The chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, Vol. 10 [of 13]

THE

CHRONICLES

OF

ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

H. Bryer, Printer, Bridge-Street, Blackfriars, London

THE

CHRONICLES

OF

ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET;

CONTAINING

AN ACCOUNT OF THE CRUEL CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE HOUSES OF

ORLEANS AND BURGUNDY;

OF THE POSSESSION OF

PARIS AND NORMANDY BY THE ENGLISH;

THEIR EXPULSION THENCE;

AND OF OTHER

MEMORABLE EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN THE KINGDOM OF FRANCE,

AS WELL AS IN OTHER COUNTRIES.

A HISTORY OF FAIR EXAMPLE, AND OF GREAT PROFIT TO THE FRENCH,

Beginning at the Year MCCCC. where that of Sir JOHN FROISSART finishes, and ending at the Year MCCCCLXVII. and continued by others to the Year MDXVI.

TRANSLATED

BY THOMAS JOHNES, ESQ.

IN THIRTEEN VOLUMES ... VOL. X.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN, PATERNOSTER-ROW; AND J. WHITE AND CO. FLEET-STREET.

1810.

CONTENTS

OF

THE TENTH VOLUME.

HERE BEGINNETH

THE TENTH VOLUME

OF THE

CHRONICLES

OF

ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET.

[CHAP. I.]

THE KING OF FRANCE COUNTERMANDS HIS SUMMONS TO THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY, FORBIDS HIM TO COME TO MONTARGIS, AND ORDERS HIM TO SEND THITHER THREE OR FOUR OF HIS NOBLES TO CONSULT WITH THE OTHER PEERS OF FRANCE.—SLIGHT MENTION MADE OF THE SENTENCE PASSED ON THE DUKE OF ALENÇON IN THE TOWN OF VENDÔME, WITH THE RESERVATION OF THE KING'S APPROVAL.

On the return of Golden Fleece king at arms, about the beginning of June, he told duke Philip his lord, that the king having learnt that he intended coming to Montargis with a very numerous army, which would unavoidably do great damage to the countries they should pass through, on that account held him excused from coming thither in person, and entreated that he would send three or four of his council to represent him.

The duke immediately appointed the count d'Estampes, sir Simon de Lalain, knights, and some clerks of his council, together with Golden Fleece king at arms, as his proxies at the ensuing meeting.

Before this, however, took place, a great meeting was held at Gravelines, between commissioners from England and others sent by duke Philip. Soon after, the count d'Estampes went under a passport to Calais, where he was grandly feasted by the English; and it was reported that a truce was then agreed on between the two countries.

The king of France, considering that Montargis could not hold the numbers of people summoned to attend the judgment of the duke of Alençon, changed the place of meeting to Vendôme, where he appeared in so royal a state that it was a pleasure to see him,—and all who had been summoned were expected to come thither. On the day appointed, only the proxies for the duke of Burgundy appeared before the king, of all the temporal peers: in consequence, by royal authority, he named proxies for the duke of Bourbon, the count de Foix, the count de la Marche, and the count d'Eu, to assist the king in passing sentence on the duke d'Alençon.

When the court had been thus regularly formed in the place prepared for it, master John L'Orfevre, president of Luxembourg, and one of the proxies for the duke of Burgundy, arose, and besought the king that he would be pleased to hear what he had been charged by his lord to say, in defence of the duke d'Alençon. The king having granted him permission to speak, he began an harangue of some length, very well arranged and ornamented, with apt quotations from the Scriptures, containing four propositions which the duke of Burgundy had ordered him to lay before the king, to induce him to incline to a merciful sentence on the duke of Alençon, whom his lord considered as his near relative.

The first proposition was, that it belonged at all times to royal majesty to show mercy, and use clemency.

The second, that the duke of Alençon was nearly related to the king.

Thirdly, that the services which the duke of Alençon himself, and his ancestors, had rendered to the crown of France, should be well considered; and, fourthly, the weakness of mind of the duke of Alençon, which being added to the three foregoing propositions, if duly weighed by the king, might induce him to show clemency to the duke.

The cardinal de Constance answered in the king's name, that his majesty had carefully listened to all the reasons that had just been offered by the duke of Burgundy, to incline him to show mercy on the duke d'Alençon: that in reply to the first proposition, it was true, mercy and clemency properly belonged to kings and sovereign princes,—but to do justice was also an inherent right in them, and it was in virtue of this that kings reigned; for if that were neglected, their kingdoms would be devoured by robbers and thieves.

As to the second point, that the duke d'Alençon was related to the king, he should answer, that so much the more was he bounden to guard the preservation and welfare of the king and his crown.

As to the third point, touching the services done by the duke's ancestors to the crown of France, &c. he should say, that he had not in these instances followed their steps: and since children should not suffer for the evil deeds of their fathers, neither ought they to claim any merit from their services.

With regard to the last point, he should reply, that the lord d'Alençon had clearly shown that he was not very wise; but he was not so simple as had been stated, for he had, in the matters charged against him, proceeded with great subtilty and malice, as was apparent and might be seen in the evidence on his trial: that it had not depended on him that his treason was unsuccessful, and that he was equally deserving punishment as if his treachery had taken effect. The cardinal concluded by saying, that the king would act in this business with the advice of the princes of his blood, and the members of his council; that the king would have been glad, and was desirous of the able assistance of the duke of Burgundy, whose absence he regretted, but that he would act in such wise that the duke of Burgundy and the public should be satisfied with the sentence he would give.

[CHAP. II.]

THE KING'S SENTENCE ON THE DUKE D'ALENÇON READ IN HIS PRESENCE WHILE SEATED ON HIS JUDGMENT-SEAT, BY HIS CHANCELLOR.

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France. Having been duly informed that John duke of Alençon, peer of France, has entered into a treasonable correspondence, by himself and others, with our ancient enemies and adversaries the English,—we make known, that having personally examined in our chamber of peers, and others for this business called in, the charges and evidence produced against John d'Alençon, together with his confessions, and other facts brought duly forward,—we, by the advice of the aforesaid chamber of peers, have declared, and by these presents do declare, that the said John d'Alençon is guilty of high treason against us and our crown,—for which we have deprived, and do deprive him of the honour and dignity of a peer of France, and of all dignities and honours attached thereto.

'We have also condemned, and do by these presents condemn, him to suffer death according to law, and have declared, and do declare, all the effects of the said John d'Alençon to be confiscated to our use, and to belong to us, saving, however, any further orders or regulations we may make concerning the same.'

This sentence having been publicly read, the king declared his will to be, that the execution of the duke d'Alençon should be deferred until his further pleasure were known: that in respect to the confiscation of his effects, &c. although his children ought, according to law and usage, to be deprived of every honour, prerogative and property, and reduced to such beggary as may be an example to all others, considering the enormity of the crimes of their father,—nevertheless, in remembrance of the services done by their ancestors to the kings and crown of France, and in the expectation that these children will conduct themselves toward the king as good and loyal subjects should do to their sovereign lord, and likewise out of favour to the solicitations of the duke of Brittany[1], uncle to the duke of Alençon, the king, out of his grace, declares, that the effects of the duke of Alençon shall remain to the wife and children of the said duke of Alençon; but the king reserves to himself all artillery, arms, and military stores.

With regard to the lands and lordships, the king retains the towns, castles, and viscounties of Alençon, Domfront, and Verneuil, as well on one side of the river Aure as on the other, with all their rights, privileges, and dependences, which, from this moment, he incorporates into the domain of the crown of France. The king retains also the castlewick and lordship of St Blansay in Touraine, together with the tolls which the said d'Alençon had and received from the bridges of Tours, to regulate at his pleasure.

Item, the king reserves to himself all the homage, dues, and acknowledgments which appertained to the said d'Alençon on account of his country of Perche, on the town of Nogent le Rotrou, with all its dependances, and all other lands belonging to the count du Maine, in right of the countess du Maine his wife.

Item, in regard to the other lands and effects immoveable, the king wills that they belong to the children of the said d'Alençon,—namely, the county of Perche to be enjoyed by his only son Réné, and his heirs in lawful marriage, without, however, any dignity or prerogative of peerage. As for the other effects of the said d'Alençon, the king wills, that they be divided among the younger children, who are to be under the wardship of the king until they become of an age to manage for themselves,—they to enjoy these estates as their own free inheritance, and the said estates to descend to the heirs of their bodies lawfully begotten in marriage, according to the usages of the countries in which those estates are situated.

When this had been finally settled, the king ordered the duke d'Alençon to confinement in the strong prison of the castle of Aiquesmortes,[2] not far from Avignon.

[CHAP. III.]

THE ENGLISH MAKE AN INROAD ON THE BOULONOIS FROM CALAIS.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY SENDS AN EMBASSY TO THE POPE, AND FORTIFIES HIS TOWNS AGAINST THE ENGLISH.—ARTHUR OF BRITTANY DIES, AND IS SUCCEEDED IN THE DUKEDOM BY THE COUNT D'ESTAMPES.—OTHER EVENTS.

About this period, eight hundred combatants issued out of Calais and marched to Estaples,[3] where they found many vessels laden with wines from Poitou, which the Bretons had brought thither to sell, all of which the English made them ransom. They gained also numbers of mules, which some merchants from Languedoc had conducted thither to carry back a cargo of salted herrings: these were also ransomed, and they carried away several prisoners.

The duke of Burgundy sent this year, about Christmas, a handsome embassy to pope Pius at Rome, to do him homage for all his states, like a good son of the church, and, shortly afterward, another embassy to the king of France, to avoid a war, which every body conjectured would ensue, because the dauphin resided with the duke contrary to the will of his father, and had refused to return to France.

The English, on the frontier of Calais, made continual inroads on the territories of the duke; and to check them, he strengthened with men at arms the garrisons of Bologne, Ardres, Gravelines, Fiennes and St Omer. They were ordered to oppose force by force, and to hang all whom they should take.

About Christmas died Arthur duke of Brittany, without leaving any male heir: he was therefore succeeded in the duchy by John de Bretagne count d'Estampes, son to the brother of a former duke of Brittany by a sister of the duke of Orleans. Notwithstanding that he was count d'Estampes, John of Burgundy, brother to the count de Nevers, assumed the same title, but without advantage,—for the king held possession of Estampes, and gave the revenue of it to whomsoever he pleased.

At this time, peace was restored between the duke of Burgundy and the count of St Pol, so that the count was on the same familiar terms with the duke and as much beloved by him as before: he was likewise in the good graces of the count de Charolois.

Nearly at this period, an embassy from Greece, of about fifty horsemen, waited on the duke, to request that he would personally attend, or send his proxies, to a meeting appointed by pope Pius, of all the princes of Christendom, touching the welfare of the catholic church. The duke received them honourably, and gave them rich presents, and said, that, under God's pleasure, he would send proxies to the meeting they had mentioned.

FOOTNOTES:

[1] Duke of Brittany. Q. if it should not be of Burgundy.

[2] Aiquesmortes,—a town in lower Languedoc, five leagues from Montpellier.

[3] Estaples,—a town in Picardy, at the mouth of the Conche, four leagues from Bologne.

[CHAP IV.]

THE KING OF FRANCE SUMMONS THE TWELVE PEERS OF FRANCE TO THE TOWN OF MONTARGIS, TO HEAR SENTENCE PASSED ON THE DUKE D'ALENÇON.—OF THE DEATH OF POPE CALIXTUS.—THE KING TRANSFERS THE COURT OF JUSTICE FROM MONTARGIS TO VENDÔME.

In the year 1458, the king of France summoned the twelve peers of his realm, secular as well as temporal, and the members of his court of parliament, to assemble in the town of Montargis on the 8th day of June, in which place he intended holding a court of justice, and for considering other matters that greatly affected the welfare of the realm. The most part of those summoned attended, and were there for two months, treating on the condemnation or acquittal of the duke of Alençon, cousin-german to the king, and one of the peers of France.

The duke of Alençon had been imprisoned for certain treasonable acts imputed to him, and of which he was said to be guilty. There were present at this meeting the count de Dunois and de Longueville, the chancellor of France, master Pierre du Reffuge,[4] general of France, and many other great lords and officers. The duke of Burgundy would not appear, although he had been summoned, and was the first of the peers. He had refused to come in consequence of an article in the treaty of Arras, by which he could not be constrained to attend any meeting but at his own free will.

The king remained at Baugency during these two months, always intending to have gone to Montargis; but fearing the epidemic distemper which raged there, and the badness of the air, he dissolved the meeting, and appointed it to assemble within fifteen days afterward at Vendôme.

On the 4th of April, in this year, died pope Calixtus,—and Pius, a native of Italy, was elected in his room.

The 15th of August, all the king's counsellors, as well laics as ecclesiastics, of his court of parliament, who had been summoned, came to Vendôme,—even the bishop of Paris and the abbot of St Denis, who had not appeared at Montargis.

FOOTNOTES:

[4] Reffuge. Q.

[CHAP. V.]

THE DUKE OF ALENÇON IS CONVICTED, AND CONDEMNED TO DEATH FOR HAVING INTENDED TO DELIVER UP HIS STRONG PLACES TO THE ENGLISH, THE ANCIENT ENEMIES OF FRANCE, AND TO INTRODUCE THEM INTO NORMANDY.

'Charles, by the grace of God, king of France, to all to whom these presents may come, health and affection. Whereas we have been duly informed, that John duke of Alençon, a peer of France, has held various treasonable correspondences with our ancient enemies the English; and that for this purpose he has sent divers messengers to England without our leave or licence, and without making us acquainted with the purport of them, to the great danger and prejudice of us and our realm. To obviate the evil effects that might have arisen from such conduct, we provided a remedy, and, in conscience, commanded, under our letters patent given at Chastelier, near Esbrimbe, the 24th day of May, in the year 1456, our dear and well beloved cousin the count de Dunois and de Longueville, our beloved and faithful counsellors and chamberlains Pierre de Brézé, lord of Varennes and grand seneschal of Normandy, John le Boursier, superintendant general of our finances, William Cousinot, knight, bailiff of Rouen, and Odet d'Aidié, bailiff of Coutantin, to lay hands on and arrest our said nephew the duke of Alençon; and for the furtherance of his trial, we issued our orders, dated at Mont Richart[5] the 23d of last May, for our court of parliament, then sitting at Paris, to adjourn to the town of Montargis, on the first day of June last, and to remain there until the whole of the judicial proceedings on this subject should have been brought to a conclusion.

'We also summoned to attend this court of justice, at Montargis, a sufficient number of presidents and counsellors of our said parliament, together with the peers and princes of our blood, the chancellor, some masters of the requests of our household, and others of our council. In consequence whereof, our said chancellor, our well beloved and faithful counsellors, the archbishop-duke of Rheims, the bishops and dukes of Laon and Langres, the bishops and counts of Beauvais, of Châlons and Noyon, peers of France, our said presidents, masters of requests, and counsellors of our court of parliament and the members of our council have regularly assembled in the town of Montargis, and have there taken the preparatory steps for the judgment of the said d'Alençon, by the interrogation of his accomplices and adherents, which occupied them until the 10th day of July last passed.

'These lords did not proceed further, in the expectation of our coming thither to bring the matter to a conclusion in our presence; but we delayed going to Montargis on account of the great mortality that then existed in the towns of Orleans, Sully, and other places around, through which we must have passed; and not only to avoid the consequences that might have arisen from this mortality we deferred going thither, but also having heard that our enemies had fitted out a considerable fleet, with the intent of invading our kingdom on the coasts of Saintonge, Poitou, and lower Normandy. That we might be ready to oppose any such attempts, we, by the advice of our council, transferred this court of justice from Montargis to the town of Vendôme.

'We ordered the members of the said court to assemble at Vendôme on the 15th day of August, then and there to continue sitting until they should have brought this trial to a close.

'We afterward came to Vendôme in person, where were assembled many of the princes of our blood, peers of France, both laics and ecclesiastics, and those before named, with the members of our council and court of parliament, and others for this business summoned thither. While we were seated on our judgment-seat, the court being filled with the whole of its members, the said d'Alençon was brought before it, who, after having had the oath administered to him, to declare the whole truth respecting the crimes with which he was charged, frankly and voluntarily confessed as follows.

'That after lord Shrewsbury had taken Bordeaux, an Englishman called James Hay, attached to sir Richard Woodville, an English knight, came to him at Alençon, under a passport, and made secret proposals to him of a marriage between his daughter and the son of the duke of York: that, as well in regard to this marriage as for other matters they mutually wished to be acquainted with, they held many conversations, and agreed on a certain manner of squeezing the hand and thumb, as a signal that every person was to give before he delivered any message relative to this business, to prevent their being betrayed.

'That about the month of August in the year 1455, he, the said duke of Alençon, sent for a priest living at Domfront, called Thomas Gillet, whom, having sworn to secrecy, he told that he intended to send him to England, and detained him some time with him for this purpose, and carried him to La Fleche in Anjou, expecting to be enabled to send him from thence: that while he was at La Fleche, an English herald, called Huntingdon, came thither, to whom he opened his intentions, and charged him to return to England, and to exhort his countrymen, by every possible means, to make a descent in Normandy, desiring them, by the aid of God, or the devil, to make up their internal quarrels, and not think of any thing else but this invasion: that now was the time or never; and should they allow the present most favourable opportunity to slip by, they would never again find another; for that the king was at a distance, and his army separated in three divisions,—one in Armagnac, another in Guienne, and the third employed against the dauphin: that the nobles and great towns, as well as the people of all ranks, were more discontented than could be conceived; and that he, the duke of Alençon, was himself so displeased with the present government that, if the English would support him, he would aid them to the utmost of his power,—for that he had sufficient stores and artillery to combat for a day ten thousand men. He advised that the king of England should come in person, and with not less than from thirty to forty thousand combatants: that there was in Normandy only one of the king's generals, with but four hundred lances, and that they might conquer the greater part of the country before any resistance could be made.

'He advised that the king of England should, on his landing, issue a proclamation, by sound of trumpet, to forbid any one, under pain of instant death, to take goods or other effects from husbandmen or labourers by force, and to leave every one at peace in their habitations. The king of England was likewise to revoke all the gifts made by his father and by himself, to grant a full pardon to every one, and to proceed as if it were a new conquest.

'In consequence of this treachery, our enemies did land in several parts of our dominions, namely, the king of England and the duke of York in lower Normandy, the duke of Buckingham at Calais, to march through Picardy to the country of Caux, and to cut off all intercourse with us, should we attempt to oppose them. Those of Guienne, according to the duke of Alençon, were much discontented; and if our enemies would support them, they would rise in rebellion against us,—and, in short, we should lose all that part of our country. The enemy was to inform the duke of Alençon three months before they intended to land, that he might provide his places with stores, and prevent us from taking possession of them.

'On their landing, the English commander was to send the herald Huntingdon to the duke to make him acquainted with their numbers and plans, that he might take measures to act in concert with them. The duke particularly insisted, when he sent Huntingdon to England, that king Henry should bring with him as much money as possible; and that he should deliver at Bruges, or elsewhere, twenty thousand crowns, or at least ten thousand, at his disposal, should be there deposited without loss of time, and not longer than a month after their landing, for him to pay his men, and put his artillery on a respectable footing; for he charged the herald to say, that on their landing they would find part of his artillery at Alençon or Domfront.

'The said d'Alençon confessed that he had promised, on oath, to Huntingdon, that he would punctually perform the engagements he had entered into with the enemies of our realm; and he made this herald swear that he would tell all these things to the duke of York, Richard Woodville, and James Hay, and that he would reveal them to none others but them.

'That our enemies might not have any doubts of the truth of the above engagements, the said d'Alençon gave to Huntingdon, on his departure, credential letter addressed to the duke of York, signed with an N, with a stroke through it, containing as follows; 'Gentlemen, have the goodness to believe what the bearer of this shall tell you from me. I thank you for your kind intentions, and it shall not be my fault if they be not farther strengthened.' In saying this, our said nephew had well remembered that he had given to Huntingdon the fullest information respecting his own affairs, as well as those of our kingdom, in order to accomplish his designs, and then had sent him to England.

'The said d'Alençon confessed, that some time afterwards, he had also sent thither Thomas Gillet, the priest before mentioned, and had charged him to acquaint the duke of York or Richard Woodville (having previously made the signal with the thumb) with the state of our kingdom, and the discontent of the people, and to press them to make the invasion as soon as they could, and with as large a force as possible,—to tell them, that they were very thoughtless in not having before attempted it, for they could never have so fair an opportunity of recovering what they had lost; and if they would land twenty thousand men, they would regain the greater part of the country before we could provide any effectual resistance; for we were at a distance, in Berry, on an expedition against our son the dauphin: that there were no forces in that part of the kingdom: that the people were exceedingly discontented, and that now or never was the time for reconquering Normandy. Thomas Gillet said, that the duke d'Alençon was much surprised he had not heard from them, nor from the herald; that they should send him back with intelligence of their intentions; and he told them frankly, that unless they showed more vigour and activity, the enterprise had better be dropped. He spoke to them likewise of the twenty thousand crowns that had been stated as necessary, by the said d'Alençon, to Huntingdon; and the said d'Alençon had bidden him assure the duke of York, that he was the most beloved of all his family in Normandy, and that the people of the country would do more for him than for any one else.

'Thomas Gillet was also charged to tell the English, on their landing, not to forget to issue the proclamations he had mentioned to Huntingdon; and if he were spoken to concerning the marriage of his daughter with the eldest son of the duke of York, to say all he knew and all he had seen of her. The said d'Alençon gave to Gillet letters of the following tenour, to deliver to the duke of York. 'Sir,' &c. 'I commend myself to you, and entreat that you will instantly let me hear from you, and have me in your thoughts. For God's sake, use diligence in his designs: it is time: and acquit yourself manfully, for who waits becomes displeased. Hasten to send me money, for your service has cost me much, and may God grant all your desires.' Written as above, and at the bottom 'always yours, N.' adding a postscript, to say, that a little before Christmas, he would send a person, called Pierre Fortin, to Calais, and would instruct him to make the signal of the thumb, that he might converse with James Hay or Richard Woodville, and know from them if they had any intelligence to give him from the herald or Thomas Gillet.

'The said d'Alençon also confessed, that between Christmas and the Epiphany, Thomas Gillet and the herald returned from England, and reported to him, that the duke of York and the chancellor of England thanked him for his good intentions; that the parliament of England was not as yet assembled, nor the king of England in a situation to send him an immediate and decisive answer,—but that the parliament would shortly be holden, and the matter should then be so arranged that the duke of Alençon should be satisfied, and that he should receive information thereof in the course of the ensuing Lent, by the said Woodville.

'Gillet added, that the duke of York commended himself to the said d'Alençon, thanked him for his good wishes, and begged of him to continue them to him,—and assured him that before the month of September next the duke, accompanied by the greatest lords of England, would invade Normandy with such a large army that the said d'Alençon should be contented; but he was required to secure some good sea-port on that coast for their landing,—and they wished to know whether the dauphin would go into Normandy. A nearly similar message did Gillet deliver from the chancellor of England.

'The said d'Alençon likewise confessed that, on the return of these his messengers, he had dispatched to England a person called master Edmund Gallet, having first sworn him on the Scriptures to secrecy, and then he gave him a letter addressed to the duke of York, signed with his real name 'John,' and sealed with his own signet: it was cut into four pieces, and contained as follows: 'My lords, I commend myself to you. The messages you sent me have been delivered; and I beg to hear further from you as speedily as may be, if you propose undertaking the measures the bearer will explain to you: it is now time, and I will support you in such wise that you shall be satisfied. You may believe all that the bearer shall say to you from me.'

'The said d'Alençon owned that he had charged Gallet to bring him back an answer as to the marriage, and the other things that he had mentioned to the English lords by Gillet and the herald: to tell them that it was now full time to begin the business, if they looked for success; and that he wished they were landed in Normandy in bodies as thick as flies or hailstones.

'That the said d'Alençon was assured that we intended to march against our son the dauphin; and that if they landed and entered into proper engagements with him, the dauphin would join them, and give up to them his artillery and strong places, and every thing else within his power: he repeated, therefore, that they must not delay nor fail to come,—and the twenty thousand crowns must be instantly paid.

'The said d'Alençon said, that being astonished that Gallet was not returned from England, he sent about Easter the said Fortin to Calais, and charged him, after making the usual signs, to talk with the English, and learn whether they intended invading Normandy or not. He added, that Gallet came back from England about Low Sunday, and brought letters signed, as he said, by the king himself, namely, Henry, and that these letters contained in effect as follows: 'Very dear cousin, we thank you for your good will toward us: we shall send commissioners on the first day of next August to Bruges, to propose a truce between us and our fair cousin of Burgundy, where we shall hope that they may meet commissioners from you, to settle every thing between us, and we shall act in such wise as, please God, you may be satisfied.'

'The said d'Alençon said, that Gallet had informed him the king of England had taken the government into his own hands, and that the duke of York had retired into Wales, which had caused the said Gallet to address himself to the king in person, telling him of the good inclinations of the duke of Alençon, for which he thanked him, and said, that he should send ambassadors to Bruges, as he had stated in the said letters, and that the duke d'Alençon should send others from him to meet them; that these ambassadors would settle every thing relative to the twenty thousand crowns, and they would mutually exchange written documents respecting the matters under consideration.

'The said d'Alençon confessed, that because the term for the payment of the said twenty thousand crowns was remote, and because he wished to be made acquainted with the state of preparation of our enemies, he again sent Gallet into England, to press the advance of the money, and to obtain a blank passport, for any one of his people whom he might wish to send thither touching these several matters, should there be any necessity for it; that he told the said Gallet, as the chance of war was uncertain, he wished to secure a retreat in England, should their plans prove abortive, and mentioned the duchies of Bedford, of Glocester, and of the lands which the dukes of the said duchies held for life, that he might speak of them to the king of England.

'That, on the departure of Gallet, the said d'Alençon gave him letters, addressed to the duke of York, containing as follows: 'My lord, I commend myself to you, and am very much surprised that I did not receive any intelligence from you by the bearer of this on his return from England. I entreat that I may speedily hear from you,—and you may safely believe whatever he shall tell you from me.' He wrote also other letters to master Louis Gallet, residing in England, father to this Edmund Gallet, thanking him for his good inclinations toward him, of which he had been informed by his son, to whom he desired that he would always address himself on this business.

'The said d'Alençon added, that as he and master Edmund were conversing on this subject, master Edmund told him that it was the intention of the English to send the duke of Glocester and the son of lord Shrewsbury, to make a landing in Guienne, with ten or twelve thousand men,—while the king, the duke of York, and a large body of nobles should invade our province of Normandy: that the duke of Buckingham, with the earls of Wiltshire and Worcester, should land at Calais, with ten or twelve thousand combatants, and march through Picardy. He likewise confessed that he had spoken on this subject to Fortin, one of the gentlemen of his chamber, to induce him to join him in his plans to support the English, and that he had sent him to Granville,[6] to examine the state of that place, if it were well fortified, and what repairs had lately been made there, especially on the side where it had been formerly taken; and if that Fortin joined the English, as it appears he did, he was to find out some means of delivering up Granville, and as many other places as possible to them.

'The said d'Alençon confessed, that he had been induced by his different messages to excite the English to invade our kingdom by the advice and instigation of a person called Matthew Prestre, whom he knew not otherwise than by name, but who said he was from the country of the Lionnois and attached to the bastard d'Armagnac, and who, (as the said d'Alençon said) had brought him credential letters from our son the dauphin, and from the bastard d'Armagnac. Of the letters from the dauphin, the said d'Alençon said, that he had his suspicions of their reality from their not being in the usual style in which the dauphin was accustomed to write to him: he also suspected the signature was not the dauphin's. On this matter, and at the request of the said d'Alençon several witnesses specified by him, and of his household, have been examined by our commissioners, who have affirmed that they saw the said Matthew Prestre.

'The said Edmund Gallet has also been examined, to whom the said d'Alençon had declared that he had made most ample communications respecting the said Matthew Prestre; and the said Gallet has been confronted with the said d'Alençon, and interrogated respecting the different messages he had carried to England, as well as others of his accomplices, who, it may be supposed, would know if the statement touching this Matthew Prestre were true, who have all denied any knowledge thereof, so that it may be presumed, from their depositions, that the contrary to what the said d'Alençon had said was the fact: besides, the said d'Alençon declares that he never had any letters from our said son, nor any communication from him on these matters, but through the said Matthew, and that he knew not whether he communicated the above from himself or from others,—and that he, the said d'Alençon, had never any instructions from our said son on this subject.

'Several remonstrances having been made to the said d'Alençon on this part of his conduct, it has appeared that the whole was a contrivance to cover his treasonable practices, and to give a colour to them,—for the said d'Alençon said, that he knew not what reply to make to these remonstrances. As a further confirmation, when the said d'Alençon has been interrogated as to this Matthew, he has varied in his answers on many points, as may be clearly seen in the evidence of his trial.

'From all of which, and from the whole of what has been advanced by the said d'Alençon, as well as from the interrogatories of the different witnesses respecting Matthew Prestre and his interference, and from other evidence examined at the request of the said d'Alençon, we have not found any thing wherewith we could accuse our said son the dauphin, nor the bastard d'Armagnac, as any way implicated in the treasons of the said d'Alençon.

'When the whole of the evidence had been gone through, there only remained judgment to be given. And we make known that the court, having fully and maturely examined the different interrogatories and confrontations, together with his voluntary confessions, have declared, and do declare, by these presents, the said d'Alençon guilty of high treason, and, as such, to be deprived of the honour and dignity of the peerage of France and all other dignities and prerogatives, and do, besides, condemn him to death by the public executioner. The court has also declared, and does declare, that all his effects whatever shall be confiscated to our use, and that they shall henceforth be reputed legally to belong to us as we may please to dispose of them.

'Such was the sentence passed by the peers of France and the other members of the court of justice held at Vendôme. We, however, reserved to ourself the power to make whatever changes we should please; and we now declare our will to be, that the capital part of the said sentence, on the said John d'Alençon, be deferred until our further pleasure be known.

'With regard to the effects of the said d'Alençon, considering the enormity of his guilt, his children ought to be deprived of them, and reduced to a state of beggary, to serve as an example to all others. Nevertheless, remembering the good services their ancestors have done to the crown and kingdom of France, and in the hope that these children will behave themselves as good and loyal subjects toward their sovereign; and in consideration of the earnest solicitations for mercy from our very dear and well-beloved cousin the duke of Brittany, uncle to the said d'Alençon, we, out of our especial grace, shall moderate these confiscations,—and declare our pleasure to be, that the moveable effects shall remain to the wife of the said d'Alençon, and to his children, with the exception of his artillery and military stores, which we reserve to ourself.

'In regard to his lands and lordships, we shall moderate the confiscation as follows: We retain the town and castlewick of Domfront, the town, castle, castlewick and viscounty, of Vernueil, on both sides of the river Aure, with all their appurtenances, lordships and dependances, which we from this moment unite, incorporate and adjoin, to the patrimony and domain of our crown.

'We shall likewise retain in our hands the duchy of Alençon, together with its town, castle, lordship, rights, appurtenances, revenues, and immoveable effects, and every claim that might have belonged to the said Alençon as duke thereof, and all rights and duties that may have been granted from our crown as an appanage to the said d'Alençon, with the reserve of the country of Perche, concerning which we shall hereafter ordain, according to our good pleasure.

'We retain also the castle and castlewick of St Blansay in Touraine, together with all the duties the said d'Alençon received for pontage in our town of Tours, and the other rents and revenues he was accustomed to receive from the said town, to order as we may please best. We likewise reserve to ourself the homages appertaining to the said d'Alençon as count du Perche, on the town of Nogent le Rotrou and its dependances, and also on the lands and lordships of our very dear and well-beloved cousin the countess du Maine, wife to the said d'Alençon.

'In respect to the other lands and lordships that did belong to the said d'Alençon, we will that they remain to the children of the said d'Alençon, in manner following,—that is to say, the only son of the said d'Alençon shall have and retain the county, lands, and lordships of Perche, to be freely enjoyed by him and his male descendants, lawfully begotten in marriage, but without any dignity or prerogative of peerage. With regard to the remaining lands, lordships, and other immoveable effects, we will that they belong to the other children, as well males as females, of the said d'Alençon, for them to enjoy the same under our tutelage until they become of a proper age to manage for themselves,—and that they descend to the heirs of their bodies in lawful marriage, according to the usages and laws of the countries these different estates may be situated in. In testimony of which,' &c.

Given at Vendôme, the 10th day of October, in the year of Grace 1458, and of our reign the 37th.

This sentence was pronounced in the absence of the said John d'Alençon, but read to him afterwards in his prison by the first president of the parliament de Thorette, master John Boulanger, counsellor to the king in his court of parliament, master John Bureau, treasurer of France, and others of the king's council, which much astonished and overwhelmed the said John d'Alençon, and not without cause.[7]

In the month of January, in this year, that most noble and potent prince Arthur duke of Brittany departed this life, who, before and after he had succeeded to the dukedom, had been constable of France. He was succeeded by the lord Francis, son to madame d'Estampes, sister to the duke of Orleans, who, in person, conducted him to take possession of the duchy of Brittany.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Mont Richart, or Mont Tricard,—six leagues from Amboise.

[6] Granville,—a sea-port in Normandy, six leagues from Coutances.

[7] 'John duke of Alençon was condemned to death by a celebrated sentence given by king Charles VII. sitting in a bed of justice, at Vendôme, the 10th of October 1458, which sentence was instantly commuted to perpetual imprisonment. The duke was confined in the castle of Loches until Louis XI. came to the throne in 1461, who granted him a free pardon in the month of October in the same year.

'The duke could not remain quiet, but attempted again to throw the kingdom into confusion,—and Louis XI. had him arrested a second time, the 22d September 1472. Another sentence was passed on him, but its execution was again suspended,—and the duke remained a prisoner in the Louvre, but did not die there, as is supposed. He was transferred to the house of a burgher, as a private prisoner. He died in the year 1476.'

See more in the note from which this is copied, page 595 of the viiith volume of the Memoires de l'Académie.

[A.D. 1459.]

[CHAP. VI.]

THE AMBASSADORS FROM ENGLAND ARE DENIED ACCESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.—THE DUKE OF CLEVES ATTENDS THE MEETING OF PRINCES AT MANTUA.—THE DAUPHINESS BROUGHT TO BED OF A SON, AT GENAPPE.—THE KING OF SCOTLAND KILLED BY A SPLINTER FROM A BOMB.

This year, ambassadors from England arrived in France, anxious to obtain an alliance with the king by a marriage or truce; but the king would neither hear nor see them. They were, therefore, forced to return without effecting any thing; and what was more, neither lord nor lady would accept of their palfreys, which they had brought with them in numbers, to gain the friendship of the lords and ladies of the court.

In the month of June, in this year, the duke of Burgundy, being very desirous of the welfare of Christendom, sent his nephew the duke of Cleves, as his proxy and ambassador, to Mantua, where the meeting was to take place of the pope and the princes, and cardinals of Europe, to consider on the means of opposing the enterprises of the grand Turk, who was making daily conquests on the Christians, more especially in Greece. The duke of Cleves was nobly received wherever he passed, as well to honour the duke of Burgundy, whose proxy he was, as out of respect to his own personal worth.

About this time, the count d'Estampes, by orders from his uncle the duke of Burgundy, made prisoner, in the town of Amiens, the viscount d'Amiens and lord of Pecquigny, whom he carried prisoner to Vilvorden,[8] on account of his having conducted himself in a manner unbecoming a person of his rank.

Toward the end of July, in this year, the princess Charlotte of Savoy, dauphiness of France, was delivered of a fair son, who was baptised by the name of Joachim. Great rejoicings took place for this event throughout the territories of the duke of Burgundy, wherein the dauphin resided during the time he was in ill estimation with his father king Charles VII. and indeed so long as the king lived, keeping his court at the castle of Genappe in Brabant. These rejoicings were, however, turned to grief, for the child did not long survive its birth.

In the month of August, it happened that while the king of Scotland was pointing a cannon, to try its power, it burst, and the king was so severely wounded by a splinter that he died soon after: it was a melancholy accident. He had married a daughter of the duke of Gueldres, and niece to the duke of Burgundy, by whom he had several children.[9]

A terrible and melancholy transaction took place this year in the town of Arras, the capital of the country of Artois, which said transaction was called, I know not why, Vaudoisie;[10] but it was said, that certain men and women transported themselves whither they pleased from the places where they were, by virtue of a compact with the devil. Suddenly they were carried to forests or deserts, where they found assembled great numbers of both sexes, and with them a devil in the form of a man, whose face they never saw. This devil read to them, or repeated, his laws and commandments, and in what manner they were to worship and serve him; then each person kissed his backside,—and he gave to them, after this ceremony, some little money: he then regaled them with great plenty of meats and wines, when the lights were extinguished, and each male selected a female for amorous dalliance, and suddenly they were all transported back to the places they had come from.

For such criminal and mad acts, many of the principal persons of the town were imprisoned; and others of the lower ranks, with women and such as were known to be of this sect, were so terribly tormented that some confessed matters to have happened as has been related. They likewise confessed to have seen and known many persons of rank, prelates, nobles, and governors of districts, as having been present at their meetings,—such, indeed, as, upon the rumour of common fame, their judges and examiners named, and, as it were, put into their mouths,—so that, through the pains of the torments, they accused many, and declared that they had seen them at these meetings.

Such as had been thus accused were instantly arrested, and so long and grievously tormented that they were forced to confess just whatever their judges pleased, when those of the lower ranks were inhumanly burnt. Some of the richer and more powerful ransomed themselves from this disgrace by dint of money,—while others of the higher orders were remonstrated with and seduced by their examiners into confessions, under a promise that, if they would confess, they should not suffer in person or fortune. Others again suffered the severest torments with the utmost fortitude and patience.

The judges received very large sums of money from such as were enabled to pay them: others fled the country, or completely proved their innocence of the charges made against them, and remained unmolested.

It must not be concealed, that many persons of worth knew well that these charges had been raked up, by a set of wicked persons, to harrass and disgrace some of the principal inhabitants of Arras, whom they hated with the bitterest rancour, and, from avarice, were eager to possess themselves of their fortunes. They had first maliciously arrested some persons deserving punishment for their crimes, whom they had so severely tormented, holding out promises of pardon, that they forced them to accuse whomsoever they were pleased to name, and them they arrested and tormented as mentioned above. This matter was considered, by all men of sense and virtue, as most abominable; and it was thought that those who had thus destroyed and disgraced so many persons of worth would put their souls in imminent danger at the last day.

FOOTNOTES:

[8] Vilvorden,—a town in Brabant, between Brussels and Mechlin.

[9] 'While king James was observing the effects of his artillery, (at the siege of Roxburgh-castle) one of the rudely-contrived cannons of that age, consisting of bars of iron, girded with circles of metal, suddenly burst: a fragment struck his thigh,—and the great effusion of blood produced a death almost instantaneous. The earl of Angus, who stood next to James, was wounded.

'It is impossible to express the grief of the camp, or of the kingdom, at the premature loss of a beloved sovereign, in the flower of his age, aggravated by the circumstances and the strange fatality of the case. The young regretted a youthful prince, and an ardent leader: the old sighed at the prospect of another minority.

'Could any consolation have arisen, it must have proceeded from the spirit of the queen, Mary of Gueldres, who, immediately upon the tidings, arrived in the camp with the infant heir of the monarchy, and showing him to the soldiers, while tears gushed from her eyes, she conjured them by every domestic tie, by the memory of their sovereign, by the fame of Scottish valour, not to depart from their design, but to destroy this calamitous fortress. The castle was taken and levelled with the ground.'

Pinkerton's Hist. of Scotland, v. ii. p. 244.

[10] Vaudoisie,—a nocturnal meeting of sorcerers.—Du Cange. Supplement. See Valdenses, in his glossary.

[A.D. 1460.]

[CHAP. VII.]

SLIGHT MENTION MADE OF THE REBELLION AND DISCORD IN ENGLAND.—OTHER INCIDENTS.

In this year, there were great troubles, civil wars, and murders in England. Some held for the party of king Henry, such as the duke of Somerset and others; and some held for the party of the duke of York, namely, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Salisbury and others. A severe battle took place, in which numbers of each side fell; but it was gained by the duke of York,[11] who made a treaty with the king, in such wise that, on the decease of the king, the duke was to succeed to the crown, to the prejudice of the prince of Wales, son to king Henry and the daughter of Réné king of Sicily.

This treaty was so contrary to the will and interests of the queen that she raised another army, of all who were inclined to her and her son the prince of Wales, and took the field, to offer battle to the duke of York, who had increased his army as strongly as possible, to defend his rights. On the first day of January, in this year, the battle took place, which was very bloody, and hardly contested; but this time, fortune turned against the duke, who was made prisoner, together with his second son[12] and the earl of Salisbury[13]. Shortly after, the queen had them beheaded, and their heads put on the points of three lances: and on the head of the duke was placed, by way of derision, a paper crown, to denote his eagerness to be king, and his having failed in the attempt. The earl of Warwick[14] found means to escape after the battle, and quit the kingdom, which he did in a small boat, with great danger, and arrived safely at his government of Calais.

In this year, the rector of a village near to Soissons would have the tithes from a farm, near to this village, belonging to some croisaders in the holy land. The farmer refused to pay the tithe,—and the rector instituted a suit against him and the croisaders, which he lost, and, for this reason, conceived a great hatred against the farmer and the farmer's wife.

In this same village resided a sorceress, a woman of very bad fame, and using the black art, who having quarrelled with the farmer's wife for some trifle, complained to every one of the wrong that had been done her, and even made complaint of it to the rector. He, full of hatred against the farmer's wife, said that he wished to be revenged on her if he knew but how; when the sorceress instantly said, that if he would do as she should direct, he would have ample vengeance on her. The rector replied, that there was nothing he would not do to satisfy his revenge. The sorceress then went and brought him an earthen pot, in which was a large toad that she had long kept and fed, and said, 'Take, sir, this animal, and baptize it in the same manner as if it were a child, and christen it John; then consecrate a holy wafer and give it him to eat, and leave the rest to me.'

The accursed priest, blinded by his hatred, baptized the filthy beast by the name of John, and gave it to devour the holy body of our Lord, then returned it to the hag, who instantaneously cut it in pieces, and made a drink of it, with other diabolical ingredients. She then gave it to a young girl whom she had, bidding her carry it to the house of the farmer at his dinner-hour,—and after holding some conversation with the farmer, his wife and children, while they were at dinner, to throw it under the dining-table and come back to her. The girl did as her mother had ordered, when the consequence was, that the farmer, his wife, and one of their sons who was dining at the table, felt themselves suddenly taken with qualms as if they had eaten something nauseous,—and all died within three days.

This coming to the knowledge of the magistrates, the sorceress, her daughter, and the rector, were arrested; and, on the truth coming out, the hag was publicly burnt in the town of Soissons: the girl, being with child, was sent back to the prison, whence she escaped, but was afterward retaken, and carried by an appeal before the parliament. The rector was confined in the prisons of the bishop of Paris, whence he escaped by dint of friends and money. I know not what became of the girl.

FOOTNOTES:

[11] Battle of Northampton.

[12] Second son,—Edmund earl of Rutland.

[13] Battle of Wakefield. For particulars of this reign, see the english historians, particularly Wethamstede, a contemporary writer.

[14] The earl of Warwick—was not present at this battle, for he and the duke of Norfolk had the charge of king Henry and of the city of London: it was from the second battle, of St Alban's, that he fled to Calais.

[CHAP. VIII.]

EDWARD EARL OF MARCHE, ELDEST SON TO THE LATE DUKE OF YORK, DEFEATS IN BATTLE QUEEN MARGARET OF ENGLAND AND OBTAINS THE CROWN BY MEANS OF THE LONDONERS.—THE QUEEN SEEKS AID FROM THE SCOTS.

On Palm Sunday, the 28th of March, in this same year, Edward earl of Marche, eldest son to the duke of York, who had so lately been beheaded, accompanied by the earl of Warwick and other english barons, marched in arms to London, where he was received as king, and was offered the crown, but refused to accept of it, until, as he said, he should drive his enemies out of the kingdom. He thence led his army to York, where the queen, the duke of Somerset, and those of her party, were waiting in great numbers to give him battle.

When the two armies approached, an engagement was agreed on between the parties, to take effect near to a place called Ferrybridge, eight leagues from York[15]; and when the day of battle arrived, the earls of Marche and of Warwick ordered their van to advance, under the command of earl Warwick's uncle, which was severely handled by the Lancastrians, and put to the rout. The duke of Somerset, thinking the battle won, allowed his troops to plunder and strip the dead. News of this was carried instantly to the earl of Marche, whose army, though very large and unbroken, was much alarmed at the intelligence. When the earl saw them thus panicstruck, he had it proclaimed through the ranks, that whoever was frightened might return home, but that all who were willing to share his fortune should, if successful, receive a sum of money; and that whoever fled, after having agreed to remain, the person who put him to death should be handsomely paid for so doing.

The earl of Warwick, hearing that his uncle was slain, and his men defeated, cried out, with tears, 'I pray to God that he would receive the souls of all who die in this battle:' then added, 'Dear Lord God, I have none other succour but thine now in the world, who art my Creator and Redeemer, to apply to: I beg therefore, vengeance at thy hands!' then drawing his sword, he kissed the cross at the handle, and said to his men, 'Whoever chooses to return home, may, for I shall live or die this day with such as may like to remain with me.' On saying this, he dismounted, and killed his horse with his sword.

On the morrow, the main body of each army was so near that a general battle took place, which was most bloody and severe; insomuch that it lasted three days,—and for some time no one could tell which side would be victorious: at length, the queen's party were defeated and almost all killed or made prisoners. Among the principal persons of note who fell that day were the earl of Northumberland, the lord Clifford, the lord Muelle[16], brother to the earl,—the lord Willoughby, the lord Wells, son to the duke of Buckingham, the lord Grey, sir Andrew Trollop, a terrible man at arms, who had done marvellous deeds of valour at this and other battles, and numbers of other valiant gentlemen, and others, to the amount of thirty thousand. Some that were made prisoners were afterward beheaded at York.[17]

After the battle, Edward entered York, and had the heads of his father and of his other friends taken down from the gates and most honourably interred; and magnificent obsequies were performed for their souls in the cathedral. He then returned to London, triumphant after his victory, where he was joyfully received, and soon after crowned king of England.

On the other hand, the queen and the duke of Somerset had retreated to a castle, wherein they remained until they heard that king Edward was marching to besiege it[18]. On this, they fled from the castle, and sought a refuge with Mary queen of Scotland, daughter to the duke of Gueldres. The two queens concerted a marriage between the young prince of Wales and queen Mary's eldest daughter, to secure the aid of the Scots against Edward; but the duke of Burgundy, uncle to Mary, instantly dispatched to her the lord de Groothuse, to break off this marriage, because the king of Sicily, father to queen Margaret, was no friend to the duke,—and thus the match was interrupted[19].

However, soon after the lord de Groothuse had left Scotland, the Scots formed an alliance with the queen of England and her son, on condition that the town and castle of Berwick, with its dependances, then possessed by the English, on the borders of Scotland, should be restored to them; and the marriage before mentioned was agreed on,—the Scots thus adventuring their princess to regain Berwick rather than not obtain it, as it was of very great strength,—although the prince and princess were both too young to be then united, as neither of them were more than seven or eight years old.

During these troubles, and prior to the coronation of king Edward, he had sent his two younger brothers into Holland that they might escape, should he prove unsuccessful, confiding in the generous mind of the noble duke of Burgundy. They remained in that country some time in secret: but the duke no sooner knew who they were than he sent to seek them, and had them brought to him at Bruges, where he showed them every honour, and grandly entertained them. When king Edward had conquered his enemies, he sent to request the duke to cause his brothers to be escorted home, which the good duke very cheerfully complied with, and had them honourably accompanied as far as Calais, toward the end of April, in the year 1461.

FOOTNOTES:

[15] The battle of Towton. Ferrybridge is 20 miles only from York.

[16] Muelle. Q. Nevill?

[17] Those who were employed to number and bury the dead, (as we are told by a contemporary writer, who lived near the scene of action, Continuat. Hist. Croyland, p. 533.) declared that their number amounted to thirty-eight thousand. Amongst these were many persons of rank and fortune; as the earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Shrewsbury,—the lords Clifford, Beaumont, Nevil, Willoughby, Wells, Roos, Scales, Grey, Dacres and Molineux,—besides a prodigious number of knights and gentlemen!

Henry's Hist. of England, vol. v. pp. 137, 138, 4th ed.

[18] Edward did not leave York until after Easter, and was crowned the 29th of June at Westminster. The dukes of Somerset and Exeter, seeing the battle lost, fled with the king, queen, and prince of Wales, and never thought themselves safe until they arrived at Edinburgh. Henry, on coming to Edinburgh, was only attended by four men and a boy.

Note to Pinkerton's Hist. of Scotland, vol. ii. p. 248.—From the Paston Letters.

[19] 'A marriage between Edward prince of Wales and Mary, the daughter of Scotland, was proposed and resolved, but delayed by the youth of the parties, and finally prevented by the misfortunes and death of the prince. To conciliate the expected aid, Berwick was surrendered to the Scots: an object, often wished and attempted since the disgraceful invasion of Edward Baliol. In return, a Scottish army entered England and laid siege to Carlisle, which held for Edward IV. but the English, led by lord Montague, raised the siege, and defeated the Scots with great slaughter.'

Pinkerton, p. 248.

The Paston Letters say, that six thousand Scots were slain at Carlisle.

The lord Montague, I imagine, should be sir John Nevel, brother to the earl of Warwick, created lord Montacute after the battle of Towton.

[A.D. 1441.]

[CHAP. IX.]

KING CHARLES OF FRANCE, HAVING BEEN TOLD THAT IT WAS INTENDED TO POISON HIM FELL SICK AT HEART AND DIED.

About the beginning of July, in this year certain rumours having been spread abroad by evil-minded persons, that it was intended to poison the king while he resided at Mehun sur Yevre[20], and these reports coming to his ears, he never afterward tasted joy. It was told him by one of his captains, whose attachment he knew,—and therefore he put such confidence in the tale that he refused to take any kind of food, because he had not any faith in those about his person; nor could he be prevailed on to take any nourishment for eight days, until his physicians told him, that if he pursued this plan, he would die. He then attempted to eat,—but he had left off so long that his stomach refused its functions. On this, he confessed himself, and made his preparations like a good Catholic; and finding himself grow daily weaker, he devoutly received all the sacraments of the church, and made his last arrangements and will according to his pleasure. He ordered his executors to bury him in the same chapel where his father and grandfather had been interred, in the church of St Denis, and ended his days on Magdalen-day in the month and year above mentioned, in the town of Mehun sur Yevre.

FOOTNOTES:

[20] Mehun sur Yevre,—a town in Berry, four leagues from Bourges.

[CHAP. X.]

TWELVE HOUSES ARE BURNT IN THE VILLAGE OF JUCHY, NEAR CAMBRAY.—THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY HOLDS THE FEAST OF THE GOLDEN FLEECE, AT ST OMER. THE DAUPHINESS BROUGHT TO BED OF A PRINCESS, AT GENAPPE.—AMBASSADORS FROM THE HOLY LAND COME TO THE COURT OF FRANCE,—AND THENCE TO THE COURT OF BURGUNDY.

About this period, twelve houses were burnt in the village of Juchy, near Cambray. The fire began in the house of a man who had thrice, that same day, thrust his own mother of it, saying the third time, with great malice, that he would see his house on fire rather than that she should remain another day in it. Shortly after, his house took fire, no body knew how, and was burnt down, with twelve of the adjoining houses, which seemed to prove the Divine vengeance against this wicked man.

The good duke of Burgundy held his feast of the order of the Golden Fleece on the first of May, in this year, at St Omer, right nobly. Most of the knights of the order were present,—among whom were Charles count de Charolois his son, the duke of Cleves, his brother Adolphus nephew of the duke of Burgundy, the count d'Estampes, the marshal of Burgundy, the lord de Croy, his brother, and the lord de Launoy their nephew the lord de Hautbourdin, the bastard de St Pol, the lord de Bievres bastard of Burgundy, and many more. The dukes of Orleans and of Alençon were not present,—but they sent their proxies. Several great lords from Germany, France, Scotland, and other countries, came to this feast, which lasted for three days in the usual manner.

Notwithstanding the regulations of this order, that every knight of it must be without reproach, a knight assisted at the feast as proxy for the duke of Alençon, whom the king of France had declared guilty of high treason against him, and for this had sentenced him to perpetual imprisonment. But the duke of Burgundy held him for a nobleman of honour, and without reproach,—and said that the king of France had thus condemned him through the envy and wicked insinuations of others, and had wrongfully dishonoured him! This language he publicly held during the three days of the feast!!

As it was the custom, after this feast, to hold a chapter of the order and to elect new companions in the room of such as had deceased, they now elected sir Phillip Pot lord de la Roche-Bourguignon, the lord de Groothuse a Fleming, the lord de Roye a Picard, and also the king of Arragon, to whom the duke sent the collar of the order, by the lord de Crequy, notably accompanied.

At the conclusion of the feast, and when all business was done, the count de Charolois, Adolphus of Cleves, and Anthony bastard of Burgundy, held a just against all comers, which was followed by another noble feast.

At this time the dauphiness, consort to the lord Louis, eldest son to the king of France, was brought to bed of a daughter at Genappe in Brabant, where he resided for fear of his father, in whose ill graces he was, as mentioned before.

In this same month of May, there arrived at the court of France ambassadors from the holy land and other eastern countries. In the number was a prelate dressed like a cordelier friar, who called himself patriarch of Antioch,—a knight from the king of Trebisonde,—another knight from the king of Persia,—one from the king of Georgia and Mesopotamia, who was more strangely dressed than the rest. He was a stout, robust man, having two tonsures on his head like to the one our priests have in France,—and to each ear hung a ring. There was also an ambassador from the little Turk[21], who said, that if the Christians would make war on the grand Turk, his lord would join them with fifty thousand combatants. There was another ambassador from the king of Armenia, a handsome and genteel knight; and, to conclude, there was another from Prester-John, who, the others said, was a most learned man. It was reported, that they had been more than seventeen months journeying from their own countries before they came to France.

On their presentation to the king of France, they styled him the most Christian king,—and requested that he would send an army under his banner against the grand Turk, and assured him that he would have the assistance of all the kings and princes whose ambassadors were now before him. They declared, that they wanted not his money, for of that their lords had enough; but that if the king would send his banner, under the command of one of his experienced captains, the grand Turk, and his whole army, would be more alarmed than by one hundred thousand other persons. I know what answer the king made them, but he caused them to be grandly feasted and entertained. Shortly after, they departed from France, for the court of the duke of Burgundy, who received them most honourably, entertained them well, and made them many rich presents. It is to be supposed that they made to the duke a request similar to that which they had made to the king of France; for the duke replied, that if they could prevail on the king of France to guarantee his possessions during his absence, he would assist them personally, and to the utmost of his power.

FOOTNOTES:

[21] Little Turk. Q. The cham of the Tartars?

[CHAP. XI.]

OF THE DEATH OF CHARLES VII. KING OF FRANCE.—OF THE TROUBLES AND DIFFICULTIES HE HAD TO ENCOUNTER AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF HIS REIGN,—AND OF HIS GLORIOUS AND GREAT FEATS OF ARMS.

On the 22d day of July, in the year 1461, departed this life, at Mehun sur Yevre, king Charles VII. of France, in the 58th year of his age, and the 39th of his reign. Fortune was so adverse to him at the beginning of his career that he lost the whole of that part of his kingdom which extended from the seas of Flanders and England to the river Loire, by the efforts and courage of Henry king of England, who had married his sister, and contended to be king of France through the aid of the duke of Burgundy, because king Charles had been consenting to the murder of his father duke John of Burgundy, at the town of Montereau sur Yonne, notwithstanding they had sworn to keep peace and friendship between them on the holy sacrament, and had divided the wafer between them as a pledge of their amity,—which was a most disgraceful act, and never can be enough condemned.

However, duke Philip of Burgundy, from loyalty to the crown of France, and a dislike to see the English in possession of that country, which they were destroying, at the earnest request and solicitations of king Charles, agreed to a peace, which was signed at Arras in the 35th year of the king's reign.

The English from that moment lost ground in France; and king Charles prospered so much that he reconquered from them the whole of his kingdom, with the exception of Calais, Guines and Hammes, which are situated on the confines of the Boulonois. After these conquests, he always kept on foot fifteen hundred lances, and from five to six thousand archers, on regular pay,—namely, for each man at arms and three horses, fifteen florins, royal money, and for each archer seven florins, per month. These sums were raised by taxes on the inhabitants of the good towns and villages, and, in common, so punctually collected that there was scarcely any delay in the payments.

The men at arms and archers were under such good discipline that no pillager or robber dared to infest the highways for fear of them, as they were continually on the look-out and in pursuit of such with the officers of justice. These men at arms escorted the merchants who travelled with their merchandise from place to place, so that every one was pleased with them; for before their appointment, those called Skinners, from their robbing all who fell in their way, were the sole guides of merchants, whom they plundered.

[CHAP. XII.]

THE DAUPHIN AND THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY MAKE PREPARATIONS TO GO TO RHEIMS, FOR THE CORONATION OF THE DAUPHIN.—OF THE INTERMENT OF THE LATE KING CHARLES.—THE CORONATION OF KING LOUIS XI. AT RHEIMS.—OTHER MATTERS.

As soon as the dauphin heard of the death of his father, he sent off, in haste, a messenger to Hêdin, to inform the duke of Burgundy of this event; but he was already acquainted with it. These two princes now appointed a day for meeting at Avênes in Hainault, thence to proceed to the city of Rheims, for the coronation of the dauphin as king of France. For greater security, the duke ordered all his nobles to be under arms, in and about St Quentin in the Vermandois, on the 8th of the ensuing month of August; and there was not a lord or baron who did not equip himself in the handsomest array, and come attended with, the greatest possible number of archers,—so that, when all assembled, it was a fine sight to be viewed.

But when the dauphin learnt that the duke of Burgundy had collected so numerous an army, he was fearful that all the country it should march through would be ruined and wasted: he therefore requested the duke to disband it, and bring with him only the greater barons of his country in their usual state, armed or disarmed. The duke willingly complied with this request, and dismissed to their homes the greater part of his army, retaining, to attend him, only about four thousand combatants, the best appointed that ever nobles were; but it was said, that if he had not disbanded the army, he would have been escorted by more than one hundred thousand fighting men.

The great lords of France came daily to pay their obedience to the dauphin, and to acknowledge him for their king, as did deputations from the principal towns.

Soon after the news of the late king's death was known to the duke of Burgundy, he set out for Avênes in Hainault, where the dauphin waited for him; and on his arrival, a grand funeral service was performed for king Charles during the second and third days of August. At this service, the dauphin was the chief mourner, dressed in black, supported by the duke of Burgundy and the count of Charolois, and followed by the count d'Estampes, James de Bourbon, Adolphus of Cleves, and many other great lords. When the service was over, the dauphin, whom I shall henceforth call king, immediately dressed himself in purple, which is the custom in France; for as soon as a king there dies, his eldest son, or next heir, clothes himself in purple, and is called king,—for that realm is supposed never to be without a king.

King Louis departed from Avênes, on the 4th day of August, for Laon; and on the next day the duke of Burgundy set out for St Quentin, to meet the nobles of his country, whom he had ordered to assemble there and to accompany him to the coronation of the king.

While these things were going on, the body of the late king was embalmed, placed on a car covered with cloth of gold, and carried to the church of Nôtre Dame in Paris, where a solemn funeral service was performed, and thence carried to St Denis, where another service was performed,—and the body was then interred with the kings his ancestors, who were all buried in the church of this abbey.

On the 14th of August, king Louis made his entry into the city of Rheims, attended by the noble duke Philip of Burgundy, the count de Charolois his son, the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Cleves, his brother the lord of Ravenstein—all three nephews to duke Philip,—the count of St Pol, and such numbers of barons, knights and gentlemen, all richly dressed, that it was a handsome spectacle. There were also present the counts of Angoulême, of Eu, of Vendôme, of Grand-pré, sir Philip de Savoye, the count de Nassau, and numbers of other lords.

The morrow, being the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, king Louis was crowned king of France, by the hands of the archbishop of Rheims, in the presence of all the peers of France, or their proxies. When the king was dressed, and on the point of being mounted, he drew his sword, and, presenting it to the duke of Burgundy, desired that he would make him a knight by his hand,—which was a novelty, for it has been commonly said that all the sons of the kings of France are made knights at the font when baptised. Nevertheless, the duke, in obedience to his command, gave him the accolade, and with his hand dubbed him knight, with five or six other lords, then present,—namely, the lord de Beaujeu, his brother James, both brothers to the duke of Bourbon, the two sons of the lord de Croy, and master John Bureau, treasurer of France.

The duke was then entreated to make all knights who wished to be so, which he did until he was weary, and then gave up the office to other lords, who made so many that it would be impossible to name them all: let it suffice, that it was said that upwards of two hundred new knights were created on that day.

Many fine mysteries were performed at this coronation,—at which were present, besides the twelve peers and great officers of state, the cardinal of Constance, the patriarch of Antioch, a legate from the pope, four archbishops, seventeen bishops, and six abbots.

After the ceremonies in the church, the twelve peers of France dined, as usual, with the king. When the tables were removed, the duke of Burgundy, with his accustomed benevolence and frankness, cast himself on his knees before the king, and begged of him, for the passion and death of our Saviour, that he would forgive all whom he suspected of having been the cause of the quarrel between him and his late father; and that he would maintain all the late king's officers in their places, unless, after due examination, any should be found to have acted improperly in their situations. The king granted this request, with the reserve of seven persons,—but I know not who they were.

After this, the duke said,—'My most redoubted lord, I at this moment do you homage for the duchy of Burgundy, the counties of Flanders and of Artois, and for all the countries I hold of the noble crown of France. I acknowledge you as my sovereign lord, and promise you obedience and service, not only for the lands I hold of you, but for all others which I do not hold of you; and I promise to serve you personally, so long as I shall live, with as many nobles and warriors as I shall be able to assemble, and with as much money in gold and silver as I can raise.'

Then all the other princes, dukes, and counts and lords did homage to the king. From Rheims, the king departed, after the coronation, to Meaux in Brie, and thence to St Denis, to pay his devotions at the sepulchre of his father. In the mean time, the duke of Burgundy went, with a small attendance, from Meaux to Paris, where he arrived on Sunday, the last day but one of August, and found there his son, and the greater part of his attendants, who had arrived eight days before him.

[CHAP. XIII.]

KING LOUIS XI. MAKES HIS PUBLIC ENTRY INTO PARIS.—THE HANDSOME RECEPTION HE MEETS WITH.—THE GREAT MAGNIFICENCE OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY AND HIS ATTENDANTS.

On Monday, the last day of August, the noble duke of Burgundy issued out of Paris, after dinner, grandly accompanied, to meet the king of France, who was waiting for him in the plain of St Denis, to attend him on his entrance into the city of Paris, which was to take place on that day, for the first time since his coronation. After the first compliments on their meeting, they arranged their men, for their entrance, in order following: First rode before all the rest, the lord de Ravenstein, the lord de Baussegines, and the lord de la Roche, abreast, each having six pages behind him so nobly mounted and richly dressed that it was a pleasure to see them. Next came the archers of the count d'Estampes, two and two, in number twenty-four, and well appointed, with two knights as their leaders, followed by the two brothers, the counts de Nevers and d'Estampes, the count d'Estampes having behind him thirteen pages magnificently dressed,—then upwards of thirty of the lords and gentlemen of the household of the count, superbly equipped.

Next came the archers of the duke of Bourbon, amounting to more than twenty-four; then thirty archers of the count de Charolois, very well appointed, having two knights for their captains; then two other knights, leaders of the duke of Burgundy's archers, to the number of one hundred, handsomely dressed; then the lords and gentlemen of his household, with the other great barons who had accompanied him, most magnificently dressed, themselves and their horses, to the amount of upwards of two hundred and forty, with housings trailing on the ground, which was a noble sight.

After them came the admiral and marshal of France, with many great lords and gentlemen of the king's household, with forty very splendid housings; then came the counts d'Eu, de la Marche, and de Perdriac abreast, and without housings, who were followed by the heralds of the king and princes, to the number of seventy-four; then the king's archers, amounting to six score, well equipped, each having a valet on foot beside him; then fifty-and-four trumpeters,—but none sounded excepting those of the king. After the trumpets came the marshal of Burgundy and the lord de Croy, very richly dressed; then Joachim Rohault, master of the horse to the king, bearing the royal sword in a scarf, followed by the son of Flocquet, bearing the king's helmet, having thereon a very rich crown of gold. Between these last and the king was a led horse covered with trappings of blue velvet, besprinkled with flowers de luce of gold; then came the king, mounted on a white steed, dressed in a white silk robe without sleeves, his head covered with a hood hanging down. He was surrounded by four of the burghers of Paris, who bore on lances a canopy over his head of cloth of gold, in the same manner as the holy sacrament is carried from the altar. Behind the king were two men at arms on foot, having battle-axes in their hands. The king was followed by the duke of Burgundy so splendidly dressed, himself and his horse, that the whole of his equipment was valued at ten hundred thousand crowns. Nine pages attended him, magnificently appointed, each having a light but superb helmet, one of which was said to be worth a hundred thousand crowns,—and the frontlet of the duke's horse was covered with the richest jewels. On his left hand was his nephew, the duke of Bourbon, handsomely dressed and mounted, and on his right his son, the count de Charolois, most superbly dressed.

About a stone's cast in their rear came the duke of Cleves, himself and his horse highly adorned with precious stones; then all the other lords of France in such numbers that there were upwards of twelve thousand horse, so finely equipped that it was a pleasure to see them, although not with such splendid trappings as the Burgundians,—for many among them knew not whether they were well or ill in the opinion of the king.

Before this grand entry commenced, a cardinal and the principal burghers of Paris came out of the town to pay their obedience to the king while in the plain. The duke of Orleans did not come out of Paris, as well on account of his age as because he mourned for the death of king Charles, but placed himself at an apartment which looked towards the street, from the windows of which he saw the procession pass, as did the duchess of Alençon with her son the count du Perche, then about fifteen years old, of a noble figure, and in high spirits,—for his father was released from prison immediately on king Charles's death.

At the entrance of the gate of Paris was the representation of a ship elegantly made, from which two small angels descended, by machinery, right over the king as he passed, and placed a crown on his head; which done, they re-ascended into the ship. In the street of St Denis was a fountain that ran wine and hippocras for all who chose to drink. At the corner of a street leading to the market was a butcher of Paris, who, on seeing the duke of Burgundy, cried with a loud voice, 'Frank and noble duke of Burgundy, you are welcome to Paris: it is a long time since you have been here, although you have been much wished for.'

At the entrance of the Châtelet was a representation of the capture of the castle of Dieppe from the English, which had been taken by king Louis while dauphin. In other parts were pageants of the crucifixion of our Lord, and of divers subjects from history. The streets were so crowded with people that with difficulty the procession went forward, although it had been proclaimed by sound of trumpet that no one should be in those streets through which the king was to pass; but the anxious desire thus to see all the nobility of France caused the proclamation to be little regarded,—for the whole of the nobles were there excepting king Réné of Sicily and his brother the count du Maine, who were with the widowed queen their sister.—Neither the duke of Brittany, the duke of Alençon, nor the count d'Armagnac were present, for the late king had banished the two last his kingdom, and confiscated their fortunes. However, soon after, namely, on the 18th day of September, the duke d'Alençon came to the new king at Paris, who received him most kindly, and granted him a free pardon: he then waited on the duke of Burgundy, who gave him a very kind reception.

On the king's arrival at Paris, he went straight to the church of Nôtre Dame, where he paid his devotions, and then took the usual oath which the kings of France take on their first entrance into Paris,—and while in the church, he created four new knights. He then remounted his horse, and went to the palace, which had been highly ornamented for his reception, where he held open court and supped: the peers of France, and those of his blood, sat at the royal table. On the morrow, he fixed his residence at the Tournelles.

The duke of Burgundy was lodged at his hôtel of Artois, which was hung with the richest tapestries the Parisians had seen: and his table was the most splendid any prince ever kept, so that all the world went to see it, and marvelled at its magnificence. Even when he rode through the streets or went to pay his devotions at church, crowds followed to see him, because every day he wore some new dress or jewel of price,—and he was always accompanied by seven or eight dukes or counts, and twenty or thirty of his archers on foot, having in their hands hunting spears or battle-axes.

In the dining hall of his hôtel was placed a square sideboard, with four steps to each side, which, at dinner-time, was covered with the richest gold and silver plate: at the corners were unicorns, so handsome and finely done that they were surprising to behold. In this garden was pitched a superb tent, covered on the outside with fine velvet, embroidered with fusils in gold, and powdered over with gold sparkles. The fusils were the arms of all his countries and lordships, and were very richly worked. In short, whether the duke remained in his hôtel or came abroad, every one pressed to see him, on account of his noble appearance and great riches.

[CHAP. XIV.]

THE KING AND THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY TAKE LEAVE OF EACH OTHER, AND DEPART FROM PARIS.—EVENTS THAT HAPPENED IN DIVERS PARTS.

The king, during his stay at Paris, dismissed some of his officers from their places, and nominated others to fill them. He then made preparations to leave Paris, for Amboise, to visit the queen his mother, who there resided. The day before his departure, he went to the hôtel of Artois, to take leave of his uncle of Burgundy, who was then sitting at dinner; but he rose from table the moment he heard the king was coming, and went out far in the street, and, on meeting him, knelt down to salute him. The king instantly dismounted, and they walked together in the hôtel; and then, in the hearing of the whole company, the king thanked the duke for all the honours and services he had done him, acknowledging that he was indebted to him for every thing he possessed,—for had it not been for his friendship, he would not, perhaps, have been now alive. He then took leave of the duke, and returned to the palace of the Tournelles,—and on the morrow, the 24th of September, set out from Paris, escorted by the duke and all the lords of his company, very far on the road, notwithstanding they had taken leave of each other the preceding day. The king then again thanked him for his friendship and services,—and the duke most honourably offered him his life and fortune whenever called upon.

The king continued his road toward Amboise; and the duke returned to Paris with his noble company, where he remained until the last day of September, and then went to St Denis, staying there two days with his niece the duchess of Orleans. He had a magnificent funeral service performed in the church of St Denis, as well for the soul of the late king Charles as for the souls of all the kings who had been there interred, and from whom he was descended. He gave dinners and banquets to the lords and ladies who had accompanied him thither from Paris.

From St Denis the duke returned by Compiègne, and the places of the count de St Pol, who grandly feasted him, to the town of Cambray; for the king of France, while at Paris, had made up the quarrel between the count and the duke of Burgundy. Peace was also made between the count de St Pol and the lord de Croy, who before hated each other most mortally. At length, the duke arrived at his city of Brussels in Brabant.

His son the count de Charolois took his leave at St Denis, and, with the duke's approbation, went into Burgundy, where he was grandly feasted, for he had never before been in that country, having been brought up in the town of Ghent. Before he left Burgundy, he went to visit the shrine of St Claude[22], on the confines of that country, and thence took the road to wait on the king at Tours.

In this year, the summer was very fine and dry: the wines and corn were good, and the last very cheap. However after August, there were many fevers and other disorders, which, although not mortal, lasted a long time.

About the feast of St Remy, all the gabelles and taxes throughout the realm were proclaimed to be let to the highest bidder. It happened that the populace in Rheims rose against those who had taken them, and killed several; they then seized their books and papers, wherein their engagements were written, and burnt them in the open streets. The king on hearing this, ordered thither a large body of troops, who, dressing themselves as labourers, entered the gates by two and three at a time, so that, soon being assembled in sufficient force, they threw open the gates for the remainder of the army, under the command of the lord de Moy, who instantly arrested from four score to a hundred of those who were the most guilty of this outrage, and had them beheaded,—which so intimidated the rest that they dared not longer oppose the will of the king.

In this year died at Bordeaux, Poton de Saintrailles, seneschal of the Bordelois, who had been in his time wise, prudent, and valiant in arms, and together with another great captain, called La Hire, who died before him, had aided the late king Charles so ably and gallantly, to reconquer his kingdom from the English, that it was said his success was more owing to them than to any others in his realm.

On the 11th of October, in this year the church and town of Encre[23] were almost entirely destroyed by fire in less than half an hour, which was a sad misfortune to the poor inhabitants.

Between September and the 1st of November, marvellous signs were seen in the air like to lighted torches, four fathoms long and a foot thick, where they remained fixed for half a quarter of an hour,—and they were thus seen at two different times. Some said they had observed in the night the appearance of battles in the air, and had heard great noises and reports.

FOOTNOTES:

[22] St Claude, or St Oyen,—a city in Franche-comté: it owes its origin to a celebrated abbey, founded in the fifth century, so called after St Claude archbishop of Besançon.

[23] Encre. Q. Ancre or Abbert? a town in Picardy, seven leagues from Peronne.

[CHAP. XV.]

THE COUNT DE CHAROLOIS WAITS ON THE KING OF FRANCE AT TOURS, WHERE HE IS MAGNIFICENTLY ENTERTAINED.—HE LOSES HIMSELF WHILE AT THE CHASE.—HE RETURNS TO ARTOIS THROUGH NORMANDY, OF WHICH THE KING HAD MADE HIM HIS LIEUTENANT.

After the count de Charolois had performed his pilgrimage to Saint Claude, he took the road to Tours, where king Louis resided at that time. The count was accompanied by a number of great lords and nobles, and about three hundred and fifty horsemen.

When the king knew that he was near to Tours, he sent out to meet him the greatest lords of his household, who gave him a joyful reception, and, by the king's commands, led him to dismount at the palace, where he was met by the king and received most honourably by him and his whole court. The king took him for his amusement to all the handsome places around,—and he was grandly feasted at each of them. The king one day took him to hunt a red deer, which showed much sport, but ran so long, the count pursuing him, that when night came, he knew not where he was, and had but four other persons with him. They, however, proceeded, although it was dark night, until they stumbled on a good inn, wherein they were lodged.

The king, on his return from the chase, not hearing any thing of the count, no one being able to give him the least intelligence what was become of him, was exceedingly vexed and alarmed, and instantly dispatched people to all the adjacent villages, and had lighted torches fixed to the church steeples, that, should the count see them, he might find his road back again to Tours: those who were sent into the forests carried lighted brands or torches.

The king was so troubled, for fear of some accident happening to the count, that he swore he would not drink until he should hear something of him. In the mean time, the count, doubting that the king would be uneasy at his absence, and learning from his host that he was but two leagues from Tours, wrote him an account where he was by one his servants, whom he sent under the guidance of a peasant, and desired him not to be uneasy at his absence, for that he had only lost his way. The king, on the receipt of this letter, was much rejoiced and sent for him very early the next morning.

The duke of Somerset was at this time with the king of France, having been banished England by king Edward, whose enemy he was, and against whom he had made war, in support of queen Margaret's quarrel. He had fled to France to take refuge under king Charles, but, on his arrival, had found him dead. He had been arrested by the officers of the new king, and carried to his hôtel; but at the request of the count de Charolois, the king gave him not only his liberty but handsome presents of gold and silver, for he was a great favourite with the count, because he was his relative, and also because he preferred the party of king Henry to that of king Edward, although he knew well that his father the duke of Burgundy, was of a contrary way of thinking. The duke of Somerset was desirous of retiring into Scotland; but as he was informed that king Edward had put spies to watch his conduct, he withdrew to Bruges, where he remained in private a considerable time.

The count de Charolois, having staid nearly a month with the king, was desirous to take his leave, which the king granted, together with an annual pension of thirty-six thousand francs, and appointed him his lieutenant general of Normandy. The count returned by Blois, where he was handsomely entertained by the duke of Orleans, and thence proceeded through Normandy. He was met by processions from all the principal towns through which he passed, and received as many honours as if he had been the king himself,—for the king had so ordered, by commands which he had sent to the different towns. At Rouen, in particular, he was magnificently received. He passed through Abbeville and Hêdin without stopping any where, until he came to Aire, where his countess was: from Aire he soon after departed, to wait on his father the duke of Burgundy then at Brussels.

About this time, John bishop of Arras, through the instigation of the pope, prevailed on the king of France to abolish the pragmatic sanction[24], which had been established in France for upward of thirty years. In return for having done this, the pope sent him the red hat, and made him a cardinal, under title of Cardinal of Arras. While this pragmatic sanction was in force, the benefices of the kingdom were disposed of at the nomination of the universities, whence arose innumerable law suits,—and this practice was greatly prejudicial to the court of Rome.

At this period died Flocquet, one of the king's commanders, valiant and subtile in war. By his subtilty he won Pont de l'Arche from the English, and was the first cause of the total loss of Normandy to the English.

At this time also died master Nicholas Raullin, at Autun in Burgundy. He had first been an advocate in the parliament, then chancellor to duke Philip, whom he governed very wisely in many difficult affairs during the whole time he held this office, and was a great favourite with the duke; but while he managed his lord's business so well, he was not neglectful of his own,—for he acquired, during his service, upwards of forty thousand francs of landed revenue and many lordships,—so that his sons were rich and great lords, and his daughters married very nobly.

FOOTNOTES:

[24] The title of the Pragmatic Sanction was given to an assembly of the French clergy at Bourges, called by Charles VII. where in the presence of the princes of the blood, and of the chief nobility of the kingdom the canons of the council of Basil were examined and being found, for the most part, to be very wise and just, and perfectly calculated to extinguish the capital grievances that had been so long complained of, they were compiled into a law for the benefit of the gallican church. The power of nominating to ecclesiastical dignities was taken from the see of Rome; and those branches of the papal prerogatives which were not abolished were so curtailed as to be less injurious to the people and detrimental to the monarchy.

[CHAP. XVI.]

DUKE PHILIP OF BURGUNDY DANGEROUSLY ILL, BUT RECOVERS.—OTHER MATTERS WHICH HAPPENED AT THIS PERIOD.

About Candlemas, in this year 1461, the duke of Burgundy was taken so dangerously ill, in the city of Brussels, that the physicians despaired of his life; and the duke, in consequence, sent in haste to his son, then at Quesnoy, who instantly came to him. The count de Charolois, seeing the duke in so great danger, issued orders throughout his father's dominions for the priests and monks of all churches and abbeys to offer up ardent and devout prayers to God, that he would be pleased to restore his father to health. Processions were, therefore, made, and prayers offered up with so much affection that God, full of pity and mercy, restored the duke to health,—for he was beloved by his subjects as much as prince ever was.

His son the count de Charolois, who had no legitimate children, showed his affection in another manner; for he never quitted his bedside, and was always at hand to administer to him whatever was prescribed in his illness. He was three or four nights and days without taking any rest, which rather displeased his father,—and he ordered him frequently to take some repose, because it was better to lose one than both. In short, the prayers for the good duke were so effectual, and his physicians so attentive, that he recovered his health, excepting a debility that always remained, which inclines to a belief that, had it not been for the prayers of some religious and good persons, he had never recovered.

At this time, died the lady of Ravenstein, niece to the duchess of Burgundy,—a very good lady, devout and charitable, and much regretted by all who knew her.

About the beginning of March, the lady of Bar, wife to the count of St Pol, deceased. She left her husband four sons and several daughters. Her eldest son, Louis de Luxembourg, succeeded to the earldom of Marle, the second to that of Brienne, and the third to the lordship of Roussy.—She was a very noble lady, and of high birth.

At this time also died, in Abbeville, a very renowned knight in arms, called sir Gauvain Quieret, the most adventurous of all his fraternity in war, and much beloved by his men.

In this year, the duchess of Orleans, niece to the duke of Burgundy, was brought to bed of a fine boy, to whom the king of France stood godfather, and gave him his name of Louis. The queen of England, wife to king Henry, was the godmother, who had come to require aid from her cousin-german, the king, against king Edward, who had deprived her husband of his crown.

At this time, and three or four years prior to it, all sorts of crimes were committed in the country of Artois with impunity,—such as robberies, thefts, violating of women, even in the great towns, and often under the eyes of officers of justice, who took no notice of the criminals, except, indeed, of some poor persons unacknowledged by any great lord! These crimes were committed in a greater degree within the city of Arras, the capital of Artois, than elsewhere, which was a shocking and infamous example to all the other parts of that country.