THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET;
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CRUEL CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF
ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY;
OF THE POSSESSION OF
PARIS AND NORMANDY BY THE ENGLISH;
THEIR EXPULSION THENCE;
AND OF OTHER
MEMORABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE,
AS WELL AS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.
A HISTORY OF FAIR EXAMPLE, AND OF GREAT PROFIT TO THE
FRENCH,
Beginning at the Year MCCCC. where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART finishes, and ending
at the Year MCCCCLXVII. and continued by others to the Year MDXVI.
TRANSLATED
BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ.
IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES ... VOL. II.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW; AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.
1810.

CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.

HERE BEGINNETH
THE SECOND VOLUME
OF THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

CHAP. I.

THE CONCLUSION OF THE DUCHESS OF ORLEANS’ ADVOCATE AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, AND THE REPLY FROM THE CHANCELLOR.

The chancellor of France, in the king’s name, ordered the duchess’s advocate, master William Cousinot, to draw up such conclusions as should be satisfactory to the duchess and her son, the duke of Orleans. The advocate, after many excuses, began by showing how pitiable their state was, and took for his theme part of the 7th chapter of the gospel of St Luke, ‘Hæc vidua erat quam cum vidisset Dominus misericordia motus est super eam.’

‘Most noble prince, when our Lord entered a city called Nain, he met the corpse of a young man, which his friends were carrying to the grave; and when he noticed that the mother of the young man was a widow, he was on this account moved with compassion toward her, and restored her son to life. I may most truly apply these words to my lady of Orleans, for she is a widow who bewails the death of her lord and husband, and our lord will have compassion on her; for the king is our lord, in respect of terrestrial jurisdiction; and not only the king, but thou, lord of Acquitaine, and all other princes of this world having territorial powers, seeing my lady of Orleans thus disconsolate, ought to feel compassion for her, and give her aid and support in procuring strict justice to be done for the cruel death of her husband.

‘In every case, and at all times, full justice should be administered to all; for, according to the words of the Psalmist, it is a good and meritorious act,—‘Beati qui custodiunt judicium et faciunt justitiam in omni tempore.’ Psalm cv.

‘But justice should always be more rigorously observed in regard to widows and orphans, who have been deprived of their fathers or husbands, than in any other case; for the divine, canon and civil laws urge the necessity of succouring the widow and orphan. We have the first instance of this in the 22d chapter of Jeremiah,—‘Facite judicium et justitiam, et liberate vi oppressum de manu calumniatoris, pupillum et viduam,’ &c.

‘In regard to the canon law, the decrees declare, that it is very proper for kings to do justice and execute judgment, and deliver from the hands of the oppressors widows and orphans who are injuriously used by them.

‘As for the civil law, it is very clear, that widows and orphans are particularly privileged in many cases, as may be seen in different law writings.

‘My lady of Orleans has lost her husband: her children have lost their father, certainly one of the handsomest and most accomplished princes in Christendom. But let us see how they have lost him: had he been taken from them by a natural death, their case would not have been so much to be pitied; but he is cut off violently in the flower of his youth. In truth, this is such an outrage that every law and customary proceeding should bend in their favour against the malignant author of the deed.

‘In the first place, our king and sovereign lord is bounden particularly by the commands of God, to whom he cannot be disobedient without sinning, to execute judgment, according to the words of Jeremiah in the chapter before mentioned,—‘In memetipso juravi, dicit Dominus, quia in solitudine erit domus vestra.’ And this is conformable to the reply made by St Remy to king Clovis when he baptised him. The king asked him how long the kingdom of France would endure. The saint answered, that it would last so long as justice should reign there. The converse of which is, that when justice shall cease to be administered, the kingdom will fall. To the king therefore may be applied what is written in the canon law, ‘Quod justitia est illud quod suum firmat imperium.’

‘O, duke of Acquitaine! thou art he who, after the king, art bound to do justice according to the words of the Psalmist, ‘Deus judicium tuum regi da et justitiam tuam filio regis.’ Thou art the eldest son to the king, to whom, by the grace of God, thou wilt succeed, and be our lord: attend to our case for the love of God, for to thee more particularly does it belong; and if thou dost not lay thy hand on it, when thou shalt come to reign, thou mayest find thy kingdom desolate and destroyed,—for each will in his turn seize parts of it, and be the master, should this atrocious crime remain unpunished.

‘Ye also, my lords, princes, dukes and counts of the royal blood, relations of the late duke, and ye other nobles, who have an affection for the king’s crown and honour, what ought to be your conduct on this occasion? Why, certainly, if the king will not interfere in this matter, ye ought to take up the business and execute judgment; for ye are bound by oath to guard and defend the king’s honour against all who may infringe upon it. This ye have done in former times, through God’s grace, and for which this kingdom has gained greater glory than any other realm in Christendom: insomuch that the English, the Germans, and other foreigners, have come hither to seek for justice.

‘My lords, for the love of God, let your loyalty burst forth, according to your oaths, in behalf of my lady of Orleans, as she has the fullest confidence it will; for, after God and the king, you are her only refuge. Let no one fear to do justice, from the scandal or persecution that may ensue, for it is a maxim of law, ‘Utilius est scandalum nasci ac permitti, quam ut veritas relinquatur,’—although it were certain the doing justice in this case would cause much grievous persecution to ensue. Yet for all this justice should not be neglected; for in that case you would be indeed reproachable, if, through fear of the offender, you shall not dare to decree justice. On no occasion should justice be neglected: therefore, my lords, act according to what the prophet says, ‘Viriliter agite, et confortetur cor vestrum et sustinete Dominum.’

‘In truth, if ye do not act with courage, for one inconvenience that may happen, by executing judgment, one hundred would ensue from default of justice. Therefore, my lords, do not hesitate to do justice to my lady of Orleans and her children from any dread of inconveniences that may happen, but follow the dictates of our Lord,—‘Judicare pupillo et humili ut non apponat magnificare se homo super terram.’ Let the punishment be so exemplary that none other may henceforth commit so great or so disgraceful a crime, and that it may be held in perpetual memory and abhorrence. This is the object of my lady of Orleans and her children, namely, that the crime may be atoned for as heavily as possible in this world. In order that this atonement may be made, my lady of Orleans and her children would willingly take the legal steps for the infliction of capital punishment, if this could regularly be done; but as these steps, according to the customary usage of France, belong to the king’s attorney-general alone, they propose that the offender shall be punished in manner following,—that is to say, by sentence of the king and of the court, be it ordered that our adversary, the duke of Burgundy, be brought to the castle of the Louvre, or elsewhere, according to the king’s pleasure and that of my clients, and there, in the presence of the king, of my lord of Acquitaine, and the other princes of the blood, as well as of the council and people, the duke of Burgundy, without hood or girdle, shall, on his knees, publicly confess, with a loud voice, before my lady of Orleans, her children, and as many other persons as she may please, that maliciously and treacherously he has had my lord of Orleans assassinated, through hatred, envy and ambition, and for no other cause, notwithstanding all the charges made against him, and other imputations thrown on his character, to justify and exculpate himself from so base a deed; and shall demand pardon from my lady of Orleans and her children, most humbly supplicating them to forgive his offences, declaring that he knows of nothing prejudicial to the honour and reputation of the said duke of Orleans deceased, and recals all he may have said or published to the contrary.

‘In this state he shall be carried to the court of the palace, and to the hôtel de Saint Pol, the residence of the king, and to the spot where the murder was committed, and there, on high stages erected for the purpose, he shall repeat the above words before such commissioners as my lady of Orleans and her son may please to appoint. He shall remain on his knees, at the last place, until priests nominated for the purpose shall have recited the seven penitential psalms, said the litany, and the other parts of the burial service, for the soul of the deceased, after which he shall kiss the earth, and ask pardon of God, of my lady of Orleans, and of her children, for the offences he has committed against them.

‘The manner and form of this recantation, and begging pardon, shall be written out, and copies sent to all the different towns in the kingdom with orders for the magistrates to have them proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that it may be notorious to all within and without the realm.

‘And as additional reparations for such offences, and that they may remain in perpetual remembrance, all the houses belonging to the duke of Burgundy in Paris shall be razed to the ground, and remain in ruins for ever. On the places where any of his houses shall have stood, there shall be erected handsome crosses of stone, having large and strong tablets, on which shall be written a full account of the murder of my late lord, the duke of Orleans, and the cause of these houses being destroyed.

‘On the spot where my late lord was murdered shall be erected a similar cross; and the house wherein the murderers hid themselves shall be pulled down. This spot, and the adjoining houses, the duke of Burgundy shall be forced to purchase, and to build thereon a handsome college for six canons, six vicars, and six chaplains, whose nominations shall remain with my lady of Orleans and her heirs. In this college six masses shall be said every day for the soul of the deceased duke of Orleans, and high mass at the usual time of canonical hours. For the support of this college there shall be a mortmain rent of one thousand livres parisis; and the whole shall be well furnished with dresses, books, chalices, ornaments, and all other necessaries, at the sole expense of the duke of Burgundy; and over the entrance shall be written in large letters the cause of its foundation.

‘The duke of Burgundy shall, beside, be constrained to found a college for the salvation of the soul of the deceased, in the town of Orleans, consisting of twelve canons, twelve vicars, and twelve clerks, which college shall bear the name of the defunct; and the nominations to it shall belong to my lady of Orleans, and to the heirs of the late duke of Orleans. It shall be situated in whatever part of the late duke’s possessions in Orleans the duchess shall please, and shall be handsomely constructed, furnished with books and all other necessaries, with an income of two thousand livres parisis; and a similar inscription to the one before mentioned shall be placed over the gate.

‘For the greater perpetuity of this event, and that it may be made known to all foreign nations, the duke of Burgundy shall be enjoined to erect two chapels; the one near the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, and the other at Rome, and assign to each the annual value of one hundred livres in the coin of those countries, and to provide them with all necessary furniture. In each of these chapels shall a daily mass be said for the soul of the deceased, and over the doors shall be placed the same inscriptions as over the colleges.

‘The duke of Burgundy shall also be constrained to pay the sum of one million in gold, not to the profit of my lady of Orleans or her children, but to found and endow hospitals and monasteries, and to distribute in alms and other works of piety for the salvation of the soul of the defunct.

‘That this sentence may be carried into due effect, all the lands which the duke of Burgundy possesses in this kingdom shall be placed in the hands of the king, that they may be sold for the accomplishment of the above works. The duke of Burgundy shall also be condemned to close imprisonment in whatever place it may please the king, until the above sentence be carried into execution. After which, he shall be banished for ever beyond sea, or at least for the space of twenty years, to bewail and repent of his crime, or until it shall be thought he may have sufficiently done it. On his return, he shall be ordered, under severe penalties, never to approach within one hundred leagues of the queen or the children of the late duke of Orleans, without being condemned to such heavy damages, and other penalties suited to the enormity of the case, as shall be held in perpetual remembrance. He shall also be condemned to pay whatever costs my lady of Orleans and her children may have occurred on this present occasion.

‘I say, therefore, that such ought to be the judgment given for them, and without delay, considering the notoriety and enormity of the offence of our adversary; for it is publicly known, that the duke of Burgundy has confessed himself guilty of it. He first made a confession of his guilt to my lord of Berry and to the king of Sicily, giving no reason for it but that he was urged on by the devil: he then did the same before several noblemen. This ought therefore to weigh against him, and convict him of the crime, without further trial: nor ought you to suffer any sort of colouring to be admitted in palliation of his guilt. He ought not to be heard otherwise than he has been, for he varied not in his confessions to the different persons; and pope Innocent approves of this, in his chapter on Free Will, and Guillermus de Montleon, in his chapter on Clerical Constitutions. Pope Nicholas held king Lothaire, in like manner, convicted to his prejudice in a certain case, about which he had written to the pope, as appears in the above chapter. This confession of king Lothaire had been made in a letter, previously to any trial. The duke of Burgundy, therefore, ought to be condemned from this public confession of his crime in the presence of different persons. He has beside made a similar confession when he appeared publicly before thee, lord of Acquitaine, when thou didst sit in judgment representing the person of the king, and before the princes of the blood and all the council of state. He cannot, therefore, deny his having made such confession before competent judges. It follows then, that no further trial is necessary, but that sentence should immediately be passed; for confession of guilt should be judged the fullest evidence.

‘The law says, ‘In confitentem nullæ sunt partes judicantis.’ And supposing, that according to some, a sentence is requisite, at least it is certain that no trial or examination of the cause is necessary, since this present case is extremely notorious. So has it formerly been determined by the sentence and judgment of the kings in times past, against several great lords of their day,—to wit, that when the facts were notorious, no other process or inquisition was required. And so shall it be determined, by the grace of God, in the present case,—for so reason demands.

‘Should it, however, be thought necessary to go into another trial, which, from all I have said, I cannot suppose, my lady of Orleans is ready prepared to bring forward the fullest proof of what I have advanced, and such as must convince all reasonable persons. But as my lady can now only offer civil conclusions, and would willingly propose criminal ones, but that it belongs to the king’s attorney-general according to the usage in France,—my lady, therefore, most earnestly supplicates the king’s attorney to join with her, and propose such sentence as the law in this case requires.’

These were the conclusions of my lady of Orleans and her sons,—after which, the council of the princes of the blood, and others of the king’s council, with the approbation of the duke of Acquitaine, made the chancellor reply to the duchess of Orleans, that the duke of Acquitaine, as lieutenant for the king, and representing his person, and the princes of the blood-royal were well satisfied with her conduct respecting her late lord the duke of Orleans: that they held him perfectly exculpated from all the charges that had been brought against him; and that, in regard to her requests, speedy and good justice should be done her, so that she should be reasonably contented therewith.

A few days after, the young duke of Orleans, Charles, did homage for the duchy of Orleans, and all his other possessions, to his uncle Charles king of France: then, taking leave of the queen and dauphin, and the princes of the blood who were in Paris, he departed with his men at arms for Blois, whence he had come. The duchess-dowager of Orleans remained in Paris.

CHAP. II.

GUYE DE ROVE, ARCHBISHOP OF RHEIMS, APPEALS FROM THE CONSTITUTIONS DRAWN UP BY THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS, WHICH ANGERS THAT BODY, AND THEY IMPRISON HIS COMMISSARY.

At this period, Guy de Roye[1], archbishop of Rheims, who had been summoned specially by the king to attend the meeting of the prelates at Paris, assembled to consider on the means of uniting the whole church, neither came himself nor sent any one in his behalf. He refused to agree to the decisions of this council, and sent a chaplain as his commissary, with letters signed with his name and seal, to confirm his opposition to all the statutes they had drawn up, as well for himself and his diocese as for all his subjects within the province.

The king and the clergy were much displeased at this conduct; and the university of Paris requested that the commissary should be confined in close imprisonment, where he remained for a long time.

The cardinal of Bordeaux came at this time to Paris, partly for the union of the church; and then also returned thither master Peter Paoul, and the patriarch of Alexandria, named master Symon Cramant, who had been sent by the king of France and the university of Paris, as ambassadors to the two rival popes.

The assembled prelates were very anxious for their arrival, that they might be better acquainted with the business they had to manage, and on what grounds they should proceed. Master Peter Paoul frequently rode through the streets of Paris in his doctor’s dress, accompanied by the cardinal riding on one side of his horse as women do. In the presence of this cardinal and doctor, the abbot of Caudebec, of the order of Cistercians, and doctor in theology, proposed, on the part of the university, an union of the church. The abbot of St Denis, with other doctors in theology, declared for an union of the universal church; and, shortly after, the cardinal departed from Paris for Boulogne, and thence went to Calais.

The abbot of St Denis and another doctor of theology, who had been, by the king’s orders, confined in the prison of the Louvre, were released, at the request of the cardinal de Bar, and set at liberty, contrary to the will of the university of Paris. In like manner did the bishop of Cambray, master Peter d’Ailly, an excellent doctor of theology, gain his liberty. He had been confined at the instance of the university, because he was not favourable to their sentiments, and was delivered at the entreaties of count Waleran de St Pol, and the great council of the king. All Christendom was now divided in religious opinions, as to the head of the church, by the contentions of the two rival popes, who could not be brought to agree on the means to put an end to this disgraceful schism.

CHAP. III.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY ASSEMBLES A LARGE BODY OF MEN AT ARMS TO SUCCOUR JOHN OF BAVARIA AGAINST THE LIEGEOIS, AND COMBATS THEM.

About this time, John duke of Burgundy was busily employed in collecting a body of men at arms to aid his brother-in-law, the bishop of Liege, whom, as has been said, the Liegeois had driven out of their country, and besieged in the town of Maestricht. He sent for succour among his friends and allies, namely, to Burgundy, Flanders, Artois, and the borders of Picardy, whence came very many, and several from Savoy.

The earl of Mar, also, a Scotsman, then at Bruges, with about four score combatants, ready to embark for Scotland, advanced into the Tournesis, whither the duke came, and had a conference with their principal captains in the town of Tournay.

On the eleventh day of September, he marched thence with a numerous body of men at arms, and a great train of artillery and baggage-waggons to Enghien, where he was gladly received by the lord of the place. On the morrow, he advanced to Nivelle in Brabant, within a league of Salmes. He marched next to Flourines, where he met sir Richard[2] Daulphin, sir William de Tignonville, lately provost of Paris, and master William Bouratier, one of the king’s secretaries, ambassadors to him from the king of France. Having obtained an audience, they said they had been sent to him from the king and the great council on two objects; first, to know whether the Liegeois and their bishop were willing to submit their differences to the king and the great council; secondly, to inform him of the suit urged against him by the duchess-dowager of Orleans and her children, for the death of the late duke of Orleans, his brother, of the replies they had made to the charges he had brought against the late duke, and that they demanded instant justice on him the duke of Burgundy, and that neither law nor reason ought to prevent sentence being passed by the king according to the conclusions that had been drawn up against him.

The duke of Burgundy shortly answered, that in regard to the first point, he was willing, as was right for him to do, to obey the king’s orders, but that his brother-in-law, John of Bavaria, who had married his sister, had most earnestly solicited his assistance against the commonalty and his subjects of Liege, who had rebelled, and even held him besieged. Similar requests had been made to duke William, count of Hainault, his brother in law, and also brother-in-law to John of Bavaria: wherefore the armaments could not now be broken up, since during the time the ambassadors would be negotiating between the two parties, John of Bavaria, their bishop and lord, might be in great danger from his rebellious subjects, and their success might serve for an example and inducement for other subjects to resist their lords, and give rise to an universal rebellion. He added, that the king and his council might, without any prejudice to themselves, have refrained from so readily listening to such requests, as none of the aforesaid parties were subjects to the kingdom of France.

In regard to the second point, he, John duke of Burgundy, made answer, that instantly on his return from this expedition he would wait on the king of France, and act towards him, and all others, in a manner becoming a good subject, and the near relationship in which he stood to the king.

The ambassadors, finding they could not obtain more satisfactory answers to the points on which they were sent, were obliged to be contented. They resolved, however, to wait the event of this expedition against the Liegeois; and during that time there came to the duke of Burgundy, from the country of Hainault, his brother-in-law duke William, accompanied by the counts de Conversan, de Namur, and de Salines, in Ardennes, with many notable lords, as well knights as esquires, from Hainault, Holland, Zealand, Ostrevant, and other places, to the number of twelve hundred helmets[3], or thereabout, and two thousand infantry well equipped, with from five to six hundred carriages laden with provision and military stores.

Many councils were held at Flourines, and in that neighbourhood, as to their future conduct, and whither they might march their army with the greatest probability of success. It was determined that duke William should command the van, and, as he advanced, destroy the whole country with fire and sword; that the duke of Burgundy, with the earl of Mar and the main body, should direct their march along the causeway of Branchaut, which leads strait to Tongres and Maestricht. In the last place, the lord de Pier-Yves[4] and the Liegeois had, as has been before said, besieged their bishop and lord, John of Bavaria.

In consequence of this resolution, the two dukes began their march by different roads, and destroyed all the country on the Tuesday, Wednesday and Thursday, and met on the Saturday evening, about vespers, in the town of Montenach, situated on the above causeway. In this place and neighbourhood was the whole army lodged, forming but one body; and two marshals were appointed to command and find quarters for it;—on the part of the duke of Burgundy, the lord de Vergy[5],—and on that of duke William, the lord de Jeumont. They had under their immediate orders five hundred helmets, seven hundred cross-bows, and fifteen hundred archers, all men of tried courage, with sixteen hundred carriages, as well carts as waggons, laden with arms, ammunition and provision, and all other necessaries for such an expedition.

On this Saturday, the lord de Pier-Yves, and his son the newly-elected bishop of Liege, as they were besieging Maestricht, learnt from their spies, that the two before-mentioned dukes were rapidly advancing against them, and burning the country on their line of march. They instantly raised the siege, and retreated to the city of Liege with full forty thousand combatants, where they fixed their quarters, Liege being only five leagues distant from Maestricht. The commanders there held a council, with such of the inhabitants as had not been at the siege; and at its close it was proclaimed through different parts of the town, by orders of the governor and his son, the bishop, that every man capable of bearing arms should, on the morrow-morning, at the sound of a bell, be ready equipped to follow their commanders out of the town whithersoever they might lead them.

In consequence of this order, on the morrow, the 22d day of September 1408, there issued out of Liege, according to computation, about fifty thousand armed men. In this number were from five to six hundred well armed, in the french manner, on horseback, and from one hundred to six score english archers, in their pay. They were followed by infinite numbers of carts and other carriages, and a mob of people dressed in various manners, according to their own fancies.

The bell tolled at break of day, and they then sallied forth in good array, following their governor and bishop, very eager to offer combat to the enemy. Their governor had frequently warned them of the dangers that might ensue from a battle, as their enemies were, for the greater part, nobles or gentlemen accustomed to war and obedience to their commanders, which was not the case with them; and that it would be more to their advantage to remain within well-inclosed towns and castles harrassing the enemy by various means, and so tiring him out that he should be forced to quit their country.

This advice, however, was not agreeable to the Liegeois, for it seemed to them that their numbers were so great that the enemy could not resist them; and they were not well pleased with what their governor had told them. The governor, perceiving the Liegeois determined on battle, led them into the plain, and drew them up in handsome array. He frequently exhorted them to behave themselves valiantly, and with one accord, this day against the enemy, who was marching to attack them, and to defend with courage their lives and liberties.

They marched near to Tongres, which is five leagues distant from Liege, whither the two dukes had advanced on the Saturday; for they had already heard the siege of Maestricht was broken up, and that the men of Liege were intending to offer them battle. After some councils had been holden with the captains and the most experienced in their army, they sent off, very early on the Sunday morning, two hundred light troops, under the command of Robert le Roux and some other noblemen of the country, to inquire into the truth of what they had heard, and to see what the enemy was about. They shortly returned, and told the dukes, that the intelligence they had received was true, for that they had seen the Liegeois in great numbers marching in battle-array. The dukes, on hearing this, commanded their men to arm, and to draw up in order of battle. When this was done, they marched to meet the Liegeois, and scarcely had they advanced half a league when they appeared in sight.

The Liegeois also saw them, for they were near to Tongres. Both armies advancing, the dukes then posted themselves and all their infantry on a very advantageous spot; and thinking the enemy would attempt to dislodge them, they formed their army into one battalion, the better to support the attack, and placed their baggage in their rear. They posted the greater part of their archers and cross-bows on their right and left as wings. The lord de Miraumont this day commanded the archers, by orders of the duke of Burgundy, and with great credit to himself. The duke of Burgundy was on the right, and duke William on the left of the army, each attended by his own people.

After the proper orders had been given, and every arrangement made according to the advice of the most experienced officers, very many new knights were created. The men of Liege, swelled with pride, and arrogantly considering the army of their opponents as infinitely inferior to them, marched on the right for an eminence called the heights of Hasbane, where they halted in handsome array. They had with them the standard of St Lambert, and those of their different guilds; and the reason why they had halted on this spot was, that some of their old men had told them that it was there their ancestors had gained a victory, and they flattered themselves with similar success.

They then formed their army in handsome order, and played off many cannons against their enemies, which annoyed them very much. It should be known, that between the two armies was a narrow valley, at the bottom of which was a ditch to carry off the water in times of rain.

The two dukes having with their army remained stationary, observing that the Liegeois did not seem inclined to quit their position, and begin the battle, held a short council with their ablest officers, and thinking success was more likely to follow the most courageous, determined to advance slowly toward them in battle-array, on account of the weight of their arms, and attack them where they were, before they could fortify themselves, or increase their numbers by reinforcements.

In consequence, five hundred men at arms, on horseback, were ordered to attack the army of Liege on its rear, and about a thousand infantry, under the command of the lords de Croy, de Helly, de Neufville and de Raise, knights, with Enguerrand de Bournouville, esquire, on the part of the duke of Burgundy; and by the lords de Hamette and de Ligne, knights, with Robert le Roux, esquire, who instantly advanced into the plain according to their orders.

The Liegeois, observing so large a detachment quit the duke’s army, and march away, as it were, thought they were running off from fear of their great numbers, and began shouting, in their language, ‘Fuyo, fuyo!’ and repeating this word many times. The lord de Pier-Yves, the governor, like an able man, well versed in war, frequently, but gently, checked them for making this noise, saying, ‘My very dear friends, that troop on horseback which you see, are not running away, as you suppose; but when that other body of infantry, much greater, as you may observe, shall be advanced near enough to begin the attack, those on horseback will instantly wheel about, like skilful soldiers, and charge your rear, with a design to divide your army, while the others shall attack you in front. Notwithstanding we have every appearance of a successful issue to our battle, I have always advised you to the contrary; and though your hearts are set upon it, as if already sure of victory, I remain still in the same opinion,—because you are not so well used to warfare, nor armed like to your adversaries, who have learnt all military exercises from their childhood. This was the reason why I proposed avoiding a battle; for it would have been more to your advantage to have defended your towns and fortresses, and whenever a favourable opportunity offered, to have fallen on your enemies, so that they would have been forced to have quitted your country. However, the day you have so ardently wished for is now come; and I beg of you to put your hopes in God, and boldly and steadily exert yourselves in the defence of your country against the enemy now marching to attack you.’

Having finished this speech, he wanted to mount some of his most determined men on horseback to oppose the detachment then on the plain; but in truth the commonalty would not suffer it to be done, and uttered against him many reproaches, calling him a traitor.

He patiently suffered their rude ignorance, and hastily commanded the army to be formed into a square, in the front of which was a body drawn up in the form of a triangle,—and the carts and baggage were towards the rear, on the right and left of his army, handsomely arranged: their horses were in the rear, on one of the wings, intermixed with their archers and cross-bows,—but they were of little value, except the english archers, who were better disposed of in other places.

The lord de Pier-Yves, accompanied by his son the bishop and some of his best companions in arms, like a good commander, posted himself at the head of his army, fronting the enemy.

During this time, the two dukes began their march, gaily exhorting their men to behave themselves gallantly against the enemy, a rude and ignorant people, who had rebelled against their lord, and who confidently trusted in their superior numbers for success,—telling their men, that if they acted as they expected they would, victory would infallibly be theirs, and they would gain everlasting honour.

When the dukes had made such like speeches, they retired to their posts, and under their banners, and advanced slowly toward the enemy, who kept up a heavy fire against them with their cannons.

The banner-bearer of the duke of Burgundy was a very valiant knight, called sir James de Courtjambe, who, accidentally falling on his knees as he marched, alarmed many, who thought it was an unfavourable omen of their success; but he was soon raised by the help of those of his guard, and behaved himself honourably the whole day. This knight was a native of Burgundy. The banner of duke William was that day borne by a gallant knight, called sir Hoste d’Escaussines, who behaved himself right well.

When the two armies met, the conflict became very severe on each side, and lasted for upwards of an hour, when many deadly blows were given by both parties. At this moment, the detachment on horseback, with the infantry, according to their orders, advanced to the rear of the Liegeois; but from the position of their baggage-waggons, they had much difficulty to force their way. At length, by dint of courage, they succeeded, and, having gained an entrance, began to lay about them so vigorously that the army of the enemy was divided,—and they saw full six thousand Liegeois quit their ranks, with their guns and the banners of their guilds, and take flight with all speed towards a village half a league from the field of battle.

When the detachment perceived this, they left off the attack they had begun, and pursued the runaways, whom they charged, not once, but several times, beating down and slaying them without mercy,—and, in short, routed them so effectually that, through fear of death, they fled here and there, into woods and other places, to hide themselves.

This party of the Liegeois being either killed, dispersed, or taken prisoners, the horsemen returned to their main body, gallantly fighting the enemy, who, it must be said, defended themselves courageously. In truth, the event of this battle was some time doubtful,—for, during one half hour, it could not be known which side would be victorious. The noise of their war-cries was frightful:—the Burgundians and Hainaulters shouted under their banners, ‘Our Lady for Burgundy! Our Lady for Hainault!’ and the Liegeois, in their turn, shouted, ‘St Lambert for Pier-Yves!’

The men of Liege would perhaps have conquered, if this detachment on horseback, when returned from the defeat of the runaways, had not again fallen on their rear, and behaved so marvellously well that those who opposed them were pierced through, and all attempts to check them were vain. A great slaughter was made by them in a short time, for none were admitted to ransom; and by their vigour whole ranks fell one over the other, for now all the weight and power of the infantry were brought against them.

The defeat once begun, there were such heaps of dead and wounded that it was melancholy to behold, for they were thicker in many places than stooks of corn in harvest. This ought not to occasion surprise; for when the common people are assembled, badly armed, and puffed up with their extravagant desires, although they be in great numbers, yet shall they hardly be able to resist an army composed of noblemen well tried in arms, even when God shall permit it so to be. At this period of the battle, and near to the banner of the duke of Burgundy, where the conflict was the strongest, fell the lord de Pierre-Yves and his two sons,—namely, the one who had been elected bishop of Liege and his brother: they were instantly put to death.

The heir of Salmes[6], who bore the standard of St Lambert, namely, the eldest son to the count de Salmes[6], who was in the army of the two dukes; sir John Collet, and many other knights and esquires to the amount of upwards of five hundred; all the english archers, and about twenty-eight thousand of the commonalty, were left dead on the field,—and more perished by arrow-shots than by any other weapon.

Sir Baldwin de Montgardin, knight, to save his life, surrendered himself to the duke of Burgundy:—he was led out of the engagement, and afterward given by the duke to sir Wicart de Bours.

I have no need to particularise the great courage and coolness of the duke of Burgundy, nor how he galloped to different parts of the army, exhorting them to act well,—nor how, until the end of the battle, he most gallantly behaved himself,—for in truth, his conduct was such that he was praised and spoken of by all knights and others; and although he was frequently covered with arrows and other missile weapons, he did not on that day lose one drop of blood.

When he was asked after the defeat, if they should cease from slaying the Liegeois, he replied, ‘Let them all die together! for I will not that any prisoners be made, nor that any be ransomed!!’

In the like gallant manner did duke William, the other princes, and in general the whole body of the chivalry and nobility of the two dukes behave themselves. There were slain from five to six hundred of their men; and among the number were, John de la Chapelle, knight to the above duke,—sir Flourimont de Brimeu, John de la Trimouille, who on this day had been made a knight,—Hugotin de Nambon, John de Theune, viscount de Brimequet, a native of Hainault,—Rollant de la Mote, and others, to the amount of one hundred and six score gentlemen: the rest were varlets[7].

Just as the dukes had gained the victory, about two thousand men made a sally from Tongres, to assist the Liegemen. When they saw they were defeated, they retreated to their town, but were so closely pursued by the body of horse that had done such essential service that very many of them were killed.

The two dukes, seeing their victory was now complete, met, and returned thanks to the Creator, congratulating with one another for their success. They had tents pitched on the field of battle, and remained there for three days and three nights.

The french ambassadors, having now taken their leave, departed for Tournay, and continued their road to Paris to the king and his council; but prior to their departure, the duke of Burgundy had dispatched a messenger to the king of France, with letters to inform him and his good friends in Paris of the fortunate event of the battle. This news was not very agreeable to many who were intending to urge the king to prosecute the duke of Burgundy for the murder of the late duke of Orleans,—and on the contrary, it gave great joy to his friends.

On Monday, the morrow of the battle, about the hour of twelve, John of Bavaria, bishop of Liege, attended by the heir of Heinseberg, and several others, nobles and not nobles, to the number of six hundred helmets, or thereabout, came from the town of Maestricht, wherein they had been besieged, to the camp of the two dukes, and most humbly thanked them for the succour they had afforded him. He and his party were received with much joy; and, on his arrival, he was presented with the head of the lord de Pier-Yves, which had been found among the dead, with his two sons, and was fixed to the top of a lance, that all who pleased might see it!

On the following Tuesday, the feast of St Fremin, a martyr, the inhabitants of Liege, Huy, Dinant and Tongres, and of all the other good towns in the bishoprick of Liege, excepting the castle of Bouillon, hearing of the great destruction of their countrymen, and the power of their enemies, were panic-struck, and, seeing no probability of any assistance, surrendered themselves to the obedience of the dukes of Burgundy and of Holland. They sent to them ambassadors to this effect, and also to supplicate John of Bavaria, their bishop and lord, that he would graciously have pity upon them, and grant them his pardon.

The bishop, through the intercession of the two dukes, complied with their request, on condition that such as had been most active in promoting the rebellion, many of whom were still alive, whose names they would set down, should be given up to the two dukes, to do by them as they in their justice should think right; and each of the towns gave sufficient hostages for the due performance of the terms.

On the ensuing Thursday, the two dukes and the bishop, with the whole army, broke up the camp, and advanced toward the town of Liege. The duke of Burgundy was quartered in the town of Flauye, on the river Meuse, one league distant from Liege, and duke William among the mountains.

On the following Sunday, the dukes and the bishop held a full council, to which all their ministers were admitted, on the present state of affairs. Other councils were continued until the Tuesday, when the bishop made his entry into Liege, and was received with great humility by the remnant of its inhabitants. The most culpable in the late rebellion had been before arrested and thrown into prison in this and in all the other towns.

The bishop went first to the cathedral church of St Lambert to offer his prayers, and reconcile himself with the chapter: after this he went to his palace, when he was most humbly entreated by the people to have mercy on them, which he granted; and, shortly after, he returned to the camp of the two dukes.

About two o’clock in the afternoon, on the morrow, the dukes and the bishop, with several nobles of the army, assembled on an elevated spot near the camp, whither sir John de Jeumont, marshal to duke William, by the commands of the two dukes and the bishop, had ordered the heir of Rochefort, a rich nobleman, John de Saramie[8], knight, and fifteen other citizens, to be brought from the town, and had their heads cut off, one after another, by the executioner. Many churchmen, and some women, were also drowned in the Meuse for having been concerned in the rebellion!

On the morrow, the dukes and the bishop moved with the army to a town three leagues distant, called Beaucloquet, where many conferences were held, on the state of the country. The count de Nevers joined his brother, the duke of Burgundy, at this place, with four hundred combatants. Hither also sir John de Jeumont ordered nineteen citizens from the town of Huy to be brought, who underwent a similar punishment to those of Liege, and for the same cause; and, as before, many churchmen and women were drowned[9].

Amé de Viry, a Savoyard, a nobleman well experienced in war, came hither also to aid the duke of Burgundy, and accompanied by three hundred helmets from that country. When the dukes and the bishop had for several days consulted together on the affairs of Liege, it was at length concluded, with the approbation of John of Bavaria, now surnamed John the Pitiless, that they should all meet again in the city of Tournay, on St Luke’s day next ensuing, to determine finally on the measures to be pursued touching these matters.

After many executions had taken place in the bishoprick of Liege on those who had been concerned in the rebellion, and when the fortifications of the towns of Huy, Dinant and others, had been destroyed, the two dukes began their march homeward, taking with them a number of persons from Liege, who had been given as hostages for the observance of all the articles of the treaty that should be made with them. Some of them were sent by duke William to Mons and Valenciennes, and some to Lille, Arras, and other places belonging to the duke of Burgundy, who went to his county of Flanders, and duke William to Hainault, after they had disbanded their men at arms. The greater part returned to their homes much enriched by the plunder of the Liegeois, who, thunderstruck by the misfortune that had befallen them, became stupified and indolent.

Many great lords attended the duke of Burgundy on this expedition: among them were, from Burgundy, sir John de Châlons[10], sir Gaultier de Ruples, the lord de Vergy[11], marshal of Burgundy, the lord de St George, sir John de la Balme[12], sir William de Champ-divers, sir James de Courtjambe, the lord de Montagu, and many more. From Picardy, the lords de Croy[13], de Heilly, de Fosseux, de Vaurin, sir Bort Guieret and his brothers, the lord of Inchy, the lord of Raisse, the lord de Brimeu, sir Regnault de Crequy lord of Comtes[14], Enguerrand de Bournouville, the lord de Ront, sir Raoul de Flandres, the lord de Poix, sir Wincart de Bours, the lord d’Auxy, the lord de Mailly, the lord de Thiennes and the lord d’Azincourt. From Flanders, sir John and sir Louis de Guystelle, the lord de Hames, sir John de Bailleul, sir Collart de Fosseux, and others, the principal nobles of the country.

In like manner, duke William had assembled his nobles, with many others, his allies; among whom was sir John de Bethune, brother to the viscount de Meaux. Common report said, that Anthony duke of Brabant, brother to the duke of Burgundy, and Waleran de Luxembourg count de St Pol, had refused their assistance, because they had not been made acquainted with the terms and agreements entered into by John of Bavaria on the one part, and the lord de Pier-Yves on the other, for the resignation of the bishoprick of Liege. They also made other excuses.

When the day appointed for the meeting of the duke of Burgundy, duke William and the bishop of Liege, in the town of Tournay, for the final settlement of the affairs of Liege drew near, the inhabitants of that town sent them a petition, by ambassadors chosen from among the principal citizens, to request they would fix on some other town, as the numbers of their attendants would greatly harrass and impoverish them, considering the very small stock of provision that was in Tournay. Their request was granted,—and the town of Lille was chosen for their meeting on the day that had before been fixed on.

Thither all the hostages from Liege were conducted, and brought into the presence of the aforesaid dukes and bishop, with several more that had been deputed to hear what judgment should be given, which was as follows:

‘The dukes of Burgundy and Holland declare, that this their judgment shall be punctually fulfilled in every respect, with regard to the present time, reserving to themselves the power of making any future alterations in it as often as, and in what manner, they shall please.

‘First, They consent that the inhabitants of Liege, of the towns and country of that bishoprick, situated within the district of Liege, the country of Los, the countries of Hasbane, St Tron, the territory of Bouillon, shall enjoy their customary franchises and privileges. They order, that the citizens of Liege, and of the other towns above named, do bring to the monastery des Escolliers, in the town of Mons in Hainault, on the morrow of Martinmas-day next ensuing, all the letters patent and charters of their laws and privileges, which they possess,—which they will deliver into the hands of such as may be commissioned by the said dukes to receive them. Those who bring them shall make oath, on the salvation of their own souls, and of the souls of them who sent them, that they have not fraudulently left behind any charters of their laws and privileges.

‘Item, the dukes aforesaid declare, that should the city of Liege, or any other town, neglect to send, or fraudulently retain, any of their charters, that town so retaining them shall be for ever deprived of its privileges and particular laws.

‘Item, the lords aforesaid will, that these charters and letters patent be delivered to the commissioners punctually on the morrow of Martinmas-day.

‘Item, they likewise ordain, that when these charters and privileges shall have been duly examined, and new ones drawn up and delivered, neither the bishop of Liege nor his chapter shall grant any new privileges to the inhabitants, without the consent of the two dukes or their successors.

‘Item, they also ordain, that henceforward the commonalty shall not appoint or nominate, in the aforesaid towns and bishoprick, any officers, such as governors, masters of trades, doctors of arts,—but that from this day all such offices be annulled.

‘Item, they ordain, that all bailiffs, provosts, mayors, and others bearing similar titles, shall be nominated by the bishop of Liege and the count de Los;—and also, that the sheriffs in such towns as claim the right of shrievalty shall be renewed yearly, and a certain number appointed according to the exigency of the case and size of the towns. In no large town shall father and son, two brothers-in-law, two cousins-german, the uncle and nephew, nor anyone who has married the mother of another, be appointed sheriffs at the same time, in order that no improper favours be shewn from partiality of kindred. All officers shall swear solemnly on their creation, to preserve and abide by every article and point contained in the constitution delivered to them.

‘Item, they ordain, that the bishop of Liege may, each year, at the expiration of the shrievalty, appoint such sheriffs as he shall please, or re-appoint those of the preceding year, or others according to his good pleasure, provided they are not any way connected by blood, as has been before mentioned. All disputes respecting the persons or fortunes of the inhabitants of the different towns having sheriffs, shall be brought before their jurisdictions,—and at the end of the year, the sheriffs shall be bound to render an account of their administration before their lord, the bishop of Liege, or his deputies, and before one commissary deputed by the chapter, and another on the part of the different churches.

‘Item, they ordain, that all guilds and fraternities in the city of Liege, and in all the other towns, shall henceforth cease and be annulled; and that the banners of the above guilds in Liege shall be delivered up to commissaries, on an appointed day that shall be made known to them; and the banners of the other towns shall be brought by the inhabitants to a certain place on an appointed day, to the commissioners named to receive them, and who shall do with them as they may judge expedient.

‘Item, they also ordain, that in the above city, and in the towns within the said bishoprick, no one shall be reputed a citizen unless he shall have really resided within such town in which he shall claim his right of citizenship. And all such rights of citizenship are for the present annulled; for although there may be resident citizens in the aforesaid towns, they cannot, in such right, claim any moveables by reason of inheritance, without the cognizance of the lords under whom such persons have lived, and in whose territory such inheritances are situated.

‘Item, they ordain, that from this moment, and in times to come, the towns of Huy, Dinant, and others within the territory of Liege, the country of Los, the country of Hasbane, and all within the jurisdiction of Liege, shall no longer call together any assembly, or congregation of people, under pretence of holding councils or otherwise, without the consent of their aforesaid bishop and lord, or of the chapter of Liege, should the bishoprick at the time be vacant.

‘Item, they ordain, that the bishop of Liege, or any others having the government of the said territory and its dependancies, shall never bear arms against the king or kings of France, their successors; nor against the two said dukes, their successors in the said duchies and counties; nor against the count de Namur for the time being, or his successors; nor against any of the countries, of the aforesaid, except when ordered by the emperor, and only when the emperor shall be himself present: provided, nevertheless, that the king of France and the above-mentioned persons do not invade the territories of the bishop and chapter of Liege.

‘Item, they likewise ordain, that in perpetual remembrance of this victory, and the conquest made over them by the above two dukes, they and their successors shall have a free passage, whenever they may choose to cross the river Meuse, through all towns in the territory of Liege, fortified or not, and with a body of men at arms or with few attendants according to their pleasure,—provided they do not permit any of the inhabitants of the said towns, villages, or country through which they shall pass, to be any way molested by their men,—and provisions shall be found them for their money, without demanding higher prices for the articles than they are usually sold for.

‘Item, they ordain, that the coin of the aforesaid dukes and their successors shall have free currency throughout the territories and dependancies of the bishop and chapter of Liege.

‘Item, they ordain, that a chapel shall be erected on the spot where the last victory was gained, and funds allotted for the support of four chaplains and two priests; and the said chapels shall be furnished with chasubles, chalices, and other ornaments for celebrating mass and such other divine services as shall be thought advisable for the eternal welfare of the souls of those who were slain in that battle. The nomination to the above benefices shall remain with the two dukes, according to regulations which they shall hereafter make between themselves,—the Liegeois only to be once at the expense of providing this chapel with sacred vessels and ornaments. The bishop of Liege shall allot from his revenues two hundred golden crowns of annual rent for the support of the four chaplains and two priests; that is to say, for each chaplain forty crowns, for each priest ten crowns, and for the repairs of the chapel twenty crowns.

‘Item, the said dukes will, that on the twenty-third day of every month of September, on which day the battle took place, a mass shall be celebrated to the blessed Virgin, with great solemnity, by the provost or dean of the church of St Lambert, in Liege, who shall chaunt it in the choir and at the grand altar, in commemoration of this victory, and for the welfare of the souls of those who fell in battle. The same shall be required of all the churches and chapels to monasteries, as well for men as women, within the said town of Liege, as of all others within its jurisdiction.

‘Item, the said dukes require from the bishop of Liege and the chapter, that they strictly enjoin such services to be regularly performed on every twenty-third day of September throughout the diocese; and that all priests, after the performing of this service, shall be suffered peaceably to return to their homes.

‘Item, they ordain, that the bishop of Liege and his successors, and such as may have the government of the country in times of a vacancy in the see, and the members of the chapter of Liege, shall appoint such governor of the castle of Huy as they shall approve of: in which castle, likewise, they shall not place a greater garrison, nor more stores of provision, than they shall judge expedient, like as an upright lord shall determine. They also insist on having a free ingress and regress into and from the town of Huy and the adjacent country. They likewise ordain the same regulations respecting the castles of Escoquehen[15] and Bouillon, as to their governors, garrisons and stores.

‘Item, the aforesaid dukes ordain, that should any one, however high his rank, attempt, by force, or otherwise, to deprive those of such gifts and preferments in the church, or any other offices for life, as have been usually granted by the bishops of Liege and their predecessors, the members of the chapter of Liege shall be bound to restore, and defend them in, their possessions to the utmost of their power, without any fraud whatever.

‘Item, as there are still living many perverse conspirators, who are now fugitives from the territories of Liege and county of Los, and have retired into the neighbouring countries, where they have been received, the dukes aforesaid will appoint proper commissioners to make inquiry whither such wicked persons have gone, and publish their names. On the discovery of the places to which they have withdrawn, applications shall be made to the princes and lords thereof, that they may be surrendered to the bishop of Liege, for him to inflict on them the punishments due to their deserts, or at least that such princes and lords may drive them out of their respective countries. But should these lords refuse to comply, or to do justice on such conspirators, they shall be for ever banished from the bishoprick of Liege, the county of Los, and their dependancies, as conspirators and movers of sedition; and it shall be proclaimed throughout the above countries, that no one receive them within their houses, but deliver them up to justice, should any attempt to return, demanding assistance from their lord, should there be a necessity for it. Should they be unable to arrest them, they shall denounce them to the nearest officers of justice, under pain of suffering corporal punishment, and having their fortunes confiscated, as would have been done to such conspirators and rebels. While exerting themselves in the performance of this duty, should they accidentally put to death any of such rebels, no consequences shall ensue to their loss.

‘Item, they ordain that the walls of the castle of Thuin, with its gates and towers, be razed, as well the part toward the town as that toward the mountain, and the ditches filled up.

‘Item, the same to be done to the town of Fosse and to the town and castle of Commun,—which towns shall not be repaired. And in like manner shall all the posts on the river Sambre be destroyed, the ditches filled, and neither they nor the towns shall be ever again repaired, so that they may serve for places of defence to the inhabitants, on any pretence, in future times.

‘Item, the gates, walls and towers of Dinant shall be pulled down, as well on the opposite side of the Meuse as on this; and the inhabitants shall never rebuild them again.

‘Item, the inhabitants of the said towns of Thuin, Fosse, Commun and Dinant, or any persons from other towns, shall not rebuild or repair the fortified places between or on the two rivers Sambre and Meuse, on the road to Namur.

‘Item, one of the gates of Tongres shall also be razed, namely, that which leads to Maestricht, with forty feet of wall on each side of the said gate, without a possibility of its ever being re-erected. The town of Tongres shall likewise, at its own expense, cause to be filled up the trenches they had opened before the said town, when they besieged their lord within it, because they had put the country of Liege under heavy taxes, and had subjugated it.

‘And whereas it is notorious, that very great losses have attended this subjugation, the aforesaid dukes will, that an aid be levied on this city, and the towns before mentioned, to the amount of two hundred and twenty thousand golden crowns, which shall be raised as soon as may be, being levied in proportion to the comparative riches of each inhabitant.

‘Item, in case any of the hostages shall die before all the articles of this treaty are completed, the aforesaid lords will, that the town or district whence such hostage or hostages shall have been sent, do instantly furnish others of the same rank and property as those who have died.

‘Item, they ordain, that when this treaty shall be properly engrossed, the bishop of Liege, his chapter, and the principal inhabitants, shall come to sign it, and engage, that should any articles of it be not completed according to the exact tenor of the terms, then for each omission or neglect the bishop, his successors, the chapter and chief towns shall forfeit two hundred thousand golden crowns of the coin of the king of France, or other florins of gold of France, of the value of the aforesaid crowns. That is to say, fifty thousand to the then emperor or king of the Romans; to the king of France fifty thousand; and to each of the said dukes the like sum;—the whole to be levied on the lands and moveables of the said Liegeois, by seizure of their goods and bodies wherever they may be.

‘They are likewise to signify their consent, that should obstacles be thrown in the way by any of the said towns to prevent the articles of the said treaty from being carried into effect, the bishop of Liege, and the archbishop of Cologne for the time being, shall be the arbitrators between such towns,—and their decision shall be final.

‘When a legal pope shall be elected, and his authority over the whole church of God be acknowledged, then such as make opposition to the execution of the above treaty shall be laid under an interdict, which shall not be taken off, until sufficient reparation be made, and the aforesaid pecuniary forfeitures be paid.

‘Should any of the towns, or their inhabitants, offer any insult, in contradiction to the above treaty, to either of the said dukes or their successors, the bishop of Liege, or his vicar in his absence, the chapter and citizens shall be required to constrain the offenders to make full reparation within one month from the time of complaint being made. And should such reparation not be made within the month, as aforesaid, after the summons to that effect has been delivered, the country shall be liable to the same fines as before mentioned.

‘The dukes of Burgundy and of Holland order, that all these articles be fairly engrossed, and then sealed with their seals, and then given to the lord bishop of Liege, or to his chapter, with a copy for the city of Liege and one for each principal town. In return, the bishop and the towns shall give to the dukes aforesaid letters signed with their great seals acknowledging the receipt of the above treaty, and promising obedience to all the articles of it, and binding themselves to the fines therein mentioned.

‘As many noble persons and others, as well secular as ecclesiastic, have presented many petitions to complain of the great losses they have suffered during the late rebellion, and specifying their particular grievances,—the dukes aforesaid, not having had time to examine them with the attention they deserve, will have them examined with all possible speed, and will attend to each of them.’

The whole of the above, having been written out fair, was, by the command of the two dukes aforesaid, publicly proclaimed in the great hall at Lille, and in their presence, the 24th day of October, in the year 1408.

CHAP. IV.

THE KING OF FRANCE HOLDS A GRAND COUNCIL AT PARIS, TO CONSIDER ON THE MANNER OF PROCEEDING AGAINST THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY FOR THE MURDER OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.

During the expedition of the duke of Burgundy against the Liegeois, a great many of the principal lords were, by the king’s orders, assembled at Paris. Among them were, Louis king of Sicily, Charles king of Navarre, the duke of Brittany, the duke of Bourbon, and several others, the greater part of whom were friendly to the duchess-dowager of Orleans and her children in their prosecution of the duke of Burgundy. Many councils were held as to the manner in which the king should proceed against the duke of Burgundy, who was the principal actor in this murder, as has been before explained.

It was at length determined in these councils, that a most rigorous prosecution, in conformity to the laws, should be carried on against him; and should he refuse to obey, the king, with all his subjects and vassals, should march, with as great a force as could be raised, against him, to bring him and his abettors to due obedience.

At the same time, at the solicitations of the duchess of Orleans and her children, the king annulled all his letters of pardon which he had formerly granted to the duke of Burgundy, and declared them of no weight, in the presence of the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, the princes of the blood, and the whole of the council. The duchess demanded and obtained letters, confirming this renunciation of the pardon; after which, she and her daughter-in-law, wife to the young duke of Orleans, left Paris, and returned to Blois.

Not long after this, news came to Paris of the great victory which the duke of Burgundy had gained over the Liegeois. This was confirmed by the return of the king’s ambassadors, sir Guichard Daulphin and sir William de Tignonville, who, as has been related, were present at the battle, and gave to the king and the lords then in Paris a most circumstantial account of it. On hearing this, several who had been most violent against the duke of Burgundy, now hung their heads, and began to be of a contrary opinion to what they had before held, fearing the steadiness, boldness and power of the duke, who was said to have a mind equal to the support of any misfortunes that should happen to him, and which would encourage him to oppose and conquer all attempts of his adversaries. In short, all the measures that had been adopted against him were dropped, and the men at arms were ordered to return to the places whence they had come.

Ambassadors had arrived from England to treat of a peace, or a truce for one year, between the kings of England and of France, which having obtained, they set out on their return, through Amiens and Boulogne, to Calais. On the road, they heard of the grand victory of the duke of Burgundy, which surprised them very much,—and they gave him the surname of ‘Jean sans peur.’

The duke of Burgundy was very active in attaching to his party noblemen and warriors from all countries, to strengthen himself against his enemies, of whom he was given to understand that he had many. He held on this subject several consultations with his two brothers and brothers-in-law, namely, duke William of Holland and John of Bavaria, to which were admitted his most trusty friends; and they deliberated long on the manner in which he should now carry himself. It was at length finally concluded, that he should openly oppose all, excepting the king of France and the duke of Acquitaine; and those present promised him aid and support with all the power of their vassals, on these terms.

CHAP. V.

THE KING OF FRANCE IS CARRIED, BY THE PRINCES OF THE BLOOD, TO TOURS IN TOURAINE.——PEACE IS MADE IN THE TOWN OF CHARTRES.—THE DEATH OF THE DOWAGER DUCHESS OF ORLEANS.

The king of France left Paris, accompanied by the kings of Sicily and Navarre, the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, the dukes of Berry and Bourbon, who, with others of the blood-royal, conducted him, under the escort of a large body of men at arms, to Tours in Touraine, as his place of residence,—to the great displeasure of the inhabitants of Paris, who were so much troubled thereat that they barricadoed the streets with chains. They hastily sent to inform the duke of Burgundy, at Lille, of the king’s departure, giving him to understand that the greater part of those who had carried him away from Paris were not well inclined towards him.

This intelligence was not very agreeable to the duke, for he suspected that the king had only been conducted to Tours that his enemies might carry their measures against him more securely; for the lords who had the government knew well that the Parisians loved the duke of Burgundy, and would not that any other should have the government of the kingdom, believing, from the hints he had thrown out, that when in power he would abolish all gabelles and other taxes which oppressed the people.

The duke of Burgundy first consulted the dukes of Brabant and of Holland, and other steady friends, and then remanded his men at arms from Burgundy, who were on their march to their own country from Liege, and assembled another body from various parts. He advanced to Roye, in the Vermandois, where he mustered his men, and then marched them toward Paris. He quartered himself, on the 23d day of November, in the town of St Denis, and his forces in the adjacent country. On the morrow, as he was advancing with his men at arms in array toward Paris, two thousand or more combatants sallied out thence, and conducted him, with every mark of honour, to his hôtel of Artois.

Many of the Parisians sung carols in the squares, although all rejoicings had been strictly forbidden on his arrival, to avoid increasing the envy of the princes of the blood. Some of the king’s servants said to those who were singing carols, ‘You may otherwise show your joy for his arrival, but you ought not thus to sing.’ Notwithstanding this, all the principal citizens, and those in authority, showed him as much honour and respect as if he had been king himself.

A few days afterward, duke William, count of Hainault, arrived at Paris, well accompanied by unarmed men, and, at the request of the duke of Burgundy, set out for Tours, attended by the lords de Croy, de St George, de la Viefville, d’Olhaz, and others of the council of the duke, to negotiate his peace with the king, and the lords who had carried him from Paris. The count of Hainault was most honourably received at Tours by the king, the queen, and the other great lords; for the marriage had taken place between John duke of Touraine, second son to the king, and the daughter of the duke of Burgundy: he was also nearly related to the queen.

On the conclusion of the feasts made on his arrival, the count of Hainault and those who had accompanied him opened, in full council, the business of their mission, namely, to make peace for the duke of Burgundy. After many discussions, it was resolved, that the king should send certain persons, selected by him, to hold a conference with the duke of Burgundy at Paris, and point out to him the means of his regaining the good graces of the king.

Duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen, Montagu grand master of the king’s household, and other experienced counsellors, were nominated for this purpose; and they returned with the count de Hainault to Paris, when what had passed was told to the duke of Burgundy.

As all the circumstances of this treaty were not agreeable to the duke, and as he had many suspicions respecting Montagu, he was not disposed to receive the negotiators in the way they were sent to him. He even personally made many reproaches to Montagu, who bore them patiently, excusing himself for any thing that had passed. The treaty, however, having been altered and corrected, was sent back to the king at Tours, and in the end agreed to in the manner you shall hear.

While these negotiations were going forward, and before their conclusion, the duchess-dowager of Orleans, daughter to Galeazzo duke of Milan, died in the town of Blois, broken-hearted at not having been able to obtain justice from the king and council against the duke of Burgundy for the murder of her late lord and husband, Louis duke of Orleans. The duke of Burgundy was much rejoiced at this event, for the duchess had bitterly carried on her prosecution against him.

Her heart was buried at Paris, near that of her husband, and her body in the church of the canons at Blois. After her death, Charles, her eldest son, was duke of Orleans and of Valois, count of Blois and of Beaumont, lord of Coni and of Ast, with many other lordships:—Philip, the second son, was count of Vertus,—and John, the youngest, was named count of Angoulême. These three brothers, and one sister, thus became orphans, but they had been very well educated; yet, by the deaths of the duke and duchess of Orleans, they were much weakened in support and advice,—and several of the king’s ministers were not so zealous to prosecute the duke of Burgundy as they had been. This was very apparent in the negotiations which took place some little time after the death of the duchess, between the duke of Burgundy and the children of Orleans; for although the treaty sent by the king was not wholly to the liking of the duke, as has been said, yet it was so corrected that the parties accepted of it, in the following terms:

First, it was ordered by the king and his great council, that the duke of Burgundy should depart from Paris with his men at arms, and return to his own country, where he was to remain until a certain day, namely, the first Wednesday in February, when he was to meet the king at the town of Chartres, accompanied only by one hundred gentlemen at arms, and the children of Orleans with fifty. It was also ordered, that duke William, count of Hainault, should have under his command four hundred of the king’s men at arms, to preserve the peace. It was also ordered, that the duke of Burgundy, when he appeared before the king, should be attended by one of his council, who should repeat the words he was to say; and the duke, in confirmation of them, was to add, ‘We will and agree that it should be thus.’

Afterward, according to the tenor of the treaty, the king was to say to the duke of Burgundy, ‘We will, that the count de Vertus, our nephew, have one of your daughters in marriage.’ The duke was by this treaty to assign over to his daughter three thousand livres parisis yearly, and give her one hundred and fifty thousand golden francs.

When this treaty had been concluded, duke William set out from Paris for Hainault; and shortly after, the duke of Burgundy disbanded his men at arms, and left Paris to go to Lille, whither he had summoned the duke of Brabant his brother, duke William and the bishop of Liege, his brothers-in-law, and many other great lords.

At this period, there was a great quarrel between the duke of Brabant and duke William. It was caused by the father of duke William having borrowed in former times from the late duchess of Brabant one hundred and fifty thousand florins to carry on a war against some of his rebellious subjects in Holland, which sum the duke of Brabant had claimed as belonging to him. He had in consequence, by the advice of his Brabanters, taken possession of a castle called Heusden[16], situated between Brabant and Holland.

The duke of Burgundy took great pains to make up the quarrel between these two princes, that they might the more effectually assist him in his plans, which were very extensive. After this business had been settled, and the parties had separated, duke William assembled in Hainault, according to the king of France’s orders, four hundred men at arms and as many archers. The principal lords among them were, the counts de Namur, de Conversant and de Salmes. The duke of Burgundy, conformably to the treaty, set out, the day after Ash-Wednesday, attended by his son-in-law the count de Penthievre[17], and lay at Bapaume. Thence he went to Paris, with duke William, the above-named lords, the count de St Pol, the count de Vaudemont[18], and several others of the nobility.

On Saturday, the 2d day of March, they arrived all together at the town of Gallardon, four leagues distant from Chartres. The Wednesday following, duke William of Holland advanced with his body of forces to Chartres, where the king then was. On the ensuing Saturday, the duke of Burgundy set out from Gallardon, to wait on the king, escorted by six hundred men at arms; but when he approached Chartres, he dismissed them all, excepting one hundred light horsemen, in compliance with the treaty, and thus entered Chartres about ten o’clock in the morning, riding strait to the church as far as the cloisters of the canons, where he was lodged.

At this same time, the duke of Orleans, in company with his brother the count de Vertus, and, according to the treaty, attended by only fifty men at arms, entered the church of our Lady at Chartres, with the king their uncle, the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, and several princes of the blood.

That the king and lords might not be pressed upon by the spectators, and that all might plainly see the ceremony, a scaffolding was erected in the church, on which the king was seated near the crucifix. Round him were placed the queen, the dauphin and dauphiness, daughter to the duke of Burgundy, the kings of Sicily and Navarre, the dukes of Berry and Bourbon; the cardinal de Bar, the marquis du Pont his brother, the archbishop of Sens, and the bishop of Chartres, with other counts, prelates, and the family of Orleans were behind the king. At the entrance of the church, by the king’s orders, were a body of men at arms drawn up in battle-array.

It was not long before the duke of Burgundy entered the church, and on his advancing toward the king, all the lords, excepting the king, queen and dauphin, rose up from their seats. The duke, on his approach to the king, kneeled down with his advocate the lord d’Ollehaing, who repeated to the king the following words:

‘Sire, behold here my lord of Burgundy, your subject and cousin, who is thus come before you, because he has heard you are angry with him, for the action he has committed against the person of the late duke of Orleans your brother, for the good of yourself and your kingdom,—the truth of which he is ready to declare and prove to you, whenever you shall please. My lord, therefore, entreats of you, in the most humble manner possible, that you would be pleased to withdraw from him your anger, and restore him to your good graces.’ When the lord d’Ollehaing had said this, the duke of Burgundy himself addressed the king, saying, ‘Sire, I entreat this of you:’—when instantly the duke of Berry, seeing the king made no reply, bade the duke of Burgundy retire some paces behind,—which being done, the duke of Berry, kneeling before the king, said something to him in a low voice,—and immediately the dauphin, the kings of Sicily and Navarre, with the duke of Berry, knelt down to the king, and said, ‘Sire, we supplicate that you would be pleased to listen to the prayer of your cousin the duke of Burgundy.’ The king answered them, ‘We will that it be so,—and we grant it from our love to you.’

The duke of Burgundy then approached the king, who said to him,—‘Fair cousin, we grant your request, and pardon you fully for what you have done.’ After this, he advanced, with the lord d’Ollehaing, toward the children of Orleans, who, as I have said, were behind the king weeping much.

The lord d’Ollehaing addressed them, saying, ‘My lords, behold the duke of Burgundy, who entreats of you to withdraw from your hearts whatever hatred or revenge you may harbour within them, for the act perpetrated against the person of my lord of Orleans, your father, and that henceforward ye may remain good friends.’ The duke of Burgundy then added, ‘And I beg this of you.’ No answer being made, the king commanded them to accede to the request of his fair cousin the duke of Burgundy. Upon which they replied, ‘Sire, since you are pleased to command us, we grant him his request, and shall extinguish all the hatred we bore him; for we should be sorry to disobey you in any thing that may give you pleasure.’

The cardinal de Bar then, by the king’s orders, brought an open Bible, on which the two parties, namely, the two sons of the late duke of Orleans and the duke of Burgundy swore on the holy evangelists, touching them with their hands, that they would mutually preserve a firm peace towards each other, without any open or secret attempts contrary to the full meaning of their oaths. When this was done, the king said, ‘We will that henceforth ye be good friends; and I most strictly enjoin, that neither of you attempt any thing to the loss or hurt of the other, nor against any persons who are attached to you, or who may have given you advice or assistance; and that you show no hatred against any one on this occasion, under pain of offending against our royal authority,—excepting, however, those who actually committed this murder, who shall be for ever banished from our kingdom.’

After this speech of the king, these princes again swore they would faithfully abide by their treaty. The duke of Burgundy then advanced to salute the wife of the dauphin, the duke of Acquitaine; and about an hour after this ceremony had taken place the duke took his leave of the king, queen, and the lords present, and set out from Chartres for Gallardon, where he dined. Many who were there were very much rejoiced that matters had gone off so well; but others were displeased, and murmured, saying, that henceforward it would be no great offence to murder a prince of the blood, since those who had done so were so easily acquitted, without making any reparation, or even begging pardon.

The duke of Orleans and his brother shortly after took leave of the king, queen, dauphin, and the lords of the court, and returned, with their attendants, to Blois, whence they had come, not well satisfied, any more than their council, with the peace that had been made.

The marquis du Pont, son to the duke of Bar, and cousin to the duke of Burgundy, who before this day was not beloved by him, on account of the murder of the duke of Orleans, followed him to Gallardon, where they dined publicly together in great friendship and concord. About two o’clock in the afternoon duke William, the count de St Pol, and other great lords, visited the duke of Burgundy at his lodgings in Gallardon, and then returned together toward Paris.

The king, the queen, the dauphin, and the other kings, princes and cardinals, arrived at Paris on Mid-Lent Sunday; and the dukes of Burgundy and of Holland, with the cardinal de Bordeaux, who was at that time in Paris, on his way to the council of Pisa, went out to meet them, followed by upwards of two hundred thousand Parisians of both sexes, eager to receive the king, singing carols, as he entered the gates, and conducting him with great rejoicings to his palace.

They were very happy that the king was returned to Paris, and also that a peace had been concluded respecting the death of the late duke of Orleans. They attributed the whole to the great mercy of God, who had permitted that such strong symptoms of a civil war should be so readily extinguished; but they did not foresee or consider the consequences that ensued.

The greater part of the Parisians were obstinately attached to the duke of Burgundy, through the hope that by his means all the most oppressive taxes would be abolished; but they did not see clearly all the mischiefs that afterward befel the kingdom and themselves,—for in a very short time, as you shall hear, a most cruel contention broke out between the families of Orleans and Burgundy.

CHAP. VI.

THE QUEEN OF SPAIN DIES DURING THE SITTING OF THE COUNCIL AT PISA.—THE MARRIAGE OF THE KING OF DENMARK, NORWAY AND SWEDEN.

In this year died the queen of Spain[19], sister to Henry king of England, and mother to the young king of Spain and queen of Portugal. The Spaniards after her death sent home all the english servants, male and female, belonging to the late queen, who returned to England in much grief and sorrow at heart.

At this same season, great numbers of prelates, archbishops, bishops and abbots, set out from various countries of Christendom to attend the council at Pisa which was assembling to restore union to the church, which had for a long time suffered a schism, to the great displeasure of many princes and well-inclined persons.

About this same period, Henry[20] king of Denmark, Norway and Sweden, took to wife the daughter of Henry king of England. These kingdoms were put into the hands of the king of Denmark by their queen, who divested herself of all power and profit over them in favour of king Henry.

[A. D. 1409.]
CHAP. VII.

THE KING OF FRANCE HAS A SEVERE RETURN OF HIS DISORDER.—THE MARRIAGE OF THE COUNT DE NEVERS WITH THE DAMSEL OF COUCY.—THE WAR OF AMÉ DE VIRY, A SAVOYARD, WITH THE DUKE OF BOURBON.

At the beginning of this year, Charles king of France was much oppressed with his usual disorder. On this account, when the kings of Navarre and Sicily, and the duke of Berry, had properly provided, in conjunction with the duke of Burgundy, for the state of the king, and the government of the realm, they went to visit their own territories. In like manner, the duke of Burgundy, went to the marriage of his brother Philip count of Nevers, who took to wife the damsel of Coucy, daughter to sir Enguerrand de Coucy[21], formerly lord and count of Soissons, and niece by the mother’s side to the duke of Lorraine and to the count de Vaudemont; which marriage was celebrated in the town of Soissons.

This ceremony was performed on Saint George’s day, and the feasts and entertainments lasted for three days afterward. There were present the duchess of Lorraine[22] and the countess of Vaudemont[23], who had come expressly thither to do honour to the lady of Coucy and her daughter.

When these feasts were over, the duke of Burgundy, attended by his son-in-law the count de Penthievre, set out for Burgundy; and shortly after, the count de Nevers conducted his wife, and the duchess of Lorraine and the countess of Vaudemont, to his county of Rethel, where she was received with every token of joy.

During this time, the duke of Bourbon was challenged by Amé de Viry, a Savoyard, and a poor blade in comparison with the duke of Bourbon; nevertheless, he committed much damage by fire and sword in the countries of Bresse and Beaujolois. The duke was very indignant at this, and assembled a large body of men at arms and archers to punish and conquer him. He ordered his son, the count de Clermont, to lead on the van, and he speedily followed in person.

In his company were the counts de la Marche and de Vendôme, the lord d’Albret, constable of France, Louis de Baviere, brother to the queen, Montagu, grand master of the king’s household, the lord de la Heuse and many more great lords, who advanced with a numerous body of men to the county of Beaujolois.

Amé de Viry was informed of the great force which the duke of Bourbon was marching against him, and dared not wait his arrival; for he had not strength enough to garrison the forts he had taken. On his retreat, he marched to a town called Bourg-en-Bresse, which belonged to the earl of Savoy, his lord. The earl, however, would not support him against his great uncle, the duke of Bourbon, but gave him up, on condition that Amé should make every amends in his power for the mischiefs he had done, and should surrender himself to one of the prisons of the duke, until he should have completely made him satisfaction, but that no harm of any sort should be done to his person.

The duke of Bourbon gladly received him, and thanked his nephew for his friendship.—This caused a quarrel of some standing to be made up; for the earl of Savoy had declared his great uncle owed him homage for his lands of Beaujolois, which he would not pay,—but now the dispute was mutually referred by them to the duke of Berry.

When these matters were concluded, the duke of Bourbon returned to France, and disbanded his forces. Some time after, by means which Viry made use of with the duke, he obtained his liberty. Waleran count de St Pol intended being of this expedition with the duke of Bourbon, and raised a large force; but on marching near Paris, he was ordered not to proceed further, and to return to the frontiers of the Boulonois, where he had been specially commissioned by the king.

CHAP. VIII.

TWO COMBATS TAKE PLACE AT PARIS IN THE PRESENCE OF THE KING.——THE DEATH OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF RHEIMS.——THE COUNCIL AT PISA.

About Ascension-day, the king of France, who had been grievously ill, was restored to health,—and in consequence, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon, with many other lords, instantly returned to Paris. Two combats were ordained to be fought in the square behind St Martin des Champs, in the presence of the king and the aforesaid lords. One was between a breton knight, called sir William Batailler, and an Englishman, named sir John Carmien, for a breach of faith.

When they were met, and Montjoye king at arms had proclaimed their challenges and the causes of them, in the accustomed manner, he bade them do their duty. Sir William, who was the appellant, issued first out of his pavilion, and marched proudly toward his adversary, who was advancing to meet him. They threw their lances without effect, and then made use of their swords: but in this last combat the Englishman was slightly wounded below his armour, when the king instantly put an end to the fight. They were both very honourably led out of the lists, and conducted to their lodgings.

The other combat was between the seneschal of Hainault and sir John Cornwall, an english knight of great renown, and who had married a sister to the king of England[24]. This combat was undertaken by the two knights at the desire of the duke of Burgundy, when at Lille, to show their prowess in running a few courses with the lance and giving some strokes with the battle-axe: but when the duke had caused the lists to be prepared, the two champions were ordered by the king to repair to Paris, and to perform their deeds of arms in his presence.

According to these orders, and on the appointed day, sir John Cornwall entered the lists first, very grandly equipped, and, galloping his horse around, came before the king, whom he gallantly saluted. He was followed by six little pages mounted on as many war-horses, the two first of which were covered with furniture of ermines, and the other four with cloth of gold. When he had made his obeisances, the pages retired without the lists.

Shortly after, the seneschal arrived, attended by the duke of Brabant and his brother, the count de Nevers, each holding a rein of his horse, on his right and left. The count de Clermont bore his battle-axe, and the count de Penthievre his lance. When he had made the circuit of the lists, and had saluted the king, as sir John Cornwall had done, they prepared to tilt with their lances; but as they were on the point of so doing, the king caused it to be proclaimed that they should not proceed in this matter, which was very displeasing to both of them, and forced them to return to their hôtels.

It was again proclaimed, by the king’s orders, that this deed of arms should not be carried further,—and that in future no one, under pain of capital punishment, should, throughout his realm, challenge another to a duel without a substantial cause.

When the king had magnificently feasted these two knights, and shown them much honour at his court, they departed, as it was said, for England, with the intention of completing their deed of arms.

During this time, the cardinal de Bar, son to the duke of Bar, and Guye de Roye, archbishop of Rheims, in company with master Peter d’Ailly, bishop of Cambray, and several other prelates and churchmen, were journeying to the general council which was to be held at Pisa, and took up their lodgings one night at a town called Voltri, on the sea-coast, about four leagues from Genoa. At this place the blacksmith of the archbishop had a quarrel with a blacksmith of the town, about the price of shoeing a horse, which proceeded from words to blows, and the archbishop’s blacksmith killed the other, and fled instantly for safety to the lodgings of his master.

The townsmen immediately rose,—and a great number of them came to revenge the death of their countryman. The archbishop, hearing of the cause of this tumult, left his chamber, and kindly addressed them, promising to have the injury immediately repaired, according to their wishes; and, the more to appease them, he delivered up his blacksmith into the hands of the magistrate of the place, who was a lieutenant of Boucicaut marshal of France, then governor of Genoa.

But this was of no avail,—for as the archbishop was speaking to them, without the door of his house, one of the mob thrust his javelin right through his body to the heart, so that he dropped down dead without uttering another word. It was a great pity, for he was a religious prelate, and of a noble family.

This deed, however, did not satisfy them; for instantly after they murdered the magistrate and the aforesaid blacksmith, and also endeavoured to force their way into the house, whither the cardinal de Bar and the greater part of the others had retired, in order to put them likewise to death.

They were, however, at length appeased by the principal inhabitants, and it was concluded that the cardinal should grant them his pardon for what they had done against him,—to which, indeed, he was induced by his attendants, from their fears of being all destroyed.

They never told him of the murder of the archbishop until he was gone two leagues from the town: on the hearing of it, he was so troubled, and sick at heart, that he was near falling off his mule. His attendants, notwithstanding, made him hasten his pace as much as they could; for they were alarmed for their lives, after the instances they had seen, and from the numbers of people they perceived descending the hills, and the accustomed signs they saw when a town is under any apprehension of danger, and the ringing of bells in the manner usual on these occasions.

These signals were sounded throughout the country, and the peasants were seen running down the hills to overtake them; but when they were arrived within a league of Genoa, the marshal Boucicaut[25] came out with a handsome company to meet him. The cardinal made loud complaints to him of the outrages that had been committed on his people at the town of Voltri, and demanded that he would judicially inquire into it. The marshal replied, that he would make so severe an example of that town that all others should take warning from it.

The cardinal was then conducted into the city of Genoa, where he was made welcome by the churchmen and other inhabitants; and this same day the body of the archbishop of Rheims was brought thither, and honourably interred,—and his obsequies were performed in the principal church of Genoa.

Shortly after, the marshal Boucicaut punished most severely all whom he could apprehend that had committed these outrages, with their accomplices: they were put to death in various ways, and their houses also were razed to the ground, that these executions might serve for warnings to others never to commit such cruel murders.

The cardinal de Bar, with his companions, now set out from Genoa, and travelled, by easy day’s journies, to Pisa, where were assembled a prodigious number of cardinals, doctors in theology, and graduates in civil law and other sciences, ambassadors and prelates, in obedience to the two popes, from different kingdoms, and from all parts of Christendom.

After many councils had been held on the schism in the church, they came at last to this conclusion: they unanimously condemned the two rival popes as heretics, schismatics, obstinate in evil, and perturbators of the peace of our holy mother the church. This sentence was passed in the presence of twenty-four cardinals, at the gates of Pisa, before all the people, the 15th day of June, in the year aforesaid.

The same cardinals, after invoking the grace and assistance of the holy Spirit, entered into conclave, where they remained until the 16th day of the same month, when they finished their election. They chose Peter of Candia, so named from being a native of that island: he was of the order of Friars Minors, created a doctor in theology at Paris, archbishop of Milan and cardinal; and, when consecrated sovereign of the true and holy catholic church, he took the name of Pope Alexander V.

O, most powerful God! how great was the joy thus caused, through thy never-failing grace; for it is impossible to relate the shoutings and acclamations that resounded for more than a league round the city of Pisa. But what shall we say of the city of Paris? Why, when this joyful news was brought thither, on the 8th of July, they incessantly shouted, night and day, ‘Long live Alexander V. our pope!’ in all the squares and streets, and entertained all passengers with meat and drink, from their heartfelt happiness. When the ceremony of consecrating the pope was over, letters were sent to different persons, the more fully to explain the proceedings of the council. I shall insert the one written by the abbot of Saint Maixence to the bishop of Poitiers, the tenor of which was as follows.

‘Reverend father, and my redoubted lord, after my humble respects being accepted, I know that your reverence would gladly be informed of the proceedings of the council, which has been held in the city of Pisa, and any intelligence concerning it; and it is for this reason I have indited the following lines to your reverence.

‘First, then, on the 25th day of March all the cardinals, who had been created by both popes, and all the prelates then in Pisa, assembled in the church of St Martin, which is situated beyond the river, on the road leading to Florence, and thence being dressed in their robes, with mitres on their heads, they made a grand procession to the cathedral church, which is as distant from that of Saint Martin as our church of Nôtre Dame at Paris is from that of St Martin des Champs. There the council always afterward assembled; and on this first day, mass was celebrated with great solemnity: the sermon was preached by my lord cardinal of Milan, of the order of Friars Minors, a great theologian. When the service was over, the morrow was fixed on to open the council, and the two popes were summoned to attend on that day at the gates of the church by two cardinals; but neither of them appeared, nor any one for them.

‘The council continued to sit till the latter end of March, when the popes were again summoned to appear, but neither of them obeyed. The council therefore having required the two rival popes to come before them, on account of the schism that has reigned in the church, and neither of them appearing, or sending any one to make satisfactory answers for them, and the term allotted for their appearing being elapsed, declared them both guilty of the schism that distresses the church, and of contumacy, by their conduct, toward the council.

‘The council ordered prosecutions to be carried on against both of the popes, on the Monday after Quasimodo-Sunday, the 15th of April, when my lords cardinals celebrated together the service of the holy week. On Good Friday, my lord cardinal d’Orsini celebrated divine service in Saint Martin’s church; and a secular doctor of divinity, from Bologna la Grassa, preached an excellent sermon.

‘My lords cardinals were all present at the ceremonies of Easter Sunday. During the ensuing week they assembled in council, sometimes alone, at others they called in the prelates, to deliberate on the state of affairs, and what line of conduct should be pursued; and every thing was carried on with mutual good will on all sides. This week the ambassadors from the king of the Romans arrived at Pisa.

‘On the Sunday of Quasimodo, an italian bishop said mass before the cardinals; and a cordelier from Languedoc, a doctor in divinity preached the sermon, in which he greatly praised my lords cardinals from France, and such as were seeking to restore peace to the church,—but very harshly treated the two contending popes, calling them schismatics, heretics, and traitorous enemies to God and to his church. He chose for his text, ‘Jesus dixit, Pax vobis,’ which he handled extraordinarily well.

‘The following Monday, the cardinals, prelates, ambassadors, and procurators then present, made oath to obey the decisions of the council. Mass was then chaunted, and succeeded by many prayers; then the litany was sung, at which all the cardinals and prelates, dressed in their robes and mitres, attended, and so continued as long as the sittings of the council lasted, which made it a handsome sight to see.

‘This same day, the council gave audience to the ambassadors from Robert king of the Romans; and the bishop of Verdun, on the part of Robert, who favoured pope Gregory as much as he could, began his harangue, taking for his theme, ‘Pax vobis.’ He made many mischievous propositions, to divide and distract the council, in obedience to his master, and to serve the false pope Gregory. There were with this bishop an archbishop of a foreign order, and a numerous body of attendants. When the bishop had made his propositions, the ambassadors were required to deliver the same in writing, and to show their procurations from their lord. A day was then fixed to hear the answer of the council to their propositions; but before this day arrived, the ambassadors went away without taking leave of their host.

‘This week of Quasimodo, the lord Malatesta came to Pisa in great state: he had given to pope Gregory one of his castles called Rimini[26], and made the following request to the cardinals assembled, as well on the part of pope Gregory as on his own,—namely, that it would please the members of the council to adjourn its sittings, and change the place of its meeting; that if they would so do, pope Gregory would attend personally, provided the situation were in a place of safety, and that he might have security for his coming to and going from it.

‘In consequence of this request, the cardinals summoned the prelates to notify it to them; but they unanimously declared, they would neither consent that the place of holding the council should be changed nor that the meetings of it should be adjourned. This answer was very agreeable to the cardinals. The lord Malatesta, therefore, returned without having succeeded in his object; but his anger was appeased by some of the cardinals, his friends and acquaintance.

‘From the 15th of April, the council continued sitting to the 23d of the said month,—when, after the solemnity of the mass, the advocate-fiscal demanded, that the council should declare, that the conjunction of the two colleges of cardinals of the holy church of Rome had been, and was, lawful and canonical at the time it was formed.

‘Item, that it should declare, that this holy council is duly canonical, by the cardinals of both colleges assembling for so excellent a purpose.

‘Item, that this holy council has been called together by the cardinals of both colleges with a good intent.

‘Item, that it has been assembled at a convenient opportunity.

‘Item, that it should declare, that this holy council, as representing the universal church of God, has a right to take cognizance of the merits of the two competitors for the papacy.

‘Item, that a narrative should this day be read of the introduction and commencement of the schism that took place from the time of the death of pope Gregory X. until the convention of this holy general council.

‘In this narrative were displayed all the tricks and deceits that had been made use of, either individually or conjunctively by the two rival popes.

‘After it had been read, the advocate fiscal drew several conclusions against the said rivals and their pretensions to the papacy, and ended his harangue by demanding that they should be deposed and punished corporally, and that the council should proceed to the election of a true and holy pope.

‘The sittings were prolonged to Saturday the 27th day of the same month, when the ambassadors from the king of England entered the council with a most magnificent state.—The bishop of Salisbury[27], in the diocese of Canterbury, made a handsome speech, urging the necessity of peace and union in the church.

‘When he had finished, the advocate-fiscal made an interesting oration, and concluded by demanding, through the procurator of the holy council, that it would please to appoint a commission of certain wise, discreet, and experienced persons to examine witnesses as to the notorious sins charged on the two competitors for the papacy, and his request was granted.

‘The second Sunday after Easter, mass was celebrated before the cardinals, and the sermon was preached by the bishop of Digne in Provence: he was of the order of Friars Minors, a learned doctor in divinity, and had ever been a great friend to Pietro della Luna, and was well acquainted with the tricks and cavils of both popes. This bishop delivered a good sermon from his text of ‘Mercenarius fugit,’ in which he discovered many deceptions of the two rivals, in descanting on the words of his text.

‘The sittings were continued from this Sunday to the 2d day of May, when mass was said before the cardinals; and the sermon was preached by the cardinal Prenestin, more commonly called the cardinal of Poitiers.—He delivered a good discourse, and chose for his text, ‘Libera Deus Israel ex omnibus tribulationibus suis.’ He urged in his sermon eleven conclusive arguments against the two popes, for refusing to give peace to the church, and ended by requiring the council, in consideration of their obstinate contumacy, to proceed against them and provide a pastor for the flock of God.

‘On the 2d day of May, there was a general meeting of the council, when, after the usual solemnities, a very renowned doctor of Bologna made a reply to the insidious propositions of the bishop of Verdun, on the part of the emperor Robert. He condemned, by arguments drawn from divine, canon, and civil law, all that had been advanced by the bishop; and his reasoning was so just and clear that the council were much satisfied and comforted.

‘The ensuing Sunday, mass was said before the cardinals, and the sermon was preached by the general of the order of Augustins. He was a great doctor in divinity, and a native of Italy. He chose for his text, ‘Cum venerit ille arguet mundum de peccato, et de justitia, et de judicio.’ He discussed this subject very well, and with a good intent.

‘The sittings were prolonged from this 2d of May to the 10th.—The patriarch of Alexandria celebrated mass before the cardinals on the feast of the revelation of St Michael, the 8th of May; and he likewise preached a sermon, taking for his text, ‘Congregata est ecclesia ex filiis Israel et omnes qui fugiebant a malis additi sunt, et facti sunt illis ad firmamentum.’ These words are written in the 2nd and 5th chapters of the first book of Machabees. In the course of this sermon, he pressed six arguments against the two rival popes.

‘On Friday, the 10th of May, the council, after the usual solemnities, resumed its sittings, when the advocate-fiscal made the following requisitions: that the holy council would be pleased to confirm and approve the demands he had before made, namely, that it should declare that the union of the two colleges of cardinals has been and is legal; and that the council should pronounce definitively on the other demands he had made. The procurator fiscal made a request to the council, that eight days should be allowed for the production of witnesses; and the council was adjourned to the 16th of May.

‘On the Sunday preceding that day, mass was said before the cardinals by the bishop of Faenza; and the sermon preached by a native of Arragon, a learned doctor in divinity, who had always been of the party of Pietro della Luna. He chose his text from one of St Paul’s epistles, ‘Expurgate vetus fermentum ut sitis nova conspersio.’ He expatiated on this with such ability that all the doctors wondered. Drawing from it certain conclusions, he said that the two rivals were as much popes as his old shoes, calling them worse than Annas and Caiaphas, and comparing them to the devils in hell.

‘Such things passed in the council to the 23d day of this present month, as I have briefly related, on which day the ambassadors from the king of Spain were to come to Pisa. The number of prelates that were present cannot be estimated, for they were daily increased by new ones, who came from all parts of Christendom. I should suppose that at the last sitting of the council there were present of cardinals, bishops, archbishops, and abbots, wearing mitres, one hundred and forty, without counting the non-mitred members.

‘There were also ambassadors from the kings of France, England, Jerusalem, Sicily, Cyprus, and Poland; from the dukes of Brabant, Austria, Stephen of Bavaria, William of Bavaria; from the counts of Cleves and of Brandac[28]; from the marquis of Brandenbourg and de Moraine[29]; from the archbishops of Cologne, Mentz and Saltzbourg, and from the bishop of Maestricht; from the grand master of the Teutonic order; from the patriarch of Aquileia, and from many princes in Italy. Numbers of doctors in divinity, and in the canon and civil law, were present, as well from France as from other countries, and very many procurators from divers parts of the world, who, by the grace of God, have held instructive and charitable conversations together from the commencement of the council until this moment.

‘In the city of Pisa are abundance of all sorts of provisions, which are sold at reasonable prices; but they would be much cheaper, were it not for the gabelles and taxes that are levied in these countries. In my mind, Pisa is one of the handsomest cities existing: it has a navigable river, within a league distant, running into the sea,—and which river brings large vessels, laden with different merchandise, to the town. Around the city are vineyards of white grapes and many fine meadows.

‘We are very well lodged, considering the great number of men at arms quartered in it for its guard. The town has been conquered by the Florentines, who have banished many of the Pisans to prevent any treasons, and sent them to Florence, to the amount of two thousand; and they are obliged to show themselves twice every day to the governor at an appointed place, under pain of death.

‘Four or five thousand of the Pisans went to ask succour from king Lancelot[30], who, in compliance with their request, advanced within five leagues of Pisa, with a force of twenty-three thousand combatants, as well horse as foot; but the Florentines, through the grace of God, are well able to resist all his power, and guard us. True it is, that this king Lancelot ran a risk of losing his kingdom by the union of the holy church, for he had tyrannically seized on a large part of the patrimony of St Peter.

‘It was said that there were certain ambassadors from Pietro della Luna at the council, not with the intent of forwarding the union, but of throwing every obstacle in its way.

‘There were nineteen cardinals of both colleges, at this council at Pisa, including the cardinal de Challan, whose attendants were arrived,—and the cardinal was to follow with the ambassadors from Savoy.

‘My lords the cardinals are much displeased with those bishops, abbots, and chapters of cathedral churches, who have neglected to send procurators to this general council. I have nothing more to send to you at present.—Written at Pisa the 15th day of May, by your humble monk and servant, the abbot of St Maxence.’

The direction was, ‘To the reverend father in Jesus Christ, and by the grace of God, lord bishop of Poitiers, and chancellor to my lord the duke of Berry.’

CHAP. IX.

THE AMBASSADORS TO THE COUNCIL FROM THE UNIVERSITY OF PARIS WRITE LETTERS, TO INFORM THOSE WHO HAD SENT THEM OF WHAT HAD PASSED AT THIS COUNCIL.—PIETRO DELLA LUNA AND GREGORY ARE DEPRIVED OF THE PAPACY, AND ALL PERSONS FORBIDDEN BY THE HOLY COUNCIL FROM OBEYING EITHER IN ANY MANNER.—PETER OF CANDIA, A CORDELIER, IS ELECTED BISHOP OF ROME BY THE CARDINALS.—REGULATIONS FOR THE APPROBATION OF THE GENERAL COUNCIL.

I shall now transcribe the letters written by the ambassadors from the university of Paris to the council at Pisa, the contents of which are as follows.

‘Reverend fathers, lords and masters, after offering you our humble recommendation, may it please you to know, that we write to inform you of the conclusions entered into by the council-general, which has held thirteen sittings.

‘The two rival popes, having for some time been waited for in vain, notwithstanding the summons sent them, have been declared contumacious in respect to schism and the faith. Many decrees were passed against them for their contumacy, and commissioners were appointed to examine witnesses against them.

‘Item, the council-general approved of the union of the colleges of cardinals, the citations served on the contending popes, and the place of meeting of the council, as being perfectly convenient and secure. The council declared, that it was supreme on earth to take cognizance and judge of the charges brought against the contenders for the papacy. It was also declared by the council, that it had been lawful for any one to quit his obedience to either of the popes, from the moment they had promised to abdicate the papacy; and that all suits and processes, carried on against such as had quitted their obedience to either, were annulled and of no weight.

‘Public charges were then made against them, and an interlocutory sentence passed on the notorious sins of the two competitors. This day, doctor Peter Paoul declared, in full council, your opinions, and took for his text, ‘Congregabuntur filii Judæ et filii Israel et facient sibimet caput unum.’ That is to say, Those who are come to this council, and such as shall hereafter come, will choose from among themselves a head to the church. A little before this, doctor Dominic le Petit had made a solemn harangue before all the cardinals, taking for his text, ‘Principes populorum congregati sunt cum Deo Abraham.’ The cardinals and prelates of the holy church are styled princes of the people. On this day also, the theologians, to the number of six score and three, delivered their opinions, and eighty of them are your friends and supporters.

‘Item, this day it has been ordered that the two rival popes be summoned to appear at the doors of the church on Wednesday the 5th of July, to hear their definitive sentence.

‘Gregory has sent a bull to the English to entreat they would be of his party, with Robert king of the Romans, to change the place of holding the council, and that they would please to be of his council; but he labours in vain, for the English, Germans, Bohemians, Polanders, French, those from Cyprus, Rhodes and Italy, are all unanimous, excepting Robert, whose ambassadors have gone away.

‘Few prelates have come to this council from the kingdom of Hungary. King Ladislaus wrote that he intended being here in person, but he is fully occupied in his war against the infidels.

‘Pietro Mastin, called della Luna, has issued a most thundering bull, in which he admonishes the cardinals to return to their duty toward him; and should they refuse, he prohibits them from attempting to make another election, menacing them, in case of disobedience, with excommunication and other penalties against them and their supporters.

‘Reverend fathers, and redoubted masters, we have nothing more for the present to write to you, except that all nations seem inclined to a reformation in the church, which the new pope, whom it shall please God to elect, will be forced to comply with. Should you have any orders to send us, we are ready to obey them to the utmost of our power. Beseeching you humbly to keep all our concerns in your consideration, may the Sovereign Lord have you under his guard!

‘Written at Pisa the 29th day of May.’ Underneath were signed the names of Dominic le Petit, Pierre Paoul de Quesnoy, Jean Pere Ponce, Vincent, Eustace de Faquemberge, Arnoul Vibrant, Jean Bourlet, dit François.—Master Pierre de Poingny and master Guillaume le Charpentier did not sign the above, because they were absent.

Here follows the sentence on the two contending popes.

‘This present holy council, assembled in the name of Jesus Christ, withdraws itself from the obedience to Pietro della Luna, called Pope Benedict XIII. and from Angelo Corrario, called Pope Gregory XII.; and the holy council decrees and declares, that all true Catholics ought to do the same.

‘Item, the same holy synod, as representative and judge of the universal church, after mature consideration and examination of witnesses concerning the horrible sins of the two contending popes, pronounces, in the church of Pisa, this its definitive sentence, that both popes be deprived of every honour and dignity, especially that of the papacy. It also pronounces, that they be separated from the holy church, in conformity to the sacred canons, and by the above sentence, forbidding all persons to have the boldness ever to defend or obey either of them as pope.

‘The council forbids any Christians from obeying or showing favour to either, notwithstanding any oath or promise they may have made or entered into, under pain of excommunication,—and decrees, that whoever shall disobey this sentence shall be delivered into the hands of secular justice, and condemned as one who favours heretics, and that he shall be punished according to the divine commandments, and the decrees of the holy canons.

‘The council also declares and pronounces, that all promotions of cardinals made by the two rival popes, namely, those made by Angelo Corrario since the 3d day of May, and by Pietra della Luna since the 15th day of June, of the year 1408, have been and are of no effect, and are annulled by this definitive sentence. It also declares, that every judgment given by the aforesaid competitors for the papacy, to the prejudice of the holy church, against any kings, princes, lords, patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, prelates of the church, or other private persons, are of no effect; and the holy synod has ordained that proceedings to the contrary, and to the welfare of the holy church shall commence on the ensuing Monday, the 10th day of June.’

The above sentences and declarations were passed in the general council of Pisa, the 5th day of June, in the year 1409.

The 26th day of June, in the year 1409, Peter of Candia, a Cordelier and native of Greece, doctor of divinity, and usually called the Cardinal of Milan, was unanimously chosen pope by the cardinals at Pisa, with the approbation of the general council, and called Alexander V. who, immediately after his election, published the following bull.

‘Alexander, bishop and servant to the servants of God, to the bishop of Paris, health and apostolical benediction. Praise and glory be to the God of heaven for having instilled into the minds of men a desire of peace on earth, and who, through his benign grace and mercy, has brought about an union of his Christian people, hitherto long disturbed by a dangerous schism.

‘Who is there among mankind that will not most heartily rejoice at this happy event, on considering the perils souls must run when such divisions take place in the holy church, and which have for so long a time been encouraged by sacrilegious schismatics?

‘Our blessed God, taking pity on his people, who had long suffered from this division, opened and illuminated the minds of the holy general council, who have justly condemned the two popes, according to the sacred canons, as enemies to God and his holy church, by their enormous, horrible, and notorious sins.

‘When our brethren, the venerable Cardinals of the holy roman church, of whom we were one, were desirous of finding a proper pastor for the Christian flock, after the usual ceremonies and solemnities, with the consent of the council-general, they entered into conclave, where, after long discussions, they unanimously selected our humble self, then cardinal-priest of the church of the Twelve Apostles, and chose us bishop of Rome. Although we knew our unworthiness of so great a charge, considering our weakness, yet, always confiding in the aid of God, we have accepted of it.

‘Venerable brother, these things we notify to thee, as one loving and desirous of the peace of the church, as we have been well informed; and we exhort thee and thy flock to render thanks to the all-powerful God for this most gracious gift which he has granted to us. We have so great an affection for thy worthy person, that we inform thee, that we are ready to serve thee and thine to the utmost of our power.—This present letter we have intrusted to be delivered to thee by our well-beloved son, that notable man Paulin d’Arcé, esquire of honour, chamberlain, and our loyal servant.—Given at Pisa the 8th day of July, in the first year of our papacy.’

It is the good pleasure of our very sacred lord Alexander V. by divine Providence, pope, that all promotions, translations, confirmations and collations whatever, and all consecrations of bishops and others, that have been granted or performed by the two competitors for the papacy, shall be considered as strictly legal, provided they were effected prior to passing of the definitive sentence, and done according to the regulations of the canon law.

Item, it is also the pleasure of the general council, that our aforesaid lord shall give his orders concerning the archbishop of Genoa.

Item, the benefices in the church, that had been given by ordinary judges, have the approbation of the holy council to continue to them to whom they have been given.

Item, the holy council approves of proceedings being instituted against all who shall obstinately obey or favour either of the late competitors for the papacy, Pietro della Luna or Angelo Corrario,—and the council condemns such, as guilty of schism and notorious heresy, and ordains that they be punished according to the regulations of the sacred canons.

Item, it is ordered, that should the cardinal de Flisque[31] be willing to return to his duty, and appear personally within two months, he shall be kindly received, and enjoy all his honours and benefices, which he obtained in the year 1408.

Item, all dispensations given by bishops of dioceses in those parts not obedient to the two competitors, in the cases of persons not being of sufficient age to obtain dignities in the church or benefices,—and all absolutions, and acts of penitence, ordained by the competitors during the schism, shall be reserved to the determination of the holy apostolic see. All of which has been approved of and certified by the holy council.

CHAP. X.

THE DEATH OF THE BISHOP OF PARIS.——THE MARRIAGES, OF THE DUKE OF BRABANT WITH THE NIECE OF THE KING OF BOHEMIA,—OF THE CONSTABLE OF FRANCE’S DAUGHTER WITH THE SON OF MONTAGU, GRAND MASTER OF THE HOUSEHOLD,—OF THE KING OF CYPRUS WITH CHARLOTTE DE BOURBON.

In these days, the lord John d’Orgemont, bishop of Paris, departed this life, in his episcopal palace, about the end of June. He was succeeded in his bishoprick by the lord Gerard de Montagu, bishop of Poitiers, chancellor to the duke of Berry, and brother to the grand master of the king’s household and to the archbishop of Sens. He was honourably received in the cathedral church of Nôtre Dame in Paris, the 22d day of September following.

The king of France, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon, the king of Navarre, and several other princes, with prelates and churchmen without number, were present at his consecration. With the aid of the grand master, his brother, the feast he gave on the occasion was the most magnificent ever seen, in regard to the quantity of gold and silver plate, and the diversity and abundance of meats and liquors. From this grand display, the princes observed that the grand master governed the king as he pleased; and they began to form suspicions as to the uprightness of his conduct.

On the 16th day of July following, duke Anthony of Brabant married, at Brussels, the niece of the king of Bohemia[32], heiress to the duchy of Luxembourg in right of her father. This marriage had been concluded by the mediation of the bishop of Châlons and sir Regnier Pot.

Several knights, esquires, ladies and damsels of high rank, had accompanied the lady to Brussels, according to the orders of the king of Bohemia, her uncle. There were present at these nuptials the two brothers of the duke of Brabant, the duke of Burgundy and the count de Nevers, with their sister, wife to duke William count de Hainault; the count de Charolois and the countess of Cleves, children to the duke of Burgundy; the marquis du Pont, his brother John[33] and their sister, the countess de St Pol[34], all three children to the duke de Bar; the counts de Namur and de Conversant, with their ladies, with many more of the great nobility of both sexes.

The count de Clermont, son to the duke de Bourbon, was also there,—and when he tilted was attended by the duke of Burgundy and count de Nevers. The duke bore his shield and the count his lance, to the surprise of many present, on account of the great hatred that had so lately subsisted between them for the murder of the duke of Orleans: however, they seemed then to be in perfect concord. This feast was abundantly served with all sorts of provisions and wines,—and when it was ended, the different guests retired to their respective countries.

On the last day but one of the same month of July, the marriage of the daughter of the lord d’Albret, constable of France, with the eldest son of Montagu[35], grand master of the king’s household, was solemnly celebrated. The queen of France and numbers of the great nobles were present,—and the whole of the expense was paid by the king, which created much anger and envy in several of the princes of the blood against Montagu.

At this time, the truces were broken between the kings of France and of England, but only at sea; and a bitter naval war ensued, to the great loss of many merchants in each country.

On the 2d day of August, John de Lusignan, king of Cyprus, espoused by proxy, Charlotte de Bourbon, sister-german to the count de la Marche. The ceremony was performed in the castle of Melun, in the presence of the queen of France, the duke of Acquitaine and her other children, the king of Navarre, the dukes of Berry and of Bourbon, the counts de la Marche and de Clermont, the lord Louis de Baviere, brother to the queen, and many ladies and damsels, who greatly amused themselves in tournaments, dances, in feastings and other pastimes.

The lady Charlotte, queen of Cyprus, was very handsome, and well endowed with noble and gracious manners. On the conclusion of these feasts, she departed for Cyprus, most honourably accompanied by the nobles so ordered by her brother, and also by those who had been sent to her from the king of Cyprus. She landed at the port of Chermes, whither the king came to meet her, much rejoiced at her safe arrival, and conducted her, attended by the greater part of the nobility of the island, to Nicosia, where were made many feasts, according to the custom of the country. They reigned for a long time with much honour, and had two children, of whom more shall be spoken hereafter.

CHAP. XI.

THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS A GREAT COUNCIL AT LILLE ON HIS AFFAIRS.—THE DEATH OF THE DUCHESS OF ORLEANS.

On the 5th of August, and the eight succeeding days, duke John of Burgundy held a grand council in his town of Lille, on his own affairs, and on the means of reconciling his brother and brother-in-law, the duke of Brabant and duke William of Holland, who had quarrelled for a cause before mentioned.

With these two dukes, there were also present the duke of Burgundy’s sister, the wife of duke William, the bishop of Liege, and the count de Namur. At length, the duke of Burgundy made peace between them, on condition that duke William should pay to the duke of Brabant, for all his demand of debt, the sum of seventy thousand golden florins of the coin of France, by different instalments.

When this had been settled, the duke of Burgundy went, about the middle of August, to Paris, by orders from the king and royal council: he was accompanied by many men at arms, whom he quartered in the villages round Paris. The reason why he was attended by such a force was, because the duke of Brittany had lately brought from England great numbers of English, and, in conjunction with his Bretons, was carrying on a sharp war against the old countess of Penthievre[36] and her lands. The queen of France and the king’s ministers were much displeased at this conduct of the duke of Brittany, because it was to the prejudice of the realm. The duke had increased this displeasure against him by having beaten and ill treated his duchess, daughter to the king of France, for blaming him on account of his undertaking this war.

It was therefore intended, that the duke of Burgundy should march the forces he had brought, attended by other princes and captains, against the duke of Brittany, to conquer his country and oblige him to submit to the king. The duke of Burgundy was very desirous of succouring the countess and her fair son, the count de Penthievre; but while the preparations were making, the duke of Brittany, informed by some of his friends that he was in the ill graces of his mother in law, the queen of France, and of those who governed the king, sent, by advice of his council, certain ambassadors to Paris, to offer to submit his differences with the countess de Penthievre to the king and council, which was at length accepted, through the interference of the king of Navarre.

The countess de Penthievre and her son were summoned to Paris, whither also came the duke of Brittany, when, after some discussions, peace was made between them.