THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET;
CONTAINING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CRUEL CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF
ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY;
OF THE POSSESSION OF
PARIS AND NORMANDY BY THE ENGLISH;
THEIR EXPULSION THENCE;
AND OF OTHER
MEMORABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE,
AS WELL AS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.
A HISTORY OF FAIR EXAMPLE, AND OF GREAT PROFIT TO THE
FRENCH,
Beginning at the Year MCCCC. where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART finishes, and ending at the Year MCCCCLXVII. and continued by others to the Year MDXVI.
TRANSLATED
BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ.
IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES.... VOL. III.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW; AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.
1810.

CONTENTS
OF
THE THIRD VOLUME.

HERE BEGINNETH
THE THIRD VOLUME
OF THE
CHRONICLES
OF
ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

[CHAP. I.]

THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS DIFFERENT CAPTAINS WITH TROOPS TO HARRASS THE ARMAGNACS ON THE FRONTIERS.—THE DEFEAT OF THE COUNT DE LA MARCHE.

Many of the nobles and captains were now sent by the king to the countries of such as were confederates with the duke of Orleans and his party. In the number, the count de la Marche was ordered into the Orleanois, to subject it to the king's obedience, in company with the lord de Hambre.

Aymé de Vitry, Fierbourd, and others were sent against the duke of Bourbon, who had done much mischief to the country of Charolois; and having a large force with them, they despoiled the Bourbonois and Beaujolois. They advanced with displayed banners before the town of Villefranche, in which was the duke of Bourbon and his bastard-brother, sir Hector, a very valiant knight and renowned in war. There was with them a large company of knights and esquires, vassals to the duke, who, seeing the enemy thus boldly advancing, drew up in handsome array and sallied forth to meet them, and the duke himself joined them in their intent to offer battle. A severe skirmish ensued, in which many gallant deeds were done on each side. The bastard of Bourbon distinguished himself much in the command of the light troops, and fought most chivalrously. He was, however, so far intermixed with the enemy that the duke was fearful of his being slain or taken, and, sticking spurs into his horse, cried out to his people, 'Push forward! for my brother will be made prisoner unless speedily succoured.' Great part of his battalion followed him on the gallop toward the enemy, and the battle was renewed with more energy: many men at arms were unhorsed, wounded and slain: at length, the van of the Burgundians, under the command of Aymé de Vitry, was forced to fall back on the main army, which was at a short distance off. The bastard, who had been struck down, was remounted, and returned to the duke. Before that day, no one person had ever heard the duke call him brother.

About forty were slain on both sides, but very many were wounded.

When the skirmish was ended, each party retreated without attempting more,—the duke and his men into Villefranche, and the others toward the country of Charolois, destroying every thing on their march.

Other parties were sent to Languedoc, Acquitaine and Poitou, to despoil the countries of the duke of Berry, the count d'Armagnac, and the lord d'Albreth. Sir Guichard Daulphin, master of the king's household, commanded one division; and the two others were under the lord de Heilly, marshal of Acquitaine, and Enguerrand de Bournouville.

They did infinite damage to the lands of the aforesaid lords; but one day, as the lord de Heilly was lodged in a large village called Linieres, he was attacked at day-break by a party of the duke of Berry, who defeated and plundered great part of his men of their horses and baggage: a few were killed and taken,—but he and the majority of his army saved themselves by retreating within the castle, which held out for the king.

I must say something of the count de la Marche and the lord de Hambre, who, as I have said, were ordered into the Orleanois. It is true, they might have under their command from five to six thousand combatants, whom they conducted, destroying all the country on their line of march, as far as Yeure-la-Ville and Yeure-le-Chastel. The count de la Marche was quartered in the village of Puchet, and the lord de Hambre in another town.

The moment their arrival at Yeure-la-Ville was known in Orleans, where were considerable numbers of men at arms for the guard of the country, about six hundred of them were assembled under the command of Barbasan de Gaucourt, sir Galliet de Gaulles, and a knight from Lombardy, together with three hundred archers. They marched all night as secretly as they could to Yeure-la-Ville, to the amount of about a thousand men, under the guidance of such as knew the country well, and where the count was lodged. The count was, however, somehow informed of their intentions, and, having armed his men, posted the greater part of them in and about his lodgings: the others he ordered to keep in a body, and sent to the lord de Hambre to acquaint him with the intelligence he had received, that he might be prepared to come to his assistance, should there be any necessity for it. The count and his men were under arms, waiting for the enemy, the whole of the night; but when day appeared, and no news or the enemy arrived, he was advised to repose himself, and to order his men to their quarters.

Soon after sun-rise, one of the adversary's scouts rode into the town, and, seeing that no watch was kept, hastened back to inform his friends, whom he met near the place, of this neglect. They instantly entered the town, shouting, 'Vive le roi!' but soon after, crying out 'Vive Orleans!' made a general attack on the houses. The greater part hastened to the lodgings of the count, who was preparing to hear mass,—and the tumult became very great, for the count and his people fought gallantly: nevertheless, he was conquered and made prisoner. The whole quarter was carried, and all taken or slain. After this defeat, the count and his men were conducted hastily to Orleans.

In the mean time, as the lord de Hambre was coming to their assistance, he was misled by a man whom he had chosen for his guide, and, on his arrival, found the whole town destroyed, and the count with his men carried off. Notwithstanding his grief for this event, he pursued the enemy with all speed, and, by his activity, overtook the rear, upon which he fell manfully, and defeated part of it. He rescued some of the prisoners,—but the count, with about four score (as it was told him), were sent forward as fast as horses could carry them, and were to be confined in the prisons of Orleans. The lord de Hambre was much troubled that he could not rescue him. There were slain in these two affairs from three to four hundred men on both sides, but the greater part were Armagnacs. Among others of the party of the count de Vendôme that were mortally wounded was Guoit le Gois, eldest son to Thomas le Gois, a capital citizen of Paris, which caused great sorrow to the Parisians.

After this affair, the lord de Hambre assembled, by the king's orders, a larger force than before, and made a very severe war on the duchy of Orleans and all attached to that party, which caused the country to suffer greatly.

King Louis of Sicily arrived at this time at Paris from Provence, attended by three hundred men at arms well equipped, and was lodged in his own hôtel of Anjou. He was grandly received by the king, the duke of Acquitaine and the other princes, and united himself with the king and the duke of Burgundy, promising to join their party against the family of Orleans and their adherents.

The duchess of Burgundy and her daughter came, nearly at the same time, from Burgundy to the Bois de Vincennes, where the queen and the duchess of Acquitaine resided, who received her with much pleasure. Thence they went to visit the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy,—and very gay and magnificent feasts were made on their arrival. They remained for a long time with the queen, living at the expense of the king.

At this period, the king of France sent the lord de Dampierre, admiral of France, with other lords, to Boulogne-sur-mer, to meet the english ambassadors who were arrived at Calais. They went together to Leulinghen, where they agreed on a truce between the two crowns for one year,—after which the admiral and his companions returned to the king at Paris, where he was holding a grand assembly of prelates and ecclesiastics for the general reformation of the church. The particular object of this assembly was to select proper delegates to send to the holy father the pope, to request that a convenient place might be appointed for the holding of a general council. But in truth very little was done, for they could not agree on one single point: another meeting was therefore fixed upon, when a greater number of churchmen should be summoned to attend it.

The Parisians, having loyally served the king and the duke of Acquitaine in the late wars, obtained, through the means of the duke of Burgundy, that the power of the shrievalty, with all its franchises, of which the city of Paris had been deprived by royal authority in the month of January, in the year 1382, should be restored to it fully and freely by letters patent from the king. This created very great rejoicings, and much increased the popularity of the duke of Burgundy.

[CHAP. II.]

THE KING OF FRANCE SENDS AMBASSADORS TO ENGLAND.—THE LORD DE CROY AND THE DUKE OF BOURBON'S CHILDREN OBTAIN THEIR LIBERTY.—OF COUNT WALERAN DE SAINT POL.

At the beginning of the month of May, the duke of Burgundy, with the approbation of the king of France, sent ambassadors to England, namely, the bishop of Arras, the provost of Saint Donas de Bruges, and the provost of Viefville, to treat of a marriage between one of the duke's daughters and the prince of Wales, a matter which had been talked of before[1]. They found the king of England at Rochester, who honourably entertained them, as did the other princes; but the prince of Wales was particularly attentive, as their mission more immediately concerned him.

In the course of a few days, the bishop had fully explained the object of his coming to the king, his sons, and council; and having received a favourable answer, with very handsome presents to himself and his colleagues, they returned by way of Dover to Calais, and shortly after arrived at Paris.

The ambassadors related, in the presence of the kings of France and Sicily, the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy and Bar, and other great lords of the council, a full detail of their proceedings, and that the king of England and his family were well pleased with their proposals. Upon this, the duke of Burgundy sent orders to his son the count de Charolois, then at Ghent, to repair to Paris, to be present at the festivals of Easter.

At this time, by the intercession of the duchess of Bourbon, daughter to the duke of Berry, with the duke of Orleans and others of that party, the lord de Croy obtained his liberty from the prison in which he had for a considerable time been confined, and was escorted safely to Paris. On his departure, he promised by his faith to make such earnest applications to his lord, the duke of Burgundy, that the duke of Bourbon's children should be delivered.

On his arrival at Paris, he was received with joy by the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy, especially by the latter; and a few days after he made the request he had promised, and so successfully that the king and the other lords gave the duke of Bourbon's children their liberty. They were sent for to Paris from the castle of Renty, where they were confined; and they and their attendants were delivered without any ransom to the care of sir John de Croy, who escorted them to the territories of the duke of Berry. The son of sir Mansart du Bos, who had been taken with them, remained prisoner in the castle of Renty.

The lord de Croy was nominated governor of the county of Boulogne and captain of the castle of Braye sur Somme, by the king, with the approbation of the duke of Berry and the aforesaid duchess. He also obtained, through the recommendation of the duke of Burgundy, the office of grand butler of France. To sir Peter des Essars, provost of Paris, was given the office of grand master or waters and forests, which had been held by count Waleran de St Pol, who was contented to yield it up.

The count de Saint Pol, now constable of France, ordered a large body of men at arms to assemble at Vernon sur Seine. In consequence, full two thousand armed with helmets came thither, with the design of making war on the inhabitants of Dreux, and on the count d'Alençon and his people, who had overrun parts of Normandy, near to Rouen, where they had plundered every thing they could lay their hands on.

To provide for the payment of this force, as well as for others in different parts of the country which the king had employed under various captains, a heavy tax was imposed on the whole kingdom, to be paid at two instalments,—the first on the Sunday before Easter, and the second at the end of June following. This affected the poor people very much; and in addition, the pope had granted to the king a full tenth to be levied, through France and Dauphiny, on all the clergy, payable also at two terms,—the one on St John the Baptist's day, and the other on All-saints following. The clergy were greatly discontented,—but it was not on that account the less rigorously levied,—and commissioners were appointed to receive it from them.

The constable set out in the holy week from Paris for Vernon, to take the command of the men at arms, and to lead them against the king's enemies.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Their passport is, in the Fœdera, dated January 11. 1412.

[a.d. 1412.]

[CHAP. III.]

THE DUKES OF BERRY AND OF ORLEANS, WITH OTHERS OF THEIR ADHERENTS, SEND AN EMBASSY TO THE KING OF ENGLAND.—THE CONSEQUENCES OF IT.

At the commencement of this year, the dukes of Berry, of Orleans, and of Bourbon, the counts de Vertus, d'Angoulême, d'Alençon and d'Armagnac, and the lord d'Albreth, calling himself constable of France, with other great lords, their confederates, sent ambassadors to the king of England, with instructions, under their seals, for them to act according to the occasion with the king of England, his children and ministers.

As they were journeying through Maine to go to Brittany, and thence to England, they were pursued by the bailiff of Caen in Normandy, who, with the aid of the commonalty, attacked and defeated them, making some of them prisoners, with their sealed instructions and other articles: the rest escaped as well as they could.

After the defeat, the bailiff dispatched an account of it to the king and council at Paris, and sent the sealed instructions, with the other articles, in a leathern bag, well secured. The king assembled a great council at his palace of St Pol, on the Wednesday after Easter, for the full examination of these papers. He was present, as were the king of Sicily, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy, the counts de Charolois, de Nevers, and de Mortaigne, the lord Gilles de Bretagne, the chancellor of France, namely, master Henry de Marle[2], the bishops of Tournay, of Amiens, of Constance, and of Auxerre, the rector of the university, the provost of Paris, and several others, as well of the king's council as capital citizens of Paris and students of the university.

The chancellor of the duke of Acquitaine, the lord d'Olhaing, lately an advocate in the parliament, then declared, that there had been given to his charge, by the king's ministers, a leathern bag, which had been taken by the bailiff of Caen, together with a knight, chamberlain to the duke of Brittany, from de Faulcon d'Encre and friar James Petit, of the order of the Augustins, and other ambassadors from the lords mentioned in the papers contained in the bag, which had been transmitted by the said bailiff to the king's council. He added, that he had found in this bag four blank papers, signed and sealed by four different persons, namely, Berry, Orleans, Bourbon and Alençon. Each blank had only the name signed on the margin above the seal. He had also found many sealed letters from the duke of Berry addressed to the king of England, to the queen, and to their four sons; and in like manner, from the duke of Brittany to the earl of Richmond and to other noblemen in England. There were also many letters without any superscription, being credential ones for the aforesaid Faulcon and friar James Petit, to the king and queen of England.

These letters were publicly read, and in them the duke of Berry styled the king of England, 'My most redoubted lord and nephew;' and the queen, 'My most redoubted and honoured lady, niece and daughter;' and they were signed with the duke of Berry's own hand. In the one to the queen, there were two lines in his own handwriting, desiring her to place full confidence in the said ambassadors.

These blanks were publicly displayed,—and the king held them some time in his hand. There was a small article on a single sheet of paper containing the instructions for the ambassadors, which was likewise read aloud, and contained a repetition of the charges made against the duke of Burgundy, by the duchess of Orleans and her sons, for the death of the late duke of Orleans. It recited, that they had frequently demanded justice of the king of France for this murder, but could never obtain it, because the duke of Burgundy had prevented and evil counselled the king, by persuading him that the duke of Orleans had been a disloyal traitor to his king and country, which was false,—adding, that the duke of Burgundy had seduced the commonalty of France, more especially the populace of Paris, by asserting that the late duke of Orleans wanted to destroy the king of France and his family, which was also a falsehood, for it had never even entered his thoughts.

These instructions contained, likewise, that the duke of Burgundy had caused the king to be angry with the duke of Brittany, because he had obstructed his expedition against Calais, and several other attempts which the duke of Burgundy had plotted against England; that the duke of Burgundy had instigated the people of Paris so greatly against the king and the duke of Acquitaine that every thing was governed to his will,—and he had now the royal family in such subjection that they dared hardly to open their mouths; that the Parisians, under pretext of a bull granted by pope Urban V. against the free companies that had ravaged France, had caused them and their adherents to be excommunicated, and had forcibly constrained the official at Paris to proceed against them in the severest manner, and to denounce them publicly, as excommunicated, with every aggravation of circumstance.

These ambassadors were not to discover themselves to any man in England, unless they were sure of his support; and when they had read the contents of these papers to the king, they were to demand a private audience, and declare from the dukes of Berry, of Orleans, of Bourbon, and from the count d'Alençon, that they were most anxious for his welfare and honour, and ready to aid and assist him against the duke of Burgundy, as well as against the Welsh and Irish.

They were to add, that if they could not succeed against the Scots, which they would attempt, and in case they could not obtain all they wished, they would engage to establish a peace between him and the king of France; and that if there were any lands to which he laid claim, or pretended any right, on their side the sea, they would manage the matter to his full satisfaction. They were also to say, that for want of due justice being administered at home, they were come to claim it from him, in regard to the death of the late duke of Orleans; and as bearing the name of king, it belonged to him to do justice; and he would acquire perpetual honour to himself, and great advantages to his subjects, by granting them his aid and support. It was also worthy of his interference, considering the high rank of the late duke of Orleans. They were likewise to say, that the undersigned would serve him and his family, as well as their descendants, in all times to come, and which they were enabled to do, even against the most potent in the realm of France.

These ambassadors were also to require an immediate aid against the duke of Burgundy, of three hundred lances and three thousand archers, who should receive pay in advance for four months.

The chancellor of Acquitaine next produced a sketch of their intended government of France, containing many articles, which were read aloud. Among other schemes, there was to be imposed on every acre a tax called a land-tax; and as there were deposits of salt in the kingdom, there were likewise to be granaries of wheat and oats for the profit of the king: that all lands or houses which were in a ruinous state should be instantly repaired, or otherwise forfeited to the crown: that every commoner should be forced to work or quit the realm,—and that there should be but one weight and one measure throughout the country. Item, that the duchies of Lorraine and Luxembourg should be conquered, as well as the towns in Provence and Savoy, and annexed to the kingdom of France. Item, that the university should be removed from Paris, and one erected and nobly endowed for the reception of numbers of discreet men.

There were many rolls produced, but not read, as they were of little consequence. After the chancellor of Acquitaine had concluded, the provost of the merchants and the sheriffs preferred two requests to the king, by the mouth of a monk of the order of St Benedict and doctor of divinity.

One was, that the king would be pleased to grant to the city of Paris a third of the taxes collected in that city in the same form and manner as had been done during the reign of king Charles, whose soul may God receive! for the reparations of the said town and the improvement of the river Seine, of which, as the provost of merchants declared, they were in great need; that it would be for the advantage of the king and his good city that certain repairs, very much wanted, should be undertaken, and the place better fortified against the bitter hatred which the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and their faction bore to it. He added, that the town of Tournay was the best fortified, and in the most complete repair of any in the kingdom, because the inhabitants allot certain sums for this purpose; and that, if all the king's enemies were to besiege it, they would never be able to injure it.

The other was, that orders should be given to the chancellor to seal without opposition the patent of an office vacant, or becoming so, by the demission of one of the Armagnacs, which had hitherto been refused.

They were told, that on the Thursday ensuing, they should have answers to both of these requests.

The provost and sheriffs demanded beside, that the chancellor of France should lay before the king such letters as had come to the knowledge of the duke of Acquitaine, mentioning that the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and the count d'Alençon intended making a new king, to the exclusion of his present majesty and the duke of Acquitaine. The chancellor replied, that the subject of their present consideration was the letters contained in the bag; that it was true, he was in possession of letters and other papers mentioning this circumstance, and that he had assured the duke of Acquitaine of their contents.

The chancellor of Acquitaine then declared publicly to the king, that the grand master of his household, sir Guichart Daulphin, had written to inform the duke of Burgundy, that the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and the count d'Alençon, had again renewed their oaths of alliance in the city of Bourges; that the leaders of the confederacy had met in that city, and had there determined to destroy the king of France, his whole royal family, the kingdom of France, and the good city of Paris, or perish themselves in the attempt.

The king was much affected on hearing this, and replied with tears, 'We now fully see their wickedness, and we entreat of you all that are of our blood to advise and aid us against them; for the matter not only regards you personally, but the welfare of the whole kingdom is in danger; and we shall therefore expect the support of all present, and of every loyal subject.'

The king of Sicily then rose, and, falling on his knees before the king, said, 'Sire, I entreat, that in regard to your own honour and welfare, as well as for that of your realm, you will order the most efficacious measures to be pursued against these rebels, for there seems to be instant need of it.'

In like manner, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy, and all the other lords, knelt to the king, and proffered him their services to the utmost of their power. When this was done, the assembly broke up, and all that had passed was promulgated through Paris: even accounts of it were sent in writing to different bailiffs in the kingdom, to the great astonishment of many.

FOOTNOTES:

[2] Morery, in his list of chancellors, places Arnauld de Corbie, lord of Joigny, from 1409 to 1413, and makes Henry de Marle, lord of Versigny, his successor in the latter year.—See post, where it is said, that sir Reginald (i.e. sir Arnauld) de Corbie was displaced (1413), and Eustace de Lactre appointed in his place.

[CHAP. IV.]

DUKE LOUIS OF BAVARIA IS DRIVEN OUT OF PARIS BY THE PARISIANS, AND HIS PEOPLE ROBBED.—OF THE CARDINAL DE CAMBRAY, AND THE PROHIBITION OF THE KING OF ENGLAND.

About this time, duke Louis of Bavaria, brother to the queen of France, and residing at Paris, was much suspected by the Parisians of having in secret spoken favourably to the king and queen of the dukes of Berry and Orleans; and fearing it might be prejudicial to them, knowing how much they were hated by these dukes, they assembled one day in great numbers, and sent to tell duke Louis, that they were much displeased with him, for that he was of the Orleans-party; and since he was so well inclined to them, he must go and join them.

Duke Louis sent for answer, that he was not of any party, but of that of the king. The matter, therefore, rested in this state for the present; but as he perceived they were dissatisfied with him, and apprehending some insult, he went away with very few attendants to the castle of Marcoussy. Before his departure, he had a waggon laden with his plate and other most valuable effects, which he sent off under the escort of three gentlemen of his household,—one of whom was a young nobleman of about fifteen years old, of high rank in Germany,—and some servants, to the town of Valenciennes, intending to follow them speedily.

They had not proceeded far on their journey when some of the burgundian party, incited by avarice and cruelty, namely, the bailiff de Foquesolle, his brother Jacotin, Jacques de Bracquencourt, and others of their companions, the greater part from Picardy, having learnt the value of this convoy, by the treachery of sir Morlet de Betencourt, followed and overtook it between the rivers Seine and Oise. They made a sudden attack, which was no way resisted, putting to death most of the attendants, and seizing the waggon, which they carried off, with the young esquire above mentioned, and lodged themselves at a nunnery called Premy, near to the city of Cambray.

When they had tarried there two or three days, they led the young man out of the nunnery by night, and most inhumanly murdered him, and threw him into a ditch full of water.—When he was dead, they drove a stake through his body, to fix it at the bottom of the ditch; and in this state was it found, some days after, by the servants and workmen of the nunnery.

He was carried thence and interred in the consecrated ground of the church, where, afterward, was performed a most solemn service for the salvation of his soul, at the expense of his friends, who made great clamours and lamentations when they heard of his fatal end.

The Burgundians, having well secured their prize, lodged it in the house of an inhabitant of their acquaintance in Cambray, and set off from the Cambresis to other parts where they had business. On duke Louis receiving information of this exploit, he was in the utmost rage and grief, especially for the death of the young esquire, as well as for the loss of his other servants, and his effects, and made heavy complaints of it to the king, the duke of Acquitaine, and particularly to the duke of Burgundy, whose vassals the perpetrators said they were. The duke of Burgundy promised him the restitution of his valuables, and the punishment of the offenders; but, a few days after, duke Louis set out from the castle of Marcoussy, and was, by orders of the duke of Burgundy, escorted by the vidame of Amiens, with a considerable force, as far as the town of Valenciennes, where he staid a long time. At the end of six weeks, he learnt that the greater part of his effects were deposited in the town of Cambray: he therefore wrote to the magistrates, and caused letters also to be sent to duke William of Hainault, to whom he was related: in short, he made so much stir that his effects were restored to him,—that is to say, all that had been deposited in Cambray.

The then bishop of Cambray was master Peter d'Ailly, an excellent doctor of divinity: he was created cardinal by pope John XXIII. and took the title of Cardinal of Cambray. John de Gaures, son to the lord de Liquerque, master of arts, who was at that time with the court of Rome, succeeded to this bishoprick.

At this period, Henry king of England caused it to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet in Calais, and in all the places bordering on France, that none of his subjects, of whatever rank, should any way interfere between the two factions in France, nor go into France to serve either of them by arms or otherwise, under pain of death and confiscation of fortune.

[CHAP. V.]

THE KING OF SICILY LEAVES PARIS.—THE SIEGE OF DOMFRONT.—THE BATTLE OF SAINT REMY DU PLAIN.—THE SIEGE OF BELLESME,—AND OTHER EVENTS OF THE YEAR.

On Tuesday the 20th day of April of this year, the king of Sicily, by order of the king and council, marched his men at arms out of Paris in handsome array. He was escorted out of the town by the duke of Burgundy, the provost of Paris, and a very great number of noblemen and others. He hastened to Angers, and to his possessions in the county of Maine, to defend them against the counts d'Alençon and de Richemont, who harrassed them much by an incessant warfare. On his arrival at Angers, he summoned all his vassals, as well knights and esquires as those who were accustomed to bear arms, and sent them to garrison all his towns which were near to those of the enemy.

Shortly after, sir Anthony de Craon, the borgne de la Heuse, knight, and other captains were sent by the king to the county of Alençon, to subject it to his obedience. They gained the town of Domfront, but failed in taking the castle; for it was very strong in itself, and well garrisoned and provided with all necessary stores. They remained, however, before it, annoying the garrison to the utmost of their ability.

The garrison sent to the count d'Alençon to require instant succours: he was much grieved at the loss of the town of Domfront, but answered by one of his heralds, that he would very shortly come and give the enemy battle, if they would wait for him there. Sir Anthony de Craon and the other captains, hearing this, dispatched messengers to the king of France for reinforcements. The king sent instant orders to the constable and marshal of France, who were at Vernon with a great armament, to advance to Domfront. This they obeyed,—and the king of Sicily also sent thither large reinforcements. But on the day fixed for the battle, the count d'Alençon neither came himself nor sent any forces.

The constable and the other commanders having waited under arms the whole of that day, seeing no signs of their adversaries coming, erected a strong bulwark against the castle, in which they left a numerous garrison, to keep it in check, and oppose any attempts to relieve it, and then departed.

The constable marched to besiege the town of St Remy du Plain, and sent sir Anthony de Craon, with a large force to Vernon, to escort the cannons, bombards, and other military engines, to St Remy. There were in company with the constable, his nephew John of Luxembourg, sir Philip de Harcourt and his brother sir James, the lord de Beausault, the vidame of Amiens, the lord d'Offemont[3], the lord de Canny, the borgne de la Heuse, Roux de Neele, Raoul son to the vidame of Amiens, the lord de Lovroy, le Galois de Renty[4], sir Bort Queret, the lord de Herbainnes, the lord de Saine, and many noble knights and esquires, to the number of twelve hundred helmets, and a large body of archers.

They quartered themselves within the town of St Remy, and around the castle, which was tolerably strong and well garrisoned with men at arms, and summoned it to surrender to the king's obedience; but on a refusal, some engines were pointed against the walls, which did them much damage. During this time, the lord de Gaucourt, sir John de Dreues, sir Jean de Guarenchieres, Guillaume Batillier, the lord d'Argiellieres, John de Falloise, with other captains of the Orleans and Alençon party, assembled a considerable body of combatants, with the intent of making an unexpected attack on the constable and taking him by surprise.

In consequence, they marched on the 10th day of May from their place of rendezvous, and, riding all night, came towards the end of it very near their adversaries. The latter were, however, day and night on their guard, and had spies and scouts dispersed over the country. Morlet de Mons, Galien bastard of Auxi, and others, were on guard when the Armagnacs approached. They made Morlet de Mons and Galien prisoners; but the rest escaped, and, galloping as fast as their horses could carry them to the main army, shouted out, 'To arms, to arms!' adding, that the Armagnacs were advancing in battle-array toward the camp, and had already made prisoners of Morlet and Galien, with some others.

The constable, hearing the noise, ordered his men to arm without delay, and dispatched the lord de St Legier and the lord de Drucat, two well experienced knights, to examine and report the truth of this alarm. They had not gone far before they saw the enemy advancing, as had been said, on which they returned to inform the constable of it. He immediately caused his banner to be displayed, and his trumpets sounded, and, sallying out of his tent with a part of his men, drew them up in battle-array to receive the enemy, and urged the remainder of his men to make haste to join him. When he had mounted his horse, he rode along the line, to post his army most advantageously, and exhorted the whole, in the kindest manner, to combat boldly the enemies of the king and crown of France.

By the advice of the most experienced, his carts and baggage were disposed of in the rear of his army, with varlets to guard them. On each wing of the men at arms were posted the archers and cross-bows, as far as they could be extended. When every arrangement was made, and the enemy was in sight, several new knights were created, as well by the constable as by others present, namely, John of Luxembourg, John de Beausault, Raoul son to the vidame of Amiens, Alard de Herbainnes, le Brun de Saine, Roux de Neele, Raillers de Fransseurs, Regnault d'Azincourt, and many more. This done, the constable dismounted and posted himself under his banner,—when instantly after the Armagnacs entered the town, full gallop, thinking to surprise their adversaries.

On perceiving they were prepared for them, they charged the division of archers and cross-bows with great shoutings, and at the first shock killed about twelve: the rest posted themselves very advantageously on the other side of a ditch, whence they made such good use of their bows and cross-bows that they routed the horses, which were unable to withstand the sharpness of their arrows, and flung down many of their riders.

The constable then advanced his main battalion, and cried out to them, 'Here, you scoundrels! here I am whom you are seeking for: come to me!' but their ranks were so broken, chiefly by the bowmen, that they could not rally, and, consequently, betook themselves to flight. The army of the constable, noticing this, fell on them lustily, shouting their cries, and killed numbers: the archers, being lightly armed, pursued them vigorously, and put many to a cruel death.

There was near the field of battle a fish pond, into which many horses ran with their riders, and both were drowned.

A valiant man of arms from Brittany attacked these archers with great gallantry, expecting to be supported by his companions, but he was soon pulled from his horse and slain. The constable, seeing the defeat of his enemies, mounted several on the fleetest horses, that they might attack them in their flight, and very many were indeed slain and taken: the remnant fled for refuge to Alençon and other towns belonging to their party.

More than four score prisoners were brought to the constable, who was with his knights, rejoicing on the victory they had gained; and in the number were the lord d'Anieres, knight, and sir Jaunet de Guarochieres, son to the lord de Croisy, who was with the constable. When he thus perceived his son led prisoner, he was so exasperated against him that he would have killed him had he not been withheld.

Those who had made this attack on the constable had brought with them a multitude of peasants, in the expectation of destroying him and his army,—but the reverse happened, for upwards of four hundred of them were killed in the field, and from six to eight score made prisoners. Shortly after, the constable returned into the town of St Remy du Plain, whence he had dislodged in the morning; and this battle, ever since, has borne the name of St Remy. He then made preparations to storm the castle; but the garrison, seeing no chance of further relief, surrendered it, and were, by the constable, received to the obedience of the king.

The king of Sicily had about eight hundred chosen men at arms in the county of Alençon,—and when he heard that the Armagnacs had collected a large force to march to raise the siege of St Remy, he sent four score of his men to reinforce the constable, who arrived at St Remy four hours after the action was over. They were overjoyed at the victory, and the surrender of the castle, both of which they were ignorant of; and having thanked God for this good fortune, and congratulated the constable thereon, they returned to the king of Sicily.

The constable advanced to Bellême with his army, accompanied by the marshal of France and sir Anthony de Craon; and on their arrival, they were soon joined by the king of Sicily, with archers, cross-bows, and other implements of war. They instantly formed the siege of the castle,—the king of Sicily investing it on one side, and the constable and marshal on the other. Their attacks were so severe and incessant that the garrison could not withstand them, but surrendered on terms. Having placed a new garrison there in the king's name, the constable marched away toward Paris; the marshal returned to Dreux; and the king of Sicily and his men went for Mans, to guard his territories of Anjou.

On the constable's arrival at Paris, he was magnificently feasted by the king, and the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy, as well for the victory he had gained at St Remy as for other matters, which, during his expedition, he had brought to an honourable conclusion; and a sum of money was instantly ordered him, for the payment of his men at arms. Splendid presents were also made him by the king and the duke of Burgundy.

While things were thus carried on successfully against the count d'Alençon, Aymé de Vitry and the bastard of Savoy[5] kept up a continued warfare with the duke of Bourbon in the Beaujolois; and about the middle of April, an engagement took place near to Villefranche, when two of the duke's captains, Vignier de Reffort and Bernardon de Seres, were defeated, and with them eight score men at arms, knights and esquires: few escaped death or being made prisoners.

In another part of the kingdom, the lord de Heilly and Enguerrand de Bournouville were equally successful, and had subjected to the king's authority the greater part of Poitou. They had very lately gained a victory over two hundred of the duke of Berry's men, near to Montfaucon.

The grand master of the king's household, sir Guichard Daulphin, and the master of the cross-bows of France, and sir John de Châlon[6], were sent by the king's orders, with ten thousand horse, to lay siege to St Fargeau in the Nivernois, which belonged to John son to the duke of Bar. While there, they were in daily expectation of a battle, but in vain: however, when they had remained ten or twelve days, with the loss of many men in killed and wounded, the town surrendered, and was by them regarrisoned in the king's name.

With similar success did the lord de St George and the nobles of Burgundy make war on the count d'Armagnac, in Gascony. Sir Elyon de Jacques-Ville was stationed at Estampes, and made daily conquests from the Orleans-party, who at this period were very unfortunate, for war was carried on against them on all sides.

To provide a remedy, and to enable themselves to make head against their adversaries, they sent a solemn embassy to Henry king of England, and to his children, to solicit succours of men and money. The ambassadors, by means of their credential letters and other papers which they brought from these lords of France, treated with king Henry so that he consented to send to the dukes of Berry, Orleans, and their party, eight thousand combatants, under the command of his second son, the duke of Clarence.

For the confirmation of this, he granted to the ambassadors letters under his great seal, which they carried back to the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and the count d'Alençon and others, whom they found at Bourges waiting their return. They were much rejoiced on seeing the great seal of the king of England; for they expected to have immediate need of his assistance, as they had information that the duke of Burgundy was intending to lead the king in person to subdue and conquer them.

FOOTNOTES:

[3] Guy de Nesle, vol. ii. p. 228.

[4] Renty was the name of a considerable family in Artois. I can find nothing about any of the others.

[5] Humbert, natural son of Amadeus VII. and brother of Amadeus VIII. counts of Savoy.

[6] John de Châlon, second son to Louis I. count of Auxerre, and brother to Louis II.

[CHAP. VI.]

CHARLES KING OF FRANCE, ATTENDED BY OTHER PRINCES, MARCHES A LARGE FORCE FROM PARIS TO BOURGES.—LETTERS FROM THE KING OF ENGLAND,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

The council of state now determined that the king should march in person against his rebellious subjects, to reduce them to obedience. Summonses were sent throughout the kingdom for men at arms and archers to assemble between Paris and Melun; and at the same time, great numbers of carriages were ordered to meet there for the baggage. In like manner, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy issued their special summonses.

When all was ready, and the king on the point of leaving Paris on this expedition, a large body of the Parisians and members of the university waited on him, and earnestly required, in the presence of his council, that he would not enter into any treaty with his enemies without their being included and personally named therein. They remonstrated with him on the necessity for this, as they were hated by his enemies, because they had loyally served him against them.

The king and council granted their request.—The king then left Paris in noble array, on Thursday the 5th day of May, and lay the first night at Vincennes, where the queen resided: he thence went through Corbeil to Melun, where he remained some days waiting for his men at arms. On the ensuing Sunday, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy set out from Paris to join the king at Melun, to which place large bodies of men at arms and archers repaired from all parts of the kingdom.

On Saturday, the 14th of May, the king marched his army from Melun, accompanied by the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy and Bar, the counts de Mortain and de Nevers, with many other great barons, knights and gentlemen. It had been resolved in council, that the king should not return to Paris until he had reduced the dukes of Berry, Orleans and Bourbon, with their adherents, to obedience.

He then advanced to Moret, in the Gatinois, and to Montereau-Faut-Yonne. At this last place, he was wounded in the leg by a kick from a horse, but continued his march to Sens, where he was confined by this accident six days. The queen and the duchess of Burgundy had hitherto attended him, but they were now sent back by their lords to reside at Vincennes. The count de Charolois was ordered by his father to return to Ghent; and, shortly after, the queen went to Melun, where she held her court.

During this time the English, on the frontiers of the Boulonois, took by storm the fortress of Banelinghen, situated between Ardres and Calais, and the inheritance of the lord de Dixcunde[7], notwithstanding there were sealed truces between the kings of France and England. It was commonly said that the governor, John d'Estienbecque, had sold it to the English for a sum of money. The French were much troubled when they heard of this capture, but they could not any way amend it, and were forced to be contented. The governor and his wife resided quietly with the English, which convinced every one that the place had been sold, and also some of his soldiers, who had been made prisoners, were ransomed. This conduct of king Henry surprised many; for he had appeared earnest in his desire to marry his eldest son with the daughter of the duke of Burgundy,—but he had been turned from it by the offers and negotiations of the ambassadors before mentioned, and had now united himself with them.

The king of England wrote the following letter to the towns of Ghent, Bruges, Ypres and the Franc, which he sent by one of his heralds.

'Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to our honoured and wise lords the citizens, sheriffs and magistrates, of the towns of Ghent, Bruges, Ypres, and of the territory du Franc, our very dear and especial friends, we send health and greeting. Very dear and respected lords, it has come to our knowledge, through a very creditable channel, that under the shadow of our adversary the king of France, the duke of Burgundy, count of Flanders, is making, or about to make, a speedy march into our country of Acquitaine, to wage war upon and destroy our subjects, particularly on our very dear and well beloved cousins the dukes of Berry, Orleans and Bourbon, and the counts of Alençon, of Armagnac, and the lord d'Albreth.

'Since, therefore, your lord perseveres in his malicious intentions, you will have the goodness to assure us, on the return of our messenger, by your letters so soon as possible, whether the Flemings be willing to conform to the truces lately concluded between us, without any way assisting their lord in his wicked purposes toward us.

'Understanding, honoured lords, and very dear friends, that if your town, and the other towns in Flanders, be desirous of continuing the terms of the truces, to the advantage of Flanders, we are very willing, on our part, to do the same. Very dear friends, may the Holy Spirit have you alway in his keeping!—Given under our privy seal, at our palace of Westminster, the 16th day of May, in the 13th year of our reign[8].'

The Flemings sent for answer to this letter by the bearer, that they would no way infringe the truces between the two countries; but that they should serve and assist the king of France their sovereign lord, and their count the duke of Burgundy, as heretofore, to the utmost of their power. This letter and answer were sent to the duke of Burgundy, who was attending the king in the town of Sens in Burgundy.

At this same time, the duke of Berry, by the advice of the count d'Armagnac, coined money with the same arms and superscription as that of the king of France, in the town of Bourges, to pay his troops, which greatly exasperated the king and his council when they heard thereof. The coins consisted of golden crowns and others, perfectly similar to those of the king.

FOOTNOTES:

[7] Q. Dixmuyde?

[8] See this letter, and the treaty with the duke of Berry, &c. in Rymer, A.D. 1412.

[CHAP. VII.]

THE TOWN OF VERVINS IS TAKEN BY SIR CLUGNET DE BRABANT, AND AFTERWARD RETAKEN.—THE CASTLE OF GERSIES IS WON BY SIR SIMON DE CLERMONT.

About this same time, the town of Vervins, which was very strong and rich, was taken by treachery, by sir Clugnet de Brabant and Thomas de Lorsies, lord of Boquiaux, and some other gentlemen, to the amount of six hundred men, from different countries, of the party of the duke of Orleans. This was said to have been effected by a butcher who had been for ill conduct banished the town, and in revenge had joined the army of sir Clugnet de Brabant.

The butcher's wife and family had remained in the town; and one day, when it was dusk, they hid themselves near the gate, and about sun-rise, when the guard had quitted the ramparts, and the gate was opened and the drawbridge let down, they made a signal to the enemy, who was in ambuscade. Sir Clugnet instantly entered the place, sounding trumpets, and shouting out, 'The duke of Orleans for ever!' to the great surprise of the inhabitants, who were far from expecting such a morning salute.

Very few were made prisoners, but all were robbed; and for three days the money and plate of the lord de Vervins, who was with the king, or on his road to join him, as well as every thing of value in the different houses, were collected, and sent off by sir Clugnet, to the amount of thousands of florins, to the town of Ardennes[9], that those of his countrymen who had joined his party, and those who had accompanied him on this expedition, might be paid.

The neighbouring towns were astonished when they heard of this event, and collected a large force to enable them to besiege the enemy in Vervins, and retake the town. The bailiff of the Vermandois, sir le Brun de Bairins, the lord de Chin, with many other knights and citizens, hastened thither, to the number of four hundred helmets and from six to eight thousand infantry very well armed.

The lord de Vervins, who was of high rank and a very expert knight, no sooner heard of his loss than he hastened to join the besiegers, and led many brisk attacks on the town. Those who had captured it made an excellent defence from the walls with bows and cross-bows, so that the besiegers were twenty-three days before it. On the 26th of June, the lord de Boquiaux, Thomas de Lorsies, son to the lord de Selebes, knights, the bastard d'Esne, and those who were with them, considering that their enemies were daily increasing, and that they had done much damage to the walls and houses, were afraid of being killed or taken, and held a council on the best means to escape. They defended themselves with greater vigour than before, the better to conceal their intentions; and when the besiegers were at their dinner in their tents and pavilions, and they had seen their guard posted at one of the gates, they mounted their horses fully armed,—and, having had the gates thrown open, all except three, who were asleep or too negligent, sallied out full gallop, sticking spurs into their horses, and made with all speed for the forest near the town.

The besiegers were astonished on seeing this, and, pushing aside their tables, mounted instantly to pursue them, and followed with such haste that they took about forty of them,—and the rest saved themselves by dint of speed. The royalists returned to the town with their prisoners, and found there the three negligent Armagnacs and some other wretches of their party, who, by the command of the bailiff of the Vermandois, were sent to prison; and when he had heard their confession, they were by him sentenced to be beheaded. The bailiff then set out for Laon, whither he carried the other prisoners, well bound, there to suffer a similar punishment.

The lord de Vervins remained in his town to put it into repair, and the lord de Chin and the rest went to their homes.

A few days after, the castle of Gersies, which was very strong, was taken by some of the army of sir Clugnet de Brabant, namely, by sir Simon de Clermont, a captain called Millet d'Autre, and others, who won it one morning by storm. But shortly after, the bailiff of the Vermandois, with some of the aforesaid lords and a large body of the commonalty, regained it by assault. Sir Simon and Millet d'Autre, with their companions, were all made prisoners, carried to Laon, and beheaded. The castle was new garrisoned for the king.

FOOTNOTES:

[9] Q. Ardres?

[CHAP. VIII.]

THE KING OF FRANCE RECEIVES CERTAIN INFORMATION THAT HIS ADVERSARIES HAD FORMED AN ALLIANCE WITH THE KING OF ENGLAND.—THE CONSTABLE MARCHES INTO THE BOULONOIS.

During the residence of the king of France at Sens in Burgundy, he received positive intelligence, that the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, and their confederates, had formed an alliance with the king of England, who had engaged to send a large army to their assistance, to lay waste his kingdom,—and that part of it had already marched from Calais and the other castles on the frontiers of the Boulonois, and commenced the war.

They had carried away much plunder, and had set fire to the town of Merck on the sea-shore, thus infringing the truces which subsisted between them.

In consequence of this inroad, the king of France ordered his constable, the count de St Pol, to march thither, to assemble all the nobles of Picardy, and to garrison and victual the frontier towns, and to use every diligence in opposing the further progress of the English; for the duke of Burgundy had carried with him all the youth, and the most warlike men, from the countries of the Boulonois, Ponthieu, and Artois, leaving behind only the superannuated and such as were unable to bear arms.

The constable, hearing of the mischiefs the English were doing, more of his own free will than in obedience to the king's, hastened to Paris, laying all other matters aside, with the borgne de la Heuse and some other knights whom he left there, at the earnest entreaties of the Parisians, to carry on the war against Dreux. He went then to Picardy and to St Pol, to visit his lady; thence he went to St Omer and to Boulogne, inspecting the whole frontier, and providing necessaries where wanted. The whole country was now alarmed and in motion, insomuch that the English retired worsted; but they very soon recommenced their warfare.

When the constable saw this, and that they did not abstain, he held a council of his principal officers, such as the lord d'Offemont, the lord de Canny, the lord de Lovroy, sir Philip de Harcourt and others. At the conclusion of it, he assembled a body of men at arms, to the amount of fifteen hundred, whom he put under the command of the lord de Lovroy and one called Alin Quentin, and ordered them to march toward the town and castle of Guines. As they approached the place on foot, the constable sent off, by another road, forty helmets under sir John de Renty, who was well acquainted with all the avenues to the town, to make a pretence of attacking it on that side, which was only inclosed with a palisade and ditch, and garrisoned with Dutchmen and other soldiers who resided there.—The constable, with six hundred combatants, advanced between the town and Calais, to guard that road, and to prevent the English, should they hear of the attack, from sending any considerable reinforcements. Thus did he remain between his two battalions so long as the engagement lasted. The infantry, at day-break, began the storm with courage, and continued it a long time, until they had succeeded in setting the town on fire, so that upward of sixty houses were burnt.—Those in the castle defended themselves valiantly, and much annoyed the assailants with stones and arrows shot from their cross-bows. Perceiving the distress of the townsmen, they opened a gate of the castle to receive them,—and thus they escaped death. By the advice of the said marshal de Renty, his division made a retreat to where they had commenced the attack, but not without many being severely wounded: few, however, were killed. The constable, when informed of their retreat, made it known to the whole army, and returned to Boulogne, but leaving garrisons along the whole frontier, who daily had some skirmishes with the English.

[CHAP. IX.]

THE KING OF FRANCE LAYS SIEGE TO FONTENAY AND TO BOURGES.—THE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED WHILE HE REMAINED THERE.

The king of France having remained some days at Sens, and having held many councils on the state of his realm, marched thence to Auxerre, and to la Charité on the Loire, where he staid five days. He then advanced toward a strong castle called Fontenay, in the possession of the Armagnacs, who, on seeing the great force of the king, instantly surrendered it, on condition of having their lives and fortunes saved. Several captains, who had commanded on the frontiers against the Armagnacs, entered it,—and the army of the king was greatly increased by troops daily arriving from all quarters. In the number of those that came were the lord de Heilly, Enguerrand de Bournouville, the lord de Vitry and others.

The king marched from Fontenay to the town of Dun-le-Roi in Berry, where he encamped, and had it besieged by his army on all sides, and well battered by his engines. During this siege, Hector, bastard-brother to the duke of Bourbon, with only three hundred men, made an attack on a body of the king's army when foraging, and killed and took many. After this exploit, he hastened back to Bourges, and told the dukes of Berry and Bourbon of his success.

Dun-le-Roi was so much harrassed by the cannon and engines of the besiegers that, on the ninth day, the garrison offered to surrender, on condition of their lives and fortunes being spared, and that sir Louis de Corail, lately made seneschal of the Boulonois, should return with his men in safety to the duke of Berry. These terms were accepted, and the town was delivered up to the king. He remained there for three days, and then departed with his army, leaving sir Gautier de Rubes, a burgundy knight, governor of the town. The king and his army were quartered, on Friday the 10th day of June, three leagues distant from Dun-le-Roi, at a town near a wood. On the morrow he continued his march, and came before the city of Bourges, which was strong, very populous, and full of every sort of provision and wealth. This city was, in ancient times, the capital of the kingdom of Acquitaine, and is situated on the river Yeure. Through the town, a small rivulet runs from Dun-le-Roi.

The lords within this town, namely, the dukes of Berry and Bourbon, the lord d'Albreth, the count d'Auxerre[10], John brother to the duke of Bar, with the inhabitants, showed every appearance of making a strong resistance. There were also in Bourges many who had fled their country, such as the archbishops of Sens and of Bourges, the bishops of Paris and of Chartres, the lord de Gaucourt, Barbasan, Aubreticourt, le borgne Foucault, and fifteen hundred helmets, or thereabout, and four hundred archers and cross-bowmen.

When the king's army approached, which was estimated and commonly believed to consist of upward of one hundred thousand horse, some few sallied out of the town well armed, shouting, 'Long live the king, and the dukes of Berry and Bourbon!' at the same time falling desperately on the light troops of the van, so that very many were killed and wounded on each side; but the main army, advancing, soon forced them to retreat.

When they had re-entered the town, they set the gates wide open, and gallantly made preparations for defence. The van of the king's army was commanded by the grand master of the household, sir Guichard Daulphin, and the lords de Croy and de Heilly, knights, Aymé de Vitry and Enguerrand de Bournouville, esquires. The lords de Croy and de Heilly, in the absence of the marshals of France, Boucicaut and de Longny, were ordered by the king to exercise the functions of marshals.

The rear division was commanded by the lords d'Arlay, sir John de Châlon, the lord de Vergy, marshal of Burgundy, the lords de Ront and de Raisse.

In the king's battalion were the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy, and Bar, the counts de Mortain and de Nevers, the lord Gilles de Bretagne, and a numerous body of chivalry. When the army arrived on the plain in front of the city, they were from three to four hours in arranging their places of encampment, and in dividing the army under the different commanders. Then, near to a gibbet, were created more than five hundred knights, who, with many others, had never before displayed their banners. After this ceremony, the army was advanced nearer to the town, and encamped on the marshes on the side of the small river before mentioned, and other flat grounds.—Some tents and pavilions were pitched among vineyards, and by the ruins of the houses belonging to the priory of St Martin des Champs, of the order of Cluny, and others near to part of the suburbs which had been destroyed by the inhabitants prior to the arrival of the king's army, and among the large walnut-trees adjoining.

It is true, that some from thirst drank water from wells without the town; but whoever did so died suddenly, so that the wickedness and treachery of the besieged were discovered. It was proclaimed by sound of trumpet, that no one should in future drink any well-water, but alway make use of spring or running water, for that the wells had been poisoned. The besieged afterward confessed, Isatis that an herb called [Greek: Isatis] by the Greeks, and by the Latins Glastum, had been thrown into the wells, to cause the deaths of all who should drink out of them.

Though the townsmen could not now pass the marches and cross the fords as usual from fear of the besiegers, they had, by another road, free communication with the country, so that all manner of provision could be brought into the town, to the great vexation of the lords in the king's army.

The besiegers had now approached pretty near to the town, and had brought their artillery to bear on it, so that, from the continued cannonading and shooting from cross-bows, they slew many of their adversaries.

The townsmen frequently insulted them by their abuse, calling them false burgundian traitors, who had brought the king thither confined in his tent, as if he was not sound in mind. They called the duke of Burgundy a treacherous murderer; adding, that they would instantly have opened their gates to the king if he had not been there.

The Burgundians were not behind hand in their replies, retorting on the Armagnacs by calling them false and rebellious traitors to their king, and using various other invectives on each side; but the duke of Burgundy, who heard all their abuse, made no reply whatever, but only thought how he might distress them the more.

On Wednesday the 13th of June, a truce was agreed on between the two parties, at the solicitation of the duke of Berry; but during this time, some of the king's household, incited by treason, sent to the besieged,—'Sally forth: now is the time!' well knowing what they would do. When precisely between one and two o'clock in the afternoon, while the king was in his tent, and the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy were reposing, and the greater part of the army disarmed, as not suspecting any thing, about five hundred chosen men at arms sallied out of two gates of the town, and marched on as secretly as they could through vineyards and by-paths to avoid being seen, with the intent of surprising and taking the king and the duke of Acquitaine, in their tents, and putting the duke of Burgundy to death.

What they were afraid of happened; for two pages of the lord de Croy, riding their coursers to exercise and to water, perceived this body of five hundred marching toward the army, and instantly galloped back again, bawling out, 'To arms! here are the enemies advancing, who have sallied out of their town.' On hearing this, every one hastened to his tent, and armed. The vanguard drew up in array, and soon met the enemy. The engagement immediately commenced; but the Armagnacs were overpowered by their adversaries, who increased every moment, so that they could not withstand them. Six score were soon killed, and about forty made prisoners: the rest took disgracefully to flight, making all haste back to Bourges, led on by the lord de Gaucourt.

Among the slain were Guillaume Batiller, who had been taken at the battle of St Cloud, and set at liberty, and Guillaume de Chailus, knight, whose bodies, when stripped, were thrown into the wells said to have been poisoned, to serve them for a grave. In the number of prisoners were the grand master of the household of the duke of Berry, an esquire of the lord d'Albreth, and also his principal cook, called Gastard, who declared in the presence of several, that he would name those who had urged them to make this attempt.

In consequence, on the morrow were arrested master Geoffry de Bouillon, secretary to the duke of Acquitaine, and the family of the lord de Boissay, first maistre d'hôtel to the king,—and afterward one called Gilles de Toisy, esquire, a native of Beauvais, his servant, and Enguerrand de Seure, esquire, a Norman, who were all on this account beheaded before the king's tent; but as the lord de Boissay was only suspected, and no proof brought to convict him, he was imprisoned, and made to witness the punishment of the others.

There were a body of English and French in the king's army, consisting of about three hundred, under the command of Aymé de Vitry, two hundred of whom one day deserted; but, as they were making for the town, they were so closely pursued that numbers of them were slain by lances, swords and arrows, before they could enter the gates. One half of the garrison of Gien-sur-Loire, consisting of about four hundred helmets, attempted, on the 19th of June, to enter the city; but, before they could accomplish it, having been observed by the besiegers, they were so vigorously attacked that from one hundred to six score were killed.

During the time the king was at this siege of Bourges, the foragers were almost daily cut off by the ambuscades of the enemy, they themselves and their horses being slain or taken; and as they were obliged to seek forage at the distance of six or eight leagues, the army suffered much from famine. Moreover, the waggons that brought provision from Burgundy and other parts, were way-laid by the soldiers of Sancerre, and other places in rebellion against the king, and plundered: this caused great distress to the besiegers, and very many were disheartened from want of bread. However it lasted not long, for by the vigilance of sir Guichard Daulphin, he met the garrison of Sancerre convoying provision to the town of Bourges, when he attacked them, and forced them to surrender the town and castle of Sancerre, which had been more active than any others in preventing forage being brought to the camp; and thus all dread of famine was removed.

Toward the end of June, about sun-set, four hundred men at arms made a sally from the town, induced thereto by the information of some of their prisoners, that the provost of Paris, the admiral of France, and the vidame d'Amiens, were coming to the camp with a large sum of money from Paris to the king, to enable him to pay his troops. In the hope of defeating and plundering the above, they rode on and posted themselves in a wood, the more readily to surprise them. Intelligence of this was however carried to the lord de Ront, by some of his spies who had observed them march out of the town; and he instantly made the duke of Lorraine and the lord de Heilly acquainted therewith. They collected about five hundred men at arms, under pretence of a foraging party, and, leaving the camp, crossed the river by an old bridge which they repaired as well as they could, and took up their quarters in a small vineyard, whence, during the night, they sent off scouts to observe the situation of the enemy. They were found in ambuscade, thinking to take the king's treasure, but were themselves taken,—for no sooner were these lords informed where they were than they instantly attacked them, and killed and took many: among the latter was a gentleman named Guistardon de Seure: the rest saved themselves by flight.

The duke of Lorraine and the lords de Ront and de Heilly returned to the camp with their prisoners, much rejoiced at their victory. The duke of Berry, and those with him in Bourges, were much grieved at this defeat, and others of a similar nature; for he saw with pain his country ruined, and daily witnessed the deaths of his most valiant knights and esquires. He nevertheless did not slacken in his endeavours to defend himself against all who wished to hurt him,—and it frequently happened that his men retaliated severely on the besiegers.

While these things were passing, sir Philip de Lignac, grand master of Rhodes, who had attended the king, exerted himself at various times to bring about a peace between the two parties. The count de Savoye had also sent his marshal, and some of his principal knights, to the king and to the duke of Berry, to attempt the same thing. They, therefore, united in their endeavours, and, by permission of the king and of the duke of Acquitaine, who acted as his lieutenant, they had interviews with each party. By their diligence, a conference was appointed to be holden; and there were added to them as commissioners, the master of the cross-bows, the seneschal of Hainault and some others.

The commissioners on the part of the Armagnacs were the archbishop of Bourges, the lord de Gaucourt, the lord de Tignonville, the lord de Barbasan, the lord d'Aubreticourt and others, who diligently exerted themselves on each side to bring a treaty to a conclusion. They had frequent consultations on the subject with the different princes of each party; but in fact it was not a matter speedily to be finished, for each of the parties was too much interested and suspicious. It was strongly remonstrated that the besieged had, during a truce, made a treacherous attack on the army; and many arguments were urged by both sides, which greatly retarded the conclusion of a peace.

FOOTNOTES:

[10] Louis II. de Châlon, count of Auxerre, son of Louis I. and Mary of Parthenay.

[CHAP. X.]

THE KING OF FRANCE DECAMPS, AND LAYS SIEGE TO BOURGES ON THE OPPOSITE SIDE.—A TREATY IS CONCLUDED BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES.

When the king of France had remained with his army for sixteen months before the city of Bourges, on the side toward la Charité sur Loire, without any hope of taking it, and had perceived the town was well supplied with provision on the side opposite to his camp, he broke up the siege, and ordered fire to be set to all his quarters. He marched away, and again encamped on the right of the city, about four leagues distant, on the river, and near to Yeure-le-Châtel.

The besieged, seeing their adversaries thus suddenly decamp, thought it was done from fear of the English, who had promised them their aid, and that they were marching back to France. They were consequently much rejoiced, and some of them sallied forth, with a multitude of peasants, in the expectation of making prisoners,—but it happened otherwise than they looked for.

Enguerrand de Bournouville had, with some other captains, remained behind, with about three hundred men at arms in ambuscade, and, when they saw it was time, issued forth, killed many, and made more prisoners, and returned to the king's army.

On the morrow, the king and his whole army crossed the river. One division advanced toward Bourges, and another to Orleans, to despoil and waste the country in the same manner as they had done on the opposite side. The townsmen of Bourges, observing the army to cross the river, hastily set fire to the suburbs on that side, which were very extensive, to prevent the enemy from occupying them, and some churches were also burnt: the more the pity.

The king encamped his army round the city on that side, and had his cannons and engines pointed in such wise as effectually to annoy the place. The besieged were not idle in providing for their defence, and the means of preventing the city from being taken, but were very much grieved and cast down at the great damage which had been done to it.

The duke of Acquitaine, son and lieutenant to the king, saw with regret the destruction of so noble a city, the capital of Auvergne and Berry, and to which he was heir, and, fearing its total ruin, forbade the cannoneers, and those who had the direction of the other engines, to fire any balls, or to cast more stones into it, under pain of death. The duke of Burgundy, on hearing these orders, which counteracted his wish to push matters to extremity, was much displeased and surprised, and suspected the duke of Acquitaine had changed his opinion, or was moved with compassion toward his enemies: however, in the conversation that passed between them on the subject, the duke of Acquitaine declared positively, that he would put an end to the war. The duke of Burgundy most earnestly begged of him, that if he were determined upon it, he would conclude it according to the terms that had been agreed to by the king's ministers at Paris, namely, that if their adversaries should present themselves with all humility before the king, and submit themselves to his mercy, he would receive them, but entreated that any terms he should make might not be to his dishonour.

The duke of Acquitaine replied, that in truth the war had lasted too long; that it was prejudicial to the king and kingdom, and that he in the end might suffer from it,—for those against whom the war was made were his uncles, cousins-german, and others of his kindred, by whom he should be greatly assisted in any cases of need,—but he was desirous that they should submit themselves in the manner proposed in council before he had left Paris.

The duke of Burgundy, in consequence of this and other conversations, humbled himself much toward the duke of Acquitaine; for he had discovered that the business had been discussed with some other great lords, of whom he was very suspicious, and particularly of the duke of Bar, who had, for some time past, clearly shown he was displeased with him. He, however, told the duke of Acquitaine publicly, that he was satisfied that the negotiations for a peace should be continued according to the good pleasure and honour of the king and himself.

The commissioners were, therefore, ordered to renew the conferences, which they willingly obeyed. When they had reduced to writing the demands and answers of the two parties, they requested of the princes on each side, that the dukes of Berry and Burgundy might meet and conclude the treaty; and this was agreed to by the king and the duke of Acquitaine, and the leaders of the opposite party.

An elevated place was fixed and well secured for the meeting of the uncle and nephew, for neither of them had much confidence in the other. It was for this reason that barriers were erected on a platform, on which the dukes entered at separate ends, having bars between them, and their council behind, whom they occasionally consulted as to the demands and answers.

For greater security, a body of their men at arms was stationed near to each, but not so near as to hear any conversation that passed.—They were both completely and handsomely armed. The duke of Berry, notwithstanding he was seventy years of age, wore a sword, dagger, and battle-axe: he had on a steel scull-cap, and a rich clasp on his breast,—over his armour a purple jacket, the cross belt of which was bespangled with pearls. After they had been two hours together, they separated, to outward appearance, in good humour; but the duke of Berry said peevishly to the duke of Burgundy, 'Fair nephew and fair godson, when your father, my dear brother, was living, there was no need of any barriers between us: we were alway on the most affectionate terms.' The duke of Burgundy replied, 'My lord, it has not been my fault.' The duke of Berry then mounted his horse, and returned, with his attendants, to Bourges,—and the duke of Burgundy, in like manner, to the camp.

The knights of the duke of Burgundy, on their return, said, that those of the duke of Berry, in their common conversations, declared themselves no way rebellious nor disaffected to the king; that their lord had been for some time very unwell, and unable to command them; that had he been otherwise, he would not so long have left the death of his nephew unpunished; that in regard to their having burnt, taken, and destroyed several towns and castles, in different parts of the kingdom, such as St Denis and Roye, which they had plundered, they replied, that as their lords were of the blood-royal, they had a right to lead their men at arms through any towns in the realm, on their personal wars, for that they had very just cause for attacking the duke of Burgundy, and that in so doing they committed no offence against the king; but, in regard to having refused to open the gates of the city of Bourges when the king came in person before it, they confessed themselves guilty of contempt, for which they humbly asked his pardon, as was stated in the treaty, and offered him the keys of the town.

On the Wednesday following, the two dukes again met, with their counsellors, at the barriers in front of the city-gate, and renewed their conference. When it was concluded, they drank wine together, and separated very joyfully. On the next day, all the nobles and knights of the army assembled before the tent of the duke of Acquitaine, who appeared in state as the representative of the king. He was attended by the dukes of Bar and Lorraine, and many others of high rank.

The chancellor of Acquitaine, sir John de Neelle, knight and licentiate of law, and of great eloquence, then recited most notably all the different acts of rebellion committed by John de Berry, Charles d'Orleans, John de Bourbon, John d'Alençon, Bernard d'Armagnac and Charles d'Albreth, and their adherents, declaring their alliance with the king of England, the king's adversary, and detailing all the destruction they had brought on the kingdom,—concluding a long speech by demanding, by orders of the king and of his son the duke of Acquitaine, that every person should now promptly deliver his opinion, whether there should be peace or war.

Many replied, that it were better peace should be made with the above lords, and that they should be reinstated in the king's favour, than otherwise, provided the peace were a solid one; but others were of a contrary opinion,—and thus ended this meeting, which caused much murmuring. It is true, that at this time the heat of the weather was excessive, and great sickness prevailed in the army, insomuch that very many, hearing daily of the deaths of their companions, departed without taking leave. There was a great mortality among the horses, and the stench of their carcases much infected the camp.

[CHAP. XI.]

THE PRINCES AND LORDS WITHIN THE CITY OF BOURGES WAIT ON THE KING AND THE DUKE OF ACQUITAINE, AND AFTERWARD AT AUXERRE.

On Friday the 15th day of July, when all things had been settled, the dukes of Berry and of Bourbon, the lord d'Albreth, the count d'Eu[11], the lord John de Bar, brother to the duke of Bar, accompanied by many knights and esquires bearing their banners, came forth of the city toward the king's army, and entered the tent of the duke of Acquitaine, who was surrounded by many nobles, such as the dukes of Burgundy and Bar, and other knights and esquires, the king being afflicted with his usual disorder.

After the treaty had been read and agreed to, each kissed the other; but when the duke of Berry kissed his nephew the duke of Acquitaine, tears ran down his cheeks. This treaty contained, among other articles, that the treaty which had been concluded at Chartres by the king and his council, between Charles duke of Orleans and his brothers, respecting the death of their late father, Louis duke of Orleans, on the one part, and John duke of Burgundy on the other, for being an accomplice in the aforesaid death, should be kept inviolable for ever; and that the marriage formerly proposed between one of the brothers of the Orleans family and a daughter of the duke of Burgundy should take effect.

The other articles declared, that the duke of Berry and the lords of his party should surrender to the obedience of the king all such towns and castles as the king might demand; and the duke entreated, that the king would excuse and pardon him for not having before submitted to his obedience the city of Bourges.

And also, that the aforesaid lords would renounce all confederations which had been made between them, as well as all foreign alliances against the duke of Burgundy, who in like manner was to renounce the alliances he might have formed against them.

That the king would restore to them, fully and completely, all their towns, castles and forts which he might have taken, excepting such as had been demolished or razed, which were to remain in their present state. The articles also declared, that the officers of the aforesaid lords who had been deprived of their places should be reinstated.

When they had dined, the duke of Berry presented the keys of the city of Bourges to the duke of Acquitaine, as the representative of the king, and then returned thither with his companions. The duke of Acquitaine caused the peace to be proclaimed throughout the army and country in the king's name, acting as his lieutenant. By the same proclamation, it was most strictly ordered, that henceforth no one of either party should personally abuse another, either corporally or in his fortune, nor use any opprobrious language, nor call any one by the names of Armagnac or Burgundian.

On Saturday, the 16th day of the same month, king Louis of Sicily came from his possessions in Anjou and Maine, escorted by three thousand two hundred men at arms, knights and esquires, and accompanied by the count de Penthievre with his Bretons, to assist the king in his siege of Bourges. The king of Sicily was very much rejoiced when he was informed of the peace that had been concluded with the princes; and on the morrow, attended by the duke of Bar and a number of other knights, he went into the city, and was there magnificently entertained at dinner by the duke and duchess of Berry.

The other lords dined in the duke's palace, and were grandly and plentifully served: after dinner, they all returned to the camp. On the ensuing Wednesday, the king of France decamped from before the town, having remained there, at this second siege, forty days, at an immense expense, and with his whole army marched back, the way they had come, to la Charité sur Loire, where he was lodged. Thither came the dukes of Berry and of Bourbon, and the lord d'Albreth, with the commissioners from the duke of Orleans and his brothers, who, in the tent of the duke of Acquitaine, and in his presence and in that of the principal lords, made oath on the holy evangelists punctually and faithfully to observe the peace that had been concluded at Bourges. They promised to swear the same in the presence of the king; and as the duke of Orleans and his brothers were absent, they solemnly engaged that they would meet the king, to take this oath personally before him, on any appointed day, at Auxerre: when this was done, they returned home. The peace was again proclaimed by the king's orders; and all persons were strictly enjoined, whatever might be their rank, not to molest each other in body or estate, and not to use any defamatory language, or call any one by the name of Armagnac.

After this, the king of Sicily, the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy, and Bar, and all the princes, counts, barons and chivalry, departed. The king retained with him a great body of the captains of his army, and their men at arms, and gave permission for all the rest to return to their homes. He went thence to Auxerre, and was lodged in the episcopal palace: the king of Sicily and the duke of Acquitaine were quartered in the town, and their men in the adjacent villages. The lord Gilles de Bretagne, on his arrival at Auxerre, died of a dysentery.

In like manner, the count de Mortain, brother to the king of Navarre, lost his life either at Auxerre or at Sancerre from the same disorder. His body was carried to Paris, and interred in the church of the Carthusians. Aymé de Vitry, sir John de Guistelle, John d'Jequennie, and several others, died on their road home; and this disorder was so fatal that from one thousand to twelve hundred knights and esquires, not including varlets, died of it, as it was reported to the lords in Auxerre.

When the marshal de Boucicaut, the count de Foix and the lord de St George, who were carrying on the war against the count d'Armagnac, heard that peace was concluded between the king and his enemies, they disbanded their army, and gave permission for all to return home.

During the time the king was at Auxerre, he had summoned the greater part of his nobles and prelates thither, as well as the chief citizens of the great towns, to witness the solemn swearing to the observance of the peace. But before they could arrive, other intelligence was brought, which was far from being agreeable, namely, that the English were at anchor, with their whole navy, before the town of la Hogue de St Vas, in the country of Coutantin; that they had made a descent, and spread themselves over the adjacent countries, destroying or plundering every thing they could find, and that their numbers amounted to about eight thousand, of whom two thousand were men at arms, and the rest archers or infantry, and that they were under the command of the duke of Clarence, second son to the king of England.

These English had landed in consequence of the treaty between the dukes of Berry and Orleans and their allies, and the king of England, and were on their march to assist in raising the siege of Bourges. The counts of Alençon and of Richemont went to meet them, and received them most joyfully, although they had come too late to do them any effectual service; but, notwithstanding this, they exerted themselves to the utmost to supply them with horses and provision.

This force was much increased by the junction of six hundred gascon helmets that had likewise been subsidized by the confederates at Bourges. When these forces were united, they overran the country, and committed great destruction.

The prisoners confined at Lille, as before mentioned, consisted of the lord de Hangest, formerly master of the cross-bows of France, sir Louis de Bourdon, sir Charles de Gerammes, Enguerrand des Fontaines, and some others. They were all set at liberty by the count de la Marche, on each paying a large ransom to the person who had made him prisoner; and in like manner were all others delivered, by exchange or by ransom.

About the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, those who had been summoned by the king of France arrived at Auxerre. In their number, the Parisians came in great pomp; and the dukes of Berry and Bourbon, and the lord d'Albreth, also attended. The lord d'Albreth, soon after his arrival, wished to resume the office of constable; but the count Waleran de St Pol would not suffer him, and exercised it himself. Many high words passed between them; and the lord d'Albreth, having taken the oaths of peace, retired much displeased and indignant.

On the ensuing Monday, the duke of Orleans and his brother, the count de Vertus, came to Auxerre, escorted by about two thousand combatants. When all the lords were arrived, they assembled on an extensive plain without the city, near to a convent of nuns, where had been erected a handsome scaffolding, richly adorned, on which was the duke of Acquitaine, as representative of his father, the king of Sicily, the dukes of Burgundy, of Bar, and others.

The duke of Burgundy and his party repeated the oaths they had before taken, as also did the duke of Orleans and his friends; and the same proposal of marriage as had been made at Chartres was again solemnly agreed to take place, between the count de Vertus and a daughter of the duke of Burgundy, on the terms before mentioned.

The aforesaid lords then publicly renounced all confederations and alliances which they had formed with Henry king of England, with his sons, or with any others of the english nation, enemies to France, the duke of Burgundy having before declared that he had no connexion with them,—and they agreed to write such letters to the king of England as the king and his council should advise.

They also promised and swore to renew their oaths respecting the observance of this peace in the king's presence, so soon as he should have recovered his health,—for at that time he had had a relapse,—and to sign such papers as he would please, that they would never again form any confederations or alliances against each other; and that if either of them should attempt to infringe the articles of this peace, the others would unite against him or them to enforce their due observance, and oblige them to listen to reason.

At this ceremony, by orders of the king, were some of the members of the parliament, of the chamber of accounts, and of the university of Paris, the provosts of Paris and of the merchants, the sheriffs and some of the principal citizens, to many of whom this treaty was not very agreeable.

There were also present, in consequence of the king's summons, very many from Rouen, Caen, Amiens, Tournay, Laon, Rheims, Troyes, Langres, Tours, and from the chief towns in the kingdom.

When this solemnity was over, all the great lords went to dine with the duke of Acquitaine at his lodgings. At this entertainment, which was most splendid and abundant, the duke of Burgundy served, and the counts de Nevers and de St Pol, assisted by other noble knights, carried the dishes. After they had dined, the company amused themselves by playing at divers games. These being ended, towards dusk all retired to their lodgings. On the morrow, and for several days following, they continued feasting together, and, according to all outward appearances, were in great harmony with each other. Even the dukes of Orleans and Burgundy rode out together, both on the same horse, in company with other lords, and showed such mutual affection as is becoming brothers and near relations. Nevertheless, some wicked tongues were not sparing of them behind their backs, but loudly spoke their minds.

With regard to the people, they were in such crowds that it need not be asked if they were pleased,—for they continually shouted out, 'Gloria in excelsis Deo,' as if they wished to praise the gloriousness of the heavens. It indeed seemed to them a kind of miracle that such bitter hatred as had existed between these great lords should be so speedily appeased.

When every thing was concluded, and because this epidemic disorder raged at Auxerre, the king and princes departed, and went by Sens to Melun, where great feasts and entertainments, with justings and dancings, were held by the queen and her court, for joy of the happy reconciliation that had taken place between the princes of the blood royal. In truth, while the king resided at Melun, he recovered his health, and then, at the entreaties of the queen, his daughter, the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy, and of the king of Sicily, he approved of and ratified the treaty of peace that had been made. In consequence, he delivered up all the castles, towns and lands, which he had seized on account of the rebellion of his nephews and other lords, as well secular as ecclesiastic, and restored them to their free possession. Thus they re-entered their towns and castles, but without any restitution for the damages which had been done to them: several of them had been nearly destroyed; and the vineyards, forests and other lands, had suffered greatly, with various mischiefs that had been done to the farms. That this peace might be publicly known, and that no one might plead ignorance, but that it should remain for ever inviolate, the king issued the following edict.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] Charles d'Artois, count of Eu, son to the constable d'Eu (who died in Turkey 1397) and to Mary daughter of the duke of Berry. He married twice, but had no issue, and in him ended the royal branch of Artois, commencing in Robert the good count d'Artois, who was killed in Egypt in the year 1250, when accompanying his brother St Louis.

[CHAP. XII.]

THE KING OF FRANCE ORDERS HIS EDICT RESPECTING THE PEACE TO BE SENT TO HIS DIFFERENT OFFICERS FOR PROCLAMATION IN THE USUAL PLACES,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to the bailiff of Amiens, or to his lieutenant, greeting.—Among the heavy and continued anxieties which we always feel for the preservation of our crown and kingdom, the warmest wish we have is to nourish love and affection among our subjects, and to guard them from all oppressions and other inconveniences which are consequent on civil commotions, that they may live under us in perfect tranquillity. Whereas many very serious discords and divisions have arisen within our realm between several of the princes of our royal blood, their adherents and allies, which have caused great mischiefs to ensue, to the detriment of our faithful subjects; and others still more disastrous might have followed, had we not provided a sufficient remedy. These discords have occasioned to us the utmost grief of heart; and for this reason we make known to thee, that, through the grace of the sovereign King of kings, our Creator and Saviour, and the Giver of all peace; and through the diligent exertions of our very dear and well-beloved son the duke of Acquitaine, dauphin of Vienne, and others who have laboured with him, we have concluded a sound peace with the aforesaid princes, our kindred, and their confederates, in the manner and form expressed In the treaty drawn up for this purpose.

'By this treaty all rancour and malevolence between one party and another are extinguished, and the princes aforesaid have solemnly sworn on the holy evangelists, in the presence of our very dear son, many prelates and other persons, that they will strictly observe every article of it, and no way infringe it, according to the oaths which they had before taken on a similar occasion.

'For this reason, we therefore enjoin, and most strictly command, thee to proclaim this peace in all the squares and public places of Amiens, by sound of trumpet, and then to make proclamation of the same in all the villages and other places within thy bailiwick, particularly ordering all our subjects most faithfully to keep this peace, under pain of our highest displeasure, and of being criminally guilty towards our royal person, forbidding any person, whatever may be their rank, in our name, in any wise to offend against any of its articles, on pain of being corporally punished, with confiscation of property.

'We, moreover, enjoin thee, that thou do punish most severely and publicly, according to the exigency of the case, any who shall be found violating this peace in any degree whatever, either by word or deed, who may be regularly accused before thee, so that it may serve as an example to all others.

'Given at Melun, in the year of Grace 1412, and in the 32d of our reign.'—Signed by the king from the report made to him by the council held by my lords the dukes of Acquitaine, Berry, Burgundy, Orleans and Bourbon, the counts of Vertus and Alençon, and John de Bar, with others present at it. Countersigned, 'Emau, inspector.'

The English, during this time, had advanced, from the Coutantin, into the countries of Maine and Touraine, despoiling the districts they marched through with fire and sword. A grand council was held on this subject at Melun, presided by the duke of Acquitaine as the king's locum tenens, and at which were present the king of Sicily, the dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Orleans and Bourbon, the count de Vertus, the chancellors of France, Acquitaine, and of Orleans, the lords de Torsy, d'Offemont, with others, the provost of the merchants, the sheriffs and council of Paris,—when it was ordered, that all persons capable of bearing arms, noble or not, should assemble, properly equipped at Chartres, on the 8th day of October ensuing; at which time and place, they should receive pay for the defence of the realm, and to drive the ancient enemies of France out of the kingdom. This edict was copied, and sent to the principal seneschalships and bailiwicks of France sealed with the royal seal, by the aforesaid princes, that a sufficient force might be provided against the 8th day of October.

The Parisians, as being more nearly affected, hastened to raise their levies of men at arms and archers at Paris or at Melun,—and others in the adjacent countries. Every one, on the receipt of the king's edict, assembled his quota. Had the duke of Berry and those of his party kept the engagements they had made with the English, and paid them the large sum of two hundred thousand crowns, according to their promises, they were ready to return to England, either through Acquitaine or Bourdeaux; but from the melancholy state of the country, they were unable to raise this sum by any means they could offer,—and thus their terms not being fulfilled, the English thought they might pay themselves.

The king of Sicily returned, however, to Anjou, to raise men for the defence of his territories, whither the English were fast advancing.

In these days, the duke of Acquitaine reinstated the eldest son of the late grand master Montagu in his office of chamberlain, and obtained, through his entreaties with the king, that all his estates should be restored, which ought to have descended to him by right of inheritance, so that, with the exception of some trifling confiscations, he regained all the patrimony he would have inherited from his father and mother.

He obtained likewise the head of his father; and one evening, about vespers, the provost of Paris, with his executioner, attended by twelve guards, or thereabout, holding lighted torches and carrying a ladder, followed by a priest dressed in his robes, came to the market-place, when the executioner mounted the ladder to where the head of the late grand master had been fixed to the end of a lance, and, taking it off, delivered it to the priest, who received it in a handsome napkin. Thus wrapped up, he placed it on his shoulder, and carried it, attended by these lighted torches, to the hôtel of the late Montagu, grand master of the king's household.

The body was in like manner taken down from the gibbet at Montfaucon, in the presence of the provost, by his hangman, and brought to Paris. It was there joined to the head, placed in a handsome coffin, and carried in great state, attended by his children, and a numerous party of friends, with priests chaunting, and a vast number of lighted torches, to the church of the Celestins at Marcoussy, which he had founded and endowed in his lifetime and made a convent of monks, and there honourably interred. Among other gifts which he had made when alive was the great bell, called St Catherine, to the church of Nôtre Dame at Paris, as appears from his arms and crest that are upon it.

[CHAP. XIII.]

THE WAR CONTINUES IN THE BOULONOIS.—THE KING RETURNS TO PARIS.—THE DUKE OF ORLEANS SATISFIES THE ENGLISH,—AND OTHER MATTERS.

During this time, king Henry of England sent the earls of Warwick and Kyme, with two thousand combatants, to Calais, whence, with other garrisons, they invaded the Boulonois, and did much mischief. They burnt the town of Saumer-au-Bois, took by storm the fort of Ruissault, pillaging, robbing, and setting fire to every place they came to.

To oppose them, the king ordered to St Omer count Waleran his constable, the lord de Rambures, master of the cross-bows, and the lord de Heilly, with a large body of men at arms, who were posted in the various garrisons,—and thus was the country harrassed on all sides.

At this period, the king of France returned to Paris, and was lodged in his hôtel of Saint Pol, to the great joy of the Parisians, who sang carols in all the streets, lighted bonfires, and had great illuminations, shouting out all night, 'God save the king!' There were, likewise, very magnificent feasts and other entertainments. The king was attended, on his entry into Paris, by the dukes of Acquitaine, Burgundy, Bourbon, and the count de Vertus. The queen, with the dukes of Berry and Orleans, had remained at the castle of Vincennes, and thence, on the Sunday following, made her entry into Paris, and was lodged with the king at the hôtel de St Pol. The duke of Orleans had accompanied her part of the way; but, when he approached Paris, he separated from her, and took the road for his county of Beaumont. The duke of Berry staid at Vincennes.

Although the town of Chauny had been surrendered to the king in perpetuity, he restored it to the duke of Orleans, and, at the same time, granted him permission to raise from his vassals the sum of sixty thousand florins of gold, by way of tax, for his own private use. But he could never succeed in the attempts which he made to regain his two castles of Coucy and Pierrefons. When he had been at Beaumont a few days, he departed, and went to meet the English under the command of the duke of Clarence, who had landed, as has been said, at his request, and satisfied him fully, as to the pay of his men, so far as was in his power; but as he could not then advance the whole that was due for their pay, the duke of Orleans gave, as a pledge for the due fulfilment of his engagement, his youngest brother, the count of Angoulême, with many other gentlemen, namely, sir Marcel le Borgne, Jean de Saveuses, Archambault de Villiers, Guillaume le Boutillier, Jean David, and others of his dependants. They were all carried away by the duke of Clarence, who retired with his English to Guienne.

The count of Angoulême was pledged for the sum of two hundred and nine thousand francs french money. When the duke of Orleans had concluded this, he returned to Blois; but these bondsmen remained in England a long time, as shall be told hereafter. The duke of Orleans sent some of his most able knights to prevail on the king to restore to him his castles of Coucy and Pierrefons, which were held by the constable; but although the king granted his letters for the surrender of them, the constable refused to obey, giving for answer, that until he should be repaid the money he had advanced to his men at arms for the conquest of them, he would retain them,—adding, that the king had made him a promise of them, and had nominated sir Gerard de Herbannes governor of Coucy, and of Pierrefons sir Collard de Fiennes. The castle of Pierrefons, which was a very strong and handsome edifice, was one night burnt to the ground, to the great displeasure of the duke,—but as he could not obtain any redress, he was forced to endure it.

The duke of Burgundy, who resided at Paris, to be near the king, about this time caused sir Bourdin de Salligny to be arrested, and carried prisoner to Flanders, where he was confined some time, and then set at liberty. Sir Bourdin had been the particular and confidential friend of the duke; and it was reported, that he was inclined to change sides and turn to that of Orleans, and had even betrayed some of the duke's secrets.

In these days also, some very sharp words passed between the bastard of Bourbon and a butcher of Paris, called Denisot de Chaumont, when the bastard said to him, 'Peace! hold thy tongue: I shall find thee again another time.' Shortly after, Denisot, who had great weight among his brethren of the trade, collected a large body, and, with other Parisians, they barricaded the streets with chains,—but they were at length appeased by the duke of Burgundy.

John duke of Bourbon, the count d'Armagnac and the lord d'Albreth were ordered by the king and council into Languedoc, to oppose the enterprises of the duke of Clarence and the English, who had fixed their quarters in Acquitaine, and sorely oppressed all who defended the french interest on the frontiers.

[CHAP. XIV.]

THE DUKE OF BERRY IS DANGEROUSLY ILL.—HE IS VISITED BY HIS DAUGHTER THE DUCHESS OF BOURBON, AND BY THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY.—NOTICE OF OTHER MATTERS.

The duke of Berry, who had come to Paris to attend the king his nephew, and a grand council about to be holden, was taken dangerously ill at his hôtel of Neele; but by the care and affection of his daughter the duchess of Bourbon, who, on hearing of his illness, had come to see him, and by her nursing, he was soon restored to health. He was also very frequently visited by his nephew the duke of Burgundy.

While the duchess of Bourbon was at Paris, she obtained from the king, and from the dukes of Acquitaine and Burgundy, that the body of Binet d'Espineuse, formerly the knight of her lord the duke of Bourbon, should be taken down from the gibbet of Montfaucon, and his head from the market-house, where it had been placed some time since by the king's officers of justice. She had it escorted by many of his friends to the town of Espineuse, in the county of Clermont, where it was honourably interred.

The duke of Burgundy at this time had the sole government of the kingdom, for nothing was done but by his advice or that of his friends.

Notwithstanding it had been promised at the peace of Auxerre, by the king and the princes of the blood, that every one, of whatever party he might have been, should be reinstated in his property in such offices as had been held by them, very many could not profit of this royal favour; for with all their diligence in suing for reinstatement, they met with nothing but delays, more especially those who had been attached to the Orleans-party. This caused much silent bitterness and discontent; and both sides were busily employed underhand on the means of securing the support of the king and the duke of Acquitaine,—one party making secret attempts to gain the former, the other the latter. Thus, therefore, there was not any sincere love between them; and the war was daily expected to recommence with greater fury than before, as shall be more fully explained.

I shall hereafter, towards the end of this year 1412, lay before you all the letters and treaties that passed between king Henry of England and his children, and other princes, on the one part, and the dukes of Berry, Orleans, Bourbon, the counts d'Alençon, d'Armagnac, the lord d'Albreth, and their adherents, on the other part, and their mutual engagements to each other.

[CHAP. XV.]

THE KING OF FRANCE HOLDS A GRAND ASSEMBLY AT PARIS ON THE REFORMATION OF ABUSES IN THE GOVERNMENT.—OTHER MATTERS.

The king of France, by the advice of the duke of Burgundy, summoned the greater part of the princes, prelates, heads of universities, and principal citizens of the great towns, to Paris, to consider on several matters of great importance to the kingdom in general, and more especially respecting the reformation of his ministers, who had for a long time very ill governed the realm.

When this assembly had held many consultations on the subjects laid before it, its members determined that the university of Paris should make their report in the name of all,—which report was delivered to the king, at his hôtel of St Pol, in manner following.

'To our most high and most excellent prince, our sovereign lord and father. Your most humble and devoted daughter the university of Paris, your very submissive and obedient subjects the provost of the merchants, the sheriffs and citizens of your good town of Paris, lay before you their opinions and advice, as required by you, for the welfare and happiness of yourself and kingdom.

'In the first place, respecting the peace that has been lately concluded between certain princes of your royal blood, according to the terms your majesty has been pleased to lay before us, we say, that all who have sworn solemnly to keep this peace, and have hitherto observed it, ought to continue this same conduct, in pursuance of their intentions sworn to before God: but we think that you should summon certain others of the lords of your blood, and of their principal servants, to swear personally before you to keep the peace; and that for many reasons,—first, because they never yet have taken the said oaths,—secondly, because many among them do not keep the peace.

'It is a notorious fact, that although the English are in your kingdom, and in conjunction with other companies, as well natives as foreigners, daily commit waste on the country, scarcely any attempts have been made to oppose their further progress, and petitions and clamours arise throughout the realm.

'Item, the count d'Armagnac, who is your subject, pays no regard to the peace; and, so far from observing it, is constantly making war on your more faithful subjects.

'Item, for the better observance of this peace, we recommend that your majesty should cause letters to be drawn up, in which all the articles of the treaty shall be incorporated, and sent to the different officers, or to whomsoever else you may please, with orders to make known all transgressors of them, that they may be punished accordingly.

'With regard to the second point on which you, our sovereign lord, demand our advice, having fully considered all that concerns your own honour and welfare, with every thing that may tend to the prosperity of the kingdom, we feel ourselves obliged to make known to you what we perceive to be defects in your government. We must begin by the bad administration of the public finances, to which you, as king, ought to have caused more faithful attention to be paid. We recommend, in the first place, that the revenues of the royal demesne be divided into four parts: one to be distributed in alms, another to defray the expenses of your majesty, those of the queen, the duke of Acquitaine, and your household; another to pay the salaries of your officers and servants; another to be applied to the repairs of bridges, roads, mills, castles, causeways, or other public works,—and the overplus to be paid into the king's treasury, as was formerly done.

'Item, it clearly appears, that the finances are not at this present time so regulated, which, is the fault of your treasurers, who have the administration of them. The religious of both sexes, as well belonging to convents as to hospitals, are frequently forced to expend their own money on the repairs of their churches, without deriving any assistance from the royal treasury, to their great detriment, to the loss of their personal comforts, the ruin of the churches, and the failure of divine service, to the prejudice of the souls of your predecessors, and to the oppression of your own conscience.

'In regard to alms, it is well known that scarcely any thing is paid; and as to the expenses of yourself, the queen, and the duke of Acquitaine, which are regulated by sir Pierre de Fontenay, and paid by Raymond Ragnier and Jean Pie, clerks of the exchequer, they are found to amount to four hundred and fifty thousand francs, as well received from the royal demesnes as from other sources; whereas in former times only ninety-two thousand francs were received for this purpose, and your predecessors kept up a royal state, and the tradesmen were regularly paid, notwithstanding the smallness of the sum: but at present this is far from being the case, for the tradesmen are not only unpaid, but your household and those of the queen and the duke of Acquitaine are frequently broken up.

'Even so lately as Thursday last, this disgrace happened to the household of the queen,—whence it appears, that these sums are not employed for your expenses, but wasted at the will of your ministers, and among their favourites, as we shall more fully explain at a proper time and place.

'In former days, the sum raised for the expenses of the queen's household was but thirty-six thousand francs; but at present, one hundred and forty thousand are raised on this account, from taxes independant of the revenues of her demesnes. This difference proceeds from the fault of the administrators of this department, the principal of whom is Raymond Ragnier, the treasurer; and he has so managed this money destined for the use of the queen that he has purchased large estates, and built fine houses, as may be seen both in town and country. The management of this part of the finances should be examined into; for beside the regular receipt, other sums are demanded by way of extraordinaries.

'Item, there are also great abuses in the offices of the master of your wardrobe, and of the treasury; for those who have the direction receive very large sums of money, and dispose of them otherwise than in the payment of your debts or to your advantage: the salaries of your officers and servants are consequently in arrear, and those who have supplied your table with provision and wine cannot get their money. Of course, these sums must be applied to their own use, as is very apparent from the great state they live in, from the number of their horses and other luxuries,—as in the instance of Raymond Ragnier, who, in purchasing and building, has expended, as it is said, upward of thirty thousand francs.

'Charlot Poupart, master of the wardrobe, and master William Budé, storekeeper, have also made great acquisitions of property, and live at an immense expense, which cannot be done from the salaries of their office, nor from their estates before they had these offices given to them.

'There are likewise great defects in the management of your stables, which is an office of very great receipt, and the prodigious sums that are there expended are not for your honour nor profit.

'Item, in regard to the salaries of the officers of your household, they are very ill paid at the treasury; nor are their payments any way regular, so that they suffer very great poverty, and are unable to appear before you so decently dressed as they would wish. There are, however, some favourites among them that are very well paid.

'With respect to the repairs of your castles, mills and other public works, they are all going to ruin; and as for the overplus that should remain to be paid into your private treasury, there is not at this moment one penny,—although in the days of king Philip, king John, and king Charles, when the receipt was not any thing like what it is now, there were savings, but the treasury was then far better managed.

'We must likewise observe, that this kind of management of the finances has been continued for nearly thirty years,—and that those who have had the administration of them have no way attended to your honour or profit, or to the good of the kingdom, but solely to their own private emolument.

'It therefore befits your said daughter the university of Paris to lay before you the following facts, that a better administration of your finances may be adopted. In the first place, you have too many treasurers, who have increased since the time before mentioned, from the additional business in the office; and several have forced themselves into it, who before the expiration of the year have been removed to make way for others of more popularity in the country. God knows, they would not be so eager to be admitted into this office, were it not for the plundering daily going on there; and if a treasurer do not yearly gain from four to five thousand francs, he thinks he is badly off. Where formerly there were but two treasurers, there are now five or six from the great increase of business, and at times there are six or seven. Thus, it is clear as the day, that you lose every year from sixteen to twenty thousand francs, from the bad conduct of your treasurers. When they are admitted to their office, they pay not any attention to the discharge of the necessary disbursements, nor to the oaths they took on admission, but solely to the enormous grants that have been surreptitiously obtained, which are paid from their general receipt.

'In regard to the other offices where the net receipt is paid, it passes through so many hands that immense fortunes are made from the exorbitant fees claimed by the treasurers: these are Andrieu Guiffart, Burel Dampmartin, Regnier de Bouligney, Jean Guerin, and the director Nicolle Bonet, who was clerk to his predecessor in office, Jean Chayf, and the clerk master Guy Bouchier, who are all of them useless and guilty of mismanagement, except Jean Guerin, who has but lately come into the office, and has not as yet misbehaved himself.

'Andrieu Guiffart is particularly culpable for having wasted all the patrimony he had received from his father. He was appointed, through the influence of the provost of Paris, (who is his cousin by the mother's side) to one of the treasurerships, where he has amassed such sums of money that he wears nothing but sapphires, rubies, and other precious diamonds, with the most costly dresses, and rides the best of horses. He lives in the utmost state with his side-boards covered with plate of every description for ornament and use.

'Item, formerly it was not necessary to have a treasurer for the criminal prosecutions, but only an occasional counsellor; but now there are four counsellors, who receive very large sums to your prejudice.

'In regard to the administration of those taxes called Aides, there are officers appointed for that purpose called Generals, through whose hands pass all that is ordered for the carrying on the wars, amounting, one year with another, to twelve thousand francs. The aforesaid treasurers, by the connivance of these generals, manage the finances very badly; for they commonly obtain their places through the influence of friends, to whom the generals make great gifts, to your loss. The salaries of these generals amount to from two to four thousand francs yearly each; and if a general remain in office for two years, he will acquire from nine to ten thousand francs, or some such great sum, by private gifts, and which are sometimes levied on the properties of great lords without their knowledge: particulars of such conduct, and false certificates, were discovered during the late inquiries for the reformation of abuses.

'There is also another office, wrongfully called the Treasury of Savings, under the government of Anthony des Essars, for which the sum of about one hundred and twenty thousand francs is taken from the taxes. In former times, this chest for savings was kept under two locks, of which you had one key, to take from it any sum that should be wanting for yourself or your kingdom. Those, however, who now have the management of it have so acted that there is not one penny in the chest, nor is it known who in the world has been bettered by it, excepting the administrators, with the consent of those they found in the office, by drawing out false statements of expenses, to your prejudice.

'Item, this aforesaid Anthony has the keeping of your wardrobe and jewels, and is so negligent that whatever may be wanting for your dress is bought from day to day, of which he alone is culpable.

'Item, after this comes another office, called the Cofferers, held by Maurice de Rully, who, in general, receives daily ten golden crowns, which he ought to deliver into your hands to spend according to your pleasure; but the coffers are empty, for he has dissipated their contents,—and under shadow of this office, immense sums have been wasted, as shall be spoken of in proper time and place.

'The manner in which you, the queen and the duke of Acquitaine, are pillaged, is easily shown; for when you have need of a speedy sum of money for the war, or for any other urgent necessity, application must be made to certain money-lenders, who, for usury, make a traffic of money, and supply your wants on having your plate and jewels in pawn, and at an exorbitant loss in the interest paid for these loans, insomuch that what may be worth ten thousand francs costs you fifteen or sixteen; and thus your losses are annually very great from these usurious practices and pretended exchanges. You may readily suppose that your officers must be accomplices in this traffic, and that this alone will occasion such an empty treasury. Your inferior servants are much distressed and ill treated; and in this manner are not only your own affairs but those of the princes of your blood managed, without any exception.

'Item, it is proper that you should be made acquainted with the tricks and deceit of those officers called Generals, in the receipt of your finances. When any receiver shall have lent you a sum amounting to five or six thousand crowns over and above his receipt, he is dismissed from his office, to prevent him from reimbursing himself, and another put in his place, who will receive the whole of the taxes in that department. When, therefore, there shall be little or nothing to receive, he that was dismissed will be replaced in his office, provided he has made sufficient presents to his superior officers. By this means, the aforesaid receiver can neither be paid nor pay what he owes; and thus they ride one on another, to the ruin of your finances,—and you drink your wine sour.

'Item, when there is an ambassador to be sent, or even a simple canon to be dispatched to a foreign country, money for their expenses must be borrowed from usurers; and it frequently happens that the aforesaid ambassador cannot depart for want of money, which renders the embassy useless, and the kingdom suffers greatly from it.

'Item, it is also necessary that you should know what is become of all the money that for these last two years has been raised, as well from the domains of the crown as from the very numerous and heavy taxes and impositions of all sorts, of which the provost of Paris has, as is notorious, taken on himself the management, and styled himself Director and General Superintendant of the Finances.

'Item, it should likewise be remembered, that other great officers, as well as the provost, have held many offices of importance, which they have sold, and pocketed the amount, to your great disadvantage and contrary to your royal edicts, and also to the prejudice of the kingdom,—for, by this system, ignorant and improper persons are put into the said offices.

'Item, the provost of Paris, who had held for some time the office of grand master of waters and forests, has now resigned it to the lord de Jury, for which six thousand francs have been levied. But beside the provostship of Paris, he holds the government of the town of Cherbourg and its dependancies, which brings him an annual rent of six thousand francs, with the government of Nemours, amounting to two thousand more. Your income is also ruined by another mode, namely, by the immense number of receivers, treasurers, clerks, comptrollers and other officers, who swallow enormous sums by way of fees, over and above the regular fees of office, of which the provost and his dependants have the greater share, and which they regard as their own personal property, to your great loss, and to the delay of payments to many of your faithful servants, knights, and counsellors of state. It is daily witnessed, that when a young man has been appointed to any of the above offices, however poor his situation may have been before, or how little versed he may be in the management of public affairs, he soon becomes rich, keeps a grand establishment, and purchases large estates and manors, all at your expense.

'There are great frauds committed by your treasurers of the war department, who are accustomed to take from your knights and esquires blank receipts sealed by them, of which they make a very bad use, as they know to their cost: but they can more fully inform you on this head than we can. It is melancholy to hear their complaints of the delays in the payment of their salaries, which are always much curtailed, at least to the greater part of them. It is consequently now become a rule among your men at arms, when their salary is in arrear, to pay themselves from the countries they are quartered in, saying, that, since they cannot obtain their pay, they must live by their service.

'Item, whenever these directors or superintendants of your finances are called upon, they make answer, that they are ready to produce their accounts, as if that were sufficient, and even go so far as to desire commissioners may be appointed to inspect and examine them; but, under correction, this answer is futile,—and if the real culprits are to be discovered, let their original state, and what substance they possessed before they entered into office, be inquired into,—what the amount of their salaries and fees, how much their reasonable expenditure, and then what is their present income, what estates they possess, and what buildings they have erected. It is notorious, that the superior officers are rich and magnificent, but that they were indigent before their appointments to office, and that some of them have purchased houses of great value, namely, master Jean Chastegnier, Guillaume Luce, and Nicaise Bouses. To say the truth, every loyal subject must be astonished and grieved at heart when he witnesses such management, that you, their lawful prince and sovereign, should be thus robbed, and that all your finances should be lodged in such beggarly purses, by the aforesaid, whose purses are swollen out, and by those who have preceded them, without any regard to your own wants, or to those of the state.

'Item, since mention has been made of the grand state in which many live, it seems to your daughter, that such a style of living is too generally adopted throughout your kingdom; and she fears, from the evils that daily result from it, lest God may be angered against his people.

'Item, in regard to the great councils, they are not held in the manner they ought to be; for generally almost every one is admitted, whereas none but wise and discreet men, such as knights and clerks, should be suffered to enter, to a competent number receiving pay and salaries from you, and from none other,—and these should always have an attentive eye to your personal profit and honour, and to the strengthening of your crown and kingdom. It frequently happens, from the numbers admitted, that business of every sort is neglected or delayed, and that when any good resolution has been made, as now and then will be the case, it remains unexecuted, However nearly it may affect your interests.—Foreign ambassadors should have their negotiations terminated, and our own should be dispatched; and whenever any thing conclusive has, by mature deliberation, been settled, it ought not to be broken off by a few persons afterward, as has often happened.

'Item, it is very distressing to hear such loud complaints of the debility of your government in protracting business. We even see the lord de Mouberon, the viscount de Murat, and those of la Rochelle, complaining of the delays of your council, although they are employed for the service of your kingdom, and declaring, that if more energy is not exerted, they must necessarily make peace with your enemies,—and thus you may lose many of your faithful vassals.

'In regard to the administration of justice in the realm, your court of parliament, which is the most eminent, is not governed as it is wont to have been. Formerly it was composed of excellent lawyers, as well secular as ecclesiastical, of a mature age and learned in the laws; and from its great fame for learning and justice, without partiality to any one, was resorted to, not only by Christians of all nations, but even by Saracens, who have applied to it for judgment.

'For some short time past, through favour of friends, relations, or other means, many young men have been admitted who are ignorant of the laws and unworthy of such honour, by which the authority and fair reputation of this court is greatly lessened. There are also other inconveniences attending these indiscriminate admissions: for instance, there are in this court many sons, brothers, nephews and relations sitting together, and many others who are lineally connected, as is the case with the family of the first president,—and from this circumstance great injustice may ensue in the decisions of the court.

'Item, there are now before the parliament several causes between poor persons, that are, as it were, dead; for the members do not use such expedition in deciding upon them as they in reason should.