them at the Strait of Sincapura. If then, the Philipinas were unable to act, and the Dutch should abandon those nineteen forts (which now are many more), as being no longer necessary to them, they would proceed to the coasts of India, and their galleons to those seas. If even when their energies are diverted, their forces divided, and their gains diminished as they are now, they cause so much anxiety, what would it be if, with little if any opposition, their forces united, and their profits increased, they should harass India? It is easy to see that they would occasion that region the utmost distress, and that consequently the Philipinas are an absolutely necessary defense for it.

The fifth reason has the same ground as the fourth; for, on account of the diversion of forces and the expense which the enemy now encounters in the Orient and in the forts of Moluco, he is compelled to refrain from annoying the Western Indias, and must devote less attention, military force, and money to that object. And since what he spends or fails to gain in India enables the Philipinas to oppose or to embarrass him, it follows that if he there shall gain more and spend less, he will here take possession of both [the Indias]. And if the Indias, even with so effective a diversion [of the enemy’s force as they have now], need the Windward Fleet which is being built there, and for which a subsidy of 600,000 ducados is granted annually: in order to dispense with the garrisons, fleets, and expenditures in India everything would have to be increased, so that in the Indias more expense would be incurred for their defense than is consumed in the Philipinas.

The sixth is a reason of honor and profit, for these two admirable results follow from the victories which the inhabitants of Philipinas have gained over the Dutch: honor, on account of the glory which the Catholic arms acquire in those seas, which gains for them the esteem of the Japanese, Chinese, Sianese, Mindanaos, and innumerable other peoples, who serve as spectators in the theatre for such exploits; and profit, since, if the enemy’s forces are weakened it follows that, besides those that he loses in being conquered, he is compelled to expend still greater ones in order to keep his foothold. This is the most notable reason for maintaining powerful squadrons on the sea, in order that if the pirate undertakes to plunder successfully, he will have to do it with so great a force that either he will abandon the prize because he cannot hold it, or he will let it alone because the profits do not make it worth his while. Of the victories which the Spaniards have gained in those seas there are extant histories and accounts; and in the large memorial some of these are mentioned.

The seventh is, that [by the islands] are aided the two crowns of Castilla and Portugal, who are so united and in so fraternal relations in the Orient, each possessing its share of the two parts into which that region is, as we have said, divided. If we are to base our opinion on experience, the facts are evident in the restoration of Moluco; for in the time of Governor Don Juan de Sylva the forces of both crowns were joined, and it is regarded as certain that, if death had not intercepted his designs, he would have driven from those seas the arms of Holanda and of Inglaterra, and awakened fear and dread in many kings who were awaiting the result of so powerful a combination; and, even though success is not always so immediate, it suffices that it should be possible to make the enemy fear, and to lead them to believe that what has occurred sometimes may occur often.

The eighth reason is to protect and preserve the commerce of China for both crowns. For this argument it is taken for granted that this commerce is one of the most beneficial and lucrative of those in the entire Orient; and we can say that there is no other in all the world that equals it. The Oriental traffic of ancient times, which the Romans so highly valued, originated in China and in the drugs, fabrics, and curiosities of that country—although, as they were ignorant of its real origin, they called it the India trade, since they received it from that country. In the larger memorial I have already discoursed upon this at length. Now all the nations in those [Oriental] kingdoms take part in this commerce, but it is conducted most extensively and steadily by the Portuguese of India and the Castilians of Manila; we shall soon relate how important it is to the latter. Of the Portuguese it suffices to say that they possess in China the city of Macan, and the privilege of entering that of Canton; and the commerce of these two cities they maintain through the Strait of Sincapura, though always in danger from the Dutch. But as the profits are so great, they sail by that route; it adds much to their safety that they cross through the seas of Philipinas, and that Macan can find succor in Manila. But if this should be lacking, Macan could not remain many years without ruin, nor could India enjoy the commerce with China, which is one of those which most benefit her; and if the Chinese trade is cut off from India and Manila, the Dutch alone will be strong enough to carry it on. Although they are at present shut out from it by the robberies that they have committed on the Sangleys, they would not find it difficult to bring the latter to friendship with them; for it is already known that when money is lacking in Philipinas the Sangleys carry their merchandise to the Dutch. Therefore, on the preservation of those islands depends that of the Chinese trade.

These eight fundamental reasons are sufficient to prove the importance and necessity that exist for maintaining, preserving, and favoring those islands; for if they were lost the resulting damage would be great and excessive beyond any possible comparison or proportion to what the islands now cost us. And because there is seen in this an error of misapprehension, I will make a statement regarding it that is worthy of much attention and notice. This is, that it costs the royal exchequer more to support the island of San Martin[5]—which is of no use, and has no more effect than to remove an obstacle to the navigation of the Indias, and take away a landing-place from the pirates (who already have numberless others)—than to maintain the Philipinas Islands, which have the utility and effectiveness which I have stated.

For the proof of this, I avail myself of a summary of the detailed statements in the larger memorial, regarding the cost of the Philipinas. For the officials of justice, who govern them, 37,077 pesos; for the entire ecclesiastical estate, 37,277 pesos. In maintaining friendly relations with neighboring kings, 1,500 pesos. In the administration of the royal exchequer, 11,550 pesos. For the land forces at Manila, and in the military posts of all the islands, 229,696 pesos. For wars on land, and the forts in Moluco, 97,128 pesos. For naval war, shipbuilding, and navy-yards, 283,184 pesos. For supplies and provisions for all the soldiers and seamen, 153,302 pesos. These sums amount to 850,734 pesos, which is the expenditure made each year for the islands—not omitting to reckon wages and salaries, scanty though they be. This, therefore, is all the charge for their cost which can be made.

On the credit side of the account, the tributes from the crown encomiendas are worth each year 53,715 pesos; and the two reals which are paid to the king by each Indian in the private encomiendas amount to 21,107 pesos. The licenses which are given to the Sangleys come to 112,000 pesos; and the tributes from these Sangleys, to 8,250. The fifth and the tenth of gold, 750 pesos. The ecclesiastical tithes, which are collected by the royal exchequer for the support of the prelates and clergy, 2,750 pesos. The freight charges in his Majesty’s ships, 350 pesos. The court fines, 1,000 pesos. The customs duties, 38,000 pesos. The mesada and half-annats, 6,000. From these ten sources the income amounts to 243,922 pesos; to this must be added the imposts, freight dues, and customs duties which are collected in Nueva España on the merchandise that comes from the islands—all which amount to 300,000 pesos, and this is income that results and proceeds from the islands; accordingly, by a decree of February 19, 1606, it is commanded that these charges, adding to their amount each year, be remitted to Manila, and that so much less be sent from the royal exchequer of Mexico. And if all these goods are sold and traded in Nueva España once, or two or more times, and pay the customary charges of alcabala,[6] if the rate of two [per cent] which they usually pay was moderated to 30,000 pesos in the larger memorial, the rate on the said [sales] will certainly amount to 60,000 pesos. With this, the islands now have 593,922 pesos to their credit; so that their [actual] expense cannot be estimated at more than 256,812 pesos—[and that] without counting the proceeds of the Crusade, those from intestate property, or the monopoly of playing-cards.

Another item ought to be placed with these, which is the expense for the islands of Moluco. These were possessions of the crown of Portugal, which consumed in supporting and defending them great sums of ducados and many soldiers; but finally it lost them, and the Dutch gained them. By agreement of the two crowns, Governor Don Pedro de Acuña regained possession of them (as I have related); and as it was evident that the crown of Portugal could not defend them on account of the great expense required therefor, those islands were committed, in the year 1607, to the governor of Philipinas. In this must be considered several things. First, that these islands of Moluco do not belong to those which are called Philipinas, nor are they included in that group. Second, that at present they are the property of the Portuguese crown, but are in possession of the Castilian crown for the purpose of protecting, maintaining, and defending them; on this account, the commerce in cloves is left to India, as it was before. Third, that the Philipinas and the citizens of Manila do not obtain or possess any advantage or benefit from Moluco, or anything else besides the continual trouble of succoring and provisioning its forts; for the clove-trade belongs to the Portuguese, and there is no other commerce in those islands. Fourth, that since the day when the governor of Philipinas and the crown of Castile took charge of Moluco, the crown of Portugal has saved more than 400,000 pesos, the cost which it would have incurred in maintaining Moluco, estimated on the basis of what it now costs Castilla for that—although Manila, which is the place where provision is made for those islands, is so near them. Fifth, that for these reasons it is evident and plain that what is spent for the islands of Moluco should not be charged to the Philipinas; nor even should the crown of Castilla pay it, but rather that of Portugal, which is the proprietary owner of Moluco, and has the benefit of the clove-trade. Consequently, whatever is received from that trade must be placed to the credit and acquittance of the Philipinas, against the amount charged to them. Sixth, and last, notice the [items of] the annual expenses of the Moluco Islands: for salaries, 97,128 pesos; provisions, considering the total number of people, will average 30,000 pesos a year; for the ecclesiastical ministrations and the management of the royal treasury, the expense will reach 4,000 pesos; and for naval affairs and shipyards, 100,000 pesos—since in order to send every year the usual supplies, and to furnish extraordinary aid when occasion demands, the armed ships are necessary which are always kept at Manila. Thus the cost of the islands of Moluco comes to more than 230,000 pesos each year; deducting this from the 256,000 which remain charged to the Philipinas, only 26,000 pesos. This is an amount unworthy of consideration, even if the islands were of no more use than to augment the grandeur of this crown; but granting that they possess the advantages that I have mentioned, the loss, cost, and expense is nothing; and it remains abundantly proved how necessary, just, expedient, and requisite it is to maintain them.

If the Philipinas are to be maintained, it now remains to ascertain how and in what manner this shall be done, in order to secure their preservation, and [at the same time] to avoid any considerable injury to the royal exchequer and to the other kingdoms of this crown. For this there are but two methods, and these alone; no other can be found which is adequate and efficacious. The first one is, the method which is adopted for the island of San Martin, and for all the military posts which his Majesty maintains in the Indias and in other regions, and for his fleets and armies; this is, to furnish from the royal treasury all that shall be necessary for this purpose. Granting that the islands cost annually 850,000 pesos and furnish revenues of 244,000 pesos, his Majesty will have to supply 606,000 pesos. Although this is a great sum of money, the preservation of those islands is so desirable, and so much more will have to be lost and spent if the islands are lost, that, in case there shall be no other way, it will be necessary and compulsory to accept and carry out the above method—although even that would not be enough, for the islands now cost 850,000 pesos [only] because the citizens of Manila give much aid, and render service with their persons and property. In one year they have thus given more than 200,000 pesos, as is made evident in the larger memorial, nos. 59 and 60. Accordingly, this method is exceedingly costly, and even more so than it would seem, for the reason that I have stated.

There remains, then, the second method, the only one [available]; this consists in granting commerce to those islands, which would suffice to secure three results. The first of these is, to preserve the present revenue of 244,000 pesos that they yield; for that sum, or the greater part of it, is based on the wealth which the islands obtain from their commerce, and if this fails them they will produce much less, and therefore much more will have to be supplied [from without]. The second, to give the royal treasury the benefit of the 606,000 pesos which (or the greater part of that sum) are deficient for the usual expense account, as has been shown. The third, to furnish the citizens with means by which they can, in emergencies, aid the extraordinary expenses—as they always have done, and still do—by having a commerce to support them; but without this it will be necessary, as they would lack the means to render such aid, that the king should bear these expenses. These three results being granted, the preservation of those islands readily follows.

The question then remains as to the character, amount, and form of this commerce, which are three principal topics. As for the character of this commerce, it is noted in the larger memorial (no. 15) that the islands have a domestic and a foreign commerce. It has been shown that this is scanty, except what proceeds from Moluco; but that this might be very rich, since it is the trade in cloves (as may be seen in nos. 28, 30, 34, and 36 of the said memorial). But, as this trade is reserved for the Portuguese and prohibited to the Castilians, it is useless to consider it for this purpose—although it is worth notice that whatever advantage the crown of Portugal derives from that trade is due to the Philipinas, and results from their preservation. I shall soon make some observations on the remaining portion of this domestic commerce, and what can be obtained from it.

Their foreign commerce is with many regions of the Orient, as is stated in the said memorial, from no. 20 on; and in no. 37 it is shown that only the inhabitants of the Philipinas can carry on the commerce with China, because they have means for this only—exporting that merchandise to Nueva España, and obtaining the returns from it in silver, with which to maintain it; for they have no other commodity which the Chinese crave, as is proved in the said memorial, no. 70. From this the conclusion is drawn that the islands cannot be preserved without commerce, and that this must necessarily be conducted with Nueva España in Chinese merchandise, and in some of their own products.

As for the second point, the amount of the commerce, this was formerly without any limitation; and during the time (which was short) while that condition lasted the islands acquired what strength and wealth and grandeur they now possess. After a time certain difficulties arose—which are discussed in the said memorial, nos. 80, 81, 94, 117, and 118—all being to the prejudice of España’s commerce; on account of these it became expedient to limit the commerce of the islands, reducing it to a fixed amount of 250,000 pesos’ worth of merchandise and 500,000 pesos in returns. Although the citizens resented this, and saw that if it were successful they could [only] preserve their wealth without being able to increase it much, they went on under this decree from the time when it began to be executed (in 1605) until 1635—when Don Pedro de Quiroga went [to Mexico], and by his rigorous measures reduced this permission to terms so restricted that it was rather taking away the permission entirely than carrying out its intent. This falling upon the necessity of the islands that the stated amount of their merchandise be increased, on account of the many shipwrecks, misfortunes, and expenses which they had experienced—of which I have made a brief relation in the said memorial, no. 107—to take away the permission that they had without granting them a more liberal one, was more than they could endure; it may readily be seen what results this would cause. And as divine Providence did not cause these troubles to cease with the death of him who caused them, it may well be believed that the islands are today in so miserable a condition that they will either be ruined or can no longer be reached by the remedy which the kind attention of the council has begun to furnish them—entrusting its final application to the inquiry to be made by your illustrious Lordship, who is well informed of the losses, advantages and disadvantages, and all the circumstances of which knowledge is necessary for your decision in a matter so serious as this, on which depends the preservation of the Philipinas and of all that depends upon them. Their citizens hope that your decision will be what is expedient and necessary for those vassals, always so loyal, but always harassed by enemies, and even by friends.

There remains, then, the third point of the three that I have stated; that is, the form which must be adopted and followed in this commerce of the islands with Nueva España. Don Pedro de Quiroga proceeded in this matter with measures so rigorous and unusual that he tried to establish regulations different from those which are respected and observed in all the ports of España, of the Indias, and of the world. He undertook to open and weigh the bundles and chests, and to count, weigh, and measure the commodities and wares, without any preceding denunciation, information, or [even] indication that these exceeded the registration. He laid an embargo on all, without there being any guilt on the part of the owners, or prohibition of the articles; and for only raising this so unjust embargo he extorted from the commerce 300,000 pesos—excluding from composition 600,000 pesos’ worth besides, which are included in the [right of] composition by express, clear, and plain provisos [of the ordinances]. He collected the dues on whatever appraisement of the goods it suited him to make, although it was evident to him that they were being sold at half that rate in Acapulco, and even in Mexico. He hindered the return of the proceeds from the merchandise, which is allowed by the royal decree; and it cannot be denied that he who carries his goods to sell, [even though] with permission, may not exact the price that he shall obtain for them. For granting that permission, he demanded new dues and imposed new burdens; compelled the shippers to do whatever he wished, and harassed the mariners on that trade-route until he made them leave it—when it is known (and the islands are making representations to that effect) that it is for what is most needed in those islands that the governors in Manila make concessions to their citizens when the latter ask for these, in order to constrain them by kindness to what could not be obtained by severity; and the Council is conferring upon those citizens privileges and distinctions, in order that many may be encouraged to become mariners and artillerists. All this was done by Don Pedro de Quiroga under pretext of serving his Majesty; but it caused his royal exchequer the great loss which has been experienced in the failure, for two years, of ships to arrive from Philipinas. By this has been lost, in dues alone, 660,000 pesos, and as much more through the suspension of commerce; and still greater were the losses to the vassals of his Majesty, to say nothing of the danger in which those islands were left, and to which they are still exposed. To speak of the plan which should be established in this commerce, it seems as if it were sufficient to place before your illustrious Lordship what Don Pedro de Quiroga did, and what resulted from that, in order to understand that if by his proceedings he destroyed and ruined the commerce it is not expedient to follow his example. Rather should be followed those of Sevilla, Cartagena, Portovelo, Vera Cruz, and the other ports of the Indias and of these kingdoms, in which royal laws, decrees, and ordinances have ordained what shall be observed in these matters; and since these regulations are not annulled or broken in favor of the islands, it will not be just if they are broken or annulled to the loss or injury of that colony. For neither do those vassals merit less than this, nor is their commerce of different character from the other commerce that belongs to this crown.

Although representations have been made, with more exaggeration and less in accordance [with the facts] than would be desirable, of serious infractions of law that have been committed in this commerce—which representations I have answered at length and in detail in the said memorial, from no. 94 to no. 99—it may be observed that, if there are any (which, if I do not admit, I do not deny), they are not of greater extent nor of different character than those which are every year experienced in the fleets and galleons on the India trade-route. These infractions consist in shipping more merchandise than what is registered, and different commodities from what are declared, and in carrying back more silver than is shown by the registers; and there are not and cannot be on the ships of Philipinas other infractions than the shipment of more goods and the return of more silver than appear on the registers. Let, then, the remedy be ascertained which is applied at Sevilla, Cadiz, and San Lucar, at Cartagena, Portovelo, Vera Cruz, and Habana, and let the same be applied at Manila and Acapulco.[7] Let guards be placed, and informers allowed, and goods declared—with rewards to encourage, and punishments to warn; but it would be a chance success to ascertain in detail what would be shipped at Sevilla and unloaded in the ports of the Indias. This would be to establish not order but disorder in that commerce, as I state in the said memorial, no. 95; and soon the same thing would be noticed in that of the islands.

And although it may be represented that the infractions in the Philipinas trade, considering their amount, cause more loss than those in the commerce of España, especially in the exportation of the silver—since that which is brought in the galleons outside of the kingdom finally comes to Castilla; and that which is carried in the ships of Philipinas soon finds its way to China, and thus is lost, and the commerce is taken away from the vassals of this crown—reply may thus be made. The illegal shipments on the Philipinas route cause much less loss than do those on the India route, as is incurred when a galleon laden with silver is lost at sea, as compared with one that is captured by enemies; in the former case there is only our own loss, but in the latter is the same loss, and an advantage to our enemies. It cannot be denied that the silver which goes unregistered in the ships of Philipinas is lost, but no enemy of this crown benefits thereby; for that silver comes to a halt in China, from which country it never emerges—as is stated in the said memorial, no. 72—nor does it work any harm there, whether it be more or less; for neither do we wage war with China, nor do the Chinese aid any other nation which wages war with us. As for the silver which comes [to España] unregistered in the galleons, those who best understand the subject consider that it would cause less damage if it remained in the Indias (and even some extend this idea to its being lost in the sea); because, under the pretext of its coming concealed, it either does not come into Sevilla, or, if it does come in, soon goes out again. In both these cases, it remains in the hands of the French, English, Flemish, and Portuguese, and most of it is anchored in their ships, by which Inglaterra, Francia, and Holanda are enriched; while that which goes to Portugal is carried to India, and there it is shared by the Dutch, Persians, Arabs, Mogous, and other hostile nations, until it reaches China, which is its center [of equilibrium]. It may be judged, then, which is the greater injury; and since the loss caused by the illegal shipments on the vessels of Philipinas is less, let that be done with those ships that is done with the galleons. But let it not be proposed that the commerce be taken from them, or its amount limited, or that unusual methods and severity be employed in dealing with them, since these are not used in the commerce of the Indias, and, comparing them together, one is no less necessary than the other.

From these considerations we draw the final conclusion that if the Philipinas Islands are, as has been proved, absolutely necessary to this crown on account of the eminent advantages and benefits which result to it from them, and that, in order to preserve them, there are but two methods: one, for his Majesty to support them; the other, to grant them commerce by which they can sustain themselves—the first costly and difficult, the second easy and obvious—the latter ought to be accepted and carried out. [This can be done] by giving them the commerce which they have hitherto enjoyed with Nueva España, to the amount that is expedient, and in the usual manner, without adding conditions that will diminish or render it difficult; for that will be to withdraw and consequently to destroy and end it, and with it those islands, which are so important to this Catholic monarchy. Your illustrious Lordship will make such report on this point and argument as [his Majesty’s] vassals there expect and desire from your great ability and zeal.

Point second

As for the permission [to trade] which the islands have enjoyed since 1604—which is to the amount of 250,000 pesos that may be carried in merchandise, and 500,000 pesos which may be sent back in silver, on the two ships which are allotted for that trade—the islands have petitioned his Majesty that he would graciously increase the 250,000 pesos’ worth of merchandise to 500,000, and the 500,000 pesos of silver to 800,000; this is referred to the inquiry of your illustrious Lordship. And although I have in the said memorial discussed the main arguments for this request, I will, since these are related to the entire subject of those islands, here reduce them to six or seven principles.

First: because, as I have stated and proved, this commerce began in the year 1565, and was carried on without any restriction of its amount until 1604, when it was limited to the amount above stated. The islands could endure this limitation because they then possessed three attributes which they now lack. The first was, that the citizens were rich and strong through having enjoyed free trade almost forty years; and therefore they possessed, and have had thus far, the means to bear expense and losses. But since, from their trade being reduced to so small an amount, it resulted that their profits were diminished and their obligations increased; their fortunes have so steadily declined that, if the trade permitted to them is not increased, they cannot improve their fortunes, nor even preserve the remnants of these. The second was, that those islands had few enemies, and were less infested and harried by them [than now]; for until the year 1600 neither did the Dutch cause any anxiety in those seas, nor was there any other nation which visited them with hostile acts or fleets. Since that year the profits obtained from the cloves, the plunder of the ships from China, and friendly relations with the Japanese, have all been such inducements to the Dutch to frequent the seas in that region that they have kept the [Philipinas] Islands continually in arms, rendering them an active military frontier. Hardly a year has passed without a sea-fight; and, moreover, the Dutch have incited the Mindanaos, the Japanese, and other barbarians also to make war on us. The result has been that the citizens [of the islands] have spent their fortunes in serving his Majesty, which they have done with their property and persons—as is described in the said memorial, nos. 59 and 60. And as the profits from their commerce have become less, and the expenses for war greater and more continual, their poverty has become so great that they are in need of more favor than they have thus far enjoyed; for if (as has been proved) their commerce only is adequate to support those islands, and that which they have hitherto carried on is steadily declining, it must necessarily be increased, in order that they may not perish and be destroyed. This is confirmed by the third of the circumstances mentioned above, the excessive and enormous losses of property which the citizens of Manila have suffered since the year 1575—which are mentioned, in due order, in the said memorial, no. 107. Some of these misfortunes occurred before the year 1604, and, as until then the commerce was free, they had some reparation for their losses; but those which have occurred since then have had, on account of the limitation of trade, but little relief and scanty reparation. The result has been that, although the injurious effects and great loss have not been noticed every year, they are in the course of all those years so keenly felt that a special means of restoration is needed; and there can be no other save that of increasing their commerce, for their relief must come from the same quarter as that whence their losses came.

Second: [This relief should be given] because when the permit for 250,000 pesos was granted there were in Manila fewer citizens and soldiers; and now the number of these and the [size of the] city have increased, and more aid has become necessary, not only with the course of the thirty-six years which have elapsed, but because there is more war. It appears that those who are occupied in his Majesty’s service on pay, including those who have been sent to the islands and those who are born there, number 3,338 Spaniards, and 2,540 Indians of various nationalities—not counting the citizens, or the traders, or other persons who are pursuing various crafts (as is stated in the said memorial, no. 55)—which is twice the number employed in the year 1604. And as it is requisite that all participate in the commerce, and that—although it must be through the medium of the citizens, among whom the amount allowed is distributed—all persons may have some share in it, it becomes necessary, since there are twice as many people as there formerly were, that the amount of trade permitted should also be doubled; for if this be not done, and that which formerly belonged to few be shared among many, no one will have enough for his needs.

Third: this argument being sufficient for the increase and enlargement of the amount permitted, it is asserted that this amount is less than what was first granted; for, as concerns the distribution (which is made by toneladas), the governors have introduced the practice of giving these to hospitals and convents, and often to the mariners and artillerists, to those who go on expeditions and embassies, and to other persons. Thus is consumed a large part of this permitted amount, and consequently of the 500,000 pesos’ worth of returns—from which are deducted the legacies, donations, contributions for charitable purposes, wages of the seamen and soldiers, wrought silver, and all the rest that is shipped (as is ordained by the decree of 1606, cited in the said memorial, no. 90), by which, it is at once evident, the amount granted by the permission is diminished to just that extent.

Fourth: even if it be granted that some illegalities have been committed in that trade, these must have been in exporting more merchandise and bringing back more silver than what the permission decreed; and the cause must have been the pressing need of the inhabitants. For since their numbers are greater, and the amount of trade allowed them is less in quantity, and the share of each one is less because there are more persons concerned in it, the amount that some receive will be so little that it will compel them to infringe the permission, and to export or bring back more than is allotted to them, in order that they may be able to support themselves and meet their obligations. These illegal acts will cease when the amount permitted shall be increased and extended; for, as each person will have a share sufficient to employ his capital, he will not expose it to risk, or carry goods without registry. With this, not only will the inhabitants be enriched, but the illegalities will cease; and, as the royal dues will increase, his Majesty will not have to supply anything for the maintenance of the islands, but instead will be much profited by them.

Fifth: because the main reason for having limited this commerce was the injury which has resulted from it to Sevilla, not only with the merchandise which it carries to Nueva España, but with the silver which it drains thence—as has been noticed in the said memorial, nos. 71–79 and 116–119. And although this difficulty is there solved, and this concession is thus made easier—because when the cause ceases, the effect ceases also—another argument is here adduced; this is as follows. The [accusations of] illegal acts in that commerce which are made public are either true or false; if they are false, our object is attained. But, if they are true and those things are done, how can it be said that, in place of the 250,000 pesos [allowed], four millions’ worth of merchandise come to Nueva España; and that for the 500,000 pesos of returns they carry ten millions in silver? What difficulty is there in [allowing that for] the four millions that are shipped, a half-million should come under registry, and one out of the ten millions that are returned should go registered, and that on this million and a half the royal dues be collected, since actually more than 750,000 pesos are carried each way without paying these? And even if those illegal acts be checked, and it be granted that for the 250,000 pesos are shipped 500,000, and for the 500,000 pesos of returns a million be carried: if the excess [now] goes and comes without registry, how much more certain is it that the goods will be registered and the royal dues paid? But this argument is made even stronger by the great probability that the excess over the amounts allowed only extends or can extend to the investments of the shippers; and since these actually are only citizens of Philipinas, the citizens neither have four millions to export, nor can they get ten millions in returns; for in this way they would be, in four years, at the rate of six millions of profits a year, the wealthiest in the world, while they are at this time the poorest. And if that result is not evident, how can the cause [assigned] be regarded as infallible? Let us grant, then, that they will infringe the rule if besides the amount permitted as much more be carried; and even that is much. But if this permission were ample enough to include the funds of all those who lade goods, it is evident that the infractions of law would cease, and that it would not be possible to have them, or means to commit them; and this becomes more credible, if the urgency with which this increase of the permission is requested be noted. And how is it to be supposed that those who are carrying their goods without registry (which is more profitable) prefer to carry them registered, except in order not to exceed the privilege that is given to them? And thus it is certain that if a more extensive permission be granted to them, there will not be illegal shipments, nor will the injury [to Spanish trade] be greater, nor as much as is now assumed.

The sixth and last argument is reduced to what was proved in the said memorial, nos. 101–106: that the profits of this commerce, on account of the many burdens imposed upon it, are more limited than has been understood; and that in order for the exporters to make any gain, they need more liberal concessions. For [even] if the gain be thirty to forty per cent, it is consumed in costs and management, if the amount laden be small; and the increase of the principal must incur almost the same costs, for they will only be greater in [paying] the duties. The exporters demand with justice that they be authorized to ship twice as much merchandise, since the benefit that they will experience is evident, and no injury will result, as has been proved.

I observe that it would seem a very proper measure to place a limit to the permission only on the returns in silver, and that the shipment of merchandise be free, under the direction of the governor. One reason is, that by this means the amount of merchandise would remain limited; since it is plain that the citizens will not leave their funds in Nueva España, and that therefore they will not carry back more than they are entitled to in the returns [for their goods]. The other, because in this no innovation arises, but it accords with the usage which has hitherto prevailed, the lading being regulated more by the burden of the ships, their capacity in toneladas, and the bulk of the commodities, than by its actual and intrinsic value; and giving opportunity for the registration of the products of the country itself, even outside of the permission, as will soon be discussed. And if no difficulty has been found in this practice, and if the governors and the viceroys have overlooked this, and if Don Pedro de Quiroga, with all his severity, never paid any attention to the merchandise being in excess of the 250,000 pesos that were allowed, unless the goods were shipped unregistered, or incorrectly appraised: it is not a new or injurious arrangement that such a method be continued, and that the limitation of the amount allowed be imposed only on the silver that is carried as returns.

Point third

In case the amount permitted to the islands is increased to 500,000 pesos, or the limitation be placed only on the returns in silver (as is asked and argued in the second question), the declaration of this third topic is not necessary; but if the permission is not enlarged to that extent, and the quantity of merchandise is limited, the petition which the city of Manila has made finds place. In regard to that, moreover, your illustrious Lordship must be informed that the city declares that the commodities which are peculiar to those islands ought not to be included in the amount permitted, but that these should be registered outside of that amount—which should be and is understood to apply to the merchandise from China, and to no other.

Suppose, then, that besides the commodities of China, there are sent in the ships of this commerce some which are produced and manufactured in the Philipinas Islands themselves, and are gathered by their natives and inhabitants—such as wax, white and yellow; talingas,[8] table-covers, and lampotes[9] (which are pieces of cotton canvas); blankets from Ilocos, Moro, and Bombòn; and some civet. Of these products a hundred toneladas are usually shipped, for, as they are bulky, they occupy more space than they are worth; but it is actually worthwhile for the citizens to ship these to Nueva España, even though it be to sell them at no more than their cost, because they have no other market for these goods.

The usage which has hitherto been followed in regard to these goods is to ship them registered, and value them, and pay the royal dues, like the rest, without paying any attention to their being included or not in the 250,000 pesos of the amount permitted, although the returns for them have always been included in the 500,000 pesos of money; and in some years when the citizens have not had the cloth from China to fill up the amount of 250,000 pesos, they have done so with these goods—not because they supposed that such shipments were prohibited in other circumstances, but to supply the deficiency with such goods as they could send.

They ask, then, that to avoid uncertainties declaration be made that these goods, when satisfactory proof is given that they are the products of the islands, may be carried to Nueva España without limitation of their quantity, or obligation to include them in the amount permitted. This [request] is based on the fact that the prohibition was expressly imposed for the merchandise of China, which on account of being silk goods injured [the sale of] those which are shipped from España. This is gathered from all the decrees that have been issued in regard to this matter—all of which distinctly state the cloth of China as being the goods which damage [the Spanish commerce]—not that of the islands, which is not of that character.

Another reason is, that no province has ever been forbidden to export to others its own products, for this would be to close to them the intercourse with others which is their right by natural law; and even if its commerce be limited to certain provinces it ought not to be deprived of trade with all the others, but the exportation which it finds least inconvenient should be left to it. From Philipinas the commodities which those islands produce cannot be carried to other parts of the Orient, which have abundance of the same, and even better. As the only consumption of these goods is in the Indias, the citizens had begun to send them to Perù, Tierra Firme, Goathemala, and Nueva España; but of these four trade-routes three are prohibited, because with these goods are shipped those from China, so only the trade with Nueva España remains to them. It immediately follows that for this latter trade the transportation of goods must be free.

Another reason: because there is not a province in this [kingdom] which has not tacit or express permission to export its products to any place where these may have value and be sold, and with their proceeds are sent in return other products which are lacking in that land; for if they could not do this they would be shut in, and not having communication with adjoining lands, the result would be that both would perish, or would come to such poverty that they could not support themselves.

Another reason: because—as is proved in the said memorial, nos. 115, 116, and 117—these commodities from the islands do not interfere with those that are shipped from España, because they are so different in quality. If the people have the former, they consume them; if not, they cannot supply the lack with the goods from these kingdoms, for these are of much value, and those from the islands are worth but little. Nor does it follow that the poor Indian or negro who buys a vara of canvas from the islands for a real and a half will, if he cannot obtain it, buy the same goods from Ruan for six or eight reals; since it is more probable that he will dispense with the goods, even if he go without a shirt, than possible that he can buy it when he has not enough money to pay for it.

Another reason: because permission is not asked to carry back the returns for these goods in silver, since their proceeds, as being of small value, will be part of the returns allowed for the merchandise of China; and because, in case there is not room for these proceeds, the inhabitants of the islands will sooner cease to ship cloth from China, which costs them their wealth, than cloth of their own country, since they possess it for the gathering, or their Indians pay tributes in it. And for these and other reasons which might be presented, and which will be very evident to your illustrious Lordship in Nueva España as soon as you undertake and investigate the matter, may be inferred the just cause, the readiness, and the need with which the Philipinas ask for the above declaration.

Point fourth

Although the commerce from Perù to Nueva España does not apparently concern Manila, and accordingly it will be deemed that Manila is not interested in the question whether the suspension laid thereon be continued or removed: proof will first be adduced of the injury which the Philipinas Islands experience from that suspension, and then will be presented some arguments, from the many which exist, for the granting of the permission which was formerly current in that commerce.

It is taken for granted (as is mentioned in the said memorial, no. 80) that at the beginning the commerce of the islands and of Nueva España was free to Perù and to all its ports and provinces, in which two kinds of merchandise were trafficked—that from China, and that from Nueva España. The commerce in the goods from China was prohibited, and consequently that in the commodities of Nueva España has been checked; because, as it was decreed that no ships should go, neither commerce could be carried on. A definite form and limitations were imposed upon the commerce in Chinese goods to Nueva España; but the provinces of that country and of Perù remonstrated against the complete interdiction of the commerce that they had carried on together—representing that, even if the trade in Chinese goods were taken away from them, as being foreign, that in their own products ought not to be forbidden to them. The reasons for this petition being considered just and proper, permission was granted for one ship each year, which should sail from the port of Callao de Lima, and go to that of Acapulco; and this ship was allowed to carry goods to the amount of 200,000 ducados in silver, which should return to Perù invested in the products and commodities peculiar to Nueva España—whether in agriculture, stock-raising, or manufactures—and in no others, even if they were the exports of these kingdoms; while the prohibition of Chinese cloth remained in force, under greater and more severe penalties. The trade thus permitted, continued uninterruptedly from 1604 until, on account of certain malicious reports, and less attention being paid to that trade than should have been, it was suspended for a period of five years by a royal decree of November 23, 1634. This decree is, for greater clearness, copied here exactly; it is as follows:

“The King. To Marques de Cerralvo, my kinsman, member of my Council of War, and my viceroy, governor, and captain-general of the provinces of Nueva España. For just causes and considerations which have influenced me thereto, and because I have understood that this measure is expedient for my service, I have decided that, for a period of five years, the ship for which permission was granted to the provinces of Perù to go every year with two hundred thousand ducados for their trade shall not go to those provinces [of Nueva España]. For the execution of this decree I have sent to the Conde de Chinchon, the viceroy of those provinces, the orders proper for this, of which I have thought it best to inform you so that, having understood this matter, you will on your side aid, in what concerns you. I charge you to do so, in fulfilment of the aforesaid command, exercising special and vigilant care that there shall be no infraction of the law, so far as concerns that country; and that no merchandise from China shall be carried from Nueva España to Perù, which is the principal object aimed at. For it is certain that, if in this matter proper care and vigilance be not exercised, whatever is gained by watchfulness and precaution on one road will be diverted by another. At every opportunity that may present itself you shall, without omitting anything, always advise me, with especial care and entire secrecy, how this measure is received by the merchants and trading people of that country; and what advantages or disadvantages result from its execution, in order that, knowing this, I may take such steps and issue such orders in the matter as are most suitable. From Madrid, on the twenty-third day of November in the year one thousand six hundred and thirty-four.

I the King

“By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Fernando Ruiz de Contreras

“Signed by the Council.”

That this suspension of the commerce of Perù is injurious to the Philipinas is notorious. First: because when the ships from Perù do not sail to Acapulco the islands are left exposed to the failure of their [usual] succor in any year when their ships do not make the voyage (as often happens), either by having to take shelter in some port, or being wrecked, or by their late arrival [at Acapulco]—three contingencies which are quite possible, and even usual, as the islands have found by experience. Since in these cases the failure of these ships was formerly made up by those which went from Perù—the necessary supplies of men and money being sent in those vessels—it follows that if they do not go thither, and the former do not come, there will be no ships for this purpose; and in one year alone, if the islands fail to receive the aid which supports them, they run the risk of being ruined—and this may even occur on an occasion of such exigency and danger that afterward they cannot be relieved at all.[10]

Second: because the silk that is produced in Nueva España (both woven and in skeins)[11] was exported to Perù, since it was the principal commodity included in this permission, and in order to [help meet] the expenses of the country; and Nueva España, not being as rich as Perù, prefers the fabrics from China, which remain at a lower price, so that all those that come from Philipinas find consumption. If, then, the market that they formerly had fails, it is necessary that this [home-grown silk] remain in Nueva España, as being their own product. It follows that so much less will be the use of the silks from China, which were substituted in the place of the Mexican goods when those went out of the country with the trade permitted to Perù. On this account, the commerce of Philipinas has been and is steadily diminishing—to how great an extent may be easily understood by finding the country full of silks and its own fabrics, which are no longer consumed except within it, although foreign goods are brought in. Even if these last are cheaper, they are a hindrance and obstacle to those which are or can be called original [in the country]—an injury which has been already experienced with the last ships from the islands, which as they failed to come in the preceding year, did not find an outlet for their wares; nor could they sell even enough to pay the freight charges and the duties, as is stated in letters from Nueva España, where your illustrious Lordship can learn the facts in the case.

Third: because, although Nueva España has mines of silver—and that metal is obtained from them in the quantity that is known, since the greater part of it all is locked up in the royal treasuries for shipment to España—since much goes out for the ordinary trade of Goathemala, Yucatàn, the Windward Islands, and the coasts of Cartagena and Venezuela, while the bulk of it is laden for these kingdoms, and even is not sufficient for their trade, it necessarily results that silver is lacking for that of Philipinas, and that the islands feel the loss of the 200,000 ducados that Perù was sending, which make almost 300,000 pesos of silver. This amount is not so small as to be undeserving of attention, and is sufficiently large to explain why, for this and the preceding reasons, the islands have experienced so great a decline in their commerce; and for all those reasons have so much difficulty in supporting themselves, that it obliges them to demand relief by all possible and suitable means. Since one of these is, that the trade permitted to Perù be carried on as it formerly was, the islands urge that its prohibition, or suspension, shall cease and be removed.

And since, besides the advantages which have been mentioned, there are others which support this decision—some on the part of Nueva España, and others on that of Perù—and accordingly it is demanded by both kingdoms, it must be observed that it seems just and necessary that there should be intercourse between them; and that, as they are united naturally and morally, being continuous by the land, subject to one crown, included under the government of one Council, having the same laws, and being of the same nationality (that is, the Castilian), trade and commerce should [not] be totally prohibited to them. Nor, [on the same grounds, should the amount of trade] permitted to them be so limited, as it was, to 200,000 ducados—which, considering the richness of those countries, was very little; indeed, their intercourse is so restricted that it is less difficult to send a letter from Lima to Mexico by way of Spain than by the route on which it is now carried. And when it has been ordained by royal decrees and by the customary instructions [to royal officials] that the two viceroys of those countries should aid and favor each other when occasions therefor arise, and when they so frequently encounter enemies by sea and disturbances by land, it does not seem consistent that those who should aid and succor each other cannot hold mutual communication.

Another reason: because with this prohibition opportunity is given for greater infractions of the law, or that merchandise which went with registry may go without it; for hardly is there a year when there are not voyages of prelates and ministers from Perù to Nueva España, and from Nueva España to Perù. Very recently Archbishop Don Feliciano de Vega and Auditor Don Antonio de Ulloa went from Lima to Mexico, and the bishop of Nueva Vizcaya (who went to fill the see of La Paz) from Mexico to Lima, as well as the auditors who were transferred from the Audiencia of Mexico to that of Lima. All these have to go by the Southern Sea; and it is quite possible that, by undertaking to sail at different times—and, because each one [of those prelates] prefers to go as a superior in his own ship, different vessels convey them—two ships would go from Lima to Acapulco, and three or four from Acapulco to Lima, without either of the viceroys being able to prevent the shipment of much silver in the ships from Perù, and much merchandise in those from Nueva España. Moreover, these four or five ships are double that number, because all of them are chartered by the voyage, going or returning; so neither does the Peruvian ship care to remain in Nueva España, nor that from Nueva España in Perù; thus there will be ten ships, five from each country. And all these were rendered superfluous by the ship that belonged to the permitted trade; for since the latter sailed regularly and provided registry, there was sufficient cause for ordaining that the prelates and auditors should journey in it. This is a reason so evident that, even if there were no other, it would be enough for granting and facilitating this commerce.

On behalf of Nueva España, it is mentioned in the said memorial (no. 92) that more than fourteen thousand persons are occupied in the culture of silk, who, if that should fail them, would perish. This industry has two factors: one is, that there be silk from China as raw material [para labrar] and a market for that of the country. If the commerce with Perù fail them, that market (which is their principal one) is cut off; and thus that industry will cease, and the country will lose the wealth that it has which is based on that industry. Moreover, since the trade of the provinces is so closely connected and bound together, that of España will experience the same or a greater deficiency. For, if those who in Nueva España deal in silks, and are engaged in the silk culture and industry, sustained and enriched themselves with the commerce of Perù, and whatever they gained in that direction converted into the commerce of Castilla—consuming, as they necessarily would, the commodities in which that trade consists—it follows that if the people of Nueva España lack capital, and if that of the 200,000 ducados from Perù fails them, the wealth of Castilla will be thus diminished.

On behalf of Perù it is also represented that, when that permission for one ship each year was granted, this matter was examined and discussed, with reports from the viceroys and audiencias, and the more intelligent of the officials, and the advantages and disadvantages on both sides were carefully considered. Moreover, no new causes have arisen, nor have illegalities occurred [in the commerce] which compel the suspension of a decision so suitable, just, and beneficial. And there have only been the proceedings of Francisco de Victoria,[12] who, without caring for anything except to make himself singular and conspicuous, and to show himself capable of what he least understood—with the desire which many have to improve the government, even though it be by ruining the countries—in affairs belonging to the commerce of Philipinas and that of Perù strayed so far from what was fundamental and requisite in them, as may be seen in the arguments in the said memorial, nos. 1 and 2, and from 93 to 119. And, granting for the sake of argument that this [course of action] might have had some foundation: if the suspension of this permission was for five years, either for the punishment of illegal acts, or for reasons at the time expedient, when these requirements are fulfilled, it seems just that those commerces should again continue as before.

Another: because this becomes more expedient in the present emergencies, in which those kingdoms desire to help meet the new impositions which have been levied in all of them since the year 1630: the union of the armies, the windward armada, the sale of new offices, the half-annat, the stamped paper, the increase of the avería on both seas, the incorporation and reduction of encomiendas in both kingdoms, and other matters, which are well known to your illustrious Lordship. And if [his Majesty’s] vassals are not favored in these exigencies by facilitating their commerce, it will be impossible for them, even though they desire it (as they all do), to aid in bearing so great a load.[13]

Another: because this permission was granted to Perù in recompense for what was taken away from that country in the goods from China. That trade was free, as I have said, and those stuffs were shipped from Nueva España in abundance; and thus the provinces of Perù experienced great relief, as the Chinese goods were so cheap that those of Castilla were estimated at three times their price. It was expedient to prohibit the Chinese goods, in order that the commerce of España might not diminish for lack of the wealth of Perù. And, since the welfare of some vassals is not to be gained by destroying the others, in order to repair the loss which was caused by this prohibition to the vassals of Perù permission was granted to them for 200,000 ducados in goods from Nueva España, which are not so cheap as those of China, nor so dear as those of Castilla. This is stated in the royal decrees for the concession, and is inferred from their being of the same year and date as those for the prohibition. If this was the cause, and now it does not cease to operate, but rather is still more active—on account of the commodities which go from España having greatly increased in price, the land being poorer, and the impositions, expenses, and losses being heavier—it may be easily understood that this permission ought not to be refused.

Again: because the principal argument which gave cause for the suspension of this permission was the representation of glaring infractions of law therein. Sufficient refutations to these were made in the said memorial, from no. 94 to 117; but as there they are mingled with those in the commerce of the islands, answer is [here] made to the former more than to the latter (although the one depends on the other). The exaggerated statement is made that the ship which goes every year from Perù to Acapulco carries, instead of the 200,000 ducados of the permission, three millions—an enlargement which is an act of audacity deserving punishment rather than complaisance. [This is preposterous:] first, because even in transgressions of this character there is usually some moderation; and never before has it been seen, heard, or supposed that where two [pesos’ worth] were permitted the amount concealed would reach thirty. Second, this ship which went to Acapulco was one of 200 toneladas. The galleons on the India route, which go only to carry silver, and are of 600 to 800 toneladas, do not carry more than one million each year; and the capitana and the almiranta, which are larger, carry a little more. Therefore, if a galleon of 800 toneladas does not carry a million and a half, how could a ship of 200 toneladas carry three millions? Third, it may be asked why all that money went to Nueva España. Reply will be made, “with the royal decree for the permission,” and with the argument (which is very evident) that the money went thither for investment in merchandise, and not to be left there, or to come by that route to España; for the one would be folly for its owners, and the other a blunder, since it would involve greater costs and risks. Then if (as is evident) the money must return invested, and in the same ship, or in another of equal burden, who ever said or imagined that that ship, with a burden of 200 toneladas, can carry the investments of three millions? If this sum be in silver, it is impossible to do so, as is proved; but the same is true if it be in merchandise. The ships which come from Eastern India to Lisboa are of 1,500 toneladas, and some of 2,000; and whatever goes beyond a million in the entire lading is very profitable, and is largely composed of diamonds, rubies, civet, and musk, commodities which are not bulky. Then how could a ship of 200 toneladas carry a cargo of taffetas, velvets, silk in skeins, coverlets, beds, tents, cabinets, and other like articles, to the extent of three millions of investment, which in Perù would be four or five millions? Fourth, because it cannot be said that the ship, since it does not carry three millions of silver, will carry two millions, or one—which also is a great transgression of the limit set. It is proved by experience that neither three nor two millions, nor one, nor [even] half a million can be invested in [the cargo of] a ship of 200 toneladas—which with 200,000 ducados of silver converted into merchandise (which in Perù will be worth 300,000), and with the people, and supplies for three months (the time spent in going from Acapulco to Callao de Lima) will sail so well laden that no considerable quantity can be carried outside of the registry. Fifth, and last, because if this ship carried three millions, we must find a source for this silver, and a halting-place for it. There is no source [for that amount], because the silver produced from the mines of Perù, whether computed at a little more or less, is shipped to España every year, without an error of three millions. But if Perù retained so much silver, if from the year 1636 no ship has gone to Acapulco (and it is not to be supposed that the merchants keep their funds idle) from that time the exports from Perù would be heavier; but if we abide by experience (which is in this matter the best proof), the opposite is well-known. As little is a halting-place found for that silver, since [what there is] remains in Perù, on account of not having permission. Finally, we say, and it is known, that no more silver comes [from Perù] than did formerly, nor even as much. When it was going to Nueva España, the necessary effect of carrying three millions would have been to engross both the commerce of that country with Castilla and that with Philipinas; that those two should share the greater part of the silver; and that, when it ceased, both should feel the lack. The trade of Philipinas has had less return than formerly, not for lack of silver, but because Don Pedro de Quiroga did not give them permission to ship the returns for two years, and therefore the silver remained in Nueva España for that reason. As little has the commerce of Castilla experienced a considerable reduction, and not one in proportion to the lack of Perù’s millions; and thus is proved that this permission for Perù never had the infringements that are represented, either in the quantity that is stated, or in any other considerable amount. [It is clear] that it ought to be decreed that, since the [term of the] suspension imposed upon that commerce is completed, it shall again proceed as is demanded in behalf of Philipinas, and has been requested on behalf of Mexico and Lima—the matter being referred to the investigation of your illustrious Lordship, who, after considering the reasons here mentioned, will decide it with the perspicuity and equity that the matter demands.

His Majesty has also given commission to your illustrious Lordship that, having heard the citizens in regard to the claim which they make of not being included in the two compositions of 630,000 pesos, the share of it which was levied upon them may be returned to them; since his Majesty says in his royal decree that he does not wish them to pay what they do not owe. Since all the considerations and arguments are fully stated in the said decree, I will, in order not to weary your illustrious Lordship, refer you to it, which also is very convenient, as will be seen, in serving to throw much light upon the affairs which your illustrious Lordship has to arrange and settle.

Informatory decree regarding the question to what extent and on what plan shall the commerce of the islands with Nueva España hereafter proceed.

Map of the eastern islands; photographic facsimile from Mercator’s Atlas minor (Amsterdam, 1633)

[from copy of original map in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris]

The King. To the reverend father in Christ, Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of the city of Puebla de los Angeles, member of my royal Council of the Indias, to whom I have entrusted the visitation of my royal Audiencia of the City of Mexico in Nueva España, and of its tribunals, and that of the port of Acapulco: on the part of Don Juan Grau y Monfalcòn, procurator-general of the distinguished and ever loyal city of Manila, the capital of the Philipinas Islands, he has in the name of that city presented to me a statement that, having set forth to me in another memorial the wretched condition in which those islands are, and offered various petitions regarding it, which have been examined in the said my royal Council of the Indias, they failed to come to a decision in the principal points, not only on account of their importance, but in order to wait for the despatches which they were expecting to come in the trading fleet. And among those which arrived with the fleet from Nueva España there were letters from the city of Manila and the governor of Philipinas, and from certain intelligent persons, all of which agree—in which, to judge from the condition of affairs, those islands were in evident risk of being ruined unless the relief which they needed were sent to them with the utmost promptness, by helping to give form to their commerce, on which is based their preservation and defense, in the returns of silver, in the succors [that they receive] in fighting men, and in aid from the seamen [who go there]. The said city of Manila and the governor, as men who so carefully bear in mind the losses [that the commerce has experienced] mention them in their letters; and the commissaries of the city (who reside in Mexico), with even more information of what the people of the said city did not know, have considered and noted these letters, since the remonstrances which the citizens have made were caused only by having received some information in general of the cruel acts of Don Pedro de Quiroga [y Moya], and that he had prohibited 600,000 pesos to the commerce. And when they knew that, besides the previous acts of oppression, others had been so recently committed against them, and such as had never before been known, and another sum of 300,000 pesos taken from them, it can be judged what they suffered, and the affliction that they experienced. And [I desire] that always, and in whatever event, it may be seen and known that the said Don Juan Grau gave information of and proposed to me all that he considered expedient for preventing the loss of the said islands, which with so plain indications is menacing them, and ought to be feared—as it is feared, not only by their citizens, but by all who recognize the difficulty of preserving them without commerce, or money, or soldiers, or seamen—continuing in his obligation, which is to communicate what shall be written to him, to present such requests as the said city shall order him to make, and to urge forward the decision of the most important matters. And he regards as settled that the commerce of the said islands with Nueva España is permanent, which is the only way in which they can be maintained, as he has proved in the said memorial; and that, if it ceases, they will be ruined and the Dutch enemy will take possession of them, since for so many years they have with this desire harassed the islands. [He makes the following statements:] If they should succeed therein (which may God not permit) all Eastern India would perish—since, if the enemy should be master of the Straits of Sincapura, and of the archipelagos of Moluco and Luzòn (which have for their defense only that which Manila and its armed fleets give them), all the commerce of China would necessarily be hindered, not only for the Castilians but for the Portuguese; and the factories which (without other power than that of the commerce and advantage of many nations which resort to them), I possess in those coasts and kingdoms, with which I have preserved and sustained them, would come to an end. And the commerce of the said islands is at present suspended, if not cut off, as appears from the letters of the city of Manila and the governor. It must be noted that three-fourths of the merchandise which the citizens are accustomed to trade is pledged to the Sangleys, since the commerce has hitherto been sustained on credit alone; and as in the past year of 1636–37 no money went from Nueva España from the goods which the citizens sent, which the Sangleys had sold on credit, they have not been able to satisfy these claims. For this reason the Sangleys have gone away, and say that they are not willing to lose more than what they have lost; and the Portuguese of Macàn have done the same—who, like the Chinese, have returned to their own country, ruined. And the citizens having refused, in the past year of 1636, to lade their goods in the two ships which were ready to sail, fearing (and with good cause) the severity of Don Pedro de Quiroga, the governor urged them to lade their goods, and those which they had procured on credit—assuring them in my name that these would be expedited at Acapulco in the same manner as formerly, for which purpose he ordered that all the goods should be registered with the utmost possible exactness and equity. The effect of this was, that Don Pedro de Quiroga paid no attention to what the governor had promised in my name; instead, his harsh nature being thereby irritated, he displayed greater severity, and, not content with detaining whatever the ships carried, he weighed and opened registered bales and chests—contrary to the usage at all the ports, against the regulations provided by royal decrees; and the appraisement that he made of the merchandise was so increased and exorbitant that what was at its just price in Mexico worth 800,000 pesos he rated at four millions. For the commodities which in Manila cost at the rate of nine pesos, the said Don Pedro appraised at twenty-two; and much of the cloth was sold in Acapulco, in his very sight, at six pesos, while he had collected the full amount of the royal dues, on the basis of twenty-two, at which he had valued the goods. By this one may judge how considerable a loss the citizens experienced, not only in paying the dues on so increased a valuation, but in the loss of the money they had invested. It may easily be judged that, by making this valuation so contrary to justice and reason, the registers transgressed the permitted amount; and with this appraisement he began to inflict new and hitherto unknown injuries on the commerce, with the sole intent of obtaining another composition, and demanded for it 500,000 ducados. God permitted that he should die; but, on account of his death, what he had begun was continued by the marqués de Cadereyta, and continued with no less severity. For he forcibly extorted from the commerce 300,000 pesos, which the citizens did not owe according to the document that they signed at the time of their first agreement; and he made them draw up a document regarding the commerce, with declarations at the start that they had not entered protest against signing the document for the 300,000 pesos, by which act they left themselves no recourse. In order to relieve themselves from these annoyances they signed the said obligation, although they knew that it was the utter ruin of the commerce; but with this, and the damages and losses that their property suffered—for, besides opening the packages, they remained several days on the beach, with guards, and other expenses—not only their profit but their principal was consumed. Another factor in this loss was the necessity of securing what belonged to the islands out of the 600,000 pesos of the first composition; and for this, and the composition of 300,000 pesos, with the half-annat (which is charged to them), they were obliged to take moneys at a loss, and to sell very cheaply the goods that had remained. The result was, that of all the investment for the said year of 1636, when the entire capital of the citizens of the islands was sent, there remained no considerable amount that could be returned to them—as they were informed by the commissary through whose hand the returns were sent. On account of this—even before the second condemnation of the 300,000 pesos, or all the unfortunate outcome of their investments, was known in Manila—the citizens who had some estates in the country, seeing their extreme necessity, asked the governor’s permission to go out [of the city] to live on their lands, with the little money that remained to them, by cultivating the soil to support themselves. The rest, who are poor, have asked permission to enlist in the army as soldiers, and to join expeditions, or go to Terrenate, as they can find no other means of support; and the majority of the citizens were discussing whether to entreat me that I will be pleased to grant them permission so that they can return to these kingdoms, to die in their own countries, as they can no longer support themselves in the Philipinas—but the governor, having notice of this, persuaded them to ask me for relief in this their afflicted condition, which they have done. Accordingly, they assembled in an open session of cabildo, and agreed that, until I should be pleased to form and establish a definite plan for the said commerce, no one of them should lade or send to Nueva España any merchandise, whether in great or small quantity—with which the said commerce has entirely ceased and been suspended, and will remain in that condition until a decision shall be sent them in regard to its plan. [They say] that, if this be delayed, it may arrive at a time when already no remedy will avail; that, although the citizens of Manila know that this course may ruin themselves and their islands, they consider it less injurious to them to spend their funds in maintaining what they may hereafter acquire, than in sending them to Nueva España in order to complete the loss of these in one year. They have acted accordingly, since in a patache which the governor despatched in the year 1637, with information of these necessities and of others contained in their letters, there came no merchandise, nor was there any person who was willing to ship goods; and the same occurred with the two ships which were despatched in the past year of 1638. And although the governor made all possible efforts to constrain the citizens to lade the two ships, he could not succeed in this, which now causes them to feel their loss still more keenly. It is evident that the foregoing alone will cause a greater loss of duties to my royal exchequer in Nueva España, besides the licenses of the Sangleys, and other things in Manila and Nueva España, than what has been gained for it by the 900,000 pesos of the said two compositions—not to mention the evident risk in which the islands remain; for, if they are lost, four millions will not be enough to recover them if the Dutch take possession of them, which is the principal object at which they aim. It is represented to me that, if that commerce flourishes, my duties in Nueva España on the merchandise will amount to about 300,000 pesos, with which was provided the amount which I ordered to be sent back as returns to Manila, for the purposes and preservation of those islands; and that now all that source of income has fallen at a blow, and the loss has recoiled upon my royal exchequer, since it is necessary that the amount of money which is conveyed every year for the succor of those islands be supplied from my royal treasury of Mexico to that of Manila, out of the silver and the fifths from the mines. And not only is this loss occasioned, but all the capital with which commerce was carried on from Mexico to Philipinas (to which the duties gave rise) has ceased to exist; for in the year 1638, when no ships save one patache came [to Acapulco] the dues from it amounted to [only] 4,000 pesos, and in 1639 another 4,000 pesos were collected from the almiranta which arrived at Acapulco. As the citizens of Manila had no means to lade merchandise, not only the patache but the almiranta came without registers—as also did the capitana, which had to go back to port. According to what the governor writes, he will not send ships in the year 1640; with this, in three years I shall have lost 900,000 pesos in duties—the same amount which was extorted as composition, against all reason and justice, by Don Pedro de Quiroga; and it is he who has caused, by his severe measures, these so irreparable losses, not only to my royal exchequer but to the commerce. [Don Juan Grau] entreated me that, since all the above matters are worthy of such careful attention, I would be pleased, in order to place a speedy check on these losses—which recoil upon my royal exchequer, as he represented to me—to furnish a plan for the said commerce, without entrusting the matter to any judge or official visitor, or waiting for reports on a matter which is so thoroughly explained and well understood, in which even one year’s delay is enough to render relief impossible, to judge by the condition in which those islands now are. [He asks that,] in case this is impracticable, I command that for six or eight years the usage that has prevailed in regard to the registration and the appraisement and all the rest be followed, without making changes in anything, punishing those who transgress the regulations and orders that have been established by royal decrees; and that this may and shall be understood without prejudice to what must and shall be decreed after the documents, reports, and other papers which shall be demanded or sent have been examined. [He asks that] I immediately despatch a decree to this effect, since, if a decision on this point be not at once sent, the commerce will be ruined in one year more—which, added to what has been already lost, will be the total destruction of the said islands. This subject has been discussed in my royal Council of the Indias, and I have taken into consideration all that has been represented to me, and that it is just to reward the loyalty, fidelity, and services of vassals who are continually serving me, arms in hand—defending my crown in lands so widespread, with so great reputation for my arms; and I desire in everything their prosperity, comfort, and preservation. By my decree of September 30 last I thought best to command that in the appraisements and registrations, and in not opening the bales or weighing the chests from the ships of the said Philipinas Islands which arrive at Acapulco—unless such act shall be preceded by the informations and other requisites that are ordained by decrees that have been issued on this subject—the custom and usage which were in vogue before Don Pedro de Quiroga went [there] should be observed, without infringing the decrees and orders which were issued regarding these matters; and that this be for the present, and meanwhile nothing else be ordained by the said my Council until you shall have informed me (as you will do) about the affairs of Philipinas, since I have entrusted to you the settlement and enforcement of matters concerning the commerce of the said islands. I request and charge you, [for all these reasons,] to inform me about all that I have here mentioned, with great distinctness and thoroughness, with your opinion and any suggestions that you can offer regarding the advantages and the preservation of the said Philipinas Islands—in order that, after the matter has been examined in the said my Council, I may take such measures as are most expedient. Done at Madrid, February 14, 1640.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabrièl de Ocaña y Alarcòn

Informatory decree upon the augmentation of the amount permitted to the Philipinas Islands, in both silver and merchandise; and that the products of the islands shall not be included in the permission for 250,000 pesos.

The King. To the reverend father in Christ Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of the city of Puebla de los Angeles, member of my royal Council of the Indias, to whom I have committed the visitation of my royal Audiencia of the City of Mexico in Nueva España and of its tribunals, and the visitation of the port of Acapulco: [Here follows a preamble which is identical with that in the first of these decrees, as far as the words, “and to urge forward the decision of the most important matters.” This decree then continues (evidently stating Grau’s arguments) as follows:] And as for the lack of money, this cannot be avoided when the commerce in merchandise fails, since, if that is not sent, there will be no returns from it; and the main thing to be considered is that as little can the duties be collected, which (as is proved in the said larger memorial) on the said commerce amount to the sum which is sent every year for the aid of the said islands. If these duties fail, it will be necessary that all this succor come out of my royal exchequer, and it may be needful to send much more there; for in the past, when the citizens found themselves without means to aid (as they do aid) in the support of the said islands, the deficiency had to be made good from my royal exchequer, as has been proved by experience. The governor of those islands, seeing the pressing necessities of the citizens, in the year 1637 lent them from my royal treasury 76,765 pesos, besides what he lent them in the year 1638, when in the same condition—when formerly the citizens loaned so great sums, as is known, to my royal treasury; and this is ascertained, with convincing arguments, that in order to lessen the occasion [for such loans] it is necessary to aid and favor the citizens and the commerce, since whatever it has of wealth [for them] I shall be spared from expending in the maintenance of continual war in those archipelagos. For it can be understood that if this does not cease, and those who are supporting it have no means for doing that, either I must support it or I shall be defeated; and that it is of the utmost importance to maintain the war. I have already recognized the great difficulties that result from the cessation of sending money to those islands; for, on account of the fact that in the year 1637 not more than 150,000 pesos of the amount in the Count-Duke’s permission was carried [to Mexico], and that the citizens failed to receive the returns therefrom through the harsh measures and blunders of Don Pedro de Quiroga, the Chinese merchants have gone from Manila, and carried away their merchandise, because there is no one who can buy their goods; and it is known with certainty, according to letters from the city, that the silk sold by the said Chinese to the Dutch, since they knew that there was no money in Manila, amounted to more than 5,000 picos. If the commerce with China is cut off from that city, it will be impossible again to introduce it, and whatever is collected there from the licenses given to the said Chinese (which is a very large item) will be lost; and finally the whole colony will reach so exhausted a condition that it will be impossible,[14] even with a million [pesos] of aid a year, to maintain the said islands. [Don Juan Grau] has entreated that I would be pleased to command that in the first ships which sail from Acapulco for the said islands—or, in default of these, in whatever ships shall go to the islands—shall be transported, besides the usual succor that I send, all the residues of permissions which there may be in Nueva España belonging to citizens of those islands, and all the money which may be still due as returns from the permissions, so that in this first voyage may be made up whatever shall have been deficient in past ones, according to the amount permitted, and nothing shall remain to fill out the entire amount of the returns in any year. Moreover, in order to mitigate somewhat the great injuries and losses for eight or ten years, [he has asked] that an increase be allowed them in the permission for the silver, up to the amount of 800,000 pesos instead of the 500,000 for which they have permission—or such quantity as I shall be pleased [to grant]; and that I give them permission to carry to Nueva España, besides the 250,000 pesos’ worth of cloth from China which is already allowed to them, all the products of the country—as they have requested by a special petition in the large memorial, which Don Juan Grau asks shall be again examined, with the strong arguments which they present for asking this favor; and he says that at present there are [even] more reasons for granting it. This matter has been considered in my royal Council of the Indias, notwithstanding that I commanded the viceroy and the Audiencia of Mexico, by my decree of December 8, 1638, to inform me what permission the Philipinas Islands have, and that which was granted to the Count-Duke; and whether it would be expedient to enlarge further that of the said islands, considering their needs and other circumstances. By another decree of mine, of the same date, I also commanded the said my viceroy and Audiencia of Mexico, and the governor and Audiencia of Manila, to inform me regarding the representations made to me, on the part of the said city of Manila, that all the provinces of the Indias are permitted to export the products that in them are gathered and cultivated, without limitation of quantity. Those of the islands, the proceeds of their collections and labors, are: wax, lampotes, coverlets, tarlingas, blankets from Ilocos, musk, civet, and other commodities which are peculiar to the said islands; and it has been the custom for many years past to ship these products to Nueva España (which is their only market), registered, but not included in the 250,000 pesos of the permission, as it seemed that the citizens did not need it for these commodities, and that it was granted only for those from China—which are the ones expressly stated in the royal decrees, and on which fall the prohibitions and penalties. And [Don Juan Grau] petitioned that I would command that a declaration be made to this effect, and that these commodities, coming registered, and paying my royal duties at their departure from the islands and entrance at Acapulco, as do the other goods from China, should be (even though their value and quantity did not come included, and be not included, in the permission) passed by the customs officers without incurring penalty of confiscation, or any other. I request and charge you that, after having thoroughly informed yourself of all that I have mentioned, you report to me very fully thereon, in order that, when the matter shall have been discussed in the said my Council, I may take such measures as shall be most expedient for the relief and preservation of my vassals in those islands. Done at Madrid, February 14, in the year 1640.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabrièl de Ocaña y Alarcòn

Informatory decree, in regard to opening the commerce between the kingdoms of Perù and Nueva España.

The King. To the reverend father in Christ, Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of the city of Puebla de los Angeles, [etc. Here follows a preamble identical with that of the first decree, as explained in the second one. This decree continues:]

Both Perù and Nueva España oppose the method followed in the commerce of the said Philipinas Islands, and complain of the above prohibitions, setting forth certain difficulties which result from closing to them the commerce which those two most opulent states have maintained (as it were, by nature) between themselves; the chief of these is their being entirely deprived of the mutual intercourse and relations which ought to prevail between them. On this account, another permission of two ships has been granted to them. One of these shall sail every year from the port of Callao de Lima, and may carry to that of Acapulco silver to the amount of 200,000 ducados, for investment in the products peculiar to Nueva España—whether of agriculture, stock-raising, or manufacture—and no others, even those sent from these kingdoms. The other ship shall return from Acapulco to Callao with these proceeds [of the investment], the prohibition of cloth from China remaining in force; and the decree declares that none of that cloth may be sent in return for the 200,000 ducados, nor outside of that amount, enforcing its execution by heavy penalties [imposed] by the decrees of December 31, 1604, and March 8 and June 20, 1620. By these decrees final shape was given to this permission which now is suspended; and it was ordered to cease by a decree of November 23, 1634, without the reason which had given cause for this act being known—further than the measures which had been proposed for ruining the islands, and this, that the ships of Perù might not sail to Acapulco, to the so great harm of the Philipinas Islands, as this alone would be enough to ruin them. For if ships do not go from Perù, the islands remain exposed to the failure of their aid, in the year when their ships do not make the voyage, by having been wrecked, or forced to put back to port, or having arrived late. As in such cases, it is usual to make good their deficiency with the ships from Perù, sending in them the usual succor of men and money, if the latter do not go, and the others do not come [to Acapulco], there will not be ships for that purpose, and the islands might remain for several years without the succor that supports them, at the evident risk of being ruined. To this may be added, that there are, as will be stated, in Nueva España more than fourteen thousand persons who sustain themselves with the industry of silk-raising and silk manufacture, by express permission, and the order that this industry be preserved. It cannot be maintained with only the silk that is produced in that country, the total amount of which is very small, and it therefore employs the silk that comes from Manila, as being suitable for delicate fabrics. The silk fabrics of Nueva España have always been exported to Perù, as commodities included in the trade permitted to those countries, which was mainly composed of these stuffs; while the fabrics of China remained for meeting the expenses of the country, which regularly consumed all that came thence. Since the exportation of what formerly went to Perù has ceased, the necessary result is that these goods remain and are consumed in Nueva España, as being its own product, and that just so much less of the Chinese silk is required—which is substituted in place of the home product when the former goods are imported through the permission—and necessarily less of the other is produced. Besides taking away their occupation from the people who are engaged in the silk industry, this will cause an evident diminution in the commerce of Philipinas, the bulk of which consists in silks; for just so much less of what the islands export is consumed [in Nueva España] as cannot be sold out of what is produced there—which will be an amount so noticeable that with this reduction alone that commerce will become excessively weakened. This has been already proved in regard to the last ships which came from those islands—for, as they failed to come the previous year, they found no market for their goods, and could not sell enough of these even to pay the freight charges and the duties, according to letters from Nueva España and authentic documents; it is, therefore, very expedient that the permission given to Perù should be revived, else, by not conceding it, a great reduction is feared in that of Philipinas. If, when that permission was granted, the matter was discussed with adequate information, and the advantages which there might be on either side were considered, and now if no new reasons or circumstances arise which compel the decision to be suspended beyond the fact that Francisco de Victoria contrived such expedients, without heeding other objects, so that it seems as if he cared only for the abandonment and ruin of the islands, no opportunity should be given for that suspension. Even if the memorials which [Don Juan Grau] has furnished on the other topics prove to be sufficiently answered, and their arguments are shown to be weak or false, it must not be understood that there are better ones for what concerns the permission given to Perù; but no answer is made here, save in what pertains to the Philipinas, for the rest concerns Nueva España and Perù, who will give fuller explanations. And, considering the evident injury and risk to which the islands are exposed by the lack of freight ships that can sail thither, since in case the ships belonging to the commerce are wrecked, or forced to take refuge in other ports, or arrive late, the islands will perish if there are no other ships in which to send the usual succor of men and money: and since freight vessels are not built, which is necessary in all the coasts of Nueva España, this deficiency must be supplied some years by the ships from Perù that go to Acapulco—which do not sail now, on account of the permission which was given for that purpose being suspended—from which also result to the islands the losses which have been set forth in the said memorial, which are stated anew in this petition, because it is so expedient that the traffic between Nueva España and Perù be restored: [Don Juan Grau] has petitioned me to consent to raise the suspension, or prohibition, which is laid or imposed on the said permission of Perù and Nueva España, even though, for its fulfilment and better observance, the penalties be increased so far as is expedient. This matter having been considered in my royal Council of the Indias, as I desire to ascertain the advantages or disadvantages which may result from the aforesaid measure, whether to my greater service, to the increase or diminution of my royal dues, to the preservation of my vassals of the said Philipinas Islands, or to their relief or injury: I request and charge you to inform me very thoroughly of all that you shall ascertain and understand to be most expedient, in order that when I have considered all the reliable information in your report, I may take such measures as may be most fitting. Done at Madrid, February 14, in the year 1640.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabrièl de Ocaña y Alarcòn

Decree in which his Majesty commands that a hearing be given in a court of justice to the citizens of the city of Manila, regarding their claim that they be not included in the condemnations and compositions of the 900,000 pesos; and [it is declared] that it is his Majesty’s intention that they should not pay what they do not owe.

The King. To the reverend father in Christ, Don Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, bishop of the cathedral church of Tlaxcala,[15] member of my royal Council of the Indias, to whom I have entrusted the general visitation of my royal Audiencia of the City of Mexico in Nueva España and of its tribunals, and the visitation of the port of Acapulco, and other affairs very important for my service. [Most of this decree is omitted, as being only a repetition, in the main, of statements in Grau’s memorial preceding. The king rehearses the injuries done to Philippine commerce, the arguments pro and con an increase of duties, and the representations by the citizens of Manila in behalf of their petition for relief; and continues:] What they entreat with the humility belonging to my vassals, and set forth with arguments of expediency and good government, subject in everything to what shall be for my greater service, is that what is past be punished, but not so as to inflict the same penalty on those whose guilt is unequal; for if there shall prove to be guilt, it must be because they were induced to it more by their need and hardships than by the profits on their investments; and it is the fact that whatever they have acquired by these is known to be but a small part of the means which they have at present, and they have spent it and intend to spend it in serving me and in preserving those islands at the cost of their blood and property. They ask that for the present attention be given to what is hidden and concealed, and that this be diminished and reduced to the amount permitted and regulated; and that, until they know in the islands what they ought to do, and what new decrees shall be issued, those penalties be not carried out against the citizens, and that they shall not be punished for what they have committed through ignorance. They ask that for the future the duties be not increased on what shall be found within the amount permitted, whether in silver or merchandise; that no innovations be made in the appraisement of the goods, nor by opening the packages or measuring them, through any different method from that which has been [hitherto] observed and followed, since (as is very evident) they pay more than they are able to; and they state that the despatch of the two ships was included and is still contained in the composition of the 600,000 pesos for the year 1635—a proposition very plain and undisputed, which does not admit of doubt, since it is expressly, clearly, and distinctly stipulated, noted, and agreed in the document which was executed regarding this matter, the first section of which reads as follows: “First: that in this agreement shall be set down and included the two ships which are expected to come from the Philipinas Islands this present year, or early in this coming year of 1636, to this Nueva España with registry; and if one or both of them shall not have sailed, or shall not sail, from the said islands, or if they be forced to put back to port, this agreement shall hold good regarding those which shall come in the following year, at whatever time therein; and the ship which shall not sail this year may do so next year, so that there will be two vessels; and they may land at the port of Acapulco in this Nueva España the goods that they carry, paying to his Majesty his customary royal dues, without those goods being seized; nor can anything be confiscated thereon in case each person declares what he shall carry, in conformity with the proclamation which will be issued. [This goes] with declaration that if (which may God not permit) the ship be wrecked at sea, or plundered by enemies, no other shipment be allowed.” It does not seem as if the persons who drew up and signed this contract could state more contingencies regarding the voyage of these ships, in order that these might be included in the document, since they set down the following: sailing in the year 1635; being obliged to put back to port, and being shipwrecked; sailing not in that year, but in the following one, that of 1636; arriving at Acapulco in that year, or in 1637 at whatever time therein; one ship arriving, and the other being obliged to go back to port, or not sailing at all; and finally, settling beforehand the account and despatch of two ships which would arrive after the date of the contract and agreement, up to the completion of the said year 1637. Moreover, the necessary declarations were made as to the cargo of the ships: that it must pay the customary dues, all goods being declared; and that, if this alone were done, they could not be confiscated, even though they should come outside of the registry, for this is meant by declaring them. The facts of the case were, in all these matters, that the ships did not sail in the year 1635, but in 1636, and reached Acapulco at the beginning of 1637—a voyage included and expressly stated in the [aforesaid] document. In this case, conformably to the section which is here copied, it could not and cannot be doubted that these two ships were the first to arrive after the agreement, within the limit set therein, and with the permitted amount of goods registered—not only as that amount had always come, but with more rigorous and orderly [inspection]. As for the landing of the goods, this was done as the above section directed; for Don Pedro de Quiroga, when the ships cast anchor, caused proclamation to be made that all should declare whatever goods they carried; with this, and the severity which he exercised in permitting the goods to be removed from the ships, not a bale was concealed, or considered as such, nor was anything seized as contraband. [The king then mentions Quiroga’s rigorous and oppressive measures, almost in Grau’s own words, and continues:]

But it is a fact that, according to that agreement, what had to be done was to appraise all that came registered—as had been done during the six years before, to which the commission extended without making any kind of innovation, since the contract was that they had to collect the customary dues; and if anything came outside the registry, its owners, by declaring it in accordance with the proclamation (as they did declare it), had to pay the same dues, freight charges, and alcavala as did the registered merchandise—which is the same practice as that in Sevilla when, at the arrival of the galleons, my royal decree regarding declarations is issued and proclaimed. And this the proclamation of Don Pedro de Quiroga could not exceed, because it was of the same character, not only on account of his own official position, but by the obligation of the contract. Such was the proper course of action, according to justice and reason, and conformably to the contract approved by the viceroy and the visitor and by me; and since, in virtue of his document,[16] the 400,000 pesos of the two thirds of 1636 and 1637 were already collected. What he did was to contravene all this, the same as if such usage had not been current; [but in that case] such a composition would not have been made, nor such a contract drawn up. For, as if the ships were not included in the agreement, whatever they carried was immediately seized (as has been stated), saying that it was confiscated—not for coming outside of registry, since of this sort there was nothing belonging to the citizens of the islands; but because the permitted amount came registered,[17] as it always has come and ought to come, in order to fulfil therein the condition of the document, which was that each chest be carried as one pico of silk, to which is introduced the addition of a quarter, from which Manila has made petition. For if it were not with the express condition that these ships should be thus despatched, there would have been no reason for mentioning them in the agreement. Besides, they conformed to the order of which Don Pedro de Quiroga notified the islands, as appeared by a section of his letter, inserted in a document which the governor wrote to the city of Manila, which reads thus: “We have been expecting the ships which thus far have not arrived, by which we deem it certain that they have been obliged to take refuge in port; and in order that the service of his Majesty, to which your Lordship is always so attentive, may be furthered, it is necessary for me to express my opinion (as you commanded me, in your instructions) that all the goods which go registered in the ships, even if there be more of them than the 250,000 pesos of the permission, should remain free, by paying the dues at the port of Acapulco; and the same should be done with those that are not registered, if they are declared in the said port within twenty-four hours after the vessel casts anchor.” This was the proclamation which I ordered to be made; and that if the said ships should sail from that city, or after sailing should put back into port, they might come freely the following year with the said merchandise; and this was the order that the visitor sent to Manila, and which the governor executed to the letter. In accordance with it, the ships sailed, according to the agreement and its first condition; from this is positively known the notorious injury and injustice which has been done to all those engaged in this commerce who took part in the first composition—compelling them by severe measures to enter upon the second one, and to pay or be obliged to pay for it the said 300,000 pesos, endeavoring to deprive them of having recourse to my clemency with a protest. For even if there had been (as was not the case) the same or greater infractions of law in those two ships than in all the preceding years, as these cannot be of different character from those of the past, and from those included in the commissions of Don Pedro de Quiroga, they should in justice, and by obligation and legitimate contract, agreed to and executed, be included and contained in the composition of the 600,000 pesos; and in virtue of that agreement ought to have been despatched as usual, without making accusation or fixing blame for what they carried registered, or was declared at Acapulco. The islands therefore claim that they ought not to be included in the first composition, and that what they have paid ought to be restored to them and is imposed upon them when they do not owe it, on account of the said composition. They also claim that the second composition, to which those who signed the document were compelled, ought to be declared null and void; that all who were involved therein be set free from their obligation; and that what they shall have paid or contributed for its fulfilment and execution be returned and restored to them. [The king here enumerates (again in Grau’s language) the losses which these rigorous measures have caused to his royal exchequer, the injuries and dangers thus occasioned to the Philippines, and the services rendered to the crown by its citizens;] notwithstanding that in a letter of September 2, 1638, I thought best to inform the said city of Manila that in regard to the citizens of those islands being included in the former compositions made by the said Don Pedro de Quiroga, my royal intention was that they should not pay what they did not owe. And since this depended on the acts and the general decision which Don Pedro de Quiroga made regarding these compositions, in which the citizens of the islands claim they were not included, the judge was notified to proceed in those commissions, in order that he might hear them and administer justice as was fitting, affording redress to those who had been injured. In conformity therewith, I have considered it well to issue the present, by which I commission you, and give you all the power and authority that is required by law in order that, after hearing them, you may administer justice, and furnish redress to those who shall have been wronged in whatever has been represented to me; for such is my will. Done at Madrid, February 14, 1640.

I the King

By command of the king our sovereign:

Don Gabrièl de Ocaña y Alarcòn

[1] The present document is taken from the Extracto historial, a work compiled (Madrid, 1736) by order of the Spanish government, for its information and guidance in the discussions then pending in the royal Council of the Indias upon the subject of the trade in Chinese silks between the Philippine Islands and Nueva España. The book is an historical résumé of that commerce, and of legislation thereon, from its beginning to 1736; it is composed mainly of important documents—decrees, memorials, etc.—from the original sources, and is divided into ten tiempos, or periods, of which the second (which covers the time from 1603 to 1640) is here presented, and the others will receive due attention in later volumes.

The title-page of the Extracto (of which a facsimile precedes the present document) reads thus in English: “Historical summary of the measures now under discussion in the royal and supreme Council of the Indias, at the instance of the city of Manila and the Philipinas Islands, in regard to the form in which the commerce and trade in Chinese fabrics with Nueva España shall be conducted and continued. And for the better understanding of the subject, the important events in that commerce are noted (distinguishing and separating the periods of time), from the discovery of the Philipinas Islands and the concession of commerce to them, with whatever has occurred up to the present in the operation and at the instance of the commerce of España and its tribunal [consulado]. Compiled and arranged by order of the king and the advice of the above-named Council, and at his Majesty’s expense, by an official of the [India] House, from the papers and documents furnished by the office of the Secretary for Nueva España, and [including] other special memoirs, which the said official has here set down for the greater completeness of the work, and to throw more light on the subject. At Madrid: in the printing-house of Juan de Ariztia, in the year 1736.”

The official there mentioned was Don Antonio Alvarez de Abreu; at the beginning of the work he mentions in a prefatory article the reasons for its compilation, and the plan he has followed; he claims to have reproduced accurately the documents presented therein, and to have regarded the interests of both sides in the controversy then being waged over the Philippine commerce. One hundred copies of the Extracto were printed.

[2] Thus in the original; but in the following expansion of these points eight of them are enumerated, indicating an oversight on the part of the compiler. The sixth is there stated as the renown and profit accruing to the crown from the victories gained by its Philippine subjects; the seventh, the aid given by them to both crowns; the eighth, their protection of Chinese commerce.

[3] According to Crawfurd (Dict. Ind. Islands, p. 38) this is the form, in the native languages, of the name that Europeans write Bantam, applied to the extreme western province of Java, and to an important seaport town in its northwest extremity. Most of the inhabitants of this province are Sundas, but along the coasts there is considerable intermixture with Javanese and other Malayan peoples. The port of Bantan was an important commercial center long before the arrival there of Europeans.

[4] i.e., Hindostan (see VOL. XVII, p. 252). The grave accent is here used in the word Mogòr, simply as following the usage of the Extracto, which throughout prints the grave instead of the acute accent.

[5] St. Martin, one of the Antilles, was a resort for French pirates and Dutch smugglers until 1638, when it was captured by the Spaniards. It was afterward recovered from them, and in 1648 was formally divided between the French and Dutch—a status that still prevails.

[6] The alcabala, an excise duty collected on all sales of commodities, was derived from the Moors, and was more or less imposed in Spain from the year 1342 on. It was introduced in the American colonies in 1574, and for more than two centuries was a rich source of income for the Spanish crown and a heavy tax on the colonists. The rate was at first two per cent, but afterward this was doubled and trebled; and it was levied on every transfer of goods, taxing property over and over again. See Bancroft’s Mexico, iii, pp. 658, 659; and Recopilación leyes de Indias, lib. viii, tit. xiii, and lib. ix, tit. xlv, ley lxvi.

[7] Raynal thus describes Acapulco, in his History of Settlements and Trade in Indies (Justamond’s translation, London, 1783), iii, pp. 378, 379: “The port of Acapulco where the vessel arrives, hath two inlets, separated from each other by a small island: the entrance into them in the day is by means of a sea-breeze, and the sailing out in the night-time is effected by a land-breeze. It is defended only by a bad fort, fifty soldiers, forty-two pieces of cannon, and thirty-two of the corps of artillery. It is equally extensive, safe, and commodious. The bason which forms this beautiful harbor is surrounded by lofty mountains, which are so dry, that they are even destitute of water. Four hundred families of Chinese, Mulattoes, and Negroes, which compose three companies of militia, are the only persons accustomed to breathe the air of this place, which is burning, heavy, and unwholesome. The number of inhabitants in this feeble and miserable colony is considerably increased upon the arrival of the galleons, by the merchants from all the provinces of Mexico, who come to exchange their silver and their cochineal, for the spices, muslins, china, printed linens, silks, perfumes, and gold works of Asia. At this market, the fraud impudently begun in the Old World, is as impudently completed in the New. The statutes have limited the sale to 2,700,000 livres, and it exceeds 10,800,000 livres. All the money produced by these exchanges should give ten per cent. to the government: but they are deprived of three-fourths of the revenue which they ought to collect from their customs, by false entries.” This passage is appropriated bodily—with a few changes, and an important omission—in Malo de Luque’s Establecimientos ultramarinos (Madrid, 1790), v, p. 220; and no credit is given by him to Raynal.

On the map of Acapulco in Bellin’s Atlas maritime (Paris, 1764), t. ii, p. 86, appears the following naïve item in the legend at the side: “Two trees, to which the galleon from Manila attaches a cable;” these trees are located directly in front of the tiny “city,” and between two redoubts.

[8] Talinga is defined by Noceda and Sanlucar (Vocab. lengua Tagala, third ed., Manila, 1860) as manta de Ilocos (“Ilocos blanket”). It is apparently the same as terlinga, used by Mallat and Malo de Luque; and tarlinga, later in this document.

[9] Encarnación (Dicc. Bisaya-Español, Manila, 1885) says, after defining the word as here: “The word lompot eminently signifies ‘piece;’ and the pieces in which the native women weave all their fabrics are regularly eight varas long and one wide.”

[10] “An indiscreet or ill-directed zeal distracted from labors and persistent effort those colonists, who themselves were inclined to inactivity. Their exceedingly lucrative commerce and intercourse with America accustomed them to regard as intolerable and even disgraceful the most honorable occupations. If through any misfortune the rich Acapulco galleon could not be despatched, or was wrecked, the greater part of the inhabitants lapsed into fearful misery. Many became beggars, thieves, or assassins; it was customary for them to enlist as soldiers; and the courts were unable to check or correct the many crimes committed.” (Malo de Luque, Establecimientos ultramarinos, v, pp. 211–212.) Cf. this with Raynal’s Settlements and Trade in Indies, iii, p. 78, from which Malo de Luque has again borrowed without giving Raynal credit (see note 7, ante).

[11] Silkworms and the cultivation of the mulberry tree, for both of which the country is naturally adapted, were introduced into Mexico by Cortés, and for a time the production and manufacture of silk there promised to become a source of wealth to the country; but it was practically ruined by the restrictive and unfriendly policy of the Spanish government and the competition of the Chinese silks sent to Nueva España from Manila. Mexico has several native species of silkworms, and trees on which they feed—not only of mulberry, but of other genera; and their product was used by the natives before the conquest, especially in Mizteca in Oajaca. For accounts of this product and industry, see Acosta’s Hist. Indies (Hakluyt Society’s publications, London, 1880), i, p. 269; Humboldt’s New Spain (Black’s translation), iii, pp. 57–60, 465; and Bancroft’s Hist. Mexico, ii, p. 292; v, pp. 612, 613; vi, pp. 524, 576.

[12] On fol. 24 verso of the Extracto, the surname Barahona is added to this man’s name as here given.

[13] Under the rule of Felipe III and Felipe IV, the economic and financial affairs of Spain fell into a ruinous condition. The indolence and incompetency of those monarchs, the influence exercised over them by unscrupulous favorites, the rapid increase of absolutism and bureaucracy, the undue privileges accorded to the nobility and clergy, costly and useless wars, the extravagance and corruption which prevailed in the court and in the administration of the entire kingdom and the expulsion of the Moriscos—all these causes quickly brought on an enormous national debt, the impoverishment of the common people, depopulation of large districts, almost the ruin of manufacture and the like industries, the oppression of the poor, the trampling down of the national liberties, the decline of Spain’s naval and military power, and many other evils. The treasures of the Indias did not suffice to maintain the nation, and even caused some of its woes; and the reckless mismanagement of its revenues caused enormous deficits, which its rulers attempted to meet by imposing more and heavier taxes, duties, and contributions upon a people already staggering under their grievous burdens. The impositions named in the text are but a few of those levied at that time; and the colonies were compelled to bear their share of the burden carried by the mother-country. See the excellent survey of this period in Spanish history, and of conditions political, administrative, social, and economic, with bibliography of the subject, in Lavisse and Rambaud’s Histoire générale (Paris, 1893–1901), v, pp. 649–682.

[14] Marginal note: “It stands thus in the original”—referring to a doublet of three and a half (printed) lines, which the Extracto has reproduced from the text which it followed, presumably a manuscript copy of the decree.

[15] A variation in Palafox’s title, apparently due to some clerical oversight. It is not, however, incorrect, since Tlascala was the earlier seat of that bishopric, and gave name to it—the bishop’s residence being afterward removed to the new city of Puebla, five leguas distant from Tlascala.

[16] Apparently referring to the paper recording the composition of 1635; and the wording of this sentence in the decree would imply that the 600,000 pesos of that composition were at first levied in three annual installments, but afterward collected in advance.

[17] Thus in the Extracto; but the statement appears to be a non sequitur, and suggests the probability of some words being omitted.

HISTORIA DE LA PROVINCIA DEL
SANCTO ROSARIO DE LA ORDEN
DE PREDICADORES

By Diego Aduarte, O.P.; Manila, 1640.

Source: Translated from a copy of the above work in the possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago. This volume comprises pp. 1–167.

Translation: This is made by Henry B. Lathrop, of the University of Wisconsin; it is partly in synopsis. This work will continue in VOLS. XXXI and XXXII; this volume comprises chaps. i–xxxvii of book i.

[Translation of title-page: The History of the Province of the Holy Rosary, of the Order of Preachers, in Philippinas, Japon, and China. By the Right Reverend Don Fray Diego Aduarte, Bishop of Nueva Segovia, with additions by the Very Reverend Father Fray Domingo Gonçalez, Commissary of the Holy Office, and Regent of the College of Sancto Thomas in the same province. With license, at Manila, in the College of Sancto Thomas, by Luis Beltran, printer. In the year 1640.]

History of the Dominican Province of the Holy Rosary

By Fray Diego Aduarte, O.P.

[Aduarte’s work[1] is here presented, partly in full translation, partly in synopsis—the latter portions being, as usual, printed within brackets.]

[1] The various approbations at the beginning of the book are not here translated, as not being sufficiently important to justify such use of our space. The first of these is furnished by Governor Hurtado de Corcuera, and is dated at Manila, March 21, 1639—in which he states that Fray Gonçalez has added matter which brings down Aduarte’s history to 1637, thus covering a period of fifty years from the foundation of that Dominican province. The request for permission to print the book is made by Fray Carlos Clemente Gant, prior-provincial of that order; and it is granted (for six years) by the governor, after favorable report on the book has been made by Fray Theofilo Mascaros, an Augustinian—this report, by the way, being dated at the Augustinian convent of Sancta Ana de Agonoy, August 29, 1638. Archbishop Guerrero also approves this publication (July 7, 1638); and, four days earlier, the Franciscan, Fray Juan Piña de San Antonio, at Sampaloc, does the same.

Book I

Chapter I

How the establishment of the Dominican order in the Philipinas Islands was undertaken

[Though the Dominican order did not accompany the discovery of these islands, it was not late in entering them; for it found many entire provinces still in the night of heathenism, because the preachers, though good ones, had been few, and because the inhabitants differed so in their language and were spread over so vast an extent of territory. The reports which were sent back of the intelligence of the people, the fertility of the soil, and the amount of the population moved some religious to come to these regions, in grief that so many souls should be lost for lack of some one to rescue them from their errors. The question of establishing the Dominican order was discussed among the grave and holy fathers of the Province of Mexico; and to them it seemed unbecoming to our profession that no religious of our order should be engaged in this new conversion. The first man to put these pious desires into effect was that noble man of God, Fray Domingo Betanços, who refused the bishopric of Guatimala, preferring to be a preacher of the gospel in these islands. By his efforts he persuaded the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoça, to give command that he should have a vessel and sailors to take him to Philippinas, for which he had permission of his bishop. But the time determined upon by our Lord for this had not yet come, and accordingly it was not carried out. However, he did not give up his desire; and began again in 1580 to discuss the journey. In order that the expedition might be better supported, he talked over with some fathers the plan of sending some one to España and Roma to obtain the necessary documents. Fray Juan Chrisóstomo was chosen as leader of the expedition, and was sent to España and Roma to obtain the usual licenses for the foundation of a new province of this order in Philippinas, Japon, and China. Fray Juan set out in 1581 with letters from various ecclesiastics, among them the first bishop of the Philippinas, Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, a religious of the same order, who happened to be in Nueva España at the time, on the way to his new bishopric. The bishop was greatly pleased with this determination, as he hoped to find through it reparation for his own unfortunate voyage, in which he had brought religious from España for the same purpose, but had lost so many from death or sickness that he had remaining only father Fray Christoval de Salvatierra. The mission of Fray Juan Chrisostomo was successful.[1] He obtained from the general of the order, the Most Reverend Fray Pablo Constable de Ferrara, a charter giving him authority to establish a congregation of thirty brethren of the order for the Philippinas Islands and the kingdom of China, and directing him to follow the usages of the province of Santiago of Mexico. The privileges of the province of Mexico were granted to the new province. The date of this charter is the fourteenth of July, 1582. The general also gave him a circular letter to the members of the order, confirming his powers.]

Chapter II

Negotiations of Fray Juan Chrisostomo at Roma

[At Roma Fray Juan Chrisostomo obtained a brief from Pope Gregory XIII, granting to the Dominican province of Philippinas and China powers of absolution from sins, excommunications, and other sentences, censures and pains, even in cases reserved for the Apostolic See, in foro conscientia. This brief bears date of September 15, 1582. The pope also gave Fray Juan Chrisostomo many precious relics for the order, granting many indulgences to those who visited them.]

Chapter III

The experience of Fray Juan Chrisostomo in España until the establishment of the new province was completed.

[Though father Fray Juan had supposed, because of the ease with which he carried out his business at Roma, that he was likely to obtain even greater favor in España, he found the conditions entirely contrary. During his absence in Rome, the bishop of Philippinas had sent to España Father Alonso Sanchez as his commissioner. The bishop met with great difficulties in Philippinas, because of the long period which had passed during which there had been no bishop there. He had sent Father Alonso to obtain support from España, giving him especial directions to further the establishment of the order, as he expected to receive great assistance from it. But Father Alonso acted in a contrary manner, maintaining both in Mexico and in España that there was no further need of clergy in the islands, and especially no need of the establishment of a new order there. Being accredited with letters from the ecclesiastical dignitaries, and speaking as an eyewitness, he persuaded the Spaniards of whatever he pleased; he had special influence with the Council of the Indias and with the king’s confessor.[2] Father Juan was accordingly obliged to retire to his convent of San Pablo at Sevilla, entrusting this work to the Lord. So completely did he abandon the enterprise that he made use of some of the relics which had been given him by the pope for the establishment of the new province, to the advantage of his old convent. At last, by an inspiration of God, Father Juan was again moved to set about the establishment of this province. Among the religious who offered themselves for the work was father Fray Juan de Castro,[3] who, after filling important administrative offices in the order, had retired to his convent of San Pablo at Burgos. Though an old man, he was fired with religious zeal for the work on which Father Juan had entered. From the convent of San Pablo at Valladolid there volunteered two lecturers in theology, father Fray Miguel de Venavides (afterward bishop of Nueva Segovia and archbishop of Manila), and father Fray Antonio Arcediano; Fray Juan de Ormaça, lecturer in arts, afterward provincial; Fray Juan Maldonado, likewise lecturer in arts, and afterward a holy martyr; and Fray Pedro de Soto, Fray Miguel Berreaça and Fray Juan de Ojeda, who all were priests.[4] Fray Domingo Nieva, deacon, who also volunteered, was afterward of great importance, because of the great ease and skill with which he learned languages, whether Indian or Chinese. From the college of San Gregorio in the same city, came to join them father Fray Andres Almaguer. From the convent of San Estevan at Salamanca there offered themselves for the expedition father Fray Alonso Ximenez (afterward provincial), father Fray Bartolome Lopez, and father Fray Juan de Hurutria [Urrutia, in Reseña]. From San Vicente at Plasencia came father Fray Francisco de Toro; from the royal convent of Sancto Thomas at Avila, father Fray Juan Cobo,[5] a master in the college there; from the college of Sancto Thomas de Alcala, father Fray Bernardo Navarro—who was twice provincial, and for many years commissary of the holy Inquisition—father Fray Diego de Soria (afterward bishop of Nueva Segovia), and the lay brother Fray Pedro Rodriguez. From the convent of Nuestra Señora de la Peña de Francia[6] came father Fray Alonso Delgado, who was sub-prior, and father Fray Pedro Bolaños,[7] master of novices. From the convent of San Pablo de Sevilla volunteered father Fray Juan de la Cruz,[8] and the fathers Fray Francisco de la Cruz and Fray Pedro Flores. Father Juan succeeded in obtaining a letter from the king to the governor of the Philippinas Islands, dated September 20, 1585, endorsing his enterprise.

The religious set out from Castilla in May, 1586. Father Fray Juan Chrisostomo, being too humble in spirit to undertake the leadership of the company, resigned his position in favor of father Fray Juan de Castro.]

Chapter IV

The experience of these first fathers up to the time of embarcation

[The fathers met with great difficulty in preparing for the embarcation. After making arrangements for their passage, they found the vessel so ill-suited for their purpose, that they were obliged to annul the contract. They were left behind by the fleet with which they were to sail, and endeavored to follow it with a small vessel; but put back and finally obtained passage in a ship of fair size. As this vessel was sailing alone, it was exposed to danger from the Moors and the English. While the fathers were hesitating, the adelantado of Castilla offered them a munificent support if they would remain and give their attention to the spiritual good of his vassals. But overcoming all these alarms and enticements, which were wiles of the devil, the fathers courageously set sail.]

Chapter V

The voyage of the fathers

[On Friday, July 17, 1586, the day of St. Alexis, they began the voyage. Since the vessel already had its complement of passengers, and a full cargo, there was no place for the religious or for their goods. To the old and the infirm the captain granted the cabin in the poop; the others slept where they could. They spent their time in the occupations which they would have followed in the convent. Reaching the Canarias they found that the fleet had already gone ahead. The captain set sail again, without giving them opportunity to say more than one mass. A fire, which threatened the safety of the ship, was put out by the holy and courageous Fray Juan Cobo and a Spaniard. Seeing four vessels which did not seem to belong to the fleets, the people aboard prepared for battle; but they discovered that these were friends. They suffered greatly for want of water, but finally readied port on St. Michael’s day in September; from the port they went on to Vera Cruz, and thence to Mexico. Their hard experience and the badness of the climate had made a number of them ill. The first to die was father Fray Miguel Berreaza, a religious of most holy life, a Basque by nation; he died of a malignant fever. He was soon followed by father Fray Francisco Navarro, who also died of fever. There also died father Fray Pedro Flores, in the flower of his age. Many others were afflicted with illness, but all were kindly received and treated by the religious at Mexico. The Indians likewise received the religious with feasts, bouquets, and dances—greatly delighting the newcomers when they saw these races so marvelously converted from barbarism and cruelty to peace, kindness, and devotion. The Indians of Cuitlabac received Father Juan Chrisostomo with special tokens of love, as their father and former instructor.]

Chapter VI

New difficulties met by the expedition, and the result

[The common enemy of souls strove with all his might to keep the religious in Mexico. He represented that Mexico was in need of religious, and that the voyage from Mexico to the Philippinas is longer than that from España to Mexico. He employed a religious person who had returned from the Philippinas[9] to assure them that they would not be admitted to the kingdom of China; while, as for the Philippinas, he declared that the country was small, thinly populated, and sufficiently provided with religious. The viceroy[10] strove to retain them. Some remained; but the most valiant and virtuous, like the army of Gideon against the Midianites, pushed on. The names of the eighteen who founded the province are: father Fray Juan de Castro, vicar-general; father Fray Alonso Ximenez, Fray Miguel de Benavides, Fray Pedro Bolaños, Fray Bernardo Navarro, Fray Diego de Soria, Fray Juan de Castro (who had the same name as the vicar-general, and was his nephew),[11] Fray Marcos de San Antonio, Fray Juan Maldonado, Fray Juan de Ormaça, Fray Pedro de Soto, Fray Juan de la Cruz, Fray Gregorio de Ochoa, Fray Domingo de Nieva (deacon), and Fray Pedro Rodriguez, a lay brother. Fifteen of these took their way to Manila; for father Fray Juan Chrisostomo was unable to go because of illness, and father Fray Juan Cobo left the company, on business of importance which could not be finished before the embarcation. By way of Macan there went to China father Fray Antonio de Arcediano, father Fray Alonso Delgado, and father Fray Bartholome Lopez, as members of the same province and subjects of the father vicar-general Fray Juan de Castro. “Though there went eighteen, there should have gone a thousand; from which may appear how far from the truth in his information was he who disturbed this holy company with what he said in Mexico. His intention was good, but in fact he greatly aided the Devil, and kept from these islands many and very good subjects. I trust that the Lord has already pardoned him.”]

Chapter VII

Of the ordinances made by the vicar-general for the foundation of the new province

[The vicar-general, with the advice of the eldest, most learned, and most devout of the religious, made ordinances for the foundation of the new province. He followed the customs of the provinces of Mexico and Guatemala. The name given to the province was that of “the Most Holy Rosary of Mary the Mother of God, ever virgin.” In the preamble, the father vicar-general declares that they who were to guide others in the way of perfection should first travel it themselves, doing virtuous works that they might teach others. He fortified his assertion by quoting Scripture and several fathers.

In the first place, the rules of the order are to be followed not only in essential but in accidental matters, the relaxation of rigor in the latter having caused some to say that the true religious life[12] was at an end. Hence the members of the province were to follow the constitutions with literal exactness—fasting, dressing in woolen garments, eating fish, being humbly clad, maintaining silence, and going on foot. This general statement includes everything, but some things are specially insisted upon.

Uniformity is to be maintained in everything—in dress, religious ceremonies, and the celebration of mass; in churches, opinions, and doctrines. The hours are to be kept, however small the number of religious may be, prayers being said at midnight and at every other time enjoined. For every deceased religious all the priests shall say each six masses, applied in olidum; and those who are not priests shall say the psalms and double rosaries.

In our conversation we shall avoid secular matters as much as possible, and speak of the things of God. We shall read the fathers, ecclesiastical histories, and comments on the Scripture, the superior putting questions and a religious answering. In entering a diocese we shall call upon the bishop, receive his blessing, and follow his counsel as to our preaching. Our obedience is to be perfect. Secular visits are not to be made except for charity, and those under direction of the superior. If any go to ask alms, it must be by appointment of the superiors. Poverty is to be maintained. Temporal responsibilities are to rest solely on the superiors. Convents are to be modest. Books and other things acquired by the friars are to belong to the congregation. Individual religious houses are to have no separate property; but all things in them or possessed by them are to be subject to the disposition of the provincial, except in so far as license to hold separate property is obtained from the general of the order. In such case a religious house shall have no share in the property of the province as a whole. No religious shall have anything laid up or shall receive anything, except in the name of the community; nor shall any be granted an exclusive right to use books.

Two hours a day are appointed for mental prayer and divine contemplation, which must never be omitted, either in convent or on journeys; and every day except Sundays, feast-days, or solemn octaves, every religious shall take a discipline (i.e., scourge himself) with his own hands. Though mattresses are allowed by the constitutions this privilege is renounced, and we are to content ourselves with a board or a poor platform and a bed of skins, except in case of sickness or for guests. On every day when there is no office of our Lady, the psalms and antiphons corresponding to the letters of her most holy name are to be recited.[13]

These ordinances are dated from the convent of Sancto Domingo at Mexico, December 17, 1586. Twenty religious vowed to keep them, and to go on to the newly-founded province.]

Chapter VIII

The voyage of the fathers from Mexico to the Philippines

[The three brethren destined for China set sail from the port of Acapulco for Macan, in a vessel called the “San Martin.” The other fifteen religious began their voyage on the Sunday called Quasimodo, the Sunday after Easter, April 6, in the year 1587. It was very late in the year, so that there was danger of storms; for the time of the vendabals had come—stormy and contrary winds, which are feared greatly by the best pilots. They had the misfortune to lose their ship-stores by fire, and were obliged to live on beans and chick-peas (garbanzos) for all the rest of the voyage, which lasted three months and a half. But a much more severe affliction was the narrowness of their quarters in the ship; for two factions broke out among the crew, one party fortifying itself in the forecastle, the other in the poop; and they were about to give battle to each other, as if the one party had been Moors and the other Christians. Fortunately, the fathers succeeded in reconciling them. The carelessness of the navigators almost caused the ship to be lost on one occasion; on another, the vessel was almost lost on some islands inhabited by cannibals. On the eve of St. Magdalen’s day they reached port; and they took this saint to be patron of that province.]

Chapter IX

The voyage and experience of the brethren who went to Macau

[As it was the principal intention, in establishing this new province, to promulgate the holy gospel in the great kingdom of China, the fathers who were sent thither were distinguished for sanctity and learning. Of the voyage we know only that the vessel was wrecked on the coast of China, and that they escaped to land as if by miracle. They were not treated with the severity usually shown to foreigners who come to or are lost on the coast of China; but were kindly received by one of the chief men, who had observed their devotion. They did not obtain permission to carry on the work of evangelization in China, but went on to Macan and were thence carried to India. Father Antonio Arcediano taught theology, and was highly regarded in Goa. At different times he sent his two companions to España and to Roma to plead the cause of Macan, and to do what they could to establish the preaching of the gospel in China. At the end of six years, seeing no hope of what he desired, he returned to España, and there became a teacher of theology in the University of Salamanca. He afterwards went to Avila, and died there. The order did not succeed at this time in entering China by way of Macan; but finally, the desired entry to China was obtained by way of Hermosa.]

Chapter X

Of the entry of the religious into the city of Manila, and of their occupations there until they went on their various missions.

The previous chapter has caused some digression; but it was necessary, in order to give an account of the voyage, and of the career of these important religious. We now return to those on the other ship, which we left at the port of Cavite—whence the news was immediately carried to Manila, which is two leguas from that port. The bishop of this city, Don Fray Domingo Salazar, was, as has already been said, a religious of this order. He was greatly delighted when he learned that religious of his own order had come to found a province, which was the thing that he most desired in this life. He sent immediately to a nephew of his to ask him to welcome them and to bring them to the city, which they entered on the day of the apostle St. James. This was a happy omen for those who came with so great a desire to imitate the great zeal of this holy apostle, by which he was so distinguished among the other apostles that the enemies of the gospel opposed him more than the others, and that he was the first among the apostles to lose his life. When they entered the city there came out to meet them Doctor Sanctiago de Vera, governor and captain-general of these islands, together with the most noble and illustrious of the city, showing in the joy of their faces and their loving words the delight that they felt at the arrival of the brethren—of whose sanctity they had already been informed and felt assured by the modesty of their appearance, faithful witness to the heart. Accompanied by these friends, they went to the chief church, where the bishop was waiting for them; and he gave them his benediction, full of tears of joy. Here they offered to the Lord the thanks they owed to Him for having brought them to the destination which they had so long desired; and for the great honor which, as to His servants and for His sake, had been shown them. Immediately after, the holy bishop took them to his house, and, making them welcome to everything in it, entertained them as well as he could; for he desired for occasions such as this and for giving to the poor, that his episcopate should be rich. Since this day was wholly given up to visits, it was not very pleasant for him; but when he was alone with his brethren he lifted up his voice with tears, like another Joseph, and said to them: “Is it possible that I have seen the order of my father St. Dominic established in this country? Is it possible that my eyes have seen the thing which I so much desired?” After he had said these words, he remained for a long time unable to speak, his words being followed by an abundance of tears, which he shed from tenderness and the emotion of his soul. Everything else that followed was conformable to this, both in his conversation and his acts, which were those of an affectionate father. He gave them all their sustenance in his house, without growing weary of such guests. They, however, were not seeking comfort such as the good bishop provided them, but labors for themselves and souls for God; and after resting a few days they begged the bishop to put them in the way of attaining what they had come to find, as his bishopric was so rich in it. The festival of our father St. Dominic was at hand; and they resolved to celebrate it before separating, asking the blessing of the Great Father on that important act. Having no convent, they celebrated the festival in church, with the utmost solemnity and devotion; and in the evening they had some theological discussions, father Fray Pedro de Soto maintaining several positions, in which he displayed his admirable ability and great learning. Father Fray Miguel de Venavides presided, a man who surpassed those who in that period were of mark in virtue and scholarship, by the shoulders and more, like Saul in bodily presence among his subjects. The purpose of the discussions was to show that preaching the gospel (which was to be their occupation), even to the simple race of Indians, does not interfere with scholarship, but requires it, and much study; the contrary is a manifest error, for the smaller the capacity of the Indian, the greater should be the capacity of the minister. He is called on to make the Indian capable of the loftiest mysteries taught by the faith; and we see by daily experience among Indians cases and matters which cannot be solved except by a man of great knowledge, learning, and ability. Since all cannot be so highly endowed, it is essential to have some ministers of superior attainments to whom the others may resort with their difficulties, and whose responses they may safely follow. The good bishop took particular pleasure in being present at and encouraging the discussions, and in perceiving that those who sustained theses and the others (who likewise exhibited their abilities) might aid him in weighty matters in the difficult duties of his office. This was afterward proved to be true in this province and in España, where he who presided accompanied the bishop and was of great assistance to him, as we shall see. After the festival was over, it was determined that father Fray Christoval de Salvatierra, who was the bishop’s companion—and who was of the same pattern in virtue, prudence, and zeal for the common good and especially for the good of souls (as will hereafter be recounted)—should take some of these fathers to some villages of Indians who had no one to instruct them, and whom he therefore had taken under his own charge. He went to visit and teach them when he had leisure from his heavy labors as vicar-general. The labor of his office, being in a new country, full of entanglements with regard to the conquistadors and new encomiendas and the collection of tributes, would have been intolerable for others; yet he took his vacation by working at other kinds of labor, teaching new Indians, working with them, and introducing among them Christian policy and civilization so far as they were capable of receiving them. This avocation of his would have sufficed most men for their full duty, but he did it in addition to his regular work as vicar-general. The villages were at such a distance from Manila that it took more than a day to go there by sea, and much more by the rivers.[14] In order to teach the new fathers the manner of working with the Indians, and to begin to acquaint them with the language of the natives, which he knew very well, he went with them to the villages commonly known as Bataan. Those who had the fortune to go with father Fray Christoval were very well pleased, inasmuch as they were beginning to obtain that which they had followed with such desire from España. The rest of them, desiring greater convenience for living according to the custom of friars than could be afforded them in the house of the bishop (although he was a holy man), went to the convent of St. Francis, where they were received and entertained as might have been expected of fathers so religious and so zealous in following the rules of their great father and ours, which we accepted exactly as if we were of the same habit. Nothing less could have been expected, since those fathers then had as custodian the holy Fray Pedro Baptista, afterwards the most glorious martyr in Iapon, and as guardian father Fray Vicente Valero—another Nathaniel in guilelessness of soul, joined with a most solid virtue and devotion to his vows, which caused him to be esteemed and venerated among lay and religious. Some days afterward the Indians of Pangasinan were entrusted to our religious. They lived forty leguas distant, and, being all heathen, had need of someone to labor among them. The order likewise took charge of the Indians of Bataan, to whom, as has been said, the father provisor ministered because he had no one to send; as also of the Chinese or Sangleys, who up to that time had had no ministry. Many thousands of them had come and were still coming every year from their own country, on account of their trade and commerce in this colony, which is very great. Many of them were traders, and many were mechanics. No one desired to undertake the ministry to them, because of the great labor and the little fruit; but since the new laborers had come fresh, and were eager for work, this claim of itself was sufficient for them to regard it as a great favor to be permitted to occupy themselves where the toil was greatest. The father vicar-general sent for the absent brethren, and gathered all together in the convent of St. Francis; and there offered a long prayer for them, asking for the grace of the Holy Spirit. He then made them a spiritual and devout address. After it was concluded, he who in lesser things had never been accustomed to proceed without consultation, now, without further consultation than that which he had had with God, assigned and distributed them after the following manner. To the district of Bataan he sent as vicar father Fray Juan de Sancto Thomas (or de Ormaça), with three associates: father Fray Alonso Ximenez and Fray Pedro Bolaños, and Fray Domingo de Nieva. To the province of Pangasinan he assigned, as vicar, father Fray Bernardo Navarro (or de Sancta Cathalina), with five associates: fathers Fray Gregorio de Ochoa, Fray Juan de Castro (nephew of the vicar-general), Fray Pedro de Soto, Fray Marcos de San Antonio, and father Fray Juan de la Cruz. The father vicar-general remained with the others in the convent which was to be established in Manila, and was intended for the conversion of the Chinese. It was only necessary for him to give the directions and to arrange all things, every man doing that which fell to his lot. The reason was not only their great virtue of obedience, but the fact that the holy old man had held this chapter in a manner so spirited and so extraordinary as to convince them that in his address he had said to them that which it was their duty to do, and that it was God who had thus given them their commands. The father vicar-general immediately began to give his attention to the convent which was to be established in Manila; but when he looked for a situation he did not find a suitable one. That part of the city that was submerged at high tide did not seem desirable; but that which was not submerged was so taken up by the cathedral and the other convents that the matter was a very difficult one. Being such, the good bishop laid it before the Lord in his prayers; and having earnestly besought His help, he arose from prayer with great happiness, and went, though it was late at night, to his sub-chaplain and steward, Francisco Zerbantes, telling him that he had the site for the friars, and directing him to see if he could obtain three hundred pesos, which the owner asked for the place; for the bishop had not even one peso with him. The steward—whose accounts were always indicating a deficit, because every third of their yearly income[15] scarcely fell due before the poor took it away from the bishop—frankly responded that he did not dare attempt to get that sum and did not see how he could, because even for their ordinary subsistence the means were frequently insufficient, so that he was embarrassed. The bishop was not disconcerted by this, but (though it is not known how or where) he quickly procured the three hundred pesos; and he told the steward to give the money to a Spaniard called Gaspar de Isla, who was diking a small place which was all flooded, and much more the land about it. For this reason, though many had looked at it, no one had regarded it as good for a convent. But the bishop, with great insistence, directed the steward to take the next morning a stole, some holy water, and two sticks to make a cross; and he embarked in a banca, or little canoe, and went to the place (for it was overflowed to that extent), and blessed it. He took possession on August 16, 1587, and set up a cross in token that the convent should be built there, as it was; and the site has turned out to be very healthful, with very pleasant views. It has been surrounded by very good houses, and has had other advantages. The bishop gave for the building two thousand pesos—a thing apparently impossible, because of his poverty, but worthy of his great soul, and of the great affection which he felt toward the friars. They immediately began to build a house there and a poor little wooden church. They finished soon, and the religious began to occupy it on the first day of the following year, 1588, to the great joy of themselves and of the whole city. The first superior of the convent, with the title of vicar, was father Fray Diego de Soria, a great preacher, and a very devout man, so that he immediately made many persons greatly devoted to him. The new convent began to be very much frequented, and to be so well assisted by alms that for many years there was no occasion to cook food; because every day the amount of cooked food which was provided was too great rather than too small. There were many who came to its assistance with alms, some one day, some another; but Captain Francisco Rodriguez sent every day, so that the religious were as sure of this supply of food as if they cooked it at home. The Lord paid His accounts, as He is accustomed to, promptly. The captain had lived for ten years in marriage without any children, for whom both husband and wife were most desirous, and they had some in payment for these alms; for there is nothing that the Lord denies to those who have mercy on the poor. As the number of the religious increased, it became necessary to do the cooking in the convent; but the devotion of the city and the contribution of alms has always continued and still continues. Thus the convent has been and is maintained solely by them, having been unwilling always to accept an endowment, though many have been offered to it. Thus without endowment or possessions they get what they need, with greater certainty than if they had these. For, however certain such things may be imagined to be, they may fail, as many others have failed; but the word of God, in whom the fathers trust, cannot fail. This has been so clearly observed that when our lord the king commanded that this convent, like the others in the city, should receive as a contribution to its support four hundred pesos a year and four hundred fanegas of rice (which takes the place of wheat in this country), they for a long time declined to collect it, since it seemed to them that it was in the nature of an endowment, as being something sure and certain; yet afterward, when they saw that it was pure charity, and that he who gave it could take it away when he chose, they accepted it—on condition, however, that if the ministers of the king take it from us, even unjustly, we shall not ask for it as a right. At this time this has been done, the allowance having been taken away; but the Lord in return has given much more than that. In these first years Doña Ana de Vera, wife of the master-of-camp Pedro de Chaves, and Doña Marina de Cespedes were great benefactors of the religious; and to them the convent, in gratitude, has given chapels in the church for their interment. In general, both poor and rich have given alms to the convent out of good-will; and the religious have paid them all very fully, not only by commending them to the Lord in all their masses and prayers, but by earnestly laboring for the good of their souls with sermons, advice, and exhortation, as well as other spiritual exercises. This was soon evident in the reformation that began to be seen in their habits, and in the improvement in their life. Accordingly, one of the citizens wrote to Captain Chacon (who was at that time governor of the province of Nueva Segovia) telling him as news that the Dominican friars had come to Manila; and that the city was turned into a monastery in the reformation of the lives and morals of the inhabitants, and, in particular, in the abstraction of the women from worldly concerns. This was indeed the case; one reason was, that the example given by the religious was of great influence, and, though they were few in number, they effected as much as if they were many. They acted in harmony, and devoted themselves to the divine offices as systematically as in great and well-ordered convents. They were all men of education (some of very superior education), all virtuous men, all given to prayer, all very penitent, very harmonious, very zealous for the salvation of souls, very poor, and disengaged from the things of this world. Therefore, all esteemed them and desired them as guides of their souls; and they performed this office with so much care and diligence that the reformation of the aforesaid city resulted. For those who confessed to them were either obliged to reform, or were dismissed by them; for in the conduct of the penitents they refused to consent to deceit, in the collection of tributes they would not allow extortion, in women they would not suffer frivolity or impropriety of manners. As learned men, they revealed the evils in such acts, and could make these understood by their penitents; and as men without any personal motive they held themselves ready to dismiss those who with vain and plausible reasons, with the pretext of evil customs, or with other like cloaks strove to cover their acts of injustice, and to justify the wrongs which they committed through evil desires. Hence those persons who confessed in the Dominican convent came to be known and esteemed, as they still are; and there came to exist in the city more light in regard to things to which previously no attention had been given, and more care was taken of conduct. This was the reason why they said that the city had become a monastery; and in truth, in many cases the conduct of those who confessed there deserved that name—for example, that of Doña Ana de Vera, Doña Marina de Cespedes, Catalina de Villegas, and many other women very well known and esteemed in the city on account of their virtue. In this they all owed no little to the aid of their holy confessors, who with great care, much teaching, and their own examples, did the work of God, and succeeded in attracting many people to the knowledge of Him and to His service. Many, in health, did not follow their counsels, regarding them as too severe, and sought for confessors who feared to lose their penitents, and who, by making their theology liberal, unburdened the consciences of those who confessed to them. Yet even these persons in the hour of death, when their desires had lost some of their force, called for the Dominicans and gave to them the charge of their souls, fearing to lose them by following the road which they had taken in health. And this freedom and courage has always been maintained in this convent; and they have used it without respect of persons—with rich and poor, with governors and other officials. Hence it is necessary for them to live in such a manner that no reproach can be cast upon them, and to be content with but little for their sustenance, since that little cannot fail them. Withal they have no regard to pleasing men, for to Saint Paul it seemed that with that desire it was impossible to unite the service of God—mankind being in general greater lovers of themselves than of God, and hence he who is very desirous to please men being necessarily at enmity with God. Therefore, these religious were very careful in this respect, and strove so to conduct themselves toward men that the supreme place should always be held by God; and on this account they had the reputation of rigor—though they were not rigorous, except to those who through their own desires or selfishness tried to cast aside their duties to God.

Chapter XI

Some marvels wrought by the Lord in the convent of Manila, and the rebuilding of the same

[Though the first church and convent were but small and poor buildings, made of wood, they were very precious in the sight of the Lord, who manifested therein many miracles. The candles in the chapel of our Lady burned without wasting. The site being clayey and not firm, and the church poor and built in haste, it was not two years before the larger chapel fell to the ground, warning of the fall having been given to one of the novices in a dream. In response to his prayers, the Lord granted that the church should fall without harming any person, injuring the sanctuary, or damaging the image of our Lady of the Rosary. This image was thereafter regarded with such reverence that, when a new image with a marble face was set up above the altar, the people demanded their old image again. Although the convent was poor, and had no income or funds for the rebuilding of the church and the other edifices, they went on with confidence in the Lord to erect a convent and a church of stone. By the favor of God, they received a number of bequests and other gifts, which enabled them to build a handsome stone church, large and strong, two large dormitories, a sacristy, a chapter-house, a refectory, a porter’s lodge, and such other offices as a convent has need of. The enterprise went on so rapidly that, though the wooden church had fallen toward the end of the year 1589, the new one was finished on the ninth of April, 1592, by the generous alms of the faithful, and the diligence of father Fray Alonso Ximenez. It seemed that the work was to stand for many years, but it was not to be. In the year 1603, toward the end of April, exactly thirteen years after the building of the church[16] fire broke out in the town, at a great distance from the convent; and in a short time it consumed a third part of the city, including our convent, the hospital of the Spaniards, and that of the Indians. They succeeded in rescuing only the most holy sacrament and a beautiful statue of our Lady of the Rosary. There were lost seventy-two buildings, fourteen Spaniards, and many more Indians and negroes, of whom the number is not known. The property destroyed amounted to a million. The fire respected many precious and sacred things, and had for our convent the effect of requiring us to rebuild. It was determined that the church should be a vaulted building, which required stronger foundations for the whole church. It was also decided to raise and strengthen the large chapel, and to build a cloister and a super-cloister, and these buildings are in good condition still. The work was paid for by the alms of the faithful, as they were received from time to time. There was never either any lack or any superfluity.]

Chapter XII

A revered image of our Lady of the Rosary possessed by this convent, and the marvels which the Lord has wrought and still works by it.

[This image was given to the convent by Don Luis Perez das Mariñas, formerly the governor of these islands. It was made by a Chinaman, under the direction of Captain Hernando de los Rios Coronel, who afterward became a very devout priest. The Chinaman was afterward converted by the miracles performed by this holy image. She sits on a very beautiful throne, and has a large, rich, and well-gilded retable, given by Antonio Xuarez de Puga, who was many years her steward. The chapel has been enriched and adorned by many gifts. Miracles wrought by this image are very numerous, the most notable of them being one which happened in 1613. The clothes of the mother and child showed signs of travel, for which it was impossible to account. At this time an expedition had been sent out to reënforce Terrenate, consisting of two galleys and five other vessels, under the leadership of Don Fernando de Ayala. The five smaller vessels and one of the galleys were driven on shore at a point called Calabite, on the coast of Mindoro. The Indians who had been forced to row instantly fled to the mountains, taking refuge among some high rocks. The Spaniards ran in pursuit of them, but the Indians taking advantage of the superiority of the situation hurled stones at the Spaniards, killing them miserably. One of the Spaniards, Francisco Lopez, though desperately wounded, was kept alive for thirteen days, in response to his prayers to the Virgin, until he had an opportunity of making his confession. The coincidence of time makes it probable that the journey of the holy image was taken in response to these prayers.]

Chapter XIII

Other miracles wrought by this holy image

[The accounts of this extraordinary miracle moved the whole city and aroused its devotion. The sick crowded to the chapel for healing, and so many miracles were wrought that it seemed ungrateful not to make a record and a verification of them. Pains of all kinds, fevers, difficult births, were cured; in one case a child which was almost drowned, and had turned black in the face, was brought back to life. The records of individual cases are given in detail, with the dates, the names of the afflicted persons, and the names of the witnesses.]

Chapter XIV

Other marvels wrought by the same image

[Several rescues from drowning are recorded, and further cures.]

Chapter XV

Further marvels wrought by the same holy image

[In 1617 some vessels made by the governor Don Juan de Silva, for service against the Dutch heretics, were being taken to a shipyard for overhauling. By a sudden storm they were all wrecked, so that the best ships that these islands ever had, or will have, were lost. In the flagship, called the “San Salvador” (a very large, swift ship), was a sailor named Barnabe de Castañeda, who committed himself to the Virgin and was rescued. This chapter gives the accounts of four other extraordinary rescues from drowning.]

Chapter XVI

The manner in which the religious lived when they entered their ministry to the Indians

Before the religious separated to go on the missions to the Indians to which they were severally appointed, there were given to them those general ordinances which had been so well established for this work, with much thought, prayer, and consideration in Mexico, and which will be found stated in chapter vii of this history. All are based upon the instruction of the apostle to his disciple Timothy: Attende tibi, et doctrinae, whence he directly infers, hoc faciens, et te ipsum salvum facies, et eos qui te audiunt.[17] Thus the whole foundation of the ministry rests upon every man’s first taking heed to himself, and doing what he ought to do; while he who has to do good to many, drawing them forth from the condition of idolatrous heathen and great enemies of God to making them His servants and the keepers of His law, will never be able to do so unless he is himself very careful to keep that law. Those religious can never do this who do not very carefully observe their own laws; therefore, the first ordinance established in the province was that our constitutions should be literally observed, just as they were written, without perverse interpretations, usages to the contrary, or irregular dispensations—a most holy ordinance, and one which is sufficient to make men saints. Though in it all the rest are, as it were, included, still, for greater clearness, they made the statement that this included a prohibition to ride, and directed that the fathers should go on foot. This appeared, to some of little spirit, impossible in this country because of the great heat. They declared that if our father [St. Dominic] had come to these regions he would not have commanded his friars to do thus; but they deceived themselves; for the founders of the province of Mexico were much inferior to our father, but they kept this rule, and found it possible and easy. It is also declared that we should not accept money, or take any for our journeys—a stroke which cuts off at the root a thousand cares that the contrary practice brings with it, and which, when observed, brings the greatest freedom from care; for thus it becomes possible for me to live without anxiety for anything, being certain that the head of the convent is obliged to give me all that I need in health, and more in sickness, as to one who has the greater necessity. The rule was given that we should use no linen in either health or sickness, even though the latter were to death, as the constitution ordains and as appears from our histories; for all who have investigated this point sincerely have followed this rule, as did the holy Pius the Fifth, St. Luis Beltran, and many more. Meat was not to be eaten without permission, and in that case of necessity that is determined by the constitutions, which is a very great one. The friars were always to meditate upon God, within and without the convent; and to wear habits poor and mean, and of the form provided by our constitutions. They were to follow the same opinions, and the same custom of administering the sacraments, and the ceremonies of the mass, and the same mode of intoning. They were all to go to matins at midnight, as to the other hours, however few the religious might be, even where was no more than one in the convent; since for even this one it is no less necessary to glorify God, and the service is no more laborious to Him. Thus St. Paul and his disciple Silas, though in chains and in prison, at midnight extolled the Lord; and the royal prophet did the same, though he was alone. Secular visits were entirely forbidden, except such as were required by charity; and these, it was ordained, should be made only as the superior directed, and in no other case. As for poverty, it was ordered that no one should have for any purpose any thing except his breviary and one other book of devotion, and his memorandum-book; all were to be content with the books which are possessed in common in all convents—of which they might make use, with permission, and under the obligation to return them. In cells only one image was permitted, and that a poor one, without other instruments of devotion. The superiors were in this, as in all other things, to be equal with those under them; there was to be no more in the cell of the provincial than in that of any brother. This equality, and the leading of the way by the superiors, makes the road easy for the others. Such poverty as this was not only to be established and maintained with regard to individuals, but everything that the separate convents possessed was the common property of the province; and the provincial might take it from one convent which had little need of it, and give it to another that needed it more—whether it were money, or books, or ornaments, or anything else that the latter required. The license of the general of the order was required for authority to receive anything that should not belong to the whole province after the aforesaid manner; and the licenses of subordinates and superiors for that purpose were forbidden. It was necessary to follow this course, for every day new missions were to be sent out, now to Japon, now to China, now to minister in the service of the Indians; it would not be possible to undertake them without taking from the convents what they had to give, so that the fathers might not enter on a mission under the necessity of begging for their sustenance from the heathen to whom they were just beginning to preach, which would have been hard indeed for them. Above all this—even, as it were the foundation of the whole—two hours were appointed for daily mental prayer, one after matins and the other by day, ordinarily between one and two, before vespers. This was a truly holy counsel; for as a man of himself has but little strength, he could not accomplish so much as has been recounted if he were not constantly asking for the favor of the Lord, which is the office of prayer. For the food of the soul, the castigation of the body serves well, of which, indeed, there is more need than of food; therefore it was ordered that every day, after the matin prayer, they should all together take a discipline, lasting the time of a Miserere and other short prayers said after it. This is to be done on all the days that are not double,[18] excepting the solemn octaves. On those days on which there is no lesser office of our Lady, they were to recite the devotion of her holy name, offering this little service to her who constantly favors us with special benefits. The mattresses on the beds, permitted by the constitution as a matter of grace, they renounced—contenting themselves with sleeping on a board, with a mat, large or small, and two blankets. Everything which had been ordained in Mexico was accepted and confirmed by all; and they repeated it now, as they were about to separate, that they might have it as a general rule to which they were obliged to conform, and by which they were to regulate their lives. If they accepted the rules in Mexico with a good will, they now ratified them in the islands with a better; and every day it was more and more plain to see of how great importance they were for our advantage, and for the advantage of those who heard the gospel from our mouths. This, then (which was their last arrangement before departing), and the promptitude with which they offered to obey all that has been here mentioned, was as much as if the Lord had poured out upon them His benediction; and therewith had given them the light of knowledge, and fervor, and strength of will, for the ministry upon which they were to enter. In it they acted not like new ministers, but as if they had had many years of experience, that being verified in them which the wise man has said: “Easy is it in the sight of the Lord”—that is to say, with a single glance—“suddenly to make honorable and to enrich the poor”—that is to say, the humble. And this is especially true when his humility is accompanied by obedience, detestation of himself, and love of God, zeal for His honor, and desire to save souls for Him. All this shines forth in those who with so great zeal accepted such ordinances, and proposed to live according to them; and it is continued in those who have followed them. Therefore, in all provincial chapters they have always been confirmed and laid down with much rigor; and they have been confirmed by many generals of the order, and the original confirmations remain in the archives of the convent of Manila. The principal care of the provincials in their journeys of inspection—which they make every year, personally, going to each and every one of the convents of this province—is to assure themselves how these general ordinances are obeyed; for if they are obeyed there is nothing more to ask, and where they are not obeyed no confidence can be placed. They are, as it were, a wall around the garden of our soul; so long as they are unbroken, though our adversary is always going about, as says St. Peter, moving around us again and again, and seeking to do us evil, he cannot succeed; but if we make a breach in the wall it is easy for him to enter and destroy us. It is certainly true that this has often been verified with regard to our constitutions, taken by themselves, without additions; for without doubt they are a marvelous wall for the virtue of the soul, and when they are observed the soul is safe. Yet there can be no doubt that the observance of the constitutions is much assisted and fortified by the two hours of prayer added in these ordinances. The daily discipline contributes to the same effect, as does also the restriction to a greater poverty, and the rule requiring corporal mortification and a more strictly retired life. All these things are added, over and above the ordinary rules of the Society and its regular constitutions. In the Indias—which, as experience shows, are in all states of life most exposed to laxity of morals and to luxury—such rules are not only desirable, but necessary. In this country it is necessary to give greater care to strengthening the wall of the soul, since perhaps that which in Europe would be sufficient to maintain the religious in the perfect observance of their constitutions is insufficient in the Indias, where causes and occasions for the decay of this wall are well known to be greater. Hence it was a safe and holy counsel to add in these regions to the wall of our constitutions the aforesaid buttresses of prayer and mortification; for if in all countries that is true which the wise man said—“He who observes the law multiplies prayer”—much more necessary will that be where the observance of the law meets with greater difficulties and more obstacles.

These added observances had also another very important effect: being, as they are, easy and very light for devout religious, and for those who are careful to fulfil their obligations, they are intolerable and annoying for those who are not very devout and who have little care for the business that is of so much importance. Hence the obstacle which they feel first, and that which gives them the greatest annoyance, is the obligation to spend two hours in prayer daily. This is, as it were, the touchstone by which are discriminated those religious whose metal is sufficiently pure for them to live in a reformed province with benefit to themselves and to the Indians. In the case of those who alone are suited to this province, it fastens and keeps them in it; the others it shuts out, and makes them strive with all their hearts—sometimes unlawfully—to return to España, where they may live in the convents with greater security and pleasure. If there is need of any test for a religious to determine whether or not he is suited to the province, it is best for it to be in a matter of supererogation, as are these added rules; and before one tries himself in matters of obligation he would better give himself this safeguard, and, without failing in that which is obligatory, test himself by his own comfort and necessity. The reason is that it is impossible to keep up a province, or even a convent, in a state of strict observance with discontented religious. Hence in our order, as in others, in convents of especial severity much attention is paid to having all the members volunteer; and if one grows weary and asks some reasonable license, let it be given; for a single discontented religious does more harm than good. When all are volunteers, all serve the Lord as He desires, with delight and joy; one stimulates another, and urges him on to surpass him in virtue and in profitable exercises. Under these circumstances, all are kept firmly attached to the convent; while a single discontented member is sufficient to cause the discontent of many; for this is a very contagious sickness, as this province has proved by a large experience. Yet it is true that there are some good and devout religious who, as men, grow restless on some occasions; and to these should not be granted immediately the license for which they ask, until an effort has been made to quiet and console them, and to take from them so far as possible the cause of their discomfort, so that they may carry forward that which they have laudably begun.

Chapter XVII

Of the great advantage derived by this province from the observance of the aforesaid rules

[These holy ordinances have without doubt been inspired by God; and the religious followed them with such exactitude that it was impossible for them not to obtain marvelous results and extraordinary successes, as in the work of God unimpeded by the imperfect obedience of His servants. The one great advantage was the profit of their own souls; the other was the salvation of an innumerable multitude of heathen, brought into the church by those who observed these ordinances. As for the first point, the sanctity of these great servants of the Lord has spread its fragrance throughout all the world. In proof hereof, many letters have been collected, written by the religious of this province to that of España, in which they recount with high praise what they have seen in it. It should be noticed that, as these countries are very far from España, the narratives received differ widely; for here more than elsewhere is verified the Castilian proverb, that every man gives his account of the day as he has acted in it. Those who have been aided by the Lord, and who have embraced the ministry among the Indians, and the holy ordinances of this province, out of the desire to serve Him, praise it highly, being compelled to do so by the truth, and by the finger of God which they have seen in it. Those who from sloth or from self-love have not been able or have not been willing to persevere in this mission, and have returned to España, wish to gild over this return, and tell everything about the province that their little affection for it suggests to their minds. As the latter are present and the former are not, the words of the latter have the greater force. It is a great proof of the virtue of the province that its good name is not blackened. Frequently when good religious set out hither, they are asked to send back a plain statement of the truth of affairs in the province. From these letters, religious of great ability have collected a number of extracts containing statements sent back to España with regard to the virtue and religion here to be found. The testimony of these letters from many thoroughly qualified witnesses, who write at the desire of their friends in España, and who have come purposely to investigate the condition of this province, is certainly sufficient evidence without calling in any other. They all testify, without having known the one what the other had written, to the high state of virtue in this province. Upon this testimony we might rely with much security; but since we have evidence from others of greater rank and of higher standing, and who are not members of the province, we may take it, not as more true, but as meriting greater credit. The testimony of the bishop of China, Don Fray Juan Pinto, or de la Piedad, who came to this city of Manila on his way to España and who spent many months here, is to the following effect: “Words cannot exaggerate the devotion, the noble poverty, and profound humility of these grave and holy fathers, who live together in the greatest harmony and brotherly affection. Their life is not merely a miracle, but many miracles. Having no income, they receive more than enough; for all of them in common, and each one in particular, need nothing. The older and graver they are, the more humble; and the weakest in corporal powers zealously follows the rigor of his religious order. They always eat fish, without any sort of dainties; their chanting and their prayers are continual; their charity toward the poor, the roughness of their habit, and their humility are like those of the most perfect in the primitive days of religion. They are zealous for the salvation of souls, and spend their time in learning not only the many languages of the Philippinas, but likewise those of the Chinese. They win more souls to God than any of the other orders. I die with sorrow when I think I must go on to Macan. There is only one way in which I can be comforted, and for that I rely upon your Reverence”—he is writing to the general of the order—“I trust that your Reverence will restore to these Spanish fathers the convent established in Macan by their predecessors, and that it will be subject to this province of Manila, in order that it may share in its reformed constitution and may reach its perfection. There are fathers here who understand the Chinese language thoroughly, and who have made many converts among the Chinese in that province.” Later in the letter he says: “I beg of your Reverence that you will hear the prayer of this your poor son. Let a new convent be established for these holy religious, if the country will support them; and no scandal will follow from having two convents of one order in the province.” This letter is dated at Manila, June 25, 1610.

This great prelate went to España, reaching the court in the year 1617. The report that he gave was such that in virtue thereof, and because of other reasons stated in the general chapter held by our order at Paris, 1611 [sic] the following ordinance was passed, among those which pertained to this province: “It is with great joy that we learn, by certain report, that the Philippine province of the Holy Rosary has been most successful in the conversion of the tribes of that region. It goes on daily advancing; in it the observance of the rule flourishes in the highest degree. Though the number of the brethren is small, and they are widely scattered among those tribes, yet they have recently stretched out their branches to the kingdom of Japon. The harvest reaped there can be learned from the fact that some of the Japanese who were taught by them, though but recently converted to the holy faith, have advanced to such a pitch of devotion that they gave up their lives for their belief, as we learn from a trustworthy printed report. Not contented even yet, they gird up their loins to send on some of their number to the very populous kingdom of China, whither they are called by the most illustrious Don Fray Juan de Piedad, bishop of Macan a Portuguese member of our order.” Immediately afterward follows the case of our convent in Macan, and the direction to restore it to this province—although, on account of the opposition of the Portuguese, the order has not been carried into execution.

A third piece of testimony is a letter written to the king our sovereign by the cabildo of the city of Manila. This letter thanks the king for sending so many religious of all orders to the Philippinas, but in particular for those in the Dominican order, as being men already formed by their studies, and therefore prepared to be of immediate use as soon as they have learned the language. The letter represents that, as they live without income and entirely upon alms, whatever his Majesty should see fit to give them would be very acceptable to the Lord. This letter bears date July 7, 1607.

A report from Manila to the royal Council of the Indias is also cited. In it the testimony of the most distinguished ecclesiastics of the cabildo is given, of their head the archbishop, at that time Vazquez de Marcado, and of the majority of the secular clergy, and they all bear witness to the virtue and devotion of the members of the province. In 1636 the accusation was brought that all the orders carried on trade with Japan; but this province brought evidence to the contrary, so far as it was concerned. The testimony of one witness may be cited here, the chief captain, who had in that year come from Macan. This was Captain Francisco de Abreo, of the Order of Santiago. He testified on oath that he had known the religious of the province of the Rosary for sixteen years; and that he had been acquainted with them in the realm of Japon, in Camboxa, and in other places where these holy religious had settled with no other object or purpose than the service of God and of his Majesty our lord the king. He went on to declare that they were occupied with nothing else than the conversion of souls—as is evident of itself, from the fact that the religious of these provinces have kept and still keep, with the greatest devotion, their vow of poverty and the other vows which they have professed. It is evident to all that they depend for their living upon the alms given by his Majesty, and by other faithful in this city. Another evidence of this fact is that they share with those who are settled in the kingdom of Japon, whither they have gone to suffer martyrdom and convert souls to God. The religious of the Philippinas send to them what they can, that in the midst of all the suffering which those fathers endure in the said kingdoms they may not lack sustenance, small though it be—as indeed it must be small, considering the amount which is sent them. It never surpasses four hundred or five hundred pesos; and the manner of sending it is well known to this witness. It was to ask the captains, or some other persons who went in the ships belonging to the city of Macan, to carry to the fathers in Japan their support every year, since many of these persons, as soon as they went from here, made the voyage to the kingdom of Iapon. The testimony ends with the most emphatic affirmation of the exemplary life of the members of the order, and of their high reputation.]

Chapter XVIII

The same subject is continued with testimony taken from regions and persons at a greater distance

[The greater the virtue, the more widely it spreads its fragrance; and so it was with the founders of this province. “Father Fray Thomas de Jesus speaks thus of them in his book Stimulus Missionum, part iv, chap, vii: ‘At this day among the brethren of St. Dominic—who are making their way throughout the whole world, and especially throughout the Philippine Islands, to preach the gospel to the heathen—we have found that in no other place does the observance of the rule of the order flourish as it does in those islands; for the vesture that they wear is rougher, their food is more sparing, and their devotion to prayer is greater, and they voluntarily exercise themselves in all the practices of a life of greater severity and perfection.’ In the same way speaks of this province the master Fray Domingo Gravina in the book entitled, Vox Turturis, part ii, chap. xxiii, ad fin., where he says: ‘The province of the Rosary, which includes the Philippine Islands and the empires of Japan and of the Chinas and other kingdoms, is most celebrated for its sanctity. So accurately does it observe the constitutions of the order that the primitive fervor of the order seems to glow in it, as it did in the days of our father St. Dominic. And hence it results that not only by their word but by their example, the people of Pangasinan, Gayan, and other places in the islands of Luzon have been aroused, and have enlisted under the banner of Christ; while in the extensive empire of Japan, the kingdoms of Satzuma, Figen, and Fingo have been, through their preaching and their works, glorified with the water of holy baptism.’ Thus far Gravina.” The most complete and accurate statement of our entire purpose has been made by the father master Fray Baltasar Nabarrete. He writes to this province a letter of eulogy and religious congratulation. He rejoices that the Dominican order, transplanted to a sterile and mountainous country, begins to bear most glorious fruit of celestial life. He celebrates the spirit and fervor of the few brethren who undertook this honorable enterprise at the beginning, and who put in the field an army in which every soldier was fit to be a captain. He congratulates them that the heathen Indian should have recognized their divine power; he bears witness to the impression produced by the letters sent back home. He praises the frequency of their prayers. He compares their delight in their spiritual children to that which God may have in His own son. He glorifies their devotion in going forth to a life of affliction in distant countries; and declares that their love of God should shine forth, however efforts might be made to hide it; and that, in the power of their devotion, they will be able to do all things. He glorifies the martyrdoms that they have suffered, assuring them that for every martyr there will be a hundred more. He feels that dark clouds are arising over the order in Europe; and expresses the hope that the virtue of the Dominican order shall not leave its home to go to China and the Philippinas. He prays that they may go on as they have begun; and that they will offer their petitions to the Lord that he may have a good departure from this life. The letter is written from S. Pablo de Valladolid, April 25, 1625.]

Chapter XIX

The foundation of the vicariate of Bataan, and the early history thereof

Being now armed with the general ordinances and animated by the fervent address of the vicar-general, whom they regarded as inspired by the Lord, those who had received assignment went directly to the duties to which he assigned them. Since that of Bataan was the first in the neighborhood of Manila which was founded, not fifteen days passed after the arrival of the brethren in those regions before some of them were there, to whet the steel of their ardor on some of those rough stones. Within two months after their arrival they were regularly settled, and in charge of it, and were given exclusive right to it by September 15, 1587. It was a post of much labor; and on this account, and because there were many others where with less effort greater results could be obtained and more souls converted, it had been abandoned by the clergy who had previously had it. Secular clergy, and members of the orders of St. Francis and of St. Augustine, all had tried it, but none had persevered. It was no marvel that they left it, because the few Indians who dwelt there, about seven hundred inhabitants in all, were scattered in thirty villages situated at the foot of some mountains toward the sea—in a land subject to overflow, with many creeks or little rivers, to cross which the Indians did not take the trouble to build bridges. There was no open road from one village to another, and it was necessary for all of them to keep in continual movement, in order to baptize, to confess, and to administer the other sacraments to all. More ordinarily, however, they were called on to go to the sick, to whom the ministers, when they were called, could not excuse themselves. Since to attend to so many villages a single man would not have had enough strength, while on account of the lack of ministers not many could occupy themselves with so small an Indian population, the labor came to be intolerable; and when this region was compared with others in as great a need of service, but requiring less labor, and giving a greater spiritual harvest, within a few months those missionaries left this desert place, and went away where they could reap a greater harvest with less effort. This is the reason why the Indians in this district never had a settled ministry before our religious entered it. Accordingly the ministers who went there, being merely transient, had not been able to give it the care and devotion required for new conversions; because the newly baptized, being so new in the faith, are likely to fall away, and to return to the vomit of the idolatrous devices which they had laid aside for their baptism—if indeed they had laid these aside. For in the case of one baptized so casually, the idolatries and superstitions in which one has been educated all his life, are not laid aside but are only concealed, unless he have help from without. This is still more the case among those who live all their lives in the midst of heathen and who know that the priest who baptizes them today will have to go away tomorrow, as has happened to these poor Indians. There was even one priest who was so slothful in this duty that without teaching them what they were to believe, he baptized them by force, making them bring all the boys and girls together, though they had already reached adolescence, and gave them in writing the Christian names which they were to have. With no further preparation than this, he baptized on the second day those whom he had not scared away. These were not a few; for since the baptism was not voluntary, but by force, they ran away, because no great care was taken to keep them. To keep themselves from being annoyed in this way again, they kept their names and said they were Christians, so that in this way they might avoid baptism and those who baptized them. They had the idea that baptism was a curse poured out upon them; and they scarcely got out of the hands of the baptizer before they bathed, and carefully washed off the chrism and the holy oils, in which they believed the curses of baptism consisted. Both classes returned to their idolatries, their superstitions, and their sins, as if they had never been baptized; and the priest went away well satisfied, leaving written on a piece of wood the names of those whom he had baptized, and supposing that he had done a great service to the Lord. Then he went on to perform as many other baptisms, or sacrileges, in another village. In a district so remote and so new, all this could easily and did happen. It was this that afterward gave the religious the greatest trouble and the most anxiety. On the one hand, in the first years there were many who, without being baptized, acted as if they were Christians, confessing, communicating, and receiving the other sacraments as if they were so indeed; on the other hand, many of those who were baptized concealed their baptisms, and acted in all things like heathens; and, since the religious did not understand the language, it was very easy to deceive them until in time they had learned it. Then by preaching and talking with the Indians, they came little by little to learn of these things; and though it took a great deal of effort, with the aid of the Lord, they finally brought everything to the right order. When they discovered the root of these maladies, they immediately applied to them the proper remedy—declaring in their frequent sermons and their private conversations the evil condition in which those were who, without being Christians, acted as such; and likewise those, on the contrary, who really were Christians and concealed the fact, living as if they were not. They offered to both of these classes to unburden their consciences without any penalty, and without affronting or disgracing them in any way; because they promised to come to the cure of their souls with perfect secrecy, without causing them to lose their good reputation in any respect on this account. It was this last that the natives feared, and that made them keep secret and concealed. In this way our fathers helped many; for it was necessary to baptize those who for many years had been receiving the holy sacraments without being Christians, except in the superficial view of the common people; while those who, though they were Christians, concealed the fact, likewise profited by this kindness and gentle management of their ministers, and found their remedy. As for the others whose Christianity had really had a beginning, but without any preparation or catechism, they were greatly improved. By all this it is easy to see how great an amount of labor would be necessary to convert a tribe so rude and so scattered, who lived in so rough a country, and who positively loathed the faith, regarding baptism as a deadly curse. And all this labor of the ministers was carried on entirely without worldly comfort, or any sort of temporal support. But none of these things discouraged them, or made them take a backward step, not even the labor required of old and gray-haired religious in having to learn the Indian language—and how difficult that is of itself, he only knows who has tried it. But as they had come eager to suffer for God, they licked their fingers over the hardships [comianse las manos tras los trabaxos]. And, as the native language is absolutely necessary to preach the gospel, they set about learning it with great spirit, though the two eldest fathers went but a little way with it, because they had already got beyond the time of learning; while the father vicar, Fray Juan de Sancto Thomas, got on very slowly with it, because he was much of the time sick. Only father Fray Domingo de Nieva (who was then a deacon) learned it rapidly and well, and soon began to preach to the Indians in it—to the great delight of himself and of the fathers, and to the notable satisfaction of the Indians, who in this way began to feel a great affection for all the religious. To be sure, the deacon alone preached; but the rest of them accompanied him, and by their example and good works constrained the Indians to love them. The good deacon did not give over doing his duty by day or by night, now in one village, now in another; and the holy old men accompanied him, regarding themselves as very blessed in doing so. They felt that, after all, they were thus rendering assistance in the salvation of souls, which was what they desired. To the sick who were to be baptized—who were then the majority, as they were practically all heathen—the deacon did his office as a minister; those who had to confess, he served as an interpreter. Sometimes they went from one village to another by sea, in tiny boats; but for much of the time it was necessary to go by land, through an overflowed and muddy country, so that they thought it best to walk barefooted and barelegged. After they arrived where they were going, they prepared themselves to hear confession or to baptize, all wet and muddy as they were, as indeed necessity compelled them to do. They had no other food than a little rice, boiled with nothing but water, and sometimes a little bit of fish to eat, if the Indians happened to have any. They had the floor of an Indian hut for bed, and for covers their wet apparel, and nothing else. They lived and labored thus, in order to make these Indians understand that for all their efforts they expected no other return than a harvest of souls for God; and when the Indians saw them so disinterested, and perceived that when they called upon the fathers on any account, whether by day or by night, whether in rain or in thunder, their request never was considered nor seemed to the fathers unreasonable, so that they should put off coming to them, many began to desire baptism, and others were eager to confess, in health or in sickness. Thus, though the labor increased, it seemed lighter and even pleasanter; and after they had tasted this refreshment they were not unready to reach out further than their strength would permit. Hence they all fell sick, one of them to death. This was father Fray Pedro Bolaños, a man more than sixty years of age—who, at a time when others are accustomed to take their ease, undertook these excessive labors with more courage than strength. His efforts were such as would have been very arduous even if they had only occasionally been made; but as the work of every day they were mortal, as they turned out for father Fray Pedro. This father was living in the very devout and strict convent of Nuestra Señora de la Peña de Francia, when he heard with great interest the mere rumor that religious were being collected to establish a new province in the Philippinas and China, which was to be placed by the founders on a footing of most strict observance, as being undertaken by persons who were proposing to convert whole nations of heathen. This came to father Fray Pedro as a voice from heaven; and he consulted with the Virgin, to whom he was devoted, and became more settled in the purpose of undertaking this pious enterprise himself. But because he did not wish to be deceived he talked the matter over with the wisest and most devout of the fathers of that house. They dissuaded him from the undertaking because of his great age, and because he would be obliged to undertake two long sea-voyages on his way to the islands—efforts greater than at his age, after he had spent his energies for the sake of his order, he would be able to make. They went on to say that even after he had completed the sea-voyage he would suffer so from the infirmities of his years that when he reached the Philippinas he would not be able to learn the language of the natives, or to be anything but a hindrance. These arguments would have made him lay aside his purpose, if devotion to that holy image had not at that time brought to that country father Fray Antonio de Arcediano, one of the most useful of those who had enlisted on this enterprise, who did not wish to undertake it without having first received the blessing of this Lady. On account of the learning and well-known virtue and prudence of father Fray Antonio, father Fray Pedro consulted with him, telling him the state of affairs with reference to his being called to this mission, and the arguments which caused him to refrain, or by which the other fathers kept him back. Father Fray Antonio listened to the arguments and considered them, and answered as follows: “If we were going to a province already established and formed, these would be good arguments, but since it is still to be founded, they are not. It is certain that it will be ill-established if it be entirely composed of youths, however able and religious.” He accordingly judged that it would be very necessary to have among the pioneers of the order there some gray-haired men, men well experienced in the practice of virtue; since for the foundation of the province which was, as they asserted, to have the rigor of the first fathers of our order, it was clear that old religious, careful observers of the rules, men of tried virtue, were of greater value than youths of good principles. Hence he regarded his going as settled, and took great pleasure that it was so. Hereupon the good old man determined to go, and did so; and both on the voyages and in the islands he served his companions as a great example of religious devotion, sedateness, and patience. He was always firm under the difficulties to which we have referred, and on the first mission to the heathen he was one of those sent to Bataan. Here his kindness and gentleness were such as to gain the good-will of the Indians. To attract the older ones, he began with the children, established a school of reading and writing, and taught both to the little ones. Those who were a little older he taught to sing, that, performing the office of angels, they might praise the Lord in the church. He was so desirous of the salvation of souls that when the deacon went to catechize, or to baptize the sick, he went also and accompanied him—choosing this labor for himself to relieve his companions of it, for he regarded them as more useful than he, because they learned the language better. His age was so great and the labor so heavy that walking through the water produced an affection of the bowels. The severity of the disease was such that, unable longer to withstand it, he was day and night in continual pain. They took him to Manila to the Franciscan convent (ours being not yet built), where they took care of him with great devotion and attention. He recovered, and returned to his laborious duties, but the same infirmity attacked him with such violence that he died in the same convent, whither they had taken him the second time; and here he was interred, leaving his companions very sad on account of his absence. Yet they were very confident that he who had carried for the Lord so heavy a cross up to death, would likewise follow Him in His glory, which according to His word is granted therewith. He was prepared with the holy sacraments, and confessed very minutely and with great frequency; and singing he invited death, praying God to take him away in peace, now that he had beheld this holy province established as a light for so many tribes, whom he had seen already coming to the church and being baptized. He bade farewell to the Franciscan fathers, thanking them for their great kindness and the hospitality which they had shown him; he encouraged his companions to proceed with that which they had begun assuring them that, however great the difficulty and labor, even to those in health, there was still greater consolation, and confirmation of the hope of reward, in the perils of sickness and death in which he was; and declaring to them that the confidence in which he departed was a most sufficient reward for having left, in his last years, his quiet and his cell for this and for other greater sufferings.

After the death of this father the labor to be done fell more heavily upon his companions, because it had to be divided among a smaller number. It might be said that almost the whole burden fell upon the deacon, who was, as it were, the whole of this ministry. From this it may easily be inferred that though young friars are of less dignity in such missions, they are more useful for them—that is, in cases where the sufficiency of virtue and learning makes up for the lack of age. This is what happened not only on this occasion, but on many others, as this province has learned by experience. For the labors of new conversions are very great, so great indeed as to surpass the power of youth; so that few or no such conversions have been made without costing the death of some religious. When the father vicar observed this, and found himself, though he had poor health, provided with some command of the language, he began to relieve his companions—unraveling the entanglements (which are many among the heathen Indians) in matters of matrimony, usury, and the oppression which the chief men employ toward their inferiors, making them slaves without reason or justice. He gave to this matter very great care and no less labor, being present at the investigation of such things by day and by night, and thus greatly reducing the amount of labor of his companions, because when they met with a case of this kind, they referred it to him as a matter of his jurisdiction. In the confessions they had greater labor during this first year; because in the whole year the priests were not able to make themselves masters of the Indian language so as to be able to hear confession independently, and to understand the Indians as they ought. To be sure, the deacon, if he had been a priest, would have been very well able to confess them; and the vicar-general had authority to dispense with the required age in a case of such necessity, so that he might be ordained priest. His great virtue and indefatigable industry deserved this favor; but the vicar-general could never bring himself to the point of granting it, because he did not wish the province which was to be founded with such strictness to begin by having a dispensation in so grave a matter. Accordingly the deacon was obliged to wait until he had attained the required age, which was in September of the following year, 1588, and then he was ordained priest. By this means, and by the help of another priest called Fray Juan de la Cruz, who came to join their company—and who, being young, succeeded very well with the language—this district improved greatly. They both began to hear confessions, and immediately there were manifested by experience the great efficacy and the excellent results of this sacrament—a remedy for souls that are sick, and even for those that are dead. In all regions where it is systematically followed the most valuable results are obtained; but its effects are principally seen among Indians, who are simple and have no duplicity. To such its secrecy is very edifying, and it strongly affects their souls. This it is, particularly, that directs and teaches them; hence at the beginning of the Christian training of this tribe the general amendment was sensibly perceived. It was possible to read on their very faces the great efficacy of this most beneficial medicine for their souls. Only in the case of the vice of drunkenness was it impossible to find a remedy that would suffice for the great excesses produced by it; for although all the Indians are very faulty in this particular, those of this region surpassed those of the rest of the country, and were famous for this vice among their neighbors. It seemed impossible to remedy the fault, because it was the hereditary vice of their fathers and their grand-fathers before them; and they had, as it were, grown into it by continual use. Still God revealed to the father vicar a remedy for this, so gentle that without blood or violence it brought them to reason, and so efficaciously that in a short time it achieved what was intended. This was to give orders, under light penalties, that any man who became intoxicated was not to be received in any house, and was not to be visited in his own house; that no one was to communicate to him or talk to him, or have any dealings with him.

He caused to be proclaimed in church those who were most guilty of this vice, commanding all others to avoid them, as has been said, regarding them as enemies of God and despisers of His doctrine, and of the teaching of the fathers; and this way of depriving them of intercourse with the rest was sufficient to make them ashamed of themselves. The result was that they renounced their custom and evil habit, and strove so to make themselves fit for the sacrament that, in order to avoid drunkenness, they gave up wine as an ordinary beverage. If they drank it occasionally, either because of need or desire, they drank by rule and measure. So far did they depart from their old excess that they not only blotted out their former evil reputation, but obtained for themselves a good one—which up to today they maintain, to the great joy of their ministers. The same thing is true of the other vices that they had, not only when they were heathen, but even after they were baptized, on account of the bad system of which we have given an account. For lack of teaching they had remained in their idolatries as before, without giving up usury, oppression, false swearing, and the feuds in which they had been brought up to have perpetual enmities. But soon after these religious learned their language, and began to give them instruction, the change which was to be seen in them was extraordinary; for the root of all these vices was plucked up, and that so completely that they themselves aided in their own reformation—for they gave the ministers information in regard to sins and idolatries by showing them who they were that committed them, and where they were committed. Thus it was easy to find some little idols that they kept hidden, which were handed over to the Christian boys to drag about through the whole village, and at last were burned. By this means and by the punishment of a few old women who acted as priestesses, and who were called catalonans, the idolatry of the whole region was brought to an end. In the matters of restitution of usury, and maltreatment of slaves, and other oppressions, there was some difficulty; for, as the evil had been converted into the flesh and blood of the wrongful holders of the property, it was the same as to strip off their flesh and drain their blood to talk about their returning that which they unjustly held. Still so great was the power that the teaching of the religious had over them, and so deep root had it taken in their hearts, that they broke through everything, and by the aid of the Lord brought themselves to the point. Thus at the beginning of their Christian life they did something which would hardly have been done by those grown old in Christianity, who had sucked it in with their mother’s milk. They gave liberty to many slaves deprived thereof unjustly, they restored the usury they had taken, and everything that they unjustly held. And this they did with so good a grace that it was enough for the father to propose it, after having verified the case. There was one man who gave up everything that he had, because he found that it was all unjustly held; and who did this without anything more having been done to influence him than the mere speaking of the word. Such a marvel as this God alone can work, who knows how to give so great an efficacy to such gentle means as have been described. Though in some cases no owners were known, to whom restitution could be made, they did not fail to make restitution on that account; but, collecting all the debts of this kind, they made a common deposit of them for common needs, and for the poor. There were many who could not be found to receive the satisfaction made in this way, and the application of the amount was made to the common necessity, as has been said. The great force that brought about this result was the obvious disinterestedness of the religious, who did not desire to apply anything to the benefit of the churches, on the ground that they were of common importance, but regarded these as being their special charge, so that in this way they might assure the Indians that in all this there was no other purpose than their own good, and might avoid every occasion for their imagining the contrary. That district reached this happy point in less than one year from the time when these ministers took charge of it, though it had been in the wretched state which we have described for the lack of some one systematically and regularly to care for the souls of the inhabitants. These people, who were always bringing suits and forming factions, have from that time lived so peaceably that they undertake few or no lawsuits. They prefer coming to an agreement before their minister (who takes no fees or bribes from them), to appearing before the courts, where they consume their property, and usually spend more than the case is worth. This is so true that when the alcalde-mayor came there to make his visit, he and his company were fain to hasten away from that district, for where there are no fees there are no profits; and they arranged to go on to a place where their profits would be certain, because the population were not so peaceable as in this region.

Chapter XX

The same continued, and some miracles that afterwards followed

[The mighty work described, being beyond human power, must have been of God; and, to make this clear, God showed His power in this region. At one time the father vicar was going to hear confessions in one of those villages, and was met by a leading Indian already converted, by name Don Pablo Taclanmanoc, who asked where he was going. When he said: “To hear the confessions of the people in this village,” the Indian replied, “Well then, Father, you have inquired about their debts, so that they may be able to confess?” “I cannot know them,” answered the father, “if they do not tell me them; and for that reason I have taken care to instruct them in my sermons that those who owe debts must pay them.” “More than that is necessary,” said Don Pablo; “give me the charge of investigating the debts in this village, so that they may make a good confession.” The religious thanked him and put off the confessions that he might see what would come of this undertaking. Don Pablo made his investigation with much care. He made inquiry throughout the village, and he ascertained that there were much usury and many other unjust and wrongful acts which had been committed in it. He took this all, written down in a memorandum-book, to the minister, who governed himself by it and made his inquiries in the confessions as it suggested. The confessions were very accurate, and in this way many wrongs were undone without any further pressure or force than this. When he saw how useful and necessary this undertaking had been, he had it done in all the villages, making use of the idea of the Indian Don Pablo—whom the Lord had given to these missionaries in this region as a teacher; and by whose instruction they might dig out many evil roots, which had grown strong with age, and were certain to be a great hindrance to the growth of the good seed of the gospel. This result these ministers at that time could not attain, because they were then new; nor would they have been able to attain them later, if the Indians had been silent with regard to them, and had followed the bad habit of confessing the rest while being silent on this point, which to them is the hardest thing in our law. But as they were at that time at the very beginning, and as this course was followed with all, and as it agreed with the truth and with all the evidence obtained by Don Pablo, they all accepted it very well. The results were most beneficial to this district. The Indians of it came to have such a reputation for devotion, for frequenting the holy sacraments, for obedience to their ministers, and for peace and brotherly love among themselves—being free from the vanities and excesses to which these Indians are naturally inclined—that when the ecclesiastical judges desired to bring to order any persons in other regions, they used to send them to Bataan, because of the good example set there. The Lord cared for these Indians with a very loving providence, as He showed by the special works that He wrought to rescue them from their course of perdition. Though we must be silent in regard to the greater number, we cannot pass over some. An old Indian woman who was preparing for baptism was one day absent from the class, and the father under whose care she was, sent a boy to call her. He came back saying she was dying; and the father, running with all his might to her side, found her still breathing. He was just in time to baptize her. The preservation of her life just up to that moment astonished all, and especially the bishop Don Fray Domingo de Salaçar. Several instances are recorded, in which persons were barely kept alive up to the time of their baptism. Several cases are also preserved in which insane persons were allowed a lucid interval in which to receive the holy sacrament of baptism. On the other hand, the devil played some tricks upon the fathers. One of the most important was to deceive them as to the character of some Indian women accused of witchcraft. They were so ingenious in concealing their wickedness that the fathers refused to listen to charges against them. Their daring reached so high a point that, at the command of one of them, the devil appeared before one of the chiefs of the village, by voice but not by sight, bidding him go thence. This was told the father. The devil answered, and said to the father: “Thou shalt believe only what thou seest.” At last the Lord was pleased to reveal the deceit, by the means of a sick woman in a hospital, who declares that one of these witches had punished her with this illness because of her refusing to give the witch the small fruit that she had asked for. An investigation followed, and it was discovered that they were most subtle witches; that they had wrought great evils, and had two accomplices in their work. They were punished with banishment, and therewith this country was freed of this evil remnant of its heathen condition; and, though there have been more of this sort since then, their punishment has required some less severe penalty. There have been a number of notable miracles by which the Lord gave authority to His gospel and His ministers among these Indians—though, on account of the care which the former have taken to conceal them, the particulars are not known. Still there is one miracle that is almost universal in all these regions; this is, that when the devil torments some Indian, under the influence of witches with whom he has made an agreement to torment those whom they desire to harm, he loses his power before the command of the religious. The Indians fear the witchcraft so that they do not dare deny the witches anything they ask; and thus they become masters of the property, the food, and the persons of all the Indians. The devil is driven out by the very presence of the religious, while in their absence he is kept away by merely having the sick hold a scapular. All this is accomplished without exorcisms, except the command in the name of the Lord that they shall cease their tormenting. In many cases miracles of healing have been wrought by baptism, or by confession.]

Chapter XXI

The entry of the religious into Pangasinan

When the order of our father St. Dominic reached these islands the Indians of Pangasinan were given over to idolatry, and so detested the gospel that, though the ministry of some religious was brought to the Indians on both sides of them (who are those of the provinces of Panpanga and of Ylocos), these Indians always refused to admit them; and they treated those fathers so badly that, though there were some clergy and some Franciscan religious who desired and endeavored to convert them, these had no success with them on account of their determined resistance. On the contrary, the Indians were wretchedly victorious, obliging the ministers, by their perversity, to go away and leave them in the darkness which they so loved and delighted in. There was only one place—the principal village, called Lingayen, where the alcalde-mayor resided—in which some of the religious of our father St. Augustine had been able to persevere. They were protected and defended by the law, and by the Spaniards who lived there, who by their presence were able to compel the Indians to treat the fathers properly—not as they had been in the other villages, where they were not only treated discourteously, but came near to being killed. This treatment resulted in bringing the fathers to the conclusion that it was best to leave them, which was what the Indians desired, and even what the devil whom they served had commanded them, on occasions when he had spoken with them. One of these occasions occurred while some Indians were on their way from the villages below to the mountains of the Ygolotes, on their ordinary business. As they were going through a thicket [arcabuco] full of bushes and briars, they heard a very loud and dreadful voice lamenting and complaining pitifully. The Indians retreated with great alarm at hearing this voice in so rough and so lonely a place; but, as they were many, they ventured to follow it to see who had uttered it, and in this way they came near to the place where it had sounded. Though they kept on going up the mountain, they saw nobody, and came no nearer to the voice they heard. Their alarm greatly increased, and one of them, exerting his breath and voice as much as he could, asked: “Who art thou that thus lamentest and utterest such groans?” and they heard this answer: “I am Apolaqui”—who among them takes the place of Mars among the heathen Romans—who might be called their god of war, and to whom they also pray when they go on a voyage, or on any journey for business. And when they heard it was their revered and highly beloved Apolaqui that was complaining, their alarm increased so greatly that they were almost out of their senses, until one of the most courageous of them said: “Apolaqui, our anito,” for thus they are accustomed to call those whom they reverence as God, “for whom we celebrate feasts, what cause have we given thee now that thou shouldest complain thus? Wherefore hast thou thundered upon these mountains, putting us in such fear, though we have done nothing to offend thee?” Apolaqui answered: “I am weeping to see fulfilled that which for years I have dreaded: that ye should receive among you strangers with white teeth, wearing cowls, and that they should place in your houses some sticks of wood laid across each other to torment me,” for thus he spoke of the crosses. “And now I am going from among you, seeking to find some one to follow me, since ye have abandoned me for strangers, though I am your ancient lord.” To this day the Indians give to the place where the demon spoke, this name (which in their language means “at the cross”), Pinabuenlagan. Is it strange that he who would do such things when he merely knew that the preachers of truth were near him, and who would thus alarm the Indians who followed him, should cause them to treat the ministers of the gospel as badly as they always did? It was to these Indians then, so ill disposed to receiving the faith, that father Fray Bernardo de Sancta Catalina was sent with five associates, all priests, who arrived there in the month of September, 1587. A Spanish encomendero of that country, called Ximenez del Pino, gave them a little bit of a house, for it was not to be hoped of the Indians that they would offer any hospitality to the friars; on the contrary, they hated them above all things. There was one man that offered them, if they would go away, a chinanta of gold, which is the weight of half an arroba—so far were they from offering hospitality to our fathers and doing them any kindness. The religious knew all this, and went on with patience, which was very necessary; for so determined were the Indians to receive them badly that the friars were, so to speak, in a desert, so far as anything that human society could do for them was concerned. They suffered greatly from hunger and from hardships. The Indians refused to provide them with the necessities of life, for payment or for anything else. Many times the religious had to carry on their backs their wood and water, and even their poor little beds, when they went from one village to another; for in this way the Indians strove to force them to go away, as the religious had been in the habit of doing. But the virtues of these fathers overcame everything. The hardships that they had to suffer, however severe, did not attain the height of the sufferings which they desired to bear for the Lord; nor did the difficulties which they met, which were not few, discourage them; nor could the little hope that the Indians gave of being converted take away the hope that the Lord gave; for He was certain to pity these tribes, for whom He had shed His blood. That which happened was very strange, and it should not therefore be reported without evidence worthy of it, which is that of the first bishop of these tribes, Don Fray Miguel de Venavides—a religious of very superior virtue, as we shall tell in due time, who made a report from his bishopric to Clement VIII, at that time head of the church. This report, because of the person who wrote it, because it was written to the sovereign pontiff, and because it was written in fulfilment of the oath which he had taken, as bishop of this holy see, to obey and to report the condition of his church and bishopric to his Holiness, must be free from all suspicion. I know not in what way, but somehow it was printed; and there are many copies in our convent in Valencia. The report is as follows. “It is about eleven years since the Dominican fathers entered the province of Pangasinan. That which has happened in the conversion of the province, which at the present time is composed of Christians—there being, of course, a heathen here and there—is such that we must give thanks to God for it. The miracles by which these tribes have been converted have been the lives of the ministers, though there have not been lacking other miracles, for the Lord has now and then shown the power of His hand. There were at first six religious of this order; and when the Indians saw them, they immediately asked the fathers when they were going away. The natives saw no opportunity to drive them away from their country; and so much did they detest them that there was no means by which they could be induced to give the fathers anything to eat, even for money. Thus for the space of three years they suffered many hardships; but their rebelliousness could not outstrip the patience of the fathers. Besides all this, five of the fathers fell sick at once, and were in that condition for five months; but at the end of that time, God was pleased to give them their health without physician, or medicine, or comforts. Such was the treatment accorded them by the Indians, to say nothing of the fact that no one was converted to our holy faith. The bishop of these islands, Don Fray Domingo de Salazar, noticing this fact, begged the religious to leave the Indians and depart from their country. This he did at the request of many Spanish captains. It was true that these Indians were of all the tribes in the country the worst, the fiercest, and the most cruel—an unconquered tribe who celebrated their feasts by cutting off one another’s heads. But the superior who was then at the head of the province was unwilling to take this step; on the contrary, he said, ‘These bad Indians are the ones whom I wish my friars to convert.’ After three years, during which they only baptized a few boys (for the natives were unwilling to give the girls), the Indians began to believe in the religious; and the beginning that the Lord chose for this was the following. When the Indians perceived the way in which the friars lived, the fasts and penances which they performed, their patience amid hardships, and the fact that the fathers not only did them no harm, but came to their aid in their necessities, they began to be mollified, and to believe what the friars said. The story is told that an Indian chief went one night to a religious and said to him: ‘Father, you must know that I have been watching you for two years, and have carefully noted everything that you do; and I see that you all have one way of living. If one of you does not eat, no more do the others; if one of you rises at midnight to pray, so do the rest; if one of you avoids women, all the rest of you do so too. You all of you follow one rule and one road; you strive to obtain neither gold nor silver; you are ill-treated and yet patient; you do all things for our good. Hence I have resolved to believe you, since I am persuaded people who act like you will not deceive.’ So high did the good opinion of these Dominican religious rise among those people (God having ordained it thus in His goodness and providence), that the Indians actually regarded those of this habit as sinless; so much so that if the devil sometimes suggested to an Indian woman an improper dream with reference to a friar, when the woman afterwards came to confess she did not say: ‘I accuse myself of having dreamed this about a friar,’ but, ‘about a devil in the shape of a friar.’ When the leading men of the tribe began to consider becoming Christians—their headmen being already so, as well as some others—they came to the religious, and persuaded them that, in order that all of them might be converted together, they should first of all give up in a single day everything which they held in commission for the devil; these things were the instruments which they used for their sacrifices. The fathers accordingly did as they wished, and, with the assistance of these same governors of the country there were given up an infinite number of pieces of earthen ware and a great deal of very old wine—for this is regarded as the thing consecrated to the devil; and no one dares touch or go near it except at the time of the sacrifice, and then only the minister who performs it. They are accustomed to keep this wine at the head of the bed in a little earthen jar, like holy water. When they had given all this up (which they did with very good will), they all proposed immediately to become Christians, and to know and learn the things of our holy Catholic religion. After they had learned them and been instructed in them, they were directed to fast for forty days, or one month; and general baptisms took place on the eve of the feasts of the Resurrection and Pentecost. [Long before this a marvel had happened in which an Indian had been cured of a frightful rupture after his baptism. This made the Indians regard the baptism as something medicinal, and they wished to be baptized whenever they were sick, in order to be cured; but the fathers undeceived them. They made the same mistake about the sign of the cross, and in regard to the cross itself. Visions were seen. At one time, when some of the brethren were desirous of leaving this region and of going to China to preach the gospel, one of them laid the matter before the Lord in prayer. He dreamed that night that he saw the good man of a household, clad in a long robe, and sending men out to reap his harvest. When they came to one sterile place where there was only a spike of grain here and there, they did not wish to reap it, but to go to another field where the harvest was rich; but the good man said to them: ‘Will you not reap here? then you shall reap neither here nor there.’ Finally, God was pleased that by the patience and sufferings of these ministers this tribe should be converted and baptized. They are now very good Christians, insomuch that some of them can conduct prayer like religious who most closely follow the rules of their order. They are people of very good intelligence, and often put very clever questions and propose intelligent doubts. At one time when a religious was preaching of the mercy of God in dying for men, an Indian woman rose in the midst of his sermon, and said: ‘Wait, Father. How can you say that Christ died? You have said that Christ was God; but God cannot die.’ At another time, a sick Indian put the question whether God did not concur in all things that happened in the earth and was not thus responsible for the evil of it. They even go beyond things required, in order to do works of supererogation, many of them rising at midnight to pray when the matin bell rings; they follow the fasts of the Dominican order; when they rise, the first thing they do at dawn is to make an offering of themselves and all that they have to our Lord; whenever they begin an undertaking, they first offer it to God, with their minds, their hearts, and their hands in the work. Though poor, they give alms frequently. Some of them, whenever they eat, put aside a portion as ‘Christ’s food,’ and send it to some sick person. Some of them fast during the whole Advent, in preparation for the feast of the Nativity. It is said of one Indian woman that St. Mary and St. Joseph visited and ate with her one Advent. All the Spaniards and religious of other orders are amazed at this conversion, and especially at seeing them give up vices so enticing as drunkenness, which used to be very common among them—up to the point of making them unable to keep their feet—but which they have now given up so completely that some do not even taste wine. They greatly delight in the devotion of the rosary. The very friars who are their ministers are amazed to see such a conversion in a tribe so barbarous, so cruel, and so completely given over to vice. Their minds are set upon preparing themselves for death, so that they regard all besides—houses, property, and children, and all temporal things—as merely accessory. Those who can afford it have masses said for their souls while they are still alive, as if they were already dead; and give much alms to this end. Those who have not the means for this, fast and mortify themselves. In this province the ministers have begun to give the most holy sacrament of the communion to the natives, as being adult in the faith. They prepare themselves for the communion with great devotion. As there are no masses except on the great feasts, some prepare themselves as if they were to communicate every month, being contented with spiritual communion. The hand of the Lord hath wrought this; for the ministers had this success, with a race speaking a foreign language, one which the missionaries did not know as thoroughly as their own, while when these same men preached to those of our own nation and language, their words have had no such effect. The fault is in the hearers, who are unwilling to profit by the good which God has sent them.” Here the report of Venavides ends. Other reports have been sent to España of the perfect devotion of these people. One of these tells how the Indians crowd the churches at the time of confession, fast, and communicate regularly; how many of the married ones live a great part of the time not as man and wife but as brother and sister—in particular, during Lent, and for some days before communicating; how there would be no end to the good that might be said about these people; and how some of them are of very good intelligence, and ingenious in asking questions which make the ministers reflect. This report is by father Fray Juan de Sancto Domingo, afterward a holy martyr in Japon.[19] It is dated at Magaldan, a village of Pangasinan, November 8, 1618. Father Fray Bernardo de Santa Catalina or Navarro, the apostle to this tribe, one of whose reports bears date of Manila, the twenty-fourth of [sic] one thousand six hundred and twelve, says that the great care manifested by our religious in following the rules of the order has given them power to overcome these unconquerable tribes. He reports that the number of persons baptized in the province of Pangasinan has grown from a few new-born boys to ten thousand, and that the number of those in this region who are prepared for heaven is constantly increasing.]

Chapter XXII

Of the persecution of the religious by the Indians, at the beginning; and of their later heartfelt conversion.

The principal reason that these Indians had for persecuting these first fathers who came to their villages was that, as soon as they came thither, they built a convent in a few days, and a very tiny church, in front of which they set up a large wooden cross; and that thereupon their greatest idol, who was called Ana Gaoley, ceased to give the responses and oracles which it had been wont to give them, in the shrines or temples which they had made, which were called anitoan. The priestesses had been accustomed to invoke these oracles, for the ministry of idols among them was given over to women. These women, called managanito, were dressed in certain vestments dedicated to this sole use, and employed certain vessels esteemed among them, containing oils, unguents, odors, and perfumes. With all this they placed themselves in a retreat where they used to conjure the devil; and there the devil spoke to them, giving them answers with regard to their wars, their sicknesses, and their undertakings. Whatever thing the devil asked by the mouths of these women, however costly it might be, the Indians brought immediately; and if through them he commanded the Indians to kill any one, they instantly put the command into execution without a word. But from the moment of the building of the church the oracle was silent. The Indians felt this very much, and made many sacrifices to placate him, supposing he had grown silent from anger; but they could not succeed in drawing a single word from him. He revealed himself on a mountain at some distance from the village, where there were some Indians cutting wood for their houses, and said to them that they should not wear themselves out by asking anything more from him, because two things had banished him from his village. One of them was that straight stick set up in the village, with another across it, like a body with two arms. The other was those men with hair on their heads who were among them in his village; for so long as they were there he could not go back to it. [This ought to have been enough to convert them, like the priest of the idol whom St. Gregory Thaumaturgus put to silence by his presence; but these people had not intelligence enough for that, and grew very indignant against the religious, especially after the father of lies told them that the friars meant to kill their children. Their wrath against the innocent religious grew so great that, if they had not feared the Spaniards, they would have killed them. The enemy of God found means still more to inflame the wrath of the Indians against the friars.] One of the Indian women of the highest rank being found pregnant when she was about to be married, her parents intended to execute upon her their ancient law, which was to bury her alive, together with the malefactor. They seized her, and tortured her to make her reveal who he was. She, at the instigation of the devil, declared that it was father Fray Bernardo de Sancta Catalina, the superior of all those religious, and the one against whom the devil and the Indians felt most bitter, because he was the principal minister of the gospel. Thereupon, without further investigation, she was immediately believed: and they came upon him like bloodthirsty wolves, with the purpose of carrying out that penalty. He was not disturbed or alarmed, but made them go with him to the Indian woman, and asked her some questions; and when the time was ascertained at which she had conceived, it was plain that the father had not been at that time, or for many days before or after, in that village. Thus they believed him firmly, while they and he who had stirred them up were ashamed and confused. Still the woman’s artifice was of use to her; for the father repaid her for the false witness she had given, by delivering her from the death which they were going to inflict upon her—searching for devices to bring this about, just as the devil had searched for them to do evil; for kindness is no less subtle than malice. Later will be seen what was the life and death of this holy religious, whom the devil strove to discredit by other means, but without success. [The devil was finally banished from these villages, in which he had kept all the Indians in wretched slavery; for if he gave them some liberty to vice he demanded from them a much greater return.] In addition to the sacrifices that he required of them—which as has been said were costly, and which sometimes extended even to the death of men, he required them to do most painful things in their times of bereavement. For the first three days they did not have a mouthful to eat; for three more days they had only a little fruit; after this, for a long time, they had only boiled herbs or roots, without wine to drink, and with nothing savory to eat. During all this time they wore around the neck a little gold chain, which was a mark of mourning; and this they were not allowed to put off during all this period, unless they killed some one. As soon as they committed a homicide, there was an end of the mourning and the fast; and they made up by eating and drinking without limit or measure. Every little thing that happened to them caused them a thousand superstitions, painful, and sometimes expensive.

The worst of all was the wars that they were constantly waging among themselves, and the great oppressions inflicted upon the people of the lower class by those who are above them in rank. These took away their possessions from them and made them slaves at their mere whims, under the law that “might makes right.” One of these bravo chiefs (a very tyrannical one, and therefore the more esteemed, feared, and respected by the rest), by name Cabanday, would never hear of being converted to Christianity—the more so because he would have been required to restore everything which he had taken by injustice, usury, extortion, and wrong; for thus he had gained all he had, and he was very rich. [God one day heard the prayers of the friars for him; and at night he told the Indian who was his closest friend that he felt so strong an impulse to turn to God that he could not resist it. He ordered his slaves to take the chest in which he kept all his gold and riches, to carry it to the church, and to open it immediately. They broke it open. The fathers went down from the choir where they were, being mistrustful of some ill. They found him with his chest; he opened it; placed at the feet of father Fray Bernardo all that was in it, and afterwards threw himself at these too—praying, with much feeling and with many tears, to be baptized, and telling them that there was the whole of his fortune and the fortune of his children; let them do with it what they would, though they should send him away poorer than the lowest of his vassals, if only they would do what he asked. The religious gave a thousand thanks to God, comforted him, promised him baptism, and began to prepare him for it. Being very old, he could not learn the prayers by heart; but he was very intelligent, and very well understood the mysteries of the faith they taught him. They accordingly baptized him, to his own great joy and to the comfort of the fathers. They called him in baptism Don Pablo. Though he could not learn the prayers by memory, he was not deprived of them; for when he recited the rosary, in place of the pater-noster he said in his own language: “Oh, Lord my God, have pity upon me, a sinner,” and in place of the Ave Maria he said the same to our Lady. And, when he came to confess, in place of the general confession he said: “Father, I come to your feet to reveal my sins, and to obtain pardon therefor from God our Lord.” He made his confession with much clearness and contriteness, educated his children in the fear of God, strove to have all the people of his country baptized, and lived an exemplary life. He lived eighteen years a Christian. His death took place under the following circumstances. While father Fray Bernardo was confessing the Indians, one Lent, in the church of Binalatongan, Don Pablo came on foot and said: “Father, confess me, for I am going to die today.” He asked the father to come and say mass, and to give him the viaticum. On the same day he died.

No less remarkable was the conversion of another great chief of the village of Magaldan, called Casipit, who had been on the point of killing a Franciscan, so opposed was he to the faith. This Indian had already thrown him on the ground to kill him with a cruel dagger which they use, when the others hindered him. When now our order came to his country, he took it so ill that he went to Manila to arrange to have the friars withdrawn from his village; and to carry out the negotiation he offered his encomendero half his property, which was considerable. His wife, named Lalo, was first converted by the preaching of father Fray Pedro de Soto. She was baptized Doña Gracia. By her efforts the husband was converted and baptized, with the whole of his family and his large retinue. He used to gather the people of his village near the church, and to address them, urging them to works of mercy with plain and sensible words; but with such fervor and devotion that he made them all weep, even the religious who had concealed himself to overhear. He led a very religious life, directing his household in habits of devotion. So also did his wife; and the good people directed their slaves to pay as much attention to their religious duties as to the work they did for them. On one occasion, when one of his slaves died, and it was impossible to bury him in the churchyard, because of the floods, the old man determined to carry the slave to another village, which on account of its higher situation had not been flooded, and to bury him in the church there. The river was full of trees and logs which might overturn his boat, the current was very strong, and there were many whirlpools in it. There was also danger from the caymans, which at that period of the year are most dangerous, and most frequently attack small boats. Don Pedro was not ignorant of the risks for an old man like him, for he was more than a hundred years old, though he had lost none of his strength. In spite of the petitions of all of his family he made the effort, carrying the slave to the village of San Jacintho. The old man, when he got there, was all wet, and was chilled with the cold of the rain that had fallen and of the winds that had blown on him. He buried the slave and went home, happy in having fulfilled his duty so nobly. When one of his slaves died by accident, without having been able to confess, the good Don Pedro took it to heart as if it had been his own sin. From this instance may be seen how devoted Christians those Indians became whose conversion had been so difficult.]

Chapter XXIII

Some miracles wrought by God in Pangasinan at the beginning of the preaching in this province

[Though the Lord did not work so many miracles in this province as in the primitive church, since that was the foundation of all the churches since, He still gave authority to the preaching of His gospel in these regions by many marvelous works. Father Fray Alonso Montero,[20] a son of the province of Mexico, and a native of Castilla la Vieja, tells us that, in two years during which he was in this province, no day passed without a miracle. After a year, during which no conversions had been made among the Indians, because of their hardness of heart, it seemed to father Fray Bernardo that it was time to break the silence which they had kept up to that time. By the favor of an Indian chief who had been converted in Manila, Don Juan de Vera by name, and of his brother, who was headman of that village, they visited all the houses, asking the people to let them have the children to baptize them. In one house they had a child and hid it. When father Fray Bernardo asked for it, they told him they had no child. In affliction he turned to his companion, father Fray Luis Gandullo, and said: “There was a child here, and they will not let me have him. Ask for him, your Reverence, perhaps they will give him to you.” After they had refused him, too, the child put up its head, and when father Fray Luis opened his arms and said to him in the Castilian language, “Come to me, child of my heart, that knowest not the good that thou losest in being hidden from holy baptism; come to us. I promise thee to take care of thee, and to do thee good,” the child, as if it had understood Castilian (of which it did not know a word), and as if it had had the sense to know what was for its advantage, left its mother and its kinsfolk to go to the religious, keeping its eyes fixed upon him as if thanking him for the good counsel they had been giving it. It went with the religious and was baptized, and turned out to be a very perfect Christian, as having been made one by miracle. An old man annoyed them by speaking against them in his own language, and following them about everywhere. When father Fray Luis took him by the arm and kindly remonstrated with him, the Indian, who did not understand the language, began to scream and said, “Let go, Father; I do not wish to become a Christian.” They kept this up for some time till the father let him go. Some days afterward, the two fathers saw him again; and father Fray Luis, who had prayed much for him in the interval, pointed him out to father Fray Bernardo, and said: “Let us ask him now if he wishes to be a Christian.” He accepted, and was baptized. A girl was born blind, and her parents were so afflicted that, as cruel barbarians, they planned to kill her. The religious knew of this, and prayed to God that He would be pleased to provide relief. Father Fray Marcos de Sant Antonio undertook the business of gaining this soul. He spoke to the parents of the child; but they were unwilling to give the child, and offered to sell her. They came to an agreement for eight reals; and the religious took the child and baptized her. At her baptism, the Lord was pleased to give her not only the light of His grace, but also that of corporal sight; and her eyes became miraculously clear and beautiful. With this the eyes of the parents were also opened, and they began to give their children for baptism, especially as this was not the only miracle wrought among the baptized children. That they might not suppose that the virtue of this most necessary sacrament had an effect upon children only, an Indian who was wounded in the abdomen, so that his entrails protruded in great quantity and he seemed to be near death, was implored by the religious to be baptized. He, however, refused, and was not even influenced when they once said that this holy sacrament had sometimes cured bodies as well as souls. The religious came and did what they could to keep away the ants which came to feed upon his entrails. He already had the smell of death upon him; and, when he felt that death was near, he begged for baptism. When he was baptized, his entrails drew in again, the wound was closed, and he was as sound as if such a thing had never happened. A number of similar miracles of healing were wrought. The Indians were surprised to see the religious come among them unarmed and alone, while the other Spaniards always came in numbers and with firearms—even then not regarding themselves as safe, but proceeding with much caution. The religious, however, went about carelessly. When the Indians consulted the devil, according to their custom before doing away with any one, he responded to them that the religious did not go unprotected; that they were accompanied by an armed angel, with a cross on his brow, and another on his shield. The Indians had never seen such a thing, and could not have made up a fiction because they had never seen a painting or heard mention of any such matter. Thus they learned that the devil was not so strong as they had supposed, since he was obliged to admit that there was one stronger than he. Another heathen Indian, who had permitted his child to be baptized, was rewarded by a vision, by which he was converted. He put away all his wives but the first, though he loved another and better one. He built in his village, called Gabon, a monastery and a church for the religious, more capacious than those they had. Devils were driven away by the holy sacrament of baptism, and children were restored to life. When the heathen jeered at some Christians for going to church on Sunday and neglecting their fields, God was pleased to send a plague of locusts, which spared the fields of the Christians. Many more miracles might be put down here, of which we have reports from religious of great virtue; and there is a still greater number which they have passed over and failed to mention.]

Chapter XXIV

The coming to this province of father Fray Juan Cobo and other religious

Though father Fray Juan Cobo and other fathers did not come on the first voyage, for the reasons given, they were always thinking of and longing for this province. So when father Fray Juan Chrisostomo felt a little better, though he was not well, they began to think immediately of resuming the journey which his severe infirmity had necessarily interrupted. Father Fray Juan Cobo had the same idea; and, even if he had not done so, affairs went on in such a way that he would have been obliged to give up all the business that kept him in Nueva España and go to the Philippinas. His well-known learning, his great virtue, and his zeal for the honor of the Lord, together with his great prudence and lofty courage, and all the other qualities requisite in a consummate preacher, were well known, and the order required him to preach in Mexico. He declaimed against the great scandals which were occurring at that time, so that the viceroy (who was the most guilty person) ordered his banishment to the Philippinas, where the authorities of Nueva España generally send the criminals whom they wish to punish. Father Fray Juan accepted his banishment with great joy, partly because of the desire he had to make the journey, partly because of the gratification that he felt in coming hither as an exile for doing his duty as a preacher, as God had commanded. This is a most delicious, though a hidden manna, the sweetness of which those only know who find themselves in such condition as this; for it is suffering for God, who is a most generous rewarder of services performed for Him—much more of sufferings undertaken for His honor. On the same ground—namely, having preached on this occasion against the doer of those scandalous deeds—the viceroy sent into banishment father Fray Luis Gandullo, a person of very superior virtue, of whom it will be necessary later to give a very full account. When he heard the sentence of banishment, he fell on his knees and gave many thanks to the Lord for the kindness that He had shown him, in honoring him by permitting him to suffer banishment for love of Him. The two banished religious joined each other, and took no little pleasure in each other’s company. They had much reason therefor, for they were both setting out for the same end; and God led them by the same means. Father Fray Juan Chrisostomo was joined by several: father Fray Juan Garcia,[21] a distinguished religious and minister to the Indians in Nueva España, who was afterwards of the very greatest importance in this province; father Fray Thomas Castellar, a very religious friar; a brother, better known in this country by the name of “the Holy Friar” than by his own name, which was Fray Pedro Martinez; and the brother Fray Juan Deça, who had come to take care of father Fray Juan Chrisostomo in his illness.[22] These all had gathered together because of the fame of the province, which was spreading abroad—that it was beginning with so great a reformation within itself, and with zeal for the conversion of so many tribes. These were seven religious in all; and, as they were on the point of departing, father Fray Juan Cobo wished to bid farewell to one of his friends, a cleric of much virtue called Juan Fernandez de Leon, who lived in a very exemplary manner in Guastepec. When they reached there they found the house where he lived tightly closed. They shouted to him many times, but the good clergyman who was within made no answer, so carefully did he protect his retirement. It was necessary to get a ladder and climb in by a window. The virtuous cleric rejoiced much to see father Fray Juan, and, when he knew where they were all on the point of going, the enterprise pleased him also so well that he immediately determined to go with the religious to the Philippinas. He carried out his plan, set a very noble example in life, and after his death was and is venerated as a saint, our Lord proving his sainthood with miracles. A layman of much virtue called Juan de Soria, when he saw people of such virtue making this journey, made the same journey in their company, being desirous of assuming the habit in that province, as he did when he reached the islands. With these two good associates the company increased greatly in virtue, though it was not very great in numbers. They resolved to make their voyage immediately; and reaching Tisla [i.e., Tixtla], which is near the port of Acapulco, they were informed that there was being prepared for the Philippinas a vessel, small, old, and in ill condition, and so loaded with people, soldiers, and sailors—since they had doubled the number of those needed for the navigation of the vessel because sailors were required in Manila—that it was impossible for them to embark. The news grieved them greatly, and to be assured of the truth of it they sent to the port father Fray Juan Garcia and brother Fray Juan Deza, who found all true that had been said of the vessel, and more. It was so heavily laden that it was in the water above the scupper-holes, without having taken on board the people who were to go as passengers, who were of no small number. The religious went back with this report, and repeated what they had been told in the port—namely, that it was impossible to put on board more, at most, than one or two priests, whom they might have with them in case of danger, in order to confess to them; and that if there had to be only two, they would better be the banished ones. They were all deeply grieved—those who remained, because they had to give up their holy enterprise; and those who were to undertake it, because they were to be separated from such a company. As they were so near the port, they thought that they would all go down and bid farewell to those who were about to sail. Father Fray Juan Chrisostomo alone, being so infirm, remained in Tisla. When they reached the port, they saw that according to human reason no more could be put aboard than what they had been told; but as they were taught to direct themselves by other and higher motives, they were not discomfited, but were very instant with the Lord in prayer, the priests all saying mass and begging His aid. Then with new confidence they went to talk with those who had charge of the despatch of the vessel, to persuade them to give the religious a place in it. While they were busy with this, they saw the vessel putting out to sea and beginning its voyage—being in greater haste, perhaps, in order that these new passengers might not be admitted in addition to the great (and indeed excessive) number who were already going. When they saw that they were being left behind, they found a very small boat; and without further stores or other equipment they got on board. Once there, they pleaded so well—and what is more, the Lord so greatly aided them and gave them so great favor with the persons on board—that they admitted the six: Fray Juan Cobo, Fray Luis Gandullo, Fray Juan Garcia, Fray Juan Deca, four religious; and Father Juan Fernandez de Leon, and Juan de Soria. Instantly, without waiting longer, they set sail with a fair wind, on Shrove Tuesday, 1588. They were without stores or clothes or provisions, being dependent solely upon the providence of the Lord and upon the alms which they might receive from the people on the ship; these were small, in any case, on such a voyage—and the more so upon this one, for they had set out from a port where the population was so small that they could not provide themselves so well with ship-stores as they could at other places. The vessel had hardly put to sea before it was found to be leaking and to be making much water. The pilot, who was very skilful and very courageous, went straight to the fathers, and bade them commend the ship to God; for, if the prayers of good men did not save it, it would be certain to founder in the first little storm, and they would be drowned. They undertook to do as he asked, and it was well that they did so. One night a great storm arose, with a great massing of clouds and with furious winds; and though the wind was not favorable, the pilot ordered sails to be set on the poop—letting the ship drive before the wind, because the vessel would not sail close-hauled. The storm was such that, though the pilot strove to hide his anxiety, and gave his commands in a very low tone, so as not to excite the passengers and bring them on deck to see their own death and to hinder the sailors; yet, in spite of all this care, the religious perceived his fear. Being in alarm at the fury of the winds and the roaring of the sea, and perceiving the danger, they gave themselves to prayer; and with outward silence they uttered the voices of their souls to the Lord, begging His pity. At midnight they heard the pilot say, though in a low voice, that he wished axes to be brought, which is a preliminary to cutting away the masts. Thereupon, father Fray Luis Gandullo left the rest praying, and climbed up into the waist of the ship. He looked upon the sea in silence; its fury terrified him; he lifted his eyes to the heavens, and saw them all cloaked with the deepest blackness. Therewithal, the sea was white with the waves which roared and dashed against one another, sending up spray; it seemed to him that all of the Spaniards must soon be buried in them, so mighty were they, and the vessel so weak. At this point there overcame him a strange consciousness of his sins, which gave him no opportunity to think of those of others, and assured him that his own transgressions only were the cause of this frightful storm.

[He went back to his post and fell on his knees before a Christ that was there, prayed to the Lord until he felt assured that He heard him, and turned to the Virgin of the Rosary. She appeared to him in a vision and promised her aid. When the pilot came in, calling out, “Fathers! cast some relics into the sea, for the love of God! Recite some litanies, that the Lord may have compassion upon us! I promise them a lighted lantern,” Father Luis replied that they should all be safe. They cast into the sea a relic of Saint Mary Magdalen and an Agnus Dei, and began their litany. The stars began to appear and soon the storm had passed. The report of the vision and the miracle turned the hearts of the seamen and the passengers, for a time, to the good of their souls; but after Easter, as is usual among worldly people, they fell back into their lax way of living, and particularly into gambling, with all the evils that ordinarily accompany it. One frightful sacrilege was committed by a gambler, who mutilated an image of Christ and of the Virgin, to punish them for his losses; but who repented under the ministration of father Fray Luis. At last they all reached Manila safely.]

Chapter XXV

The election of the first provincial, and the first provincial chapter

[Though the religious had come in the previous year, and though the second Sunday after Easter of the year 1588 had gone by (which is the usual day on which provincial chapters are held), the fathers, being so few, had waited for the arrival of those who came from Mexico. Accordingly, the chapter was convoked by the father vicar-general on the twelfth of June, and there were chosen as definitors father Fray Diego de Soria, vicar of the convent at Manila, where the chapter was held; Fray Juan Cobo; Fray Juan de San Thomas, vicar of Bataan; and Fray Bernardo de Sancta Catalina, vicar of Pangasinan. They and the rest elected, as the first provincial of the new province, father Fray Juan de Castro. The first act passed in this chapter was to accept the general ordinances made for the foundation of this province when the founders were in Mexico. The chapter provided that special care was to be taken that no ministerial duties were to be accepted as curacies, but merely as charity—with liberty of removal, due notice being given to the bishops. It also determined that these ordinances should be read and declared to the religious who were to be brought over from España, so that if they approved of them they might come, while if they did not venture to undertake them they might remain; and no one might complain that he had been deceived, if he should find himself obliged to keep them. In this chapter the province was given the glorious name of our Lady of the Rosary, to whom all the religious desired especially to belong; they also chose as special advocate and patroness her who was the apostle[23] to the apostles, Saint Mary Magdalen, on whose day they had reached port in these islands, and by whose aid (which they had a thousand times experienced in the order) they hoped for the most complete and glorious success in that which they were undertaking. The religious were warned to treat the Indians with great charity and a spirit of kindness, as beloved sons, showing them the love that we feel for them not only by words but by deeds, and striving to attract them by love. If punishment should at any time be necessary, it was not to be by our hands, that it might not happen to us, as Saint Gregory said, that corrections should be converted to arms of wrath. To the convent of Manila they gave the title of priory, and appointed as the first prior father Fray Diego de Soria. They accepted the vicariate of our Lady of the Rosary of Macan, and named as vicar thereof father Fray Antonio de Arcediano. They likewise accepted the vicariate of our father Saint Dominic of Binalatongan, appointing as vicar thereof father Fray Bernardo de Sancta Catalina; likewise the vicariate of our father Saint Dominic of Bataan, the vicar whereof was father Fray Juan de Sancto Thomas; likewise the vicariate of Gabon, the vicar whereof was father Fray Juan de San Pedro Martyr. They appointed as preacher-general father Fray Miguel de Venavides; and as lecturer[24] of the convent the same person, on account of his great ability and talent. This father and father Fray Juan Cobo were very successful in learning the Chinese language, and assumed responsibility for the mission to the Chinese, to which, on account of its great difficulty, no one before these fathers had devoted himself. Father Fray Juan Cobo preached the first sermon to the Chinese. Finally, at this chapter the father provincial and the definitors sent a full report to the most reverend general of the order—who responded, confirming the new province, and most nobly congratulating the founders thereof. The translation of this letter into Spanish is given at length. The substance of it is as follows: “Very Reverend Fathers: Your letters from the Philippinas Islands, dated June 22, 1588, have been received and read with great pleasure in the general chapter of the order, held in this year, 1592, at the convent of San Juan and San Pablo in Venecia. We rejoice that your fervor and zeal for the propagation of the Catholic faith are about to restore the order from the ruin which we here see and experience every day, because of the great pest of the heresies. Ye go down in ships to the sea, and see the great wonders of God. Ye are like the mystic animals whose wings are joined between themselves, which make others fly aloft while they walk upon the ground. We approve your erection of a province in the Philippinas Islands, confirming it in the graces and privileges enjoyed by the other provinces of the same order; we also confirm as provincial of the said province the very reverend father Fray Juan de Castro. All this would have been inserted in the acts of the general chapter, except for the carelessness of the printer.” The letter is dated Milan, November 3, 1592, and is signed by Fray Hipolyto Maria Vicaria, master-general of the Order of Preachers; and master Fray Pablo Castrucio, provincial of the Holy Land.

Soon after the election of the first provincial, father Fray Gregorio de Ochoa died. He lived a holy, scrupulous, and devout life. He was one of those assigned to the conversion of the province of Pangasinan, where the exposure and hardship and the lack of necessities brought sickness upon all of the brethren except father Fray Bernardo de Sancta Catalina. Father Fray Gregorio suffered more than any of the rest. They had no physician, medicines, or comforts. They wished to make a broth with which to take the quilites[25] they used as purgatives, but the Indians, desiring to drive them away, refused them the game that they needed to make the broth; and father Fray Gregorio grew so ill that he had to be sent back to Manila to be cured. Here he grew somewhat better, and undertook for the order the work of instruction in grammar; but was taken ill again, and died.]