IN NORTHERN MISTS

IN NORTHERN MISTS

ARCTIC EXPLORATION IN EARLY TIMES

BY FRIDTJOF NANSEN
G.C.V.O., D.Sc., D.C.L., Ph.D., PROFESSOR OF OCEANOGRAPHY
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHRISTIANIA, ETC.

TRANSLATED BY ARTHUR G. CHATER

ILLUSTRATED

VOLUME TWO

LONDON: WILLIAM HEINEMANN: MCMXI

PRINTED BY
BALLANTYNE & COMPANY LTD
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CONTENTS

From an Icelandic MS., fourteenth century

CHAPTER IX
[continued]

WINELAND THE GOOD, THE FORTUNATE ISLES, AND THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA

Wineland == the African islands

A confirmation of the identity of Wineland and the Insulæ Fortunatæ, which in classical legend lay to the west of Africa, occurs in the Icelandic geography (in MSS. of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries) which may partly be the work of Abbot Nikulás of Thverá (ob. 1159) (although perhaps not the part here quoted), where we read:

“South of Greenland is ‘Helluland,’ next to it is ‘Markland,’ and then it is not far to ‘Vínland hit Góða,’ which some think to be connected with Africa (and if this be so, then the outer ocean [i.e., the ocean surrounding the disc of the earth] most fall in between Vinland and Markland).”[1]

This idea of the connection with Africa seems to have been general in Iceland; it may appear surprising, but, as will be seen, it finds its natural explanation in the manner here stated. It also appears in Norway. Besides a reference in the “King’s Mirror,” the following passage in the “Historia Norwegiæ” relating to Greenland is of particular importance:

“This country was discovered and settled by the Telensians [i.e., the Icelanders] and strengthened with the Catholic faith; it forms the end of Europe towards the west, nearly touches the African Islands (‘Africanas insulas’), where the returning ocean overflows” [i.e., falls in].

It is clear that “Africanæ Insulæ” is here used directly as a name instead of Wineland, in connection with Markland and Helluland, as in the Icelandic geography. But the African Islands (i.e., originally the Canary Islands) were in fact the Insulæ Fortunatæ, in connection with the Gorgades and the Hesperides; and thus we have here a direct proof that they were looked upon as the same.

The conception of the northern and western
lands and islands in Norse literature.

G. Storm [1890] and A. A. Björnbo [1909, pp. 229, ff.] have sought to explain the connection of Wineland with Africa as an attempt on the part of the Icelandic geographers to unite new discoveries of western lands with the classical-mediæval conceptions of the continents as a continuous disc of earth with an outer surrounding ocean. But even if such “learned” ideas prevailed in Iceland and Norway (cf. the “King’s Mirror”), it would nevertheless be unnatural to unite Africa and Wineland, which lay near Hvítramanna-land, six days’ sail west of Ireland, unless there were other grounds for doing so. Although agreeing on the main point, Dr. Björnbo maintains (in a letter to me) that the Icelanders may have got their continental conception from Isidore himself, who asserted the dogma of the threefold division of the continental circle; and the question whether Wineland was African or not depended upon whether it came south or north of the line running east and west through the Mediterranean. But the same Isidore also described the Insulæ Fortunatæ and other countries as islands in the Ocean, and his dogma could not thus have hindered Wineland from being regarded as an island like other islands (cf. Adam of Bremen’s islands), but why then precisely African? Besides, the Icelandic geography and the Historia Norwegiæ represent two different conceptions, one as a continent, the other as islands. It cannot, therefore, have been Isidore’s continental dogma that caused them both to assume the country to be African. It seems to me that no other explanation is here possible than that given above.

The vine North America

It might be objected to the view that “Vínland hit Góða” originally meant “Insulæ Fortunatæ,” that several sorts of wild grape are found on the east coast of North America; it might therefore be believed that the Greenlanders really went so far and discovered these. Storm, indeed, assumed that the wild vine grew on the outer east coast of Nova Scotia; but he is unable to adduce any certain direct evidence of this, although he gives [1887, p. 48] a statement of the Frenchman Nicolas Denys in 1672, which points to the wild vine having grown in the interior of the country.[2] He also mentions several statements of recent date that wild-growing vines of one kind or another have been observed near Annapolis and in the interior of the country, but none on the south-east coast. Professor N. Wille informs me that in the latest survey of the flora of North America Vitis vulpina is specified as occurring in Nova Scotia; but nothing is said as to locality. The American botanist, M. L. Fernald [1910, pp. 19, f.], on the other hand, thinks that the wild vine (Vitis vulpina) is not certainly known to the east of the valley of the St. John in New Brunswick (see map, vol. i. p. 335), where it is rare and only found in the interior. From this we may conclude that even if it should really be found on the outer south-east coast of Nova Scotia, it must have been very rare there, and could not possibly have been a conspicuous feature which might have been especially mentioned along with the wheat. But even if we might assume that the saga was borne out to this extent, it would be one of those accidental coincidences which often occur. It must, of course, be admitted to be a strange chance that the world of classical legend should have fertile lands or islands far in the western ocean, and that Isidore should describe the self-grown vine and the unsown cornfields in these Fortunate Isles, and that long afterwards fertile lands and islands, where wild vines and various kinds of wild corn grew, should be discovered in the same quarter. Since we have the choice, it may be more reasonable to assume that the Icelanders got their wine from Isidore, or from the same vats that he drew his from, than that they fetched it from America. Again, even if the Greenlanders and Icelanders had found some berries on creepers in the woods—is it likely that they would have known them to be grapes? They cannot be expected to have had any acquaintance with the latter.[3] The author of the “Grönlendinga-þáttr” in the Flateyjarbók is so entirely ignorant of these things that he makes grapes grow in the winter and spring (like the fruits all the year round on the trees in the myth of the fortunate land in the west), and makes Leif’s companion Tyrker intoxicate himself by eating grapes (like the Irishmen in the Irish legends), and finally makes Leif cut down vine-trees (“vínvið”) and fell trees to load his ship, and at last fill the long-boat with grapes (as in the Irish legends); in the voyage of Thorvald Ericson they also collect grapes and vine-trees for a cargo, and Karlsevne took home with him “many costly things: vine-trees, grapes and furs.” It is scarcely likely that seafaring Greenlanders about 380 years earlier had any better idea of the vine than this saga-writer, and we hear nothing in Eric’s Saga about Leif or his companions having ever been in southern Europe. No doubt it is for this very reason that the “Grönlendinga-þáttr” makes a “southman,” Tyrker, find the grapes.

The wild wheat

Wheat is not a wild cereal native to America. It has therefore been supposed that the “self-sown wheat-fields” of Wineland might have been the American cereal maize. As this proved to be untenable, Professor Schübeler[4] proposed that it might have been the “wild rice,” also called “water oats” (Zizania aquatica), an aquatic plant that grows by rivers and lakes in North America. But apart from the fact that the plant grows in the water and has little resemblance to wheat, although the ripe ear is said to be like a wheat-ear, there is the difficulty that it is essentially an inland plant, which is not known in Nova Scotia. “Though it occurs locally in a few New England rivers, it attains its easternmost known limit in the lower reaches of the St. John in New Brunswick, being apparently unknown in Nova Scotia” [Fernald, 1910, p. 26]. For proving that Wineland was Nova Scotia it is therefore of even less use than the wine.

It results in consequence that the attempts made hitherto to bring the natural conditions of the east coast of North America into agreement with the saga’s description of Wineland[5] have not been able to afford any natural explanation of the striking juxtaposition of the two leading features of the latter, the wild vine and the self-sown wheat, which are identical with the two leading features in the description of the Insulæ Fortunatæ. If it were permissible to prove in this way that the ancient Norsemen reached the east coast of North America, then it might be concluded with almost equal right that the Greeks and Romans of antiquity were there; for they already had the same two features in their descriptions of the fortunate isles in the west. It should be remembered that wheat was not a commonly known cereal in the North, where it was not cultivated, and it would hardly be natural for the Icelanders to use that particular name for a wild species of corn. Both wheat and grapes or vines were to them foreign ideas, and the remarkable juxtaposition of these very two words shows that they came together from southern Europe, where, as has been said, we find them in Isidore, and where wine and wheat were important commercial products which one often finds mentioned together.

Encounters with the Skrælings in Wineland

If we now proceed further in the description of the Wineland voyages in the Saga of Eric the Red, we come to the encounters with the Skrælings. These encounters are, of course, three in number: first they come to see, then to trade, and then to fight; this again recalls the fairy-tale. The narrative itself of the battle with the Skrælings has borrowed features. The Skrælings’ catapults make one think of the civilised countries of Europe, where catapults (i.e., engines for throwing stones, mangonels) and Greek fire (?) were in use.[6]

Icelandic representation of the northern and western lands as connected
with one another, by Sigurd Stefansson, circa 1590 (Torfæus, 1706).
Cf. G. Storm, 1887, pp. 28, ff.

Catapults, which are also mentioned in the “King’s Mirror,” had a long beam or lever-arm, at the outer end of which was a bowl or sling, wherein was laid a heavy round stone, or more rarely a barrel of combustible material or the like [cf. O. Blom, 1867, pp. 103, f.]. In the “King’s Mirror” it is also stated that mineral coal (“jarðkol”) and sulphur were thrown; the stones for casting were also made of baked clay with pebbles in it. When these clay balls were slung out and fell, they burst in pieces, so that the enemy had nothing to throw back. The great black ball, which is compared to a sheep’s paunch, and which made such an ugly sound (report ?) when it fell that it frightened the Greenlanders, also reminds one strongly on the “herbrestr” (war-crash, report) which Laurentius Kálfsson’s saga [cap. 8 in “Biskupa Sögur,” i. 1858, p. 798] relates that Þrándr Fisiler,[7] from Flanders, produced at the court of Eric Magnusson in Bergen, at Christmas 1294. It “gives such a loud report that few men can bear to hear it; women who are with child and hear the crash are prematurely delivered, and men fall from their seats on to the floor, or have various fits. Thránd told Laurentius to put his fingers in his ears when the crash came.... Thránd showed Laurentius what was necessary to produce the crash, and there are four things: fire, brimstone, parchment and tow.[8] Men often have recourse in battle to such a war-crash, so that those who do not know it may take to flight.” Laurentius was a priest, afterwards bishop (1323-30) in Iceland; the saga was probably written about 1350 by his friend and confidant, the priest Einar Hafliðason. It seems as though we have here precisely the same notions as appear in the description of the fight with the Skrælings. It is true that this visit of Thránd to Bergen would be later than the Saga of Eric the Red is generally assumed to have been written; but this may have been about 1300. Besides, there is no reason why the story of the “herbrestr” should not have found its way to Iceland earlier.[9] In any case this part of the tale of the Wineland voyages has quite a European air.

For the rest, this feature too seems to have a connection with the “Navigatio Brandani.” It is there related that they approach an island of smiths, where the inhabitants are filled with fire and darkness. Brandan was afraid of the island; one of the inhabitants came out of his house “as though on an errand of necessity”; the brethren want to sail away and escape, but

“the said barbarian runs down to the beach bearing a long pair of tongs in his hand with a fiery mass in a skin[10] of immense size and heat; he instantly throws it after the servants of Christ, but it did not injure them, it went over them about a stadium farther off, but when it fell into the sea, the water began to boil as though a fire-spouting mountain were there, and smoke arose from the sea as fire from a baker’s oven.” The other inhabitants then rush out and throw their masses of fire, but Brendan and the brethren escape [Schröder, 1871, p. 28].

In the narrative of Maelduin’s voyage a similar story is told of the smith who with a pair of tongs throws a fiery mass over the boat, so that the sea boils, but he does not hit them, as they hastily fly out into the open sea [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 163, 329]. The resemblances to Karlsevne and his people flying with all speed before the black ball of the Skrælings, like a sheep’s paunch, which is flung over them from a pole and makes an ugly noise when it falls, is obvious; but at the same time it looks as though this incident of the Irish myth—which is an echo of the classical Cyclopes of the Æneid and Odyssey (cf. Polyphemus and the Cyclopes), and the great stones that were thrown at Odysseus—had been “modernised” by the saga-writer, who has transferred mediæval European catapults and explosives to the Indians.

The curious expression—used when the Skrælings come in the spring for the second time to Karlsevne’s settlement—that they came rowing in a multitude of hide canoes, “as many as though [the sea] had been sown with coal before the Hóp” [i.e., the bay], seems to find its explanation in some tale like that of the “Imram Brenaind” [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. 138], where Brandan and his companions come to a small deserted land, and the harbour they entered was immediately filled with “demons in the form of pygmies and dwarfs, who were as black as coal.”

The “hellustein” (flat stone) which lay fixed in the skull of the fallen Thorbrand Snorrason is a curious missile, and reminds one of trolls (cf. Arab myth, [chapter xiii.]). Features such as that of the Skrælings being supposed to know that white shields meant peace and red ones war have an altogether European effect.[11]

Another purely legendary feature in the description of the fight is that of Freydis frightening the Skrælings by taking her breasts out of her sark and whetting the sword on them (“ok slettir á sverdit”). As it stands in the saga this incident is not very comprehensible, and appears to have been borrowed from elsewhere. Possibly, as Moltke Moe thinks, it may be connected in some way with the legend of the wood-nymph with the long breasts who was pursued by the hunter. The mention of Unipeds and “Einfötinga-land” shows that classical myths have also been adopted. The idea was, moreover, widely current in the Middle Ages. Thus in the so-called Nancy map of Claudius Clavus (of about 1426) we find “unipedes maritimi” in the extreme north-east of Greenland. In the “Heimslýsing” in the Hauksbók [F. Jónsson, 1892, p. 166] and in the “Rymbegla” [1780] “Einfötingar” are mentioned with a foot “so large that they shade themselves from the sun with it while asleep” (cf. also Adam of Bremen, vol. i. p. 189). But in the Saga of Eric the Red the incident of the Uniped and the pursuit of him are described as realistically as the encounters with the Skrælings. Einfötinga-land is also mentioned in the same manner as Skrælinga-land in its vicinity.

The Skrælings are originally mythical beings

In reading the Icelandic sagas and narratives about Wineland and Greenland one cannot avoid being struck by the remarkable, semi-mythical way in which the natives, the Skrælings, are always spoken of;[12] even Are Frode’s mention of them appears strange. Through finding the connection between Wineland the Good and the Fortunate Isles, and between the latter again and the lands of the departed, the “huldrelands,” fairylands, and the lands of the Irish “síd,” I arrived at the kindred idea that perhaps Skræling was originally a name for those gnomes or brownies or mythical beings, and that it was these that Are Frode meant by the people who “were inhabiting Wineland”—and further, that when the Icelanders in Greenland found a strange, small, foreign-looking people, with hide canoes and implements of stone, bone and wood, which also looked strange to them, they naturally regarded them as these same Skrælings; and then they may afterwards have found similar people (Eskimo, and perhaps Indians) on the coast of America. It agrees with the view of the Skrælings as a small people that elves and brownies in Norway were small, often only two or three feet high, and that the underground or huldre-folk in Skåne were called “Pysslingar” (dwarfs). This idea that the Skræling was originally a brownie was strengthened by the discovery of the above-mentioned probable connection between many features in the description of the Skrælings’ appearance in Wineland and the demons, like pygmies and dwarfs, that Brandan meets with in a land in the sea (see [p. 10]), and the smiths (or Cyclopes) in another island who throw masses of fire at Brandon and Maelduin (see [p. 9]). That Unipeds and Skrælings are both mentioned as equally real inhabitants of the new countries, and that a Uniped even kills Thorvald Ericson near Wineland, and is pursued, points in the same direction.

Eskimos cutting up a whale. Woodcut from Greenland,
illustrating a fairy-tale; drawn and engraved by a native

I then asked Professor Alf Torp whether he knew of anything that might confirm such an interpretation of the word Skræling; he at once mentioned the German word “walt-schreckel” for a wood-troll, and afterwards wrote to me as follows:

“The word I spoke about is found in modern German dialects: ‘schrähelein’ ‘ein zauberisches Wesen, Wichtlein’; cf. Middle High German ‘walt-schreckel,’ which is translated by ‘faunus.’ This ‘schrähelein’ (from the Upper Palatinate) agrees entirely both in form and meaning with ‘skrælingr’: the only difference is that one has the diminutive termination ‘*-ilîn’ (primary form ‘* skrahilîn’), the other the diminutive termination ‘-iling’ (primary form ‘* skrahiling’). The primary meaning was doubtless ‘shrunken figure, dwarf.’ From a synonymous verbal root come the synonymous M.H.G. words ‘schraz’ and ‘schrate,’[13] ‘Waldteufel, Kobold.’ This seems greatly to strengthen your interpretation of ‘skrælingr’ as ‘brownie’ or the like. Now, of course, ‘skræling’ means ‘puny person’ or the like, but it is to be remarked that we do not find that meaning in the ancient language.”

It seems to me that this communication is of great importance. It is striking that the word Skræling is never used in the whole of Old Norse literature as a term of reproach or to denote a wretched man, and there must have been plenty of opportunity for this if it had been a word of common application with its present meaning, and not a special designation for brownies. It only occurs there as applied to the Skrælings of Wineland, Markland and Greenland. Again, the Skrælings in Greenland are called “troll” or “trollkonur” in the Icelandic narratives, and in the descriptions of the Wineland voyages demoniacal properties are attributed to them as to the underground folk. In the fight with the Skrælings they frightened Karlsevne and his people not only with the great magic ball,[14] but also by glamour. And in the “Grönlendinga-þattr” it is related that when the Skrælings came for the second time to trade with Karlsevne,

“his wife Gudrid was sitting within the door by the cradle of her son Snorre, and there walked in a woman in a black gown, rather low in stature, and she had a band on her head, and light-brown hair, was pale and big-eyed, so that no one had seen such big eyes in any human head. She went up to where Gudrid sat, and said: What is thy name? says she. My name is Gudrid, and what is thy name? My name is Gudrid, says she. Then Gudrid, the mistress of the house, stretched out her hand to her, and she sat down beside her; but then it happened at the same time that Gudrid heard a great crash [‘brest mikinn,’ cf. the noise or crash of the great ball in the Saga of Eric the Red] and that the woman disappeared, and at the same moment a Skræling was slain by one of Karlsevne’s servants, because he had tried to take their weapons, and they [the Skrælings] went away as quickly as possible; but they left their clothes and wares behind them. No one had seen this woman but Gudrid.”[15]

This phantasmal Gudrid is obviously a gnome or underground woman; and as she makes both her appearance and disappearance together with the Skrælings it is reasonable to suppose that they too were of the same kind, like the illusions in the battle with the Skrælings. It is further to be remarked that she is short, and has extraordinarily large eyes, exactly as is said of the Skrælings and of huldre- and troll-folk (cf. vol. i. p. 327), and also of pygmies.

Fight with mythical creatures (From an Icelandic MS.)

On account of the identity of name one might perhaps be tempted to think that it was Gudrid’s “fylgja” (fetch) coming to warn her. But she does nothing of the kind in the saga, nor was there any reason for it, as the Skrælings came to trade with peaceful intentions, and fled as soon as there was disagreement. But the story is obscure and confused, and it is probable that this is a borrowed incident, and that something of the meaning or connection has dropped out in the transfer. Another remarkable feature (which Moltke Moe has pointed out to me) is that while in Eric’s Saga Karlsevne pays for the Skrælings’ furs and red cloth, in the “Grönlendinga-þáttr” he makes “the women carry out milk-food (‘búnyt’) to them” (it was placed outside the house or even outside the fence), “and as soon as the Skrælings saw milk-food they would buy that and nothing else.” Now the natives of America cannot possibly have known milk-food; but on the other hand it happens to be a characteristic of the underground folk that they are fond of milk and porridge (cream-porridge), which is put out for the mound-elves and the “nisse.” Another underground feature comes out in the incident of the five Skrælings in Markland, three of whom “escaped and sank into the earth” (“ok sukku i jorð niðr”). Possibly the statement that the people in Markland “lived in rock-shelters and caves” may have a similar connection.

As the Skrælings of Greenland were dark, it was quite natural that they should become trolls, and not elves, which were fair.

It may also be supposed that the troll-like nature of the Skrælings is shown in the curious circumstance that Are Frode, speaking of them in Greenland, only mentions dwelling-places and remains of boats and stone implements that they had left behind (see vol. i. p. 260), as a sign that they had been both in the east and west of the country, while the people themselves are never mentioned; this is like troll-folk, who leave their traces without being seen themselves. One might suppose that such a mode of expression agreed best with the current Icelandic view of them as trolls. In a similar way it might be related of the first discoverer of an earlier Norway, inhabited only by supernatural beings, that he found traces both in the east and the west of the land which showed that the kind of folk (“þjóð”) had been there that inhabit Risaland, and that the Norwegians call giants. In this way possibly this passage in Are may be understood (but cf. [p. 77]); it might be objected that this expression: who “inhabited Wineland” (“hefer bygt”) does not suggest troll-folk, but real human beings; if, however, the existence of these troll-folk is supported by the actual finding of natives, in any case in Greenland (and doubtless also in Markland), then such an expression cannot appear unreasonable. Besides, there would be a general tendency on the part of the rationalising Icelanders, with their pronounced sense of realistic description, to make these trolls or brownies or “demons” into living human beings in Wineland, while the designation of troll still persisted for a long time in Greenland, side by side with Skræling—as a name approximately synonymous therewith. The realistic description of the Uniped affords a parallel to this. One is inclined to think that the Skrælings of the saga have come about through a combination of the original mythical creatures (like the síd-people in the Irish happy lands) to whom at first the name belonged with the Eskimo that the Icelanders found in Greenland, and perhaps the Eskimo and Indians that they found on the north-east coast of North America. It is, as in fact Moltke Moe has maintained in his lectures, by the fusing of materials taken from the world of myth and from reality that the human imagination is rendered most fertile and creative in the formation of legend. The points of departure may often be pure accidents, resemblances of one kind or another, which have a fructifying effect.

That the Skrælings, from being originally living natives, should later have become trolls or brownies, is an idea that Storm among others seems to have entertained (cf. note, [p. 11]); but this would be the reverse of what usually happens. That the Eskimo should have made a strange and supernatural impression on the superstitious Norsemen when they first met them is natural, and so it is that this impression should have persisted so long, until it gradually wore off through more intimate acquaintance with them in Greenland; but the contrary, that the supernatural ideas about them should only have developed gradually, although they were constantly meeting them, is incredible.

In Scandinavian literature also we find mythical ideas attached to the Skrælings of Greenland. In the Norwegian “Historia Norwegiæ” (thirteenth century) it is said that when “they are struck with weapons while alive, their wounds are white and do not bleed, but when they are dead the blood scarcely stops running.” The Dane Claudius Clavus (fifteenth century) relates that there were pygmies in Greenland two feet high (like our elves and brownies), and the same is reported in a letter to Pope Nicholas V. (circa 1450), with the addition that they hide themselves in the caves of the country like ants (see next chapter); that is, like underground beings, although this trait may well be derived from knowledge of the Eskimo. Mythical tales about the Greenland Eskimo also appear in Olaus Magnus, and in Jacob Ziegler’s Scondia (sixteenth century) [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 465, 501].

Borrowed features

A little touch like that of Thorvald Ericson drawing the Uniped’s arrow out of his intestines and saying: “There is fat in the bowels, a good land have we found...” shows how the saga-writer embroidered his romance: Thorvald was the son of a chief and naturally required a more honourable death than other men. The Fosterbrothers’ Saga and Snorre have the same thing about Thormod Kolbrunarskald at the battle of Stiklestad, when he drew out the arrow and said, “Well hath the king nourished us, there is still fat about the roots of my heart.” But of course there had to be a slight difference; while Thormod receives the arrow in the roots of his heart and has been well treated by the king, Thorvald gets it in his small intestines and has been well nourished by the country. Similar features are found in other Icelandic sagas.

It is a characteristic point that both in the “Navigatio Brandani” and in the “Imram Maelduin” three of the companions perish, or disappear, either through demons or mythical beings. With this the circumstance that in Karlsevne’s voyage three of his companions fall, two by the Skrælings and one by a Uniped, seems to correspond. We may also compare the incident in the “Imram Brenaind” where Brandan and his companions come to a large, lofty and beautiful island, where there are dwarfs (“luchrupán”) like monkeys, who instantly fill the beach and want to swallow them, and devour one of the men (the “crosan”) (cf. the circumstance that in the fight with the Skrælings two men fell, of whom only one is mentioned by name).

When it is related first that Karlsevne found five Skrælings asleep near Wineland, whom they took for exiles (!) and therefore slew, and that in the following year they again found five Skrælings, of whom, however, they only took two boys, while the others escaped, we may probably regard these as two variants of the same story. This feature also has an air of being borrowed in its dubious form, especially in the former passage; but I have not yet discovered from whence it may be derived.

In the “Grönlendinga-þáttr” there is yet another variant. There Thorvald Ericson and his men see three hide-boats on the beach, and three men under each. “Then they divided their people, and took them all except one who got away with his boat. They killed the eight....” This is altogether improbable. Since one man could run away with his boat, the hide-boats must be supposed to be kayaks, and the men Eskimo; but in that case only one man would have been lying under each; if they were larger boats (women’s boats ?) it would be unlike the Eskimo for three men to lie under each, and in any case one man could not run away with a boat.

The tale of the kidnapped Skræling children also shows incidents and ideas from wholly different quarters that have been introduced into this saga. That the grown-up Skræling was bearded (“skeggjaðr”) agrees, of course, neither with Eskimo nor Indians, but it agrees very well with trolls, brownies and pygmies, and also with the hermits of the Irish legends who were heavily clothed with hair. That this man, with the two women who escaped, “sank down into the earth” has already been mentioned as an underground feature. That the Skrælings of Markland had no houses, but lived in caves, does not sound any more probable; unless indeed this feature is taken from underground gnomes, it may come from the hermits in Irish legends. Thus the holy Paulus [Schröder, 1871, p. 32] dwelt in a cave and was covered with snow-white hair and beard (cf. the bearded Skræling), whom Brandan met on an island a little while before he came to the Terra Repromissionis (cf. the circumstance that Markland lay a little to the north of Wineland). The myth of Hvítramanna-land is derived from Ireland, and has of course nothing to do with the Skræling boys. Storm, it is true, thought they might have told of a great country (Canada or New Brunswick) with inhabitants in the west, which later became the Irish mythical land; but this too is not very credible. The names they gave are obviously not to be relied on: they may be later inventions, from which no conclusion at all can be drawn as to the language of the Skrælings, as has been attempted by earlier inquirers.[16] The two kings’ names, “Avalldamon” and “Avalldidida” (or “Valldidida”), which are attributed to them, may be supposed to be connected with “Ívaldr” or “Ívaldi.” He was of elfin race, was the father of Idun, who guarded the apples of rejuvenation, and his sons, “Ívalda synir,” were the elves who made the hair for Sif, the spear Gungner for Odin, and Skiðblaðnir for Frey. In Bede he is called “Hewald,” and in the Anglo-Saxon translation “Heávold.”[17] The name “Vætilldi” (nom. “Vætilldr” ?) of the mother of the Skræling boys recalls Norse names; it might be a combination of “vætr” or “vættr” (gnome, sprite, cf. modern Norwegian “vætt,” a female sprite) and “-hildr” (acc., dat. “-hildi”); the word is also written in some MSS. “Vætthildi,” “Vetthildi,” “Vethildi,” “Veinhildi.”

The maggot-sea

The last tale of Bjarne Grimolfsson who got into the maggot-sea (“maðk-sjár”) bears a stamp of travellers’ tales as marked as those of the Liver-sea. But even this feature seems to have prototypes in the Irish legends; it resembles the incident in the tale of the voyage of the three sons of Ua Corra (twelfth century ?), where the sea-monsters gnaw away the second hide from under the boat (which originally had three hides) [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 193, 199].

The saga narrative a mosaic

It will therefore be seen that the whole narrative of the Wineland voyages is a mosaic of one feature after another gathered from east and west. Is there, then, anything left that may be genuine? To this it may be answered that even if the romance of the voyages be for the most part invented—to some extent perhaps from ancient lays—the chief persons themselves may be more or less historical. It is nevertheless curious that it should be reserved to father and son first to discover and settle Greenland, and then accidentally to discover Wineland. That to Leif, the young leader, should further be attributed the introduction of Christianity, and that he should thus represent the new faith in opposition to his father, the old leader, who represented heathendom, may also seem a remarkable coincidence, but it may find an explanation in the probability of a new faith being introduced by men of influence, and just as in Norway it was done by kings, so in Greenland it was naturally the work of the future chief of the free state. Although it is strange that such a circumstance should not be mentioned when Leif’s name occurs in the oldest authorities (“Landnáma”), this may thus appear probable. On the other hand, no such explanation can be found for the circumstance that he of all others should accidentally discover America. It would be somewhat different if, as in the “Grönlendinga-þáttr,” Leif had of set purpose gone out to find new land, like his father. It is also curious that in the saga we hear no more either of Leif or his ship on the new voyages, after his accidental discovery, while it is another, Karlsevne, who becomes the hero. It looks as though the tale of Leif had been inserted without proper connection. In the “Grönlendinga-þáttr,” too, this discovery is attributed to another man, Bjarne Herjolfsson, which shows that the tradition about Leif was not firmly rooted. It may be supposed that there was a tradition in Iceland of the discovery of new land to the south-west of Greenland, and this became connected with the legends of the fortunate “Wineland the Good.” Popular belief then searched for a name with which to connect the discovery, and as it could not take that of the discoverer of Greenland itself, the aged Eric who was established at Brattalid, it occurred to many to take that of his son; whilst others chose another. It is doubtless not impossible that Leif was the man; but what is suggested above, coupled with so much else that is legendary in connection with the voyages of him and the others, does not strengthen the probability of it.

But however this may be, it may in any case be regarded as certain that the Greenlanders discovered the American continent, even though we are without any means of determining how far south they may have penetrated. The statements as to the length of the shortest day in Wineland, which are given in the Flateyjarbók’s “Grönlendinga-þáttr,” are scarcely to be more depended upon than other statements in this romantic tale.

Features that appear genuine

Incidents such as the bartering for skins with the Wineland Skrælings, and the combat with unfortunate results, seem to refer to something that actually took place; they cannot easily be explained from the legends of the Fortunate Isles, nor can representations of fighting in which the Norsemen were worsted be derived from Greenland. They must rather be due to encounters with Indians; for it is incredible that the Greenlanders or Icelanders should have described in this way fights with the unwarlike Eskimo, or at all events with the Greenland Eskimo, who, even if they had been of a warlike disposition, cannot have had any practice in the art of war. This in itself shows that the Greenlanders must have reached America, and come in contact with the natives there.

The very mention of the countries to the south-west: first the treeless and rocky Helluland (Labrador ?), then the wooded Markland (Newfoundland ?) farther south, and then the fertile Wineland south of that, may also point to local knowledge. It must be admitted that this could be explained away as having been put together from the general experience that countries in the north are treeless, but become more fertile as one proceeds southward; but the names Helluland and especially Markland have in themselves an appearance of genuineness, as also has Kjalarnes. The different saga-writers, in the Saga of Eric the Red and in the Flateyjarbók’s “Grönlendinga-þáttr,” give different explanations of the reason for the name of Kjalarnes, which shows that the name is an old one and that the explanations have been invented later (cf. vol. i. p. 324). A point which agrees remarkably well with the trend of the Labrador coast and may point to a certain knowledge of it, is that Karlsevne steers well to the south-east from Helluland; but this may possibly be connected with the idea mentioned later in the saga, that Wineland became broader towards the south, and the coast turned eastwards, which was evidently due to the assumption that it was connected with Africa (cf. vol i. p. 326).

Felling trees. Marginal decoration of the Jónsbók (fifteenth century)

The oldest and most original part of Eric’s Saga, as of most other sagas, is probably the lays. Of special interest are the lays attributed to Thorhall the Hunter; they give an impression of genuineness and do not harmonise well with the prose text, which was evidently composed much later. One of the lays, which describes the poet’s disappointment at not getting wine to drink in the new country instead of water, shows that a notion was current that wine was abundant there, and this notion must have come from the myth of the Fortunate Land or Wineland; for, if we confine ourselves to this one saga, the notion cannot have been derived from the single earlier voyage thither that is there mentioned—namely, Leif’s: during his short visit he cannot possibly have had time to make wine, even if he had known how to do so. The lay seems therefore to show that men had really reached a country which was taken to be the “Wineland,” or Fortunate Isles, of legend, but which turned out not to answer to the ideas which had been formed of it. The second lay attributed to Thorhall (see vol. i. p. 326) may also point to the country they had arrived at not being so excessively rich, for they had to cook whales’ flesh on Furðustrandir (and consequently were obliged to support themselves by whaling). This gives us an altogether more sober picture than the prose version of the saga; the latter, moreover, says nothing of whales except the one that made them ill and was thrown out.

Surest historical evidence

The surest historical evidence that voyages were made to America from Greenland is the chance statement, referred to later, in the Icelandic Annals: that in 1347 a ship from Greenland bound for Markland was driven by storms to Iceland. This reveals the fact that, occasionally at any rate, this voyage was made; and if the sagas about the Wineland voyages must be regarded as romances, or as a kind of legendary poetry—which therefore made no attempt whatever to give a historical exposition of the communication with the countries to the south-west—then many more voyages may have been made thither than the sagas had use for. A prominent feature of the different tales is that of the Greenlanders bringing timber from thence; this appears already in the story of Leif’s discovery of the country—he found various kinds of trees and “mǫsurr,” and brought them home with him—and still more in the tales of the Flateyjarbók, where on each voyage it is expressly stated that they felled timber to load their ships, as though that were their chief object. In the Icelandic geography mentioned on [p. 1], there is an addition, probably of late date:

“... It is said that Thorfinn Karlsevne felled wood [in Markland ?] for a ‘húsa-snotra,’ and then went on to seek for Wineland the Good, and arrived where this land was thought to be, but was not able to explore it, and did not settle there ...”[19]

In the Flateyjarbók’s “Grönlendinga-þáttr” it is stated that Karlsevne, in Wineland, cut down timber to load his ship, and that he had a “húsa-snotra” of “masur” from Wineland. Both accounts show how highly timber was prized in Greenland and Iceland. It is likely enough that this was so, since they had no timber in Greenland but driftwood, dwarf birch and osiers. But in order to find timber the Greenlanders need have gone no farther south than Markland (Newfoundland ?); and this name (perhaps also Helluland) may therefore have the surest historical foundation.

Are Frode’s evidence

If Adam of Bremen (circa 1070) mentions no more than Wineland, this is doubtless because he has only heard of that legendary country; the belief in its existence may already have been confirmed in his time by the discovery of new lands. More remarkable is the statement of the sober Are Frode (circa 1130) as to the Skrælings who “inhabited Wineland” (“Vínland hefer bygt”). This looks as if Wineland was familiar to him; it may be the mythical name that has passed into a common designation for the countries discovered in the south-west (cf. vol. i. pp. 368, 384). But there is also a possibility that only the mythical country is in question, and that, as suggested above (vol. i. p. 368; vol. ii. [p. 16]), its inhabitants are merely the Skrælings of myths, since this mythical land and its inhabitants were the best known and most talked of. If this be so, it does not exclude the possibility of Are’s having heard of other, less well known, but actually discovered countries in the south-west, which he does not mention. To make use of a parallel, let us suppose that Utröst with its fairy people was better known in Nordland than the islands to the north with their semi-mythical Lapps. If then we had read of a discovery of Finmark that traces had been found there of the same kind of folk (“þjóð”) who inhabit Utröst, then we should no more be able from this to conclude that Utröst was a real land than that Vesterålen and Senjen, for instance, had not been discovered. It must be remembered that it does not appear with certainty from Are’s words where he got his Wineland from (cf. vol. i. p. 367).

Another document of a wholly different nature, wherein possibly the name of Wineland is mentioned, has been found—namely, the runic stone of Hönen.

Runic stone from Hönen

On the estate of Hönen, in Ringerike, there was found at the beginning of last century a runic stone, which was still from to be seen there in 1823, when the inscription was copied. Afterwards the stone disappeared.[20] The drawing made in 1823 is now only known from a somewhat indistinct copy; but from this Sophus Bugge [1902] has attempted to make out the runic inscription, and he reads it thus:

“Ut ok vítt ok þurfa
þerru ok áts
Vínlandi á ísa
í úbygð at kómu;
auð má illt vega,
[at] döyi ár.”

The existing drawing of the runic stone from Hönen, Ringerike (S. Bugge, 1902)

In prose this verse may, according to Bugge, be rendered somewhat as follows:

“They came out [into the ocean] and over wide expanses (‘vîtt’), and needing (‘þurfa’) cloth to dry themselves on (‘þerru’) and food (‘áts’), away towards Wineland, up into the ice in the uninhabited country. Evil can take away luck, so that one dies early.”

Bugge regards this reading of this somewhat difficult inscription as doubtful; but if it is correct, this verse may be part of an inscription cut upon one or more stones in memory of a young man (or perhaps several) from Ringerike, who took part in an expedition by sea. According to his explanation, they were then driven far out into the ocean in the direction of Wineland, and were lost, perhaps in the ice on the east coast of Greenland (which in the sagas is generally called the uninhabited country, “ubygð”); they abandoned their ship and had to take to the drift-ice. He (or they) to whom the inscription refers thereby met his death at an early age, while at any rate some one must have made his way back and brought the tale of the voyage. Probably there was a commencement of the inscription, now lost, giving the name of the young man, who must certainly have been of good birth; for otherwise, as Bugge points out, a memorial with an inscription in verse would hardly have been raised to him. He or his family belonged to Ringerike, and to the neighbourhood in which the stone was put up.

The form of the runes makes it probable, according to Bugge, that the inscription dates from the eleventh century, and perhaps from the period between 1000 and 1050; scarcely before that, though it may be later. The inscription would thus acquire a value as possibly the earliest document in which Wineland is mentioned. What kind of expedition the inscription records we cannot tell; there is nothing to show that it was a real Wineland voyage; the words seem rather to point to their having been driven against their will out to sea in the direction of “Wineland,” whether we are to regard this as the Wineland of myth or as a historical country; it might well be used figuratively in an epitaph to describe more graphically how far they went from the beaten track. It may equally well have been on a voyage to Ireland, the Faroes, Iceland, or merely to the north of Norway that the disaster occurred, and they were driven by storms to the Greenland ice; but since it cannot be denied that, as the verse has been translated, the expressions appear somewhat unnatural, it is difficult to form any opinion as to this.[21]

If this runic inscription from Ringerike has been correctly copied and interpreted—which, as has been said, is uncertain—then this and Adam of Bremen’s information from Denmark would show that Wineland was known and discussed in various parts of the North in the eleventh century, long before Icelandic literature began to be put into writing. But strangely enough, in the Norwegian thirteenth-century work, “Historia Norwegiæ,” no mention is made of Wineland, although in other respects the author has made extensive use of Adam of Bremen’s work; he merely states that Greenland approaches the African Islands, by which, as pointed out above ([p. 1]), he shows clearly enough that Wineland was regarded as belonging to the African Islands, or Insulæ Fortunatæ. The “King’s Mirror,”[22] which gives a detailed description of Greenland, does not mention Wineland, although the author evidently held the view that Greenland approached the universal continent (i.e., Africa) on the south. The knowledge of it must soon have been forgotten in Norway, or it was regarded as a mythical country, while the tradition persisted longer in Iceland.

Bishop Eric seeks Wineland

The last time we meet with the name of Wineland in connection with a voyage is in the “Islandske Annaler,”[23] where it is related in the year 1121 that “Eirikr, bishop of Greenland [also called Eirikr Upsi], went out to seek (leita) Wineland.” But we are not told anything more of this expedition. The use of “leita” shows that Wineland was not a known country, it can only apply to lands about which legends or reports are current; just in the same way Gardar in the Sturlubók “went to seek (‘fór at leita’) Snælandz” on the advice of his mother, who had second sight (vol. i. p. 255), or Ravna-Floki “fór at leita Gardarshólms” (vol. i. p. 257), and Eric the Red “ætlaði at leita lands þess” which Gunnbjörn had seen, etc. (vol. i. p. 267). As soon as the way was known, it was no longer necessary to “leita” countries. If the voyage is historical, it may have been to seek for the mythical country, the happy Wineland that Bishop Eric set out, as St. Brandan in the legend sought for the Promised Land, and as, 359 years later, the city of Bristol actually sent men out to look for the happy isle of Brazil; but as the coast of America seems to have been known, it may apply to a country there, of which reports had come, and to which the name of the mythical country had been transferred. As Eric is called a bishop, it has been thought that this was a missionary voyage, which met with disaster [cf. Y. Nielsen, 1905, p. 8]; but who was there to be converted in an unknown land, for which one had first to “seek”? It would have to be the unknown Skrælings; but is this really likely, when we hear of no mission to the Skrælings of Greenland? There must have been enough of the latter to convert for the time being, if it had been thought worth the trouble. Nor do we know much more about this Eric Upsi.[24] Probably he was the same man who is called in the Landnámabók “Eirikr Gnupssonr Grönlendinga-byskup.” It is possible that the see of Greenland was founded as early as 1110,[25] and that Eric was the first bishop of Greenland, and went out there in 1112,[26] but he cannot have been solemnly consecrated at Lund, like later bishops after 1124. It is possible that Eric was lost, for we hear no more of him, and in 1122 and 1123 the Greenlanders made efforts to obtain a new bishop, who was consecrated at Lund in 1124; but it is curious that nothing is then said about any earlier bishop; moreover, the entry in the annals about Eric dates at the earliest from the thirteenth century.

Some years ago it was asserted that a stone with a runic inscription had been found in Minnesota, the so-called Kensington stone. On this is narrated a journey of eight Swedes and twenty-two Norwegians from Wineland as far as the country west of the Great Lakes. But by its runes and its linguistic form this inscription betrays itself clearly enough as a modern forgery, which has no interest for us here [cf. H. Gjessing, 1909; K. Hoegh, 1909; H. R. Roland, 1909; O. J. Breda, 1910].

Wineland in mediæval literature

The name of Wineland occurs extremely rarely in mediæval literature and on maps outside Iceland, and as a rule it is confused with Finland, as already mentioned (vol. i. p. 198), or again with Vindland (Vendland). Ordericus Vitalis (1141) gives “The Orkneys and Finland, together with Iceland and Greenland” as islands under the king of Norway.[27] As the passage seems to be connected with Adam of Bremen, who also erroneously mentions these islands and Wineland as subject to the Norwegians (see vol. i. p. 192), this Finland may be Wineland. It was pointed out in vol i. p. 198, that the Latin “vinum” was translated into Irish as “fín.” Ordericus (1075-1143), who lived in England until his tenth year, and wrote in an abbey in Normandy, may well have had communication with Irishmen. In Ranulph Higden’s “Polychronicon” (circa 1350) the following are described as islands in the outer ocean (surrounding the disc of the earth): first the “Insulæ Fortunatæ” (see vol i. p. 346), immediately afterwards “Dacia” (== Denmark), and to the west of this island “Wyntlandia,” besides “Islandia,” which has Norway to the south and the Polar Sea to the north, “Tile” (Thule) the extreme island on the north-west, and “Noruegia” (Norway). As this “Wyntlandia,” which in the various editions of Higden’s map is called Witland, Wintlandia, Wineland, etc., is placed out in the ocean on the west, it is possibly connected with the old Wineland which was an oceanic island; but as it is mentioned together with Dacia, it may also be confused with Vindland (Vendland),[28] and the circumstance that the inhabitants are supposed to have sold winds to sailors who came to them may have contributed to this. This may be connected with what Mela [iii. 6] says about the island of Sena in the British Sea, off Brittany (see vol. i. p. 29), where the nine priestesses of the oracle of the Gaulish deity

“set seas and winds in motion through their incantations, change themselves into what animal they please, cure sickness ... know the future and foretell it, but they only assist those sailors who come to ask counsel of them.”

But the wind-selling wizards of the Polychronicon have also evidently been confused with the Finns (Lapps) of Finmark, whom Adam of Bremen had already described as particularly skilled in magic. The Polychronicon is a free revision of an earlier English work, the “Geographia Universalis,” of the thirteenth century. In this “Winlandia” (or “Wynlandia”) and its inhabitants, who sell winds, are described at greater length; it is there placed on the continent on the sea-coast and borders on the mountains of Norway on the east.[29] It is therefore Finland, or perhaps rather the country of the Lapp wizards, Finmark. Thus through similarity of sound three countries may have been confused in the Polychronicon: Wineland, Vindland, and Finland (Finmark). Evidently the “Vinland” to be found on the continent in the map of the world in the “Rudimentum Novitiorum” of Lübeck (1475) refers to Finland, and likewise the “Vinlandia” mentioned in a Lübeck MS. of 1486-1488, which is an extensive island reaching as far as Livonia.[30] Whether we regard Wineland as merely a mythical country, or as a country actually discovered to which the name of the mythical land was transferred, this limited dissemination of it in literature and on maps is striking. It shows that knowledge of the myth, or of the country with the mythical name, belonged to older times, was not very widely spread outside the Scandinavian countries and Ireland, and was afterwards forgotten, in spite of the frequent communication that existed between the intellectual world of the North and that of the South [cf. Jos. Fischer, 1902, pp. 106, ff.].

Wineland in Faroese lays

While probably the name of Hvítramanna-land is still preserved in the fairy-tale of Hvittenland, it is possibly the name of Wineland that has been preserved in that “Vinland” which is mentioned in the Faroese lay of “Finnur hinn Fríði”;[31] but if so, it is the only known instance of its occurrence in popular poetry. The Norwegian jarl’s son, Finnur hinn Fríði (Finn the Fair), courts Ingebjörg, the daughter of an Irish king; she is beautiful as the sun, and the colour of her maiden cheeks is like blood dropped upon snow.[32] She makes answer: “Hadst thou slain the Wine-kings, then shouldst thou wed me.” To Wineland is a far voyage, with currents and mighty billows. But Finn begs his brother, Halfdan, to go with him over the Wineland sea. They hoist their silken sail, and never lower it till they arrive at Wineland. There they found the three Wine-kings. Thorstein, the first, came on a black horse, but Finn tore him off at the navel; the second, Ivint, also came on a black horse. But the third transformed himself into a flying dragon; arrows flew from each of his feathers, and he killed many of their men. The worst was that he shot venom from his mouth under Finn’s coat of mail, who, though he could not be killed by arms, had to die. He then drew a golden ring from his arm and sent it by Halfdan to Ingebjörg, bidding her live happily. But Halfdan sprang into the air, seized the third Wine-king, and tore him off at the navel. Halfdan sailed back to Ireland, brought Ingebjörg these tidings and the ring, and slept three nights with her, but on the fourth she dies of grief, since she can love no chieftain after Finn. Halfdan had a castle built for himself and passed his years in Ireland, but all his days he mourned for his brother. Although the whole of this legend seems to have no connection with what we know about Wineland, it is most probable that it is the same name, but that—like the tale itself of the Irish king’s daughter whose cheek was as blood upon snow—it came from Ireland. The name may thus be a last echo of the Irish mythical ideas from which the Wineland of the Icelanders arose.

Map by the Icelander Jón Gudmundsson, born 1574 (Torfæus, 1706)

Helluland in legend

Curiously enough Helluland is the only one of the names of the western lands that has been widely adopted in Icelandic fairy-tales and legendary sagas. It has to some extent become a complete fairyland, with trolls and giants, and it is located in various places, usually far north, even to the north of Greenland, and sometimes on its north-east coast. In this fairyland was the fjord “Skuggi” (shadow); it is mentioned in Örvarodds Saga (circa 1300), where the hero departs to seek his enemy, the wizard Ǫgmund, in Helluland, and again in Bárðarsaga Snæfellsáss (fifteenth century), in the “Þáttr” of Gunnari Keldugnúpsfífl, in the Hálfdanarsaga Brönufóstra, in the Saga of Hálfdani Eysteinssyni, and in Gest Bárdsson’s Saga.[33]

In the geography which under the name of “Gripla” was included in Björn Jónsson’s “Grönland’s Annaler,” it is said of the countries opposite Greenland:

“Furðustrandir is the name of a land, where is severe frost, so that it is not habitable, so far as people know; south of it is Helluland, which is called Skrælingja-land; thence it is a short distance to Wineland the Good, which some people think goes out from Africa....”

With this may be compared another MS. of the seventeenth century, where we read:

“West of the great ocean from Spain, which some call Ginnungagap, and which goes between lands, there is first towards the north Wineland the Good, next to it is called Markland farther north, thereafter are the wastes [i.e., the wastes of Helluland] where Skrælings live, then there are still more wastes to Greenland.” [Cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. pp. 224, 227.]

From this it looks as if Helluland was regarded as inhabited by Skrælings, which agrees with the reality, if it is Labrador. But these MSS. belong to the seventeenth century, and may be influenced by the geographical knowledge of later times. In Gripla there is evident confusion, as Furðustrandir has been confounded with Helluland, and the latter with Markland[34].

Voyage to Markland, 1347

No record is found of any voyage to Wineland after 1121; but on the other hand there is mention more than two hundred years later of the voyage, referred to above, to Markland from Greenland in 1347. Of this we read in the Icelandic Annals (Skálholts-Annals) for that year: “Then came also [i.e., besides ships from Norway already mentioned] a ship from Greenland, smaller in size than the small vessels that trade to Iceland. It came to Outer Straumfjord [on the south side of Snæfellsnes]; it was without an anchor. There were seventeen men on board [in the Flatey-annals there are eighteen men], and they had sailed to Markland, but afterwards [i.e., on the homeward voyage to Greenland] were driven hither.”

As the Skálholts-Annals were written not many years after this (perhaps about 1362), it must be regarded as quite certain that this ship had been to Markland; but on the homeward voyage, perhaps while she lay at anchor, was overtaken by a storm, so that the cable had to be cut, and was driven out to sea past Cape Farewell right across to the west coast of Iceland. It is not likely that they sailed so far as Markland simply to fish, which they might have done off Greenland; the object was rather to fetch timber or wood for fashioning implements, which was valuable in treeless Greenland; the driftwood which came on the East Greenland current did not go very far. It is true that they could not carry much timber on their small vessel; but they had to make the best of the craft they possessed, and they could always carry a sufficient supply of the more valuable woods for the manufacture of tools, weapons and appliances. They must for instance have had great difficulty in obtaining wood for making bows; driftwood was of little use for this.

But if this voyage took place in 1347, and we only hear of it through the accident of the vessel getting out of her course and being driven to Iceland, we may be sure that there were many more like it; only that these were not the expeditions of men of rank, which attracted attention, but everyday voyages for the support of life, like the sealing expeditions to Nordrsetur, and when nothing particular happened to these vessels, such as being driven to Iceland, we hear nothing about them. We must therefore suppose that, even if they had to give up the idea of forming settlements in the west, the Greenlanders occasionally visited Markland (Newfoundland or the southernmost part of Labrador ?), perhaps chiefly to obtain wood of different kinds.

In the so-called Greenland Annals, put together from old sources by Björn Jónsson of Skardsá (beginning of the seventeenth century), it is said of the districts on the west coast of Greenland, to the north of the Western Settlement, that they “take up trees and all the drift that comes from the bays of Markland” (cf. vol i. p. 299). This shows that it was customary to regard Markland as the region from which wood was to be obtained. The name itself (== woodland) may have contributed to this view; but the fact that it survived long after all mention of Wineland had ceased may probably be due to communication with the country having been kept up in later times, and to this name being the really historical one on the coast of America.

According to the Icelandic Annals the voyagers from Markland who came to Iceland in 1347, proceeded in the following year (1348) to Norway. This was no doubt with the idea of getting back to Greenland, as there was no sailing to that country from Iceland, and they would not trust their vessel on another ocean voyage. But in Norway, where they arrived at Bergen, they had a long while to wait. “Knarren,” the royal trading ship, seems to have been the only vessel that kept up communication with Greenland at that time. We know that “Knarren” returned to Bergen in 1346, and did not sail again until 1355. From a royal letter of 1354, which has been preserved, it appears that extraordinary preparations were made for the fitting-out and manning of this expedition, to prevent Christianity in Greenland from “falling away.” Perhaps the presence in Norway of these Markland voyagers from Greenland had something to do with the awakening of interest in that distant country, and perhaps it is not altogether impossible that the intention was not only to secure and strengthen the possessions in Greenland, but also to explore the fertile countries farther west. It cannot be remarked, however, that it brought about any change in the fading knowledge of these valuable regions, and we hear no more of them until their rediscovery at the close of the fifteenth century.

Norse ball-game in America

Ebbe Hertzberg, Keeper of the Public Records of Norway, has shown [1904, pp. 210, ff.] that there is a remarkable and interesting similarity between the game of lacrosse, which is played by the Indians of the north-east of North America, and the ancient Norse game, “knattleikr” (i.e., ball-game), so far as we know it from the sagas. It was greatly in favour in Iceland. If Hertzberg is right in his supposition that the Indians may have got this game from the Norsemen, this would lend strong support to the view that the latter had considerable intercourse with America and its natives.

According to Hertzberg’s acute interpretation of the accounts of “knattleikr” in the various sagas, it was played on a large level piece of ground (“leikvǫllr,” i.e., playing-ground), or on the ice, usually by many players. These were divided into two sides, in such a way that those most nearly equal in strength on each side were paired as opponents and stood near to each other, and the two teams were thus spread in pairs over the whole ground. Each player had a club with which he either struck or caught and “carried” the ball. The club had a hollow or a net in which the ball could be caught and lie. When the ball was set going, the game was for the one who was nearest to seize or catch it, preferably with his club, and to run off with it and try to “carry it out,” i.e., past a goal or mark; but in this his particular opponent tried to hinder him with all his strength and agility. The other players might not interfere directly in the struggle of the two opponents for the ball. If the one who had the ball was so hard pressed by his opponent that he had to give it up, he tried to throw it to one of his own side, who then again had to reckon with his own opponent in his attempt to “carry it out.” This game was much played by the Icelanders; it was apt to be rough, and men were often disabled, or even killed, by their opponents.

The game of Lacrosse among the Menomini Indians (after W. J. Hoffmann, 1896).
On the left, a “crosse,” about a yard long

Hertzberg shows how the Canadian Indians’ game of lacrosse, which has become the national game of Canada, completely resembles in all essentials this peculiar Norse ball-game from Iceland. The game of lacrosse is, as Professor Y. Nielsen has pointed out [1905], more widely diffused among the Indian tribes of North America than Hertzberg was aware. Dr. William James Hoffman[35] has described it among the Menomini Indians in Wisconsin, the Ojibwa tribe in northern Minnesota, the Dakota Indians on the upper Missouri, and among the Chactas, Chickasaws and kindred tribes farther south. Hoffmann also mentions that opponents are picked and that the game is played in pairs [1896, i. p. 132]. Among the Ojibwas, he says, the player who is carrying the ball is often placed hors de combat by a blow on the arm or leg; serious injuries only occur when the stakes are high, or when there is enmity between some of the players. Among the more southern tribes, on the other hand, the game is much more violent, the crosse is longer, made of hickory, and it is often sought to disable the runner. This, then, is even more like the Icelandic game.

Hoffmann thinks that the game is undoubtedly derived from one of the eastern Algonkin tribes, possibly in the valley of the St. Lawrence. Thence it reached the Huron Iroquois, and later it spread farther south to the Cherokees, etc. In a similar way it was carried westwards and adopted by many tribes. This then points to its having originated in just those districts where one would have expected it to come from, if it was brought by the Norsemen, as Hertzberg thinks. That the game is so widely diffused in America and has become so much a part of the Indians’ life, even of their religious life, shows that it is very ancient there, and this too supports Hertzberg’s assumption that it is derived from the Norsemen. It is true that Eug. Beauvois[36] has pointed out the possibility of the game having been introduced into Canada by people from Normandy after the sixteenth century; but before such an objection could carry weight, it would have to be made probable that the characteristic Norse game was really played in Normandy; but this is not known. In support of Hertzberg’s view it may also be adduced—a point that he himself has not noticed—that the Icelanders appear to have introduced the same ball-game to another American people with whom they came in touch, namely, the Eskimo of Greenland. Hans Egede [1741, p. 93] says:

“Playing ball is their most usual game, especially by moonlight, and they have two ways of playing: When they have divided themselves into two sides, one throws the ball to another who is on his own side. Those of the other side must endeavour to get the ball from them, and thus it goes on alternately among them....” (The other way of playing mentioned by Egede is more like football.)

Game of ball among the Eskimo of Greenland (Hans Egede, 1741)

This description, together with Egede’s drawing, from which it appears, amongst other things, that the opponents are arranged in pairs, seems to show that the Eskimo game was very like the Icelanders’ “knattleikr” and the Indians’ “lacrosse”; but with the difference that according to Egede’s account the Eskimo did not use any club or crosse; moreover, from Egede’s drawing it looks as if both men and women took part, as with certain Indian tribes. That there is a connection here appears natural. The most probable explanation may be that the Eskimo as well as the Indians got this ball-game from the Norsemen. That the Eskimo should have learnt it from the whalers after the rediscovery of Greenland in the sixteenth century is unlikely, as also that it should have come to the Indians from the Eskimo round the north of Baffin Bay and through Baffin Land and Labrador; nor is it any more likely that the Icelanders should have learnt it of the Eskimo in Greenland, who again had it from America.

Difficulties in the way of colonisation

It is in itself a strange thing that the discovery of a country like North America, with conditions so much more favourable than Greenland and Iceland, should not have led to a permanent settlement. But there are many, and in my judgment sufficient, reasons which explain this. We must remember that such an outpost of civilisation as Greenland offered poor opportunities for the equipment of such settlements; the settlers would have to be prepared for continual conflicts with the Indians, who with their warlike capacity and their numbers might easily be more than a match for a handful of Greenlanders, even though the latter had some advantage in their weapons of iron—and of these too the Greenlanders never had a very good supply, as appears from several narratives. There would also be need of ships, which were costly and difficult to procure in Greenland; the few that were there certainly had enough to do, and could hardly manage more than an occasional trip to Markland for timber. Moreover, as the Greenland settlements themselves and their oversea communications declined after the close of the thirteenth century, so also of course did their communication with America decrease, until it finally ceased altogether.

Hvítramanna-land

It would thus appear, from all that has been put forward in this chapter, that Wineland the Good was originally a mythical country, closely connected with the happy lands of Irish myths and legends—which had their first source in the Greek Elysium and Isles of the Blest, in Oriental sailors’ myths, and an admixture of Biblical conceptions. The description of the country has acquired important features from Isidore’s account of the Insulæ Fortunatæ and from older classical literature. This mythical country is to be compared with “Hvítramanna-land” (the white men’s land), “which some call Ireland the Great (‘Irland hit Mikla’).” Of this the Landnáma tells us (cf. vol i. p. 353) that it lay near Wineland, in the west of the ocean, six “dœgr’s” sail west of Ireland (according to the Eyrbyggja Saga it lay to the south-west); the Icelandic chief Are Mársson was driven there by storms, was not allowed to depart, but was baptized there and held in great esteem. Furthermore, the same land is mentioned in the Saga of Eric the Red as lying opposite Markland (cf. vol. i. p. 330). Finally, in the Eyrbyggja Saga there is a tale of a voyage (see later) which evidently had the same country as its object, though it is not mentioned by name. Since Thorkel Gellisson is given as the authority for the story in the Landnáma, the legend may have reached Iceland about the close of the eleventh century.

Origin of the name

This Irish land may also be derived from an adaptation of the ancients’ myth of the western Isles of the Blest,[37] and it evidently corresponds to one of the mythical countries of the Christianised Irish legends. It bears great resemblance in particular to “the Island of Strong Men” (“Insula Virorum Fortium”) in the Navigatio Brandani, which is also called there “the Isle of Anchorites” [Schröder, 1871, pp. 24, 17]. Three generations dwelt there: the first generation, the children, had clothes white as driven snow, the second of the colour of hyacinth, and the third of Dalmatian purple. The name itself, which in Old Norse would become “Starkramanna-land,” shows much similarity of formation; besides which it is the Isle of Anchorites that is in question, and one of the three generations wears white garments; we are thus not far from the formation of a name “Hvítramanna-land.” There is yet another point of agreement, in that, just as Are Mársson was not allowed to leave Hvítramanna-land, so one of Brandan’s companions had to stay behind on the Isle of Anchorites. It may also be supposed that the name of the White Men’s Land is connected with the White Christ and with the white garments of the baptized; the circumstance of Are Mársson being baptized there points in the same direction.[38] But to this it may be added that various myths and legends show it to have been a common idea among the Irish that aged hermits and holy men were white. The old man who welcomes Brendan to the promised land in the “Imram Brenaind” [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. 139; Schirmer, 1888, p. 34] has no clothes, but his body is covered with dazzling white feathers, like a dove or a gull, and angelic is the speech of his lips. In the Latin account of Brandan’s life (“Vita sancti Brandani”) the man is called Paulus, he is again without clothes, but his body is covered with white hair,[39] and in both tales the man came from Ireland [cf. Schirmer, 1888, p. 40]. The cave-dweller Paulus on an island in the Navigatio Brandani [Schröder, 1871, p. 32] is without clothes, but wholly covered by the hair of his head, his beard and other hair down to the feet, and they were white as snow on account of his great age. It is evident that the whiteness is often attributed, as in the last instance, to age; but it is also the heavenly colour, and the white clothing of hair (or feathers) may also have some connection with the white lamb in the Revelation. In the tale of Maelduin’s voyage, which is older than those of Brandan’s, Maelduin meets in two places, on a sheep-island and on a rock in the sea, with hermits wholly covered with the white hair of their bodies—they too were both Irish—and on two other islands, the soil of one of which was as white as a feather, he meets with men whose only clothing was the hair of their bodies[40] [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 162, 163, 169, 172, 178]. In the Navigatio Brandan also meets on the island of Alibius an aged man with hair of the colour of snow and with shining countenance. (Cf. Christ revealing himself among the seven candlesticks to John on the isle of Patmos: “His head and his hairs were white like wool, as white as snow; and his eyes were as a flame of fire” [Rev. i. 14].)

Among the Irish the white colour again forms a conspicuous feature in the description of persons, especially supernatural beings, in ancient non-Christian legends and myths. The name of their national hero Finn means white. To Finn Mac Cumaill there comes in the legend a king’s daughter of unearthly size and beauty, “Bebend” (the white woman), from the Land of Virgins (“Tír na-n-Ingen”) in the west of the sea, and she has marvellously beautiful white hair [cf. Zimmer, 1889, p. 269]. The corresponding maiden of the sea-people, in the “Imram Brenaind,” whom Brandan finds, is also whiter than snow or sea-spray (see vol. i. p. 363). The physician Libra at the court of Manannán, king of the Promised Land, has three daughters with white hair. When Midir, the king of the síd (fairies), is trying to entice away Etáin, queen of the high-king of Ireland, he says: “Oh, white woman, wilt thou go with me to the land of marvels?... thy body has the white colour of snow to the very top,” etc. etc.[41] [cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 273, 279]. A corresponding idea to that of the Irish síd-people, especially the women, being white, is perhaps that of the Norse elves being thought light (cf. “lysalver,” light-elves), or even white. The elf-maiden in Sweden is slender as a lily and white as snow, and elves in Denmark may also be snow-white (cf. also the fact that elves are described as white nymphs, “albæ nymphæ”).

It seems natural that these ideas—of whiteness as specially beautiful, and mostly applied to the “síd” or elves, to the garments of baptism, and to holy men and hermits—led to a name which, in conformity with the Strong Men’s Island of the Navigatio, would become the White Men’s Land, for the mythical western land oversea, where Are Mársson was baptized, but which he could not leave again, and where, according to the Eyrbyggja Saga, the language resembled Irish. This, then, is precisely the “Isle of Anchorites.” The country may have originated through a contact of ideas from the religious world and the profane, original conceptions from the latter having become Christianised. Doubtless the white garments, which were connected with the other world, and which became the heavenly raiment of the Christians, have also played a part. In Plato a white-clad woman (i.e., one from the other world) comes to Socrates in a dream and announces to him that in three days he is to depart. During the transfiguration on the mountain Jesus’ face “did shine as the sun, and his raiment was white as the light” [Matt. xvii. 2], or “his raiment became shining, exceeding white as snow” [Mark ix. 3]. On the basis of this Christian conception the image of the world beyond the grave has taken the form of a fair, shining land, as in the immense literature of visions; and thus too in the Floamanna Saga [Grönl. hist. Mind., ii. p. 103], where Thorgils’s wife Thorey sees in a dream a “fair country with shining white men” (“menn bjarta”), and Thorgils interprets it to mean “another world” where “good awaits her” and “holy men would help her.”

There is further a possibility that some of the conceptions attached to Hvítramanna-land may be connected with ancient Celtic tales which in antiquity were associated with the Cassiterides (in Celtic Brittany); in any case there is a remarkable similarity between the mention in Eric the Red’s Saga of men who went about in white clothes, carried poles before them, and cried aloud (see vol. i. p. 330), and Strabo’s description (see vol. i. p. 27) of the men in the Cassiterides in black cloaks with kirtles reaching to the feet, who wander about with staves, like the Furies in tragedy. That Strabo should see a resemblance to the Eumenides (Furies) and therefore make his men black, while the Northern author has the Christian ideas and in agreement with the name of Hvítramanna-land gives them white clothes, need not surprise us. Even if Storm [1887] is correct in his supposition that the white men’s banners, or “poles to which strips were attached” (see vol. i. p. 330), are connected with ecclesiastical processions, this may be a later popular modification, just as the white hermits out in the ocean may be a modification of pre-Christian, or at any rate non-religious, conceptions in Ireland.

Reference has been made ([p. 32]) to the resemblance between the accounts of the inhabitants of Wyntlandia (== Wineland), who were versed in magic, and of the Celtic priestesses in the island of Sena off Brittany. One might be tempted to think that here again there is some connection or other between these Breton priestesses and, on the one hand the Irishmen in Hvítramanna-land, on the other the men of the Cassiterides (near Sena) who were like the Furies. Dionysius Periegetes [510; cum Eustath. 1] relates that on this island of Sena women crowned with ivy conducted nocturnal bacchanals, with shrieks and violent noise (cf. the men in white clothes in Hvítramanna-land, who carried poles and cried aloud). No male person might set foot on the island, but the women went over to the men on the mainland, and returned after having had intercourse with them (cf. vol. i. p. 356). Exactly the same thing is related by Strabo [iv. 198] of the Samnite women on a little island in the sea, not far from the mouth of the Liger (Loire); inspired by Bacchus they honour that god in mysteries and other unusually holy actions. The druids had their sanctuaries on islands, and Mona (Anglesey) was their headquarters. Tacitus [Ann. xiv. 30] tells of their fanatical women who, in white clothes (grave-clothes), with dishevelled hair and flaming torches, conducted themselves altogether like Furies on the arrival of the Romans.

The circumstance of Hvítramanna-land being, according to the Eyrbyggja Saga, a forbidden land may correspond to that of men being prohibited from setting foot on the priestesses’ island, or again to the way to the Cassiterides being kept secret and to the precautions taken to prevent people from reaching them (cf. vol. i. p. 27). Something similar, it may be added, is told of the rich, fertile island which the Carthaginians discovered in the west of the ocean, and which, under pain of death, they forbade others to visit [Aristotle, Mir. Auscult., c. 85; cf. also Diodorus, v. 20]. That in late classical times there was a confusion between the Cassiterides and the mythical isles in the west appears further from Pliny’s saying [Hist. Nat., iv. 36] that the Cassiterides were also called “Fortunatæ,” and from Dionysius Periegetes making tin, the product of the Cassiterides, come from the Hesperides.

The name Great-Ireland

It was mentioned above (vol. i. p. 357) that the name of the promised land, “the Land of Marvels,” was also called in Irish legend the “Great Strand” (“Trág Mór”), or the “Great Land” (“Tír Mór”); “two or three times as large as Ireland” (vol. i. p. 355). It does not seem unlikely that the Icelanders, hearing from Ireland of this great land, should come to call it “Irland hit Mikla” (Ireland the Great); and this seems to be a more natural explanation than Storm’s [1887, p. 65] interpretation of the name as meaning “the Irish colony,” like “Magna Græcia” (the Greek colony in Italy) and “Svíþjód it Mikla” (the Swedish colony in Russia, the name of which may however have been derived from the name of the latter: “Scythia Magna”); on the other hand, he gives an obvious parallel in “Great Han,” the mythical land in the Great Ocean beyond China (Han).

In the Eyrbyggja Saga we read of Björn Asbrandsson, called Breidvikinge-kjæmpe, and his exploits. He bore illicit love to Snorre Gode’s sister, Thurid of Fróðá, the wife of Thorodd, and had by her an illegitimate son, Kjartan. Finally he had to leave Iceland on account of this love; but his ship was not ready till late in the autumn. They put to sea with a north-east wind, which held for a long time that autumn. Afterwards the ship was not heard of for many a day.

Gudleif’s voyage

Gudleif Gudlaugsson was the name of a great sailor and merchant; he owned a large merchant vessel. In the last years of St. Olaf’s reign he was on a trading voyage to Dublin; “when he sailed westward from thence he was making for Iceland. He sailed to the west of Ireland, encountered there a strong north-east wind, and was driven far to the west and south-west in the ocean,” until they finally came to a great land which was unknown to them. They did not know the people there, “but thought rather that they spoke Irish.” Soon many hundred men collected about them, seized and bound them, and drove them up into the country. They were brought to an assembly and sentence was to be pronounced upon them. They understood as much as that some wanted to kill them, while others wanted to make slaves of them. While this was going on, a great band of men came on horseback with a banner, and under it rode a big and stately man of great age, with white hair, whom they guessed to be the chief, for all bowed before him. He sent for them; when they came before him he spoke to them in Norse and asked from what country they came, and when he heard that most of them were Icelanders, and that Gudleif was from Borgarfjord, he asked after nearly all the more important men of Borgarfjord and Breidafjord, and particularly Snorre Gode, and Thurid of Fróðá, his sister, and most of all after Kjartan, her son, who was now master there. After this big man had discussed the matter at length with the men of the country, he again spoke to the Icelanders and gave them leave to depart, but although the summer was far gone, he advised them to get away as soon as possible, as the people there were not to be relied upon. He would not tell them his name; for he did not wish his kinsmen such a voyage thither as they would have had if he had not helped them; but he was now so old that he might soon be gone, and moreover, said he, there were men of more influence than he in that country, who would show little mercy to foreigners. After this he had the ship fitted out, and was himself present, until there came a favourable wind for them to leave. When they parted, this man took a gold ring from his hand, gave it to Gudleif, and with it a good sword, and said: “If it be thy lot to reach Iceland, thou shalt bring this sword to Kjartan, master of Fróðá, and the ring to Thurid, his mother.” When Gudleif asked him who he was to say was the sender of these costly gifts, he answered: “Say he sent them who was more a friend of the mistress of Fróðá than of the ‘gode’ of Helgafell, her brother....” Gudleif and his men put to sea and arrived in Ireland late in the autumn, stayed that winter at Dublin, and sailed next summer to Iceland [cf. Grönl. hist. Mind., i. pp. 769, ff.].

It is clear that Björn Breidvikinge-kjæmpe here is the same as Are Mársson in the Landnáma, who was also driven by storms to Hvítramanna-land, had to stay there all his life, and according to the report of Thorfinn earl of Orkney (ob. circa 1064) had been recognised (by travellers like Gudleif ?), and was much honoured there. This incident of the travellers coming to an unknown island and there finding a man who has been absent a long while has parallels in many Irish legends. Thus it may be mentioned that Brandan, in the Navigatio, comes to the convent-island of Alibius, with the twenty-four Irish monks of old days, and meets there the old white-haired man who was prior of the convent and had been there for eighty years, but who does not tell his name. Brandan asks leave to sail on, but this is not permitted until they have celebrated Christmas there [Schröder, 1871, pp. 15, ff].[42]

Guð-Leifr and Leifr hinn Heppni

The resemblance between the two names “Guð-Leifr” (Gudleif == God-Leif) and “Leifr hinn Heppni” (Leif the Lucky) also deserves notice, as perhaps it is not merely accidental. One sails during the last years of St. Olaf from Ireland to Iceland and is carried south-westwards to Hvítramanna-land; the other sails during the last years of Olaf Tryggvason from Norway to Greenland and is carried south-westwards to Wineland the Good.

It might also be thought to be more than a mere coincidence that, while Leif Ericson is given the surname of “hinn heppni,” a closely related surname is mentioned in connection with Gudleif in the Eyrbyggja Saga, where he is called “Guðleifr Guðlaugsson hins auðga” (i.e., son of Gudlaug the rich). In the one case, of course, it is the man himself, in the other the father, who bears the surname. “Auðigr” means rich, but originally it had the meaning of lucky, and the rich man is he who has luck with him (cf. further “auðna” == luck, “auðnu-maðr” == favourite of fortune). Gudleif Gudlaugsson also occurs in the Landnámabók, but this surname is not mentioned, nor is anything said about this voyage, in exactly the same way as Leif Ericson is named there, but without a surname and without any mention of a voyage or a discovery; in both cases this is an addition that occurs in later sagas. In spite of the difference alluded to, one may suspect that there is here some connection or other. Possibly it might be that, as Guðriðr is the Christian woman among all the names beginning with Thor- and Freyðis, so the name of Guðleifr, which was placed in association with the Christian Hvítramanna-land, was used because it had a more religious stamp than “happ” and “heppen,” which in any case are as nearly allied to popular belief as to religiosity, and which were associated with the non-Christian Wineland.

Voyage of eight adventurers in Edrisi

The following tale in Edrisi, the Arabic geographer, whose work dates from 1154, bears considerable resemblance to the remarkable story of Gudleif’s voyage.[43]

Eight “adventurers” from Lisbon built a merchant ship and set out with the first east wind to explore the farthest limits of the ocean. They sailed for about eleven days [westwards] and came to a sea with stiff (thick) waves [the Liver-sea] and a horrible stench,[44] with many shallows and little light (cf. precisely similar conceptions, vol. i. pp. 38, 68, 181, 182, note 1). Afraid of perishing there, they sailed southward for twelve days and reached the Sheep-island (“Djazîrato ’l-Ghanam”), with innumerable flocks of sheep and no human beings (cf. Dicuil’s account of the Faroes, and Brandan’s Sheep-island, vol. i. pp. 163, 362). They sailed on for twelve days more towards the south and found at last an inhabited and cultivated island. On approaching this they were soon surrounded by boats, taken prisoners, and brought to a town on the coast. They finally took up their abode in a house, where they saw men of tall stature and red complexion, with little hair on their faces, and wearing their hair long (not curled), and women of rare beauty. Here they were kept prisoners for three days. On the fourth day a man came who spoke to them in Arabic and asked them who they were, why they had come, and what country they came from. They related to him their adventures. He gave them good hopes, and told them that he was the king’s interpreter. On the following day they were brought before the king, who asked them the same questions through the interpreter. On their replying that they had set out with the object of exploring the wonders of the ocean and finding out its limits, the king began to laugh and told the interpreter to explain that his father had once ordered one of his slaves to set out upon that ocean; this man had traversed its breadth for a month, until the light of heaven failed them and they were obliged to renounce this vain undertaking. The king further caused the interpreter to assure the adventurers of his benevolent intentions. They then returned to prison and remained there until a west wind came. Then they were blindfolded and taken across the sea in a boat for about three days and three nights to a land where they were left on the shore with their hands tied behind their backs. They stayed there till sunrise in a pitiable state, for the cords were very tight and caused them great discomfort. Then they heard voices, and upon their cries of distress the natives, who were Berbers, came and released them. They had arrived on the west coast of Africa, and were told that it was two months’ journey to their native land.

Resemblance between Edrisi’s tale and Gudleif’s voyage

As points of similarity to Gudleif’s voyage it may be pointed out that the Portuguese sail for thirty-five days altogether, to the west and afterwards to the south, and arrive at a country which thus lies south-south-west. Gudleif is carried before a north-east wind towards the south-west and reaches land after a long time. Both the Portuguese and the Icelanders are taken prisoners shortly after arrival; the former are surrounded by boats, the latter by hundreds of men. The Portuguese saw red-complexioned men of tall stature with long hair, the Icelanders saw a tall, stately man with white hair coming on horseback. They had to wait awhile before they were addressed in a language they could understand; the Portuguese being first spoken to by an interpreter in Arabic[45] who gave them good hopes, and afterwards brought them before the king, who assured them of his benevolent intentions; while the Icelanders were sent for by the great chief, who, when they came before him, spoke to them in Norse and was friendly towards them, and after long deliberations spoke to them again, and gave them leave to depart. The Portuguese had to wait in prison for a west wind before they could get away; the Icelanders had to wait for a favourable wind, which was again a west wind. The Portuguese were led away blindfold, obviously in order that they should not find their way back; when the Icelanders left it was enjoined upon them never to return. The Portuguese came to the west coast of Africa, from whence they afterwards had to sail northward to Lisbon; the Icelanders arrived in Ireland, and sailed thence the next summer northward to Iceland. It seems reasonable to suppose that there is some connection between the two tales; the same myth may in part form the foundation of both, and this again may be allied to the myth alluded to above of the Carthaginians’ discovery of a fertile island out in the ocean to the west of Africa. But there are also striking resemblances between Edrisi’s tale and the description in the Odyssey of Odysseus’s visit to the Phæacians in the western isle of Scheria. On his arrival there Athene warns Odysseus to be careful, as this people is not inclined to tolerate foreigners, and no other men come to them. Odysseus is brought before the king, Alcinous, who receives him in friendly fashion, and tells him that no Phæacian shall “hold him back by force,” and Odysseus relates his many adventures. Finally the Phæacians convey him while asleep across the sea in a boat, carry him ashore at dawn, and go away before he awakes [Od. xiii. 79, ff.]; this corresponds to the Portuguese being taken blindfold across the sea and left bound on the shore, until they are released at sunrise. The promise of the Phæacians, after Poseidon’s revenge for their helping Odysseus, never again to assist any seafarer that might come to them, may bear some resemblance to the incident of Björn Breidvikinge-kjæmpe trying to prevent Icelanders from seeking a land which “would show little mercy to foreigners.”

Moreover, the tales, both of Gudleif’s voyage and of Edrisi’s Portuguese adventurers, resemble ancient Irish myths.

Irish myth

In the “Imram Snedgusa acus meic Riagla” [of the tenth or close of the ninth century, cf. Zimmer, 1889, pp. 213, f., 216], the men of Ross slay King Fiacha Mac Domnaill for his intolerable tyranny. As a punishment, sixty couples of the guilty were sent out to sea, and their judgment and fate left to God. The two monks, Snedgus and Mac Riagail, afterwards set out on a voluntary pilgrimage on the ocean—while the sixty couples went involuntarily—and, after having visited many islands,[46] reached in their boat a land in which there were generations of Irish, and they met women who sang to them and brought them to the king’s house (cf. Odysseus’s meeting first with the women in the Phæacians’ land, and their showing him the way to the palace of Alcinous). The king received them well and inquired from whence they came. “We are Irish,” they replied, “and we belong to the companions of Columcille.” Then he asked: “How goes it in Ireland, and how many of Domnaill’s sons are alive?” They answered: “Three Mac Domnaills are alive, and Fiacha Mac Domnaill fell by the men of Ross, and for that deed sixty couples of them were sent out to sea.” “That is a true tale of yours; I am he who killed the King of Tara’s son [i.e., Fiacha], and we are those who were sent out to sea. This commends itself to us, for we will be here till the Judgment [i.e., the day of judgment] comes, and we are glad to be here without sin, without evil, without our sinful desires. The island we live on is good, for on it are Elijah and Enoch, and noble is the dwelling of Elijah....”

The similarity to the meeting of Gudleif and the Icelanders with the likewise exiled great man and chief, who did not give his name but hinted at his identity, is evident. If we suppose that the island Gudleif reached was originally the white men’s, or the holy (baptized) men’s land, then it may be possible that the great man’s words to Gudleif about there being men on the island who were greater (“ríkari”) than he is connected with the mention of Elijah and Enoch.

Thus we see a connection between Gudleif’s voyage (and the exiled Breidvikinge-kjæmpe on the unknown island) and Irish myths and legends, the Arabic tale, and finally the Odyssey. What the mutual relationship may be between Edrisi’s tale and the Irish legends is to us of minor importance. As the Norse Vikings had much communication with the Spanish peninsula[47] it might be supposed that the Norse tale, derived from Irish myths, had reached Portugal; but as the Arabic tale has several similarities to the voyages of Brandan and Maelduin, and to Dicuil’s account of the Faroes (with their sheep and birds), which are not found in the Norse narrative, it is more probable that the incidents in the experiences of the Portuguese adventurers are derived directly from Ireland, which also had close connection with the Spanish Peninsula, chiefly through Norse ships and merchants. We must in any case suppose that the Icelandic tale of Gudleif’s voyage came from Ireland; but it may have acquired additional colour from northern legends.

Northern tales

There is a Swedish tale of some sailors from Getinge who were driven by storms over the sea to an unknown island; surrounded by darkness they went ashore and saw a fire, and before it lay an uncommonly tall man, who was blind; another equally big stood beside him and raked in the fire with an iron rod. The old blind man gets up and asks the strangers where they come from. They answer from Halland, from Getinge parish. Whereupon the blind man asks: “Is the white woman still alive?” They answered yes, though they did not know what he meant. Again he asks: “Is my goat-house still standing?” They again answered yes, though ignorant of what he meant. He then said: “I could not keep my goat-house in peace because of the church that was built in that place. If you would reach home safely, I give you two conditions.” They promised to accept these, and the blind old man continued: “Take this belt of silver, and when you come home, buckle it on the white woman; and place this box on the altar in my goat-house.” When the sailors were safely come home, the belt was buckled on a birch-tree, which immediately shot up into the air, and the box was placed on a mound, which immediately burst into flame. But from the church being built where the blind man had his goat-house the place was called Getinge [in J. Grimm, ii. 1876, p. 798, after Bexell’s “Halland,” Göteborg, 1818, ii. p. 301]. Similar tales are known from other localities in Sweden and Norway. The old blind man is a heathen giant driven out by the Christian church or by the image of Mary (the white woman); sometimes again he is a heathen exile.

Here we have undeniable parallels to the storm-driven Icelanders’ meeting with the exiled Breidvikinge-kjæmpe, who asks after his native place and his woman, Thurid,[48] and who also sends two gifts home, though with very different feelings and objects. It may be supposed that the Swedish-Norwegian tale is derived from ancient myths, and the Icelandic narrative may have borrowed features, not, of course, from this very tale, but from myths of the same type.

Japanese fairy-tale

Remarkable points of resemblance both to the voyages of the Irish (Bran’s voyage) to the Fortunate Isles in the west, and to those of Gudleif and of the eight Portuguese (in Edrisi), are found in a Japanese tale of the fortunate isles of “Horaisan,” to which Moltke Moe has called my attention.[49]

This happy land lies far away in the sea towards the east; there on the mountain Fusan grows a splendid tree which is sometimes seen in the distance over the horizon; all vegetation is verdant and flowering in eternal spring, which keeps the air mild and the sky blue; the passing of time is unnoticed, and death never finds the way thither, there is no pain, no suffering, only peace and happiness. Once on a time Jofuku, body physician to a cruel emperor of China, put to sea on the pretext of looking for this country and seeking for his master the plant of immortality which grows on Fusan, the highest mountain there. He came first to Japan; but went farther and farther out into the ocean until he really reached Horaisan; there he enjoyed complete happiness, and never thought of returning to prolong his tyrant’s life.

The old Japanese wise man, Vasobiove, who had withdrawn from the world and passed his days in contemplative peace, was one day out fishing by himself (to avoid many trivial visits), when he was driven out to sea by a violent storm; he then rowed about the sea, keeping himself alive by fishing. After three months he came to the “muddy sea,” which nearly cost him his life, as there were no fish there. But after a desperate struggle, and finally twelve hours’ hard rowing, he reached the shore of Horaisan. There he was met by an old man whom he understood, for he spoke Chinese. This was Jofuku, who received Vasobiove in friendly fashion and told him his story. Vasobiove was overjoyed on hearing where he was. He stayed there for a couple of hundred years, but did not know how long it was; for where all is alike, where there is neither birth nor death, no one heeds the passing of time. With dancing and music, in conversation with wise and brilliant men, in the society of beautiful and amiable ladies, he passed his days.

But at last Vasobiove grew tired of this sweet existence and longed for death. It was hopeless, for here he could not die, nor could he take his own life, there were no poisons, no lethal weapons; if he threw himself over a precipice or ran his head against a sharp rock, it was like a fall on to soft cushions, and if he threw himself into the sea, it supported him like a cork. Finally he tamed a gigantic stork, and on its back he at last returned to Japan,[50] after the stork had carried him through many strange countries, of which the most remarkable was that of the Giants, who are immensely superior to human beings in everything. Whereas Vasobiove was accustomed to admiration wherever he propounded his philosophical views and systems, he left that country in humiliation; for the Giants said they had no need of all that, and declared Vasobiove’s whole philosophy to be the immature cries of distress of the children of men.

A connection between the intellectual world of China and Japan and that of Europe in the Middle Ages may well be supposed to have been brought about by the Arabs, who penetrated as far as China on their trading voyages, and who, on the other hand, had close communication with Western Europe. Furthermore, it must be remembered how many of our mythical conceptions and tales are more or less connected with India, just as many of the Arabian tales evidently had their birthplace there [cf. E. Rohde, 1900, pp. 191, ff.]; while on the other side there was, of course, a close connection between India and the intellectual world of China and Japan, as shown by the spread of Buddhism. A transference of the same myths both eastward to Japan and westward to Europe is thus highly probable, whether these myths originated in Europe or in India and the East. It is striking, too, that even a secondary feature such as the curdled, dead sea (cf. “Morimarusa,” see vol. i. p. 99; the stinking sea in Edrisi, vol. ii. [p. 51]) is met with again here as the “muddy sea” without fish (cf. resemblances to Arab ideas, [chapter xiii.]).

Retrospect

If we now look back upon all the problems it has been sought to solve in this chapter, the impression may be a somewhat heterogeneous and negative one; the majority will doubtless be struck at the outset by the multiplicity of the paths, and by the intercrossing due to this multiplicity. But if we force our way through the network of by-paths and follow up the essential leading lines, it appears to me that there is established a firm and powerful series of conclusions, which it will not be easy to shake. The most important steps in this series are:

(1) The oldest authority,[51] Adam of Bremen’s work, in which Wineland is mentioned, is untrustworthy, and, with the exception of the name and of the fable of wine being produced there, contains nothing beyond what is found in Isidore.

(2) The oldest Icelandic authorities that mention the name of “Vinland,” or in the Landnáma “Vindland hit Góða,” say nothing about its discovery or about the wine there; on the other hand, Are Frode mentions the Skrælings (who must originally have been regarded as a fairy people). The name of Leif Ericson is mentioned, unconnected with Wineland or its discovery.

(3) It is not till well on in the thirteenth century that Leif’s surname of Heppni, his discovery of Wineland (“Vinland” or “Vindland”), and his Christianising of Greenland are mentioned (in the Kristni-saga and Heimskringla), but still there is nothing about wine.

(4) It is not till the close of the thirteenth century that any information occurs as to what and where Wineland was, with statements as to the wine and wheat there, and a description of voyages thither (in the Saga of Eric the Red). But still the accounts omit to inform us who gave the name and why.

(5) The second and later principal narrative of voyages to Wineland (the Flateyjarbók’s Grönlendinga-þáttr) gives a very different account of the discovery, by another, and likewise of the later voyages thither.

(6) The first of the two sagas, and the one which is regarded as more to be relied on, contains scarcely a single feature that is not wholly or in part mythical or borrowed from elsewhere; both sagas have an air of romance.

(7) Even among the Greeks of antiquity we find myths of fortunate isles far in the western ocean, with the two characteristic features of Wineland, the wine and the wheat.

(8) The most significant features in the description of these Fortunate Isles or Isles of the Blest in late classical times and in Isidore are the self-grown or wild-growing vine (on the heights) and the wild-growing (uncultivated, self-sown or unsown) corn or wheat or even cornfields (Isidore). In addition there were lofty trees (Pliny) and mild winters. Thus a complete correspondence with the saga’s description of Wineland.

(9) The various attempts that have been made to bring the natural conditions of the North American coast into agreement with the saga’s description of Wineland are more or less artificial, and no natural explanation has been offered of how the two ideas of wine and wheat, both foreign to the Northerners, could have become the distinguishing marks of the country.

(10) In Ireland long before the eleventh century there were many myths and legends of happy lands far out in the ocean to the west; and in the description of these wine and the vine form conspicuous features.

(11) From the eleventh century onward, in Ireland and in the North, we meet with a Grape-island or a Wineland, which it seems most reasonable to suppose the same.

(12) From the Landnámabók it may be naturally concluded that in the eleventh century the Icelanders had heard of Wineland, together with Hvítramanna-land, in Ireland.

(13) Thorkel Gellisson, from whom this information is derived, probably also furnished Are Frode with his statement in the Islendingabók about Wineland; this is therefore probably the same Irish land.

(14) The Irish happy lands peopled by the síd correspond to the Norwegian huldrelands out in the sea to the west, and the Icelandic elf-lands.

(15) Since the huldre- and síd-people and the elves are originally the dead, and since the Isles of the Blest or the Fortunate Isles of antiquity were the habitations of the happy dead, these islands also correspond to the Irish síd-people’s happy lands, and to the Norwegian huldrelands and the Icelandic elf-lands.

(16) The additional name of “hit Góða” for the happy Wineland and the name “Landit Góða” for huldrelands in Norway correspond directly to the name of “Insulæ Fortunatæ,” which in itself could not very well take any other Norse form. And as in addition the huldrelands were imagined as specially good and fertile, and the underground, huldre- and síd-people or elves are called the “good people,” and are everywhere in different countries associated with the idea of “good,” this gives a natural explanation of both the Norse names.

(17) The name “Vinland hit Góða” has a foreign effect in Norse nomenclature; it must be a hybrid of Norse and foreign nomenclature, through “Vinland” being combined with “Landit Góða,” which probably originated in a translation of “Insulæ Fortunatæ.”

(18) The probability of the name of Skrælings for the inhabitants of Wineland having originally meant brownies or trolls—that is, small huldre-folk, elves or pygmies—entirely agrees with the view that Wineland was originally the fairy country, the Fortunate Isles in the west of the ocean.

(19) The statement of the Icelandic geography, that in the opinion of some Wineland the Good was connected with Africa, and the fact that the Norwegian work, Historia Norwegiæ, calls Wineland (with Markland and Helluland) the African Islands, are direct evidence that the Norse Wineland was the Insulæ Fortunatæ, which together with the Gorgades and the Hesperides were precisely the African Islands.

(20) Even though the Saga of Eric the Red and the Grönlendinga-þáttr contain nothing which we can regard as certain information as to the discovery of America by the Greenlanders, we yet find there and elsewhere many features which show that they must have reached the coast of America, the most decisive amongst them being the chance mention of the voyagers from Markland in 1347. To this may be added Hertzberg’s demonstration of the adoption of the Icelandic game of “knattleikr” by the Indians. The name of the mythical land may then have been transferred to the country that was discovered.

(21) Hvítramanna-land is a mythical land similar to the wine-island of the Irish, modified in accordance with Christian ideas, especially perhaps those of the white garments of the baptized—as in the Navigatio Brandani in reference to the Isle of Anchorites or the “Strong Men’s Isle” (== Starkra-manna-land)—and of the white hermits.

(22) Finally, among the most different people on earth, from the ancient Greeks to the Icelanders, Chinese and Japanese, we meet with similar myths about countries out in the ocean and voyages to them, which, whether they be connected with one another or not, show the common tendency of humanity to adopt ideas and tales of this kind.

But even if we are obliged to abandon the Saga of Eric the Red[52] and the other descriptions of these voyages as historical documents, this is compensated by the increase in our admiration for the extraordinary powers of realistic description in Icelandic literature. In reading Eric’s Saga one cannot help being struck by the way in which many of the events are so described, often in a few words, that the whole thing is before one’s eyes and it is difficult to believe that it has not actually occurred. This is just the same quality that characterises our Norwegian fairy-tales: all that is supernatural is made so natural and realistic that it is brought straight before one. The Icelanders created the realistic novel; and at a time when the prose style of Europe was still in its infancy their prose narrative often reaches the summit of clear simplicity. In part this may doubtless be explained by their not being merely authors, but men of action; their presentment acquired the stamp of real life and the brevity that belongs to the narrator of things seen. And to this, of course, must be added the fact that as a rule the tales were sifted and abridged by generations of oral transmission. In later times this style became corrupted by European influence.

Postscript

After I had given, on October 7, 1910, the outlines of this examination of the sagas of the Wineland voyages before the Scientific Society of Christiania, attention was called in Sweden, by Professor F. Läffler, to the fact that the Swedish philologist, Professor Sven Söderberg, whose early death in 1901 is much to be regretted, had announced views about Wineland similar to those at which I have arrived. The manuscript of a lecture that he delivered on the subject at Lund in May 1898, but which was never printed, was then found, and has been published in the “Sydsvenska Dagbladet Snällposten” for October 30, 1910. As I have thus become acquainted with this interesting inquiry too late to be able to include it in my examination, I think it right to mention it here.

Professor Söderberg thinks, as I do, that there can be no doubt about the Norsemen having discovered a part of North America; but he looks upon the tales of the wine and everything connected therewith as later inventions. He maintains that the name of “Vinland” originally meant grass-land or pasture-land (from the old Norse word “vin” == pasture), therefore something similar to the meaning of Greenland, and that it may have been the name of a country discovered in the west. Curiously enough, I took at first the same view, and thought too that Adam of Bremen might have misunderstood such a word, just as Söderberg thinks; but I allowed myself to be convinced by the linguistic objection that the word “vin” (pasture) seems to have gone out of use before the eleventh century (cf. vol. i. p. 367). However, Söderberg’s reasons for supposing that the word was still in use appear to have weight; and he also makes it probable that the name formed thereby might be Vinland and not Vinjarland. (In support of this Mr. A. Kiær gave me as an example the Norwegian name Vinås.) Professor Söderberg then thinks that Adam of Bremen heard this name in Denmark, and, misinterpreting it as a foreigner to mean the land of wine, himself invented the explanation of the country’s being so called. Söderberg gives several striking examples to show how this kind of “etymologising” was just in Adam’s spirit (e.g., Sconia or Skåne is derived from Old German “sconi” or “schön”; Greenland comes from the inhabitants being bluish-green in the face, etc.). An example from a country lying near Denmark, which appears to me even more striking than those given by Söderberg, is Adam’s explanation of Kvænland as the Land of Women (cf. vol. i. pp. 186, f., 383), the Wizzi as white people, or Albanians, the Huns as dogs, etc. Söderberg has difficulty in explaining the statement about the unsown corn in Wineland; but if he had noticed Isidore’s description of the Insulæ Fortunatæ with the self-grown vine and the wild-growing corn, he would have found a perfectly natural explanation of this also. If Adam had misunderstood a “Vinland” (== grass-land), and then perhaps Finland (Finmark, cf. vol i. p. 382), as meaning the land of wine, it would be just in his spirit to transfer thither Isidore’s description of the Insulæ Fortunatæ; a parallel case is that in interpreting Kvænland as Womanland he transfers thither the myth of the Amazons and its fables, and this in spite of its being a country on the Baltic about which it must have been comparatively easy for him to obtain information. In the same way he transfers to the “island” of Halagland, mentioned immediately before Wineland, an erroneous account of the midnight sun and the winter night taken from older writers (cf. vol. i. p. 194, note 2). But one reason for thinking that “Vinland” really meant the land of wine as early as that time is the circumstance put forward above (vol. i. p. 365), that at about the same time there occurs a Grape-island in the Navigatio Brandani.

Professor Söderberg then goes through the Icelandic accounts of Wineland, and points out, in the same way as has been done in this chapter, that the oldest authorities have nothing remarkable to report about the country, and do not mention wine there, and he rightly lays stress on this being particularly significant in the case of Snorre Sturlason,

“knowing as we do how prone Snorre is to digress from his proper subject, when he has anything really interesting to communicate. The reason must be that he did not know anything particularly remarkable about Wineland; and without doubt this is due to his not having known Adam of Bremen. It has, in fact, been shown that Snorre has not a single statement from Adam.”

Later, Söderberg thinks, Adam of Bremen’s fourth book became known in Iceland, and on the foundation of that the tale of Leif’s discovery of the country with the wine and corn arose, and the later sagas developed, especially that of Thorfinn Karlsevne’s voyage, which he thinks in the main “rests on a truthful foundation,” though he points out that a particular feature like that of the two Scottish runners must be “pure invention, or rather ... borrowed from another saga.” If Professor Söderberg had remarked how most of the incidents in this saga are spurious, he would have found even stronger support for his views in this fact.

CHAPTER X

ESKIMO AND SKRÆLING

Distribution

Of all the races of the earth that of the Eskimo is the one that has established itself farthest north. His world is that of sea-ice and cold, for which nature had not intended human beings. In his slow, stubborn fight against the powers of winter he has learnt better than any other how to turn these to account, and in these regions, along the ice-bound shores, he developed his peculiar culture, with its ingenious appliances, long before the beginning of history. As men of the white race pushed northward to the “highest latitudes” they found traces of this remarkable people, who had already been there in times long past; and it is only in the last few decades that any one has succeeded in penetrating farther north than the Eskimo, partly by learning from him or enlisting his help. In these regions, which are his own, his culture was superior to that of the white race, and from no other people has the arctic navigator learnt so much.

Distribution of the Eskimo (after W. Thalbitzer, 1904)

The north coast of America and the islands to the north of it, from Bering Strait to the east coast of Greenland, is the territory of the Eskimo. The map (below) shows his present distribution and the districts where older traces of him have been found. Within these limits the Eskimo must have developed into what they now are. In their anthropological race-characteristics, in their sealing- and whaling-culture, and in their language they are very different from all other known peoples, both in America and Asia, and we must suppose that for long ages, ever since they began to fit themselves for their life along the frozen shores, they have lived apart, separated from others, perhaps for a long time as a small tribe. They all belong to the same race; the cerebral formation, for instance, of all real Eskimo from Alaska to Greenland is remarkably homogeneous; but in the far west they may have been mixed with Indians and others, and in Greenland they are now mixed with Europeans. They are pronouncedly dolichocephalic; but have short, broad faces, and by their features and appearance are easily distinguished from other neighbouring peoples. Small, slanting eyes; the nose small and flat, narrow between the eyes and broad below; cheeks broad, prominent and round; the forehead narrowing comparatively above; the lower part of the face broad and powerful; black, straight hair. The colour of the skin is a pale brown. The Eskimo are not, as is often supposed, a small people on an average; they are rather of middle height, often powerful, and sometimes quite tall, although they are a good deal shorter, and weaker in appearance, than average Scandinavians. In appearance, and perhaps also in language, they come nearest to some of the North American Indian tribes.

Original home

From whence they originally came, and where they developed into Eskimo, is uncertain. The central point of the Eskimo culture is their seal-hunting, especially with the harpoon, sometimes from the kayak in open water and sometimes from the ice. We cannot believe that this sealing, especially with the kayak, was first developed in the central part of the regions they now inhabit; there the conditions of life would have been too severe, and they would not have been able to support themselves until their sealing-culture had attained a certain development. Just as in Europe we met with the “Finnish” sea-fishing on a coast that was connected with milder coasts farther south, where seamanship was able first to develop, so we must expect that the Eskimo culture began on coasts with similar conditions, and these must be looked for either in Labrador or on Bering Strait.

As the coasts of Labrador and Hudson Bay are ice-bound for a great part of the year, it is not likely that traffic by sea began there at any very early time; and consequently no particularly favourable conditions existed there for an early development of seamanship. Nor is this the case to any great extent on the east coast of North America farther south, which, with the exception of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, has little protection from the sea, and offers few facilities for coastal traffic.[53] Nor has it produced any other maritime people or any similar fishing-culture. Again, if the Eskimo culture had arisen there, it would be impossible to understand how they learned to use dogs as draught-animals. It is otherwise on the northern west coast of North America, which is indented by fjords and has many outlying islands, with protected channels between them and the land. Here seamanship might be naturally developed and form the necessary basis for a higher sealing-culture like that of the Eskimo. In addition there is abundance of marine animals which afforded excellent conditions for hunting. Here too we have many different peoples with maritime habits: on the one side the Eskimo northwards along the coast of Alaska; on the other side the Aleutians on the islands extending out to sea, besides Indian tribes along the coast of southern Alaska and British Columbia. Until, therefore, research has produced sufficient evidence for a different view, it must seem most natural that in these favourable regions with a rich supply of marine animals of all kinds we must look for the cradle of the culture that was to render the Eskimo capable of distributing themselves over the whole Arctic world of America. To this must be added that in these regions, by intercourse with people on the Asiatic side of Bering Strait, the seafaring Eskimo may have learnt the use of the dog as a draught-animal, which is an Asiatic, and not an American invention, and which is also of great importance to the whole life and distribution of the Eskimo in the ice-bound regions. We cannot here pursue further the inquiry into the still open question of the origin of the Eskimo and the development of their culture.[54]

Kayak-fishers and a women’s boat (“umiak”).
Woodcut from Greenland, drawn and engraved by a native

Earlier distribution

One might get the impression from the map, which shows where older traces of the Eskimo have been found, that they were more numerous and more widely distributed in former times. This is probably a mistake. They are hunters and fishermen who are entirely dependent on the supply of game, and who therefore frequently become nomadic and search for fishing-grounds where they think the prospects are good. Sometimes they settle in a good district for a considerable time, and then they may move again; but sometimes, if exceptionally severe winters chance to come, they may succumb to famine or scurvy. But everywhere they leave behind them their peculiar sites of houses and tents and other traces, and thus these must always be found over larger areas than are actually inhabited by the Eskimo themselves. It might be objected that on the American Arctic Islands they no longer live so far north as older traces of them are found; thus Sverdrup found many relics of Eskimo in the new countries discovered by him, especially along the sound by Axel Heiberg Land. But these people may, for instance, have migrated eastward to Greenland. If we suppose the reverse to be the case, that the most northerly Eskimo tribe now known, on Smith Sound, had moved westward to Sverdrup’s new islands or to the Parry Islands, then we should have found numerous traces of them in the districts about Smith Sound and Cape York, and might thus have concluded that the Eskimo were formerly more widely distributed towards the north-east.

Period of immigration into Greenland

How early the Eskimo appeared, and came to the most northern regions, we have as yet no means of determining. All we can say is that, as they are so distinct in physical structure, language and culture from all other known races of men, with the exception of the Aleutians, we must assume that they have lived for a very long period in the northern regions apart from other peoples. It would be of special interest here if we could form any opinion as to the date of their immigration into Greenland. It has become almost a historical dogma that this immigration on a larger scale did not take place until long after the Norwegian Icelanders had settled in the country, and that it was chiefly the hordes of Eskimo coming from the north that put an end, first to the Western Settlement, and then to the Eastern. But this is in every respect misleading, and conflicts with what may be concluded with certainty from several facts; moreover, the whole Eskimo way of life and dependence on sealing and fishing forbids their migration in hordes; they must travel in small scattered groups in order to find enough game to support themselves and their families, and are obliged to make frequent halts for sealing. They will therefore never be able to undertake any migration on a large scale.

There can be no doubt that the Eskimo arrived in Greenland ages before the Norwegian Icelanders. The rich finds referred to, amongst others, by Dr. H. Rink [1857, vol. ii.], of Eskimo whaling and sealing weapons and implements of stone from deep deposits in North Greenland show that the Eskimo were living there far back in prehistoric times.[55] They must originally have come by the route to the north of Baffin Bay across Smith Sound, and must have had at the time of their first immigration much the same culture in the main as now, since otherwise they would not have been able to support themselves in these northern regions.[56] Their means of transport were the kayak and the women’s boat in open water, and the dog-sledge on the ice. Their whaling and sealing were conducted in kayaks in summer, but with dog-sledges in winter, when they hunted the seal at its breathing-holes in the ice, the walrus, narwhale and white whale in the open leads, and pursued the bear with their dogs. In winter they usually keep to one place, living in houses of stone, or snow, but in summer they wander about with their boats and tents of hides to the best places for kayak fishing. In this way they came southward from Smith Sound along the west coast of Greenland to the districts about Umanak-fjord, Disco Bay, and south to the present Holstensborg (the tract between 72° and 68° N. lat.). Here they found an excellent supply of seal, walrus, small-whale and fish, there was catching from kayaks in summer and on the ice in winter; altogether rarely favourable conditions for their accustomed life, and it is therefore natural that they settled here in large numbers.[57] Some went farther south along the coast; but they no longer found there the same conditions of life as before, the ice was for the most part absent, the walrus became rare, seal-hunting became more difficult in the open sea, and winter fishing from the kayak was not very safe. Southern Greenland therefore had no great attraction, so long as there was room enough farther north. When they came round Cape Farewell to the east coast they found the conditions more what they were used to, although the sealing and whaling were not so good as on the northern west coast.

Routes of immigration

It has been assumed by several inquirers that the Eskimo immigrated to Greenland by two routes. One branch is supposed to have come southward along the west coast from Smith Sound, as suggested above, while the other branch went northward from Smith Sound and Kane Basin along the coast, where relics of Eskimo are found as far north as 82° N. lat. They thus gradually worked their way round the north of Greenland and turned southward again along the east coast. The Eskimo who formerly lived on the northern east coast, and whom Clavering found there in 1823, are supposed to have come by that route and possibly also the tribe that still lives at Angmagsalik. But in the opinion of some they may have travelled farther south, right round Cape Farewell, and have populated the south-west coast as far north as Ny-Herrnhut by Godthaab. The Dane Schultz-Lorentzen [1904, p. 289][58] thinks that support may be found for this theory of the southern immigration from the east coast in the sharp line of demarcation that exists between the dialect spoken by the Eskimo in Godthaab and northward along the whole west coast, and that spoken to the south and on the east coast; furthermore, there are other points of difference: in the build and fitting together of the kayaks, in the use of partitions between the family compartments on the couches in houses and tents, etc. Although in an earlier work [1891, pp. 8, f.; Engl. ed. pp. 12, ff.] I put forward reasons that are opposed to such an immigration round the north of Greenland, I must admit that there is much in favour of the Eskimo who formerly lived on the northern east coast having come that way; on the other hand, it does not appear to me very likely that this should have been the case with the Eskimo of the southern east coast and of the west coast. The difference alluded to, at Godthaab, may be accounted for by a later immigration from the north to the northern west coast, which did not come any farther south than this. That the boundary-line between the two kinds of Eskimo should be so sharp just between Ny-Herrnhut and Godthaab, which lie close together on the same peninsula, is easily explained by the fact of the former settlement having always belonged to the recently abandoned German Moravian mission, while the latter was the seat of Egede’s and the later Danish mission. There is always the essential objection to be made against the Eskimo having migrated to the southern east coast round the north of Greenland, that the conditions of life for Eskimo, who live principally by sealing and whaling, were poor on the north coast of Greenland, where there are no seals worth mentioning and few bears; and they can scarcely have got enough musk-oxen to support themselves. Their diffusion to the east coast could not have gone on rapidly. In the ice-bound regions they may have forgotten the use of the kayak, as the Eskimo of Smith Sound had done until thirty years ago, when they became acquainted with it again through a chance immigration from the west. In any case their practice in building and using kayaks must have greatly fallen off. But when the Eskimo came southward on the east coast they again had use for both the kayak for sealing and the women’s boat for travelling, and it is scarcely likely that the craft they produced after such a break in the development should be so near to the women’s boats and handsome kayaks of the northern west coast as we now find them; unless, indeed, we are to suppose that they improved them again through contact with the Eskimo of the northern west coast, but in that case the whole theory appears somewhat strained.

Meeting of Eskimo and Europeans

We will now look at what the known historical authorities have to tell us about the Eskimo in Greenland during the early days of the Norse settlement. I have already stated ([pp. 12, ff.]) that the Norse name “Skræling” for Eskimo must originally have been used as a designation of fairies or mythical creatures. Furthermore, there is much that would imply that when the Icelanders first met with the Eskimo in Greenland they looked upon them as fairies; they therefore called them “trolls,” an ancient common name for various sorts of supernatural beings. This view persisted more or less in after times. Every European who has suddenly encountered Eskimo in the ice-covered wastes of Greenland, without ever having seen them before, will easily understand that they must have made such an impression on people who had the slightest tendency to superstition. The mighty natural surroundings, with huge glaciers, floating icebergs and drifting ice-floes, all on a vaster scale than anything they had seen before, might in themselves furnish additional food for superstition. Such an idea must from the very beginning have influenced the relations between the Norsemen and the natives, and is capable of explaining much that is curious in the mention of them, or rather the lack of mention of them, in the sagas, since they were supernatural beings of whom it was best to say nothing.

The fairy nature of the Skrælings

In connection with what has been said earlier ([pp. 12, ff.]) as to the Skrælings being regarded as fairies (of whom the name was originally used), it may be adduced that, as Storm pointed out, the word was always translated in Latin by “Pygmæi” in the Middle Ages (cf. above, [p. 12]). But the Pygmies were precisely “short, undergrown people of supernatural aspect”—that is, like fairies—and the Middle Ages inherited the belief in them from the Greeks and Romans, and, as Moltke Moe has pointed out, the northern Pygmies (Βόρειοι Πυγμαῖοι) were already spoken of in classical times as inhabiting the regions about Thule. But authors like Apollodorus and Strabo denied their existence, and consigned them, together with Dog-headed, One-eyed, One-footed, Mouthless, and other similar beings, to the ranks of fabulous creatures in which classical tradition was so rich. Through St. Augustine the enumeration of these creatures reached Isidore; and from him the knowledge of the Pygmies was disseminated over the whole of mediæval Europe—partly in the same sense, that of a more or less fabulous people from the uttermost parts of the earth; and partly in the sense of a fairy people [cf. the demons in the form of Pygmies in the “Imram Brenaind,” see above, [p. 10]]. Supported by popular belief in various countries, the latter meaning soon became general. Of this Moltke Moe gives a remarkable example from the Welshman Walter Mapes (latter half of the twelfth century), who in his curious collection of anecdotes, etc. (called “De nugis curialium”), has a tale of a prehistoric king of the Britons called Herla.[59]

To him came a fairy- or elf-king, “rex pygmæorum,” with a huge head, thick hair and big eyes; the pygmy-king foretells to King Herla something that is to happen, and when this is fulfilled King Herla promises as a mark of gratitude to be present at his wedding. The moment the pygmy-king turns his back he vanishes. Herla comes to the wedding of the fairy-king. Entering a vast cave he comes through darkness to the banqueting-hall inside the mountain, lighted by a multitude of lamps, where he is splendidly entertained. When he returns, believing he has been away for three days, he discovers that he has been absent for several hundred years.

This is a typical elf-myth, with many of the features characteristic of elves and fairies: the low stature, the big, hairy head with large eyes, the gift of prophecy, and the power of making themselves invisible in an instant, their dwelling in caves and mountains far from the light of day, the way thither through darkness and mist, the rapid disappearance of time in the fairy world, etc. But we recognise most of these, and even more fairy features, precisely in the Icelandic descriptions of the Skrælings in Wineland, Markland and Greenland, as appears from what is said about them on [pp. 12, ff.]; and when, for instance, ugly hair (“ilt hár”) and big eyes are expressly attributed to the Skrælings, this applies neither to Indians nor Eskimo, but it applies exactly to fairies. Further, we may point to the Skrælings of Markland being governed by kings (cf. [p. 20]), which again does not apply either to Indians or to Eskimo, while the elves and huldre-folk have kings. It was mentioned earlier ([p. 20]) that the name “Vætilldi” or “Vethilldi” may be Vætthildr, compounded of the word “vættr” or “vettr” (fairy).

Everything points in the same direction, that the Skrælings of Wineland, Markland and Greenland were regarded as a kind of fairy people. Nor can this surprise us when we consider that even the Lapps of Finmark, who lived so near to and were so well known by the Norwegians, were regarded as a half-supernatural people, and had various magical properties attributed to them.

The oldest authorities on the Skrælings

From the statement quoted earlier from Are Frode’s Íslendingabók (circa 1130) it appears that the Skrælings, or Eskimo, had been in South Greenland before Eric the Red and his men, and that the latter found dwelling-sites and other traces of them, from which they could tell that the same kind of people had been there who “inhabited Wineland and whom the Greenlanders call Skrælings (‘Vinland hefer bygt oc Grönlendingar calla Scrælinga’).” These words of Are have generally been understood to imply that he did not know of any meeting of Norsemen and Skrælings in Greenland, but only in Wineland, and that consequently it must have been after his time that the Norsemen encountered the Eskimo in Greenland. I am unable to read Are’s meaning in this way. He uses the present tense: “calla,” and what one “calls Skrælings” must presumably be a people one knows, and not one that one’s ancestors had met with more than a hundred years ago. In that case we should rather expect it to be those ancestors who “called” them by this nickname.[60] I have already suggested ([p. 16]) the possibility of a connection between this statement and the view of the Skrælings as trolls; but we have besides a remarkable parallel to Are’s whole account of the first coming of the Icelanders to Greenland and the natives there in his account of the Norwegians’ first settlement of Iceland, where he says that there were Christian men before they came, “whom the Norwegians call (‘calla’) Papar” (i.e., priests). They left behind them traces “from which it could be seen that they were Irish men.” From these words it might be concluded, with as much justification as from the statement about the traces of Skrælings, that the newcomers did not come in contact with the earlier people; but in the latter case this is incredible, and moreover conflicts with Are’s own words in the passages immediately preceding, according to which the Christians left after the heathen Norsemen arrived. Three kinds of traces are mentioned in each case: the Papar left Irish books, bells and croziers; the Skrælings left dwelling-places, fragments of boats, and stone implements. This may have somewhat the look of a turn of style in the sober Are, who thought it of more value to lay stress on visible signs of this kind than to give a possibly less trustworthy statement about the people themselves. We must also bear in mind how terse and condensed the form of the Íslendingabók is. I therefore read Are’s words as though he meant to say something like the following: “As early as Eric’s first voyage to Greenland they found at once dwelling-places both in the Eastern and Western Settlements, and fragments of boats, and stone implements, so that from this it can be seen that over the whole of that region there had been present the same kind of people who also live in Wineland, and who are the same as those the Greenlanders call Skrælings.” Nothing is said about the waste districts of Greenland, where the Skrælings especially lived, and it is only in passing that Wineland is mentioned in this one passage. Are’s Íslendingabók cannot therefore be used as evidence that the Norsemen had not yet met with the Skrælings of Greenland in Are’s time. As he expressly says that they found “manna vistir bæþe austr oc vestr á lande” (human dwelling-places both east and west in the land—i.e., both in the Eastern and Western Settlements), this, too, shows that the stay of the Eskimo in south Greenland cannot have been merely a short and cursory summer visit; but there must have been many of them who stayed there a long time, for otherwise they would hardly have left remains so conspicuous and distributed over so wide an area as to be mentioned with such emphasis as this.

That Eskimo were living on the south coast of Greenland when the Icelanders arrived there may also possibly be concluded from the mention, in the list of fjords of the Eastern Settlement in Björn Jónsson’s “Vetus chorographia,” of an “Ütibliks fjord” [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 228; F. Jónsson, 1899, p. 319], which does not sound Norwegian and may recall the Eskimo “Itiblik,” a tongue of land. As Finnur Jónsson [1899, p. 276] points out, the name of the fjord in Arngrim Jónsson’s copy of the same list is “Makleiksfjörðr,” and both names may be misreadings of a man’s name ending in “-leikr,” from which the fjord was called (in the same way as Eiriks-fjörðr, etc.); but as “Ütiblik” has such a pronounced Eskimo sound, it appears to me more probable that “Makleik-” may have arisen through a misreading of this name, which was incomprehensible to Arngrim Jónsson and may have been indistinctly written, rather than that both names should be corruptions, of what? In that case it would afford strong evidence, not only that there were Eskimo in the Eastern Settlement when the Icelanders established themselves there, but also that they had intercourse with them.

The “Historia Norwegiæ” (thirteenth century) shows that a hundred years later the Skrælings of Greenland were known in Norway, and perhaps it is because they there seemed stranger that the Norwegian author mentions them. He says [Storm, 1880, pp. 76, 205]:

“On the other side of the Greenlanders towards the north [i.e., on the northern west coast of Greenland] there have been found by hunters certain small people whom they call Skrælings; when these are struck while alive by weapons, their wounds turn white without blood, but when they are dead the blood scarcely stops running. But they have a complete lack of the metal iron; they use the tusks of marine animals [‘dentibus cetimes,’ here walrus and narwhale tusks] for missiles and sharp stones for knives.”

The curiously correct mention of the Skrælings’ weapons must be derived from a well-informed source, and the statement established the fact that the Norsemen met with the Eskimo of Greenland at any rate in the thirteenth century, while at the same time it may imply that at that time the Skrælings were not generally seen in the settlements of Greenland. The statement as to their wounds, although connected with myth, may further point to there having been conflicts between them and the Norse hunters, who in Viking fashion dealt with them with a heavy hand; but at the same time it discloses the view of the Skrælings as troll-like beings (see [p. 17]).

A valuable piece of evidence of the Norsemen having early had intercourse with the Skrælings in Greenland is a little carved walrus, of walrus-ivory, which was found during excavations on the site of a house in Bergen, and which appears to be of Eskimo workmanship.[61] Unfortunately the age of the find has not been determined, nor has it been recorded at what depth it lay; but as it was amongst the deepest finds “right down in the very foundations,” and so far as can be made out from the description much deeper than “a burnt layer, which lay under the remains of the fire of 1413,” this walrus may be of the twelfth, or at the latest of the thirteenth, century. It might, no doubt, have been accidentally found by Greenlanders in a grave or dwelling-site of Skrælings, and afterwards accidentally found on the site of this house in Bergen; but this is assuming a good many accidents, and it is most natural to suppose that the Greenlanders obtained it from the Skrælings themselves, and that it is thus an evidence of intercourse with the latter at that time.

Carved walrus of Eskimo work,
of the twelfth century (?);
found on the site of
a house in Bergen
(after Koren-Wiberg, 1908)

Silence about Skrælings in Icelandic literature
Allusions to Skrælings in Icelandic literature

It is striking that the Skrælings are scarcely ever mentioned in the descriptions of the Norsemen in Greenland in the Icelandic saga literature, and that it is only in one or two places that Greenland Skrælings are mentioned in passing in Icelandic narratives; but at the same time there are detailed descriptions of both peaceful and warlike encounters with the Skrælings in Wineland, and also in Markland (see vol. i. pp. 327, ff.). This is like what we found in Are Frode. The explanation must be that, while the saga-teller could bring out the distant Skrælings of Wineland in large bodies and as dangerous opponents, quite worthy of mention even for nobles, the harmless and timorous Skrælings of Greenland were too well known to be used as interesting material; they were met with in small, scattered bands, and could be maltreated without any particular danger. They belonged to the commonplace, and commonplace was what a saga-writer had to avoid above all; it is for the same reason that we scarcely hear anything about the Greenlanders’ and other Norsemen’s whaling and sealing and their expeditions for this purpose (e.g., to Nordrsetur); only here and there a few words are let fall about these things, which to us would be of so much greater value than all the tales of fighting and slaughter. But as regards the Skrælings of Greenland there was the additional circumstance that they were heathens; consequently intercourse with them was forbidden by the laws of the Church, and it was therefore best to say nothing about it. Besides, they were always regarded in Iceland as fairies or trolls, and, as we have said, their name was translated by “pygmæi,” and it has been the same with them as with huldre-folk and goblins, who as a rule are not mentioned in the sagas either in Iceland or Norway, though of course they were believed in, and there can have been no lack of “authentic” stories about them. In several passages of Icelandic literature the Skrælings are alluded to as trolls; to kill them was perhaps meritorious, but it was nothing to boast about. In the Floamanna-saga it is related that Thorgils Orrabeinsfostre, on his wonderful voyage along the east coast of Greenland, one morning saw a large sea-monster stranded in a creek, and two troll-hags (in skin-kirtles) were tying up big bundles of it; he rushed up, and as one of them was lifting her bundle he cut off her hand so that her burden fell, and she ran away. They may be regarded as Eskimo. It is true that this saga is so full of marvels and inventions (cf. vol. i. p. 281) that we cannot attribute much historical value to it, but it shows nevertheless the way in which they were looked upon. In another passage of this description Thorgils saw two “women,” which must mean the same. It is stated that “they vanished in an instant” (“þær hurfu skjótt”), just like the underground beings. In the description of the voyage of Björn Einarsson Jorsalafarer (given in Björn Jónsson’s Annals of Greenland) it is related that when in 1385 the same Björn (together with three other vessels) on his way to Iceland was driven out of his course to Greenland, and had to stay there till 1387, he rescued on a skerry two “trolls,” a young brother and sister, who stayed with him the whole time [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 438]. These, then, were Skrælings in the Eastern Settlement; but the designation troll is here used as a matter of course, although nothing troll-like is related of them.

It may further be mentioned that in legendary tales and in many of the fanciful sagas we hear of trolls in Greenland, who may originally have been derived from the Skrælings, but who have acquired more of the troll- or giant-nature of fairy-tale. In the tale of the shipwreck of the Icelandic chief Björn Thorleifsson and his wife on the coast of Greenland,[62] the two were saved by a troll man and a hag who each took one of them in panniers on their shoulders and carried them to the homestead enclosure at Gardar. In the “Þáttr af Jökli Búasyni” Jökul is wrecked in the fjord “Öllum Lengri” on the east coast of Greenland, which was peopled by trolls and giants, and where a friendly troll woman helps him to slay King Skrámr, etc. [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 521]. It will be seen that here there is nothing left of the Skrælings’ nature, but the usual Norse ideas of trolls and giants predominate.

The most important records of Skrælings in Greenland in older times, in addition to the works named above and the Íslendingabók, are: the “Icelandic Annals,” where they are mentioned in one year, 1379, besides the allusion to the voyage from Nordrsetur in 1267 (cf. vol. i. p. 308), Ivar Bárdsson’s description of Greenland [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 259], and finally Gisle Oddsson’s Annals, where they are called “the people of America” [Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 459; G. Storm, 1890a, p. 355].

As the Norsemen, at all events during early days in Greenland, were to a great extent dependent on keeping cattle, as they had been in Iceland, they must have stayed a good deal at their homesteads within the fjords; while the Eskimo, being engaged in fishing and sealing, kept to the outer coast. And even if the latter, after the arrival of the Icelanders in the country, had lived scattered along the southern part of the coast, there may thus have been little contact between them and the Norsemen.

From the statements cited earlier (vol. i. pp. 308, f.) about the Nordrsetur expeditions we may conclude that the Greenlanders came across Skrælings in those northern districts. It is true that the expression “Skrælingja vistir” has usually been interpreted as Skræling sites or abandoned dwelling-places; but in this account a distinction is made between “Skrælingja vistir” and “Skrælingja vistir fornligar.” The latter are old dwelling-places that have been abandoned, while the former must be dwelling-places still in use. In the account of the voyage to the north, about 1267, we read that at the farthest north there were found some old Skræling dwelling-places (“vistir fornligar”), while farther south, on some islands, were found some “Skrælingja vistir”—that is, inhabited ones. In agreement with this it is also stated of the men who came from the north in 1266 that

“they saw no ‘Skrælingja vistir’ except in [i.e., farther north than in] Kroksfjardarheidr, and therefore it is thought that they [the Skrælings] must by that way have the shortest distance to travel wherever they come from. From this one can hear [adds Björn Jónsson] how carefully the Greenlanders took note of the Skrælings’ places of abode at that time.”

It is clear enough that this refers to dwelling-places in use and not to old sites, for this is absolutely proved by the expression that “they have the shortest distance to travel...”; and we thus see that the Skrælings were found in and in the neighbourhood of Kroksfjord,[63] but on the other hand not in the extreme north, where only old sites left by them were found;[64] and from this the conclusion was drawn that they could not come from the north, but by the route through Kroksfjord, wherever their original home may have been. As they cannot well have come from inland, nor from out at sea either, this statement may give one the impression of something semi-supernatural. It is significant that the Skrælings themselves are not spoken of here either; this may be due to the fact that there was nothing remarkable in meeting with them; what, on the other hand, was interesting was their distribution in the unknown regions farther north.

It was remarked in an earlier chapter (vol. i. p. 297) that the runic stone, found north of Upernivik, shows that Norsemen were there in the month of April, perhaps about 1300, and possibly it may also point to intercourse with the Eskimo. It was further mentioned (vol. i. p. 308) that the finding in 1266 “out at sea” of pieces of driftwood shaped with “small axes” (stone axes ?) and adzes (i.e., the Eskimo form of axe), and with wedges of bone imbedded in them, shows that there were Eskimo on the east coast of Greenland at that time. It is true that nothing is said as to what part of the sea the driftwood was found in; but from the context it must have been between the west coast of Greenland and Iceland; so that in any case it was within the region of the East Greenland current, and it cannot very well be supposed that these pieces of driftwood came from anywhere but the east coast of Greenland, unless indeed they should have come all the way from Bering Strait or Alaska. The way in which they are spoken of shows that they were regarded as something out of the common, which was not due to Norsemen.

Allusions to Eskimo in European literature

The brevity of Icelandic literature in all that concerns the Skrælings is again striking when we compare it with the information about the Eskimo that appears in the maps and literature of Europe in the fifteenth century. Claudius Clavus in his description of the North (before the middle of the fifteenth century) speaks of Pygmies (“Pigmei”) in the country to the north-east of Greenland; they were one cubit high, and had boats of hide, both short and long (i.e., kayaks and women’s boats), some of which were hanging in the cathedral at Trondhjem (see further on this subject under the mention of Claudius Clavus). He further speaks of “the infidel Karelians,” who “constantly descend upon Greenland in great armies.”[65] The name may be derived, as shown by Björnbo and Petersen, from the Karelians to the north-east of Norway on older maps and have been transferred to the west, and it may then perhaps also have been confused with the name of Skræling.

Eskimo playing ball with a stuffed seal. Woodcut from Greenland
illustrating a fairy-tale, drawn and engraved by a native

Michel Beheim, who travelled in Norway in 1450, gives in his poem about the journey [Vangensten, 1908, p. 18] a mythical description of the Skrælings (“schrelinge”), who are only three “spans” high, but are nevertheless dangerous opponents both on sea and land. They live in caves which they dig out in the mountains, make ships of hides, eat raw meat and raw fish, and drink blood with it. This points to his having found in Norway ideas about the Skrælings as supernatural beings of a similar kind to those already mentioned.

In a letter to Pope Nicholas V. (1447-1455) it is related [cf. G. Storm, 1899]: “And when one travels west [from Norway] towards the mountains of this country [Greenland], there dwell there Pygmies in the shape of little men, only a cubit high. When they see human beings they collect and hide themselves in the caves of the country like a swarm of ants. One cannot conquer them; for they do not wait until they are attacked. They live on raw meat and boiled fish.” This resembles what is said about the Pygmies in Clavus, but as additional information is given here, it is probable that both Clavus and the author of this letter, and perhaps also Beheim, have derived their statements from older sources, perhaps of the fourteenth century, which either were Norwegian or had obtained information from Norway. The description of the Pygmies and how they fly on the approach of strangers points to knowledge of the Eskimo and their habits. The idea about caves is, perhaps, more likely to be connected with pixies and fairies, who lived in mounds and caves (cf. pp. [15], [76]); but reports of the half-underground Eskimo houses may also have had something to do with it. It is possible that the common source may be the lost work of the English author Nicholas of Lynn, who travelled in Norway in the fourteenth century (cf. [chapter xii.] on Martin Behaim’s globe).

Archbishop Erik Walkendorf (in his description of Finmark of about 1520) has a similar allusion to the Eskimo, which may well have the same origin. He transfers them to the north-north-west of Finmark, like the Pygmies on Claudius Clavus’ map. He says: “Finmark has on its north-north-west a people of short and small stature, namely a cubit and a half, who are commonly called ‘Skrælinger’; they are an unwarlike people, for fifteen of them do not dare to approach one Christian or Russian either for combat or parley. They live in underground houses, so that one can neither examine them nor capture them. They worship gods” [Walkendorf, 1902, p. 12].[66]

We thus see that while Icelandic literature, subsequent to Are Frode, affords scarcely any information about the Greenland Skrælings themselves, it is a Norwegian author, as early as the thirteenth century, who makes the first statements about them and their culture; and a Danish author of the fifteenth century, whose statements may originally have been derived from Norway (like those in the letter to the Pope and in Walkendorf), mentions no other inhabitants of Greenland but the Eskimo (Pygmies and Karelians);[67] but they are still referred to as semi-mythical and troll-like beings.

The explanation must doubtless be sought in a fundamental difference in the point of view. To the Icelandic authors, brought up as they were in saga-writing (and for the most part priests), the life and struggles of their ancestors in Greenland were the only important thing, while ethnographical interest in the primitive people of the country, the heathen, troll-like Skrælings, was foreign to them. To this must be added the reasons already pointed out ([p. 81]). In Norway, on the other hand, kinship with the Icelandic Norsemen in Greenland was more distant, and interest in the strange, outlandish Skrælings was correspondingly greater. Here also different intellectual associations, and intercourse with a variety of nationalities, caused on the whole a greater awakening of the ethnographical sense.

Silence of the “King’s Mirror” about the Skrælings

A remarkable exception is the “King’s Mirror” (circa 1250), which makes no mention of the Skrælings, although a good deal of space is devoted to Greenland and the Greenlanders. But this, as it happens, throws light upon the curious silence on the Skrælings in Icelandic literature. From the “Historia Norwegiæ,” which seems to have been written approximately at the same time as or soon after the “King’s Mirror” (perhaps between 1260 and 1264), it appears, as we have said, that the Greenland Skrælings were known in Norway at that time; and in that case it is incredible that the well-informed author of the “King’s Mirror,” who shows such intimate knowledge of conditions in Greenland, should not have heard of them. If he, nevertheless, does not allude to them, it appears that this must be for a similar reason to that which caused them to be so little mentioned in Icelandic literature. That the Skrælings should have been spoken of in a missing portion of the “King’s Mirror,” which perhaps was never finished by the author, is improbable, as the account of Greenland and its natural conditions seems to be concluded.[68]

Concerning the “King’s Mirror” as a whole one ought to be cautious in drawing conclusions from its silence on various subjects; from its mentioning whales in the Iceland sea and seals in Greenland but not in Norway one might conclude that neither whale nor seal occurred in Norway; and the same is the case with the aurora borealis, which is only mentioned in Greenland.

Summary of the allusions to Skrælings in Greenland

If we attempt to sum up what we may conclude from the historical sources as to the Eskimo or Skrælings of Greenland during the first centuries of the Norse settlement there, something like the following is the result: When Eric the Red arrived in Greenland he found everywhere along the west coast traces left by the Skrælings, but whether and to what extent he met with the people themselves we do not hear. The probability is that the primitive people retired from those parts of the coast, the Eastern and Western Settlements, where the warlike and violent Norsemen established themselves; while they continued to live in the “wastes” to the north. The Historia Norwegiæ (besides the accounts of the voyages to the north from Nordrsetur in 1266 and 1267) shows that the Norsemen met with them there, but at the same time speaks of immediate fighting. The mythical tale of Thorgils Orrabeinsfostre ([p. 81]) also points in the latter direction, as does the myth in Eric the Red’s Saga of the Greenlanders in Markland stealing Skræling children. We have further the stories in Claudius Clavus and Olaus Magnus of hide-boats and Eskimo (Pygmies) that were captured at sea. This points to the Norsemen of that early time having looked upon the Skrælings as legitimate spoil, wherever they met them. Doubtless upon occasion the latter may have offered resistance or taken revenge, as may be shown by the statement in the Icelandic Annals of the “harrying” in 1379; but as a rule they certainly fled, as is their usual habit. I have myself seen on the east coast of Greenland how the Eskimo take to their heels and leave their dwellings on the unexpected appearance of strangers, and this has been the common experience of other travellers in former and recent times. It is not likely that the ancient Norsemen, when they came upon a dwelling-place thus suddenly abandoned, had any hesitation about appropriating whatever might be useful to them; unless indeed a superstitious fear of these heathen “trolls” restrained them from doing so. It is therefore natural that the Skrælings avoided that part of Greenland where the Norsemen lived in large numbers. But where they came in contact we may suppose that friendly relations sometimes arose between Eskimo and European at that time, as has been the case since; nor can the Norsemen of those days have been so inhuman as to make this impossible; and gradually as time went by the relations between them probably became altogether changed, as will be discussed in the next chapter, particularly when imports from outside ceased and the Norsemen were reduced to living wholly on the products of the country; they then had much to learn from the Eskimo culture, which in these surroundings was superior.

In course of time the Eskimo of North Greenland grew in numbers, partly by natural increase—which may have been constant there, where their catches were assured for the greater part of the year, and they were free from famine and ravaging diseases—and partly perhaps through a fresh gradual immigration from the north. They therefore slowly spread farther to the south, and gradually the whole of the southern west coast received a denser Eskimo population, probably after the Norsemen of the Western and Eastern Settlements had declined in prosperity and numbers, so that they no longer appeared so formidable, and at the same time they undoubtedly behaved in a more peaceful and friendly fashion, in proportion as their communication with Europe fell off, and their imaginary superiority to the Skrælings proved to be more and more illusory.

The Skrælings of Wineland

We have still to speak of the Skrælings whom the Greenlanders, according to the sagas, are said to have met with in Wineland. G. Storm [1887] maintained that they must have been Indians, which of course seems natural if we suppose, with him, that the Greenlanders reached southern Nova Scotia; but in recent years several authors have endeavoured to show that they were nevertheless Eskimo.[69] From what has been made out above as to the romantic character of these sagas it may seem a waste of time to discuss a question like this, since we have nothing certain to go by; especially when, as already mentioned, the name of Skræling may originally have been used of the pixies who were thought to dwell in the Irish fairyland, the land of the “síd,” which was called Wineland. But even if this origin of the name be correct, it does not prevent later encounters with the natives of America (besides those of Greenland) having contributed to make the Skrælings of Wineland more realistic, and given them features belonging to actual experience.

The description of them in these “romance-sagas” may thus be considered of value, in so far as it may represent the common impression of the natives of the western countries, with whom the Greenlanders may have had more intercourse than appears from these tales; but even so we cannot in any case draw any conclusions from it with regard to the distribution of Indians or Eskimo on the east coast of America at that period. If it could really be established, as it cannot, that the Wineland Skrælings of the saga were Eskimo, then this alone would lead to the conclusion that the Greenlanders on their voyages had not been so far south as Nova Scotia, but at the farthest had probably reached the north of Newfoundland. If the authors mentioned have thought themselves justified in concluding that the Greenlanders found Eskimo in Nova Scotia, because the natives of Wineland are called Skrælings and are consequently assumed to be the same people with the some culture as those in Greenland, they cannot have been fully alive to the difficulty involved in its being impossible for the Skrælings of Nova Scotia, with its entirely different natural conditions, to have had the same arctic whaling and sealing culture as the Skrælings of Greenland, even if they belonged to the same race. For we should then have to believe that they had reached Nova Scotia from the north with their culture, which was adapted for arctic conditions. They would have to have dislodged the tribes of Indians who inhabited these southern regions before their arrival, although they possessed a culture which under the local conditions was inferior, and were doubtless also inferior in warlike qualities. In addition, these Eskimo with their Eskimo culture in Nova Scotia must have completely disappeared again before the country was rediscovered 500 years later, when it was solely inhabited by Indian tribes. We are asked to accept these various improbabilities chiefly because the word “Skræling”—which, it most be remembered, was not originally an ethnographical name, but meant dwarf or pixy—is used of the people both in Wineland and Greenland, because the word “keiplabrot” is used by Are Frode (see vol. i. p. 260), and because in two passages of Eric the Red’s Saga, written down about 300 years after the “events,” the word “huðkeipr” is used of the Skrælings’ boats in Wineland, while in four passages they are called “skip” (i.e., vessel), and in another merely “keipana.” It appears to me that this is attributing to the ancient Icelanders an ethnographical interest which Icelandic literature proves to have been just what they lacked (see above, [pp. 80, ff.]). In any case there is no justification for regarding these tardily recorded traditions as ethnographical essays, every word of which has a scientific meaning; and for that they contain far too many obviously mythical features. It is not apparent that any of the authors mentioned has decided of what kind of hide the Skrælings in southern Nova Scotia, or even farther south (“where no snow fell”), should have made their hide-boats.

Opportunities of supporting themselves by sealing cannot have existed on these Southern coasts. The species of seal which form the Eskimo’s indispensable condition of life farther north are no longer found. The only species of seal which occurs frequently on the coast of Nova Scotia is, as Professor Robert Collett informs me, the grey seal (Halichœrus grypus), which is also found on the coast of Norway and is caught, amongst other places, on the Fro Islands. But this seal cannot have been present in sufficiently large numbers in southern Nova Scotia or farther south to fulfil the requirements of the ordinary Eskimo sealing culture. They must therefore have adopted hunting on land as their chief means of subsistence, like the Indians; but what then becomes of the similarity in culture between the Skrælings of Greenland and Wineland, which is just what should distinguish them from the Indians? The very foundation of the theory thus disappears. Professor Y. Nielsen [1905, pp. 32, f.] maintains that the Skrælings of Nova Scotia need only have had “transport boats” or “women’s boats” of hides, and that “what is there related of them does not even contain a hint that they might have used kayaks.” This makes the theory even more improbable. If these Skrælings were without kayaks, which are and must be the very first condition of Eskimo sealing culture on an open sea-coast, then they cannot have had seal-skins for women’s boats or clothes or tents either. They must then have covered these boats with the hides of land animals; but what? True, it is known that certain Indian tribes used to cover their canoes with double buffalo hides, a fact which the authors mentioned cannot have remarked, since they regard hide-boats as decisive evidence of Eskimo culture; moreover, the Irish still cover their coracles with ox-hides; but neither buffaloes nor oxen were to be found in Nova Scotia; are we, then, to suppose that the natives used deer-skin? The whole line of argument than leads us from one improbability to another, as we might expect, seeing it is built up on so flimsy a foundation.

The Greenlanders may well have called the Indians’ birch-bark canoes “keipr” or “keipull” (a little boat); but it is still more probable that as the details of the tradition became gradually obliterated in course of time, the designation of the Skræling boat came to be that which was used for the only boats known in later times to be peculiar to the Skrælings, namely, the hide-boats of Greenland. In addition to this, hide-boats were also known from Ireland, while the making of boats of birch-bark was altogether strange to the Icelanders. Besides, if we are to attach so much importance to a single word, “huðkeipr,” which plays no part in the narrative, what are we to do with the Skrælings’ catapults (“valslǫngur”) and their black balls which made such a hideous noise that they put to flight Karlsevne and his men?—these are really important features of the description, to say nothing of the glamour. If these, like many other incidents of the saga, are taken from altogether different quarters of the world, it is scarcely unreasonable to suppose that a word like “huðkeipr” is borrowed from Greenland and from Irish legend.

The names which according to the saga were communicated by the two Skræling children captured in Markland, and which are supposed to have lived in oral tradition for over 250 years, have no greater claim to serious consideration. Everything else that these children are said to have related is demonstrably incorrect; the tale of Hvítramanna-land is a myth from Ireland (cf. [pp. 42, ff.]); the statement attributed to them that in their country people lived in caves is improbable and obviously derived from elsewhere (cf. [p. 19]);[70] is it, then, likely that the names attributed to them should be any more genuine? W. Thalbitzer [1905, pp. 190, ff.] explains these names as misunderstood Eskimo sentences, and supposes them to mean: Vætilldi, “but do wait a moment”; Vægi, “wait a moment”; Avalldamon, “towards the uttermost”; Avaldidida, “the uttermost, do you mean?” As we are told that the two Skræling boys learned Icelandic, Thalbitzer must suppose the men to have misinterpreted these sentences as names during the homeward voyage from Markland to Greenland, and then he must make the Skrælings die shortly afterwards, before the misunderstanding could be explained. After that these meaningless names must have lived in practically unaltered form in oral tradition for several hundred years, until they were put into writing at the close of the thirteenth century. It appears to me that such explanations of the words as are attempted on [p. 20] have a greater show of probability. In addition, as pointed out in the same place, the “bearded” Skræling and their “sinking into the earth” are mythical features which are associated with these Skrælings.

While the points that have been mentioned are incapable of proving anything about Eskimo, there are other features in the saga’s description of the Skrælings of Wineland which would rather lead us to think of the Indians: that they should attack so suddenly in large numbers without any cause being mentioned seems altogether unlike the Eskimo, but would apply better to warlike Indians. We are told that the Skrælings attacked with loud cries; this is usual in Indian warfare, but seems less like the Eskimo. During the fight with the Skrælings Thorbrand Snorrason was found dead with a “hellustein” in his head. Whether this means a flat stone or a stone axe (as Storm has translated it [1887, 1899]), it is in any case not a typical Eskimo weapon; while a stone axe used as a missile might be Indian. But, as stated above, there is too much romance and myth about the whole tale of the Wineland voyages to allow of any certain value being attached to such details. I have already ([p. 23]) maintained that the description of hostilities with the natives, in which the Greenlanders were worsted, cannot be derived from Greenland, but may be due to something actually experienced. In that case this, too, points rather to the Indians.[71]

William Thalbitzer [1904, pp. 20, f.] has adduced, as a possible evidence of the more southerly extension of the Eskimo in former times, the fact that the name “Nipisiguit,” of a little river in New Brunswick (46° 40′ N. lat.), bears a strong resemblance to the Eskimo place-name “Nepisät” in Greenland, and he also mentions another place-name, “Tadoussak,” which has a very Eskimo look. But in order to form any opinion we should have to know the language of the extinct Indian tribes of these parts, as well as the original forms of the names given. They are now only known from certain old maps; but we cannot tell how they got on to those maps.

Ultimate fate of the Eskimo

The Eskimo are one of the few races of hunters on the earth who with their peculiar culture have still been able to hold their own fairly well in spite of contact with European civilisation; the reason for this is partly that they live so far out of the way that the contact has been more or less cursory, partly also, as far as Greenland is concerned, that they have been treated with more or less care, and it has been sought to protect them against harmful European influences. In spite of this it has not been possible to prevent their declining and becoming more and more impoverished. The increase of their population in recent years might doubtless give a contrary impression; but here other factors have to be reckoned with. When the Eskimo first came in contact with European culture, it was, as will be shown in the next chapter, their own culture which in these surroundings gained the upper hand as soon as communication with Europe was cut off. This would happen again if European and Eskimo could be left to themselves, entirely cut off from the outer world. But as this is impossible, the Eskimo culture is doomed to succumb slowly to our trivial, all-conquering European civilisation.

CHAPTER XI

THE DECLINE OF THE NORSE SETTLEMENTS IN GREENLAND

Decline of the Greenland settlements

The Eastern and Western Settlements in Greenland seem, as we have said, to have grown rapidly immediately after the discovery of the country and the first settlement there. Their flourishing period was in the eleventh, twelfth, and part of the thirteenth centuries; but in the fourteenth they seem to have declined rapidly; notices of them become briefer and briefer, until they cease altogether after 1410, and in the course of the following hundred years the Norse population seems to have disappeared entirely. The causes of this decline were many.[72] It has been thought that it was chiefly due to an immigration into Greenland on a large scale of Eskimo, who gradually overpowered and exterminated the Norsemen; but, as will be shown later, there is no ground for believing this; even if hostile encounters took place between them, these cannot have been of great importance.

In the first place the decline must be attributed to changes in the relations with Norway. From the “King’s Mirror” (cf. vol. i. p. 277), amongst other authorities, we see that the Greenlanders doubtless had to manage to some extent without such European wares as flour and bread; they lived mainly by sealing and fishing, and also by keeping cattle, which gave them milk and cheese. But there were many necessary things, such as iron for implements and weapons, and to some extent even wood[73] for larger boats and ships, which had to be obtained from Europe, besides the encouragement and support which were afforded in many ways by communication with the outer world. This was not of small moment to people who lived in isolation under such hard conditions, at the extreme limit at which a European culture was possible; it wanted little to turn the scale. It is therefore easy to understand that as soon as communication with the mother country declined, the conditions of life in Greenland became so unattractive that those who had the chance removed elsewhere, and doubtless in most cases to Norway.

Decline in reproduction

But at the same time there was certainly a physiological factor involved. For the healthy nourishment of a European cereals (hydro-carbons) are necessary, and there can be no doubt that a prolonged exclusive diet of meat and fat will in the case of most Europeans reduce the vital force, and not least the powers of reproduction. This agrees with my own experience and observation under various conditions, as, for instance, during ten consecutive months’ exclusive diet of meat and fat. It is also confirmed by physiological experiments on omnivorous animals. The Greenlanders were reduced to living by sealing, fishing, and keeping cattle; milk, with its sugar of milk, was their chief substitute for the hydro-carbons in cereals; besides this, they no doubt collected crowberries, angelica and other vegetables; but even during the short summer this cannot have been sufficient to counterbalance the want of flour. It is therefore probable that their powers of reproduction underwent a marked decrease, and they became a people of small fecundity. The Eskimo have had thousands of years for adapting themselves through natural selection to their monotonous flesh-diet, since those among them who were best fitted for it had the better chance of producing offspring; there is certainly a great difference between individuals in this respect; some of us are by nature more vegetarian, while others are more carnivorous. It is therefore natural that the present-day Eskimo should be better suited for this diet; but it is none the less striking that the rate of productiveness among them is also low.

As, then, the Greenlanders’ communications with Norway fell off more and more, their imports of corn and flour finally ceased altogether. Their cattle-keeping must then have declined as well, since they would have little opportunity of renewing their stock or getting other kinds of supplies, when bad years intervened and the greater part of the stock had to be slaughtered or died of hunger. Consequently the people became still more dependent on sealing; and thereby the cattle must have been neglected. In this way their diet would become even less varied, since milk would be lacking, and their reproduction would be further restricted. Add to this that their average proficiency in sealing, at first in any case, was doubtless not to be compared with that of the Eskimo, and that they were without salt for preserving their catch, which therefore had to be dried or frozen. They were thus not able to lay up a large provision, and were always more and more dependent on occasional catches. It is easy to understand that their power of resistance was not great, when bad seasons for sealing occurred, or when they were ravaged by disease, and it is not surprising if the population decreased.

Cessation of communication with Europe

The cessation of the communication of Greenland with Iceland and Norway came about in the following way: between 1247 and 1261, during the reign of Håkon Håkonsson, Greenland voluntarily became subject to the Norwegian crown, whilst before this it had been a free State like Iceland. In 1294, trade with the tributary countries of Norway, Greenland among them, was declared a sort of royal monopoly or privilege, which the king could farm out to Norwegian subjects. The result of this was that only the king’s ships—and of these there was as a rule only one, called “Knarren,” for the Greenland traffic—were permitted to sail there for the purposes of trade,[74] and this was the beginning of the end. Even before that time communication with Greenland was rare. Thus we read in the “King’s Mirror” that people seldom went there. But now, when the royal trading ship was practically the only one that made the voyage, things were to be much worse. Frequently several years were occupied on one trip. As some time elapsed also between each voyage, it will be understood that, at the best, the communication was not lively. But when it occasionally happened that “Knarren” was wrecked, things were still worse. That the communication may have been defective as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century is seen from a letter from Bishop Arne, of Bergen, to Bishop Tord in Greenland, of June 22, 1308, wherein it is taken for granted that the death of King Eric nine years before, in 1299, was not yet known in Greenland. In the middle of the fourteenth century, for instance, “Knarren” returned to Bergen in 1346 safe and sound and with a very great quantity of goods; but perhaps did not sail again until 1355, and we hear nothing of her return before 1363 (?). In 1366 we hear that “Knarren” was again fitted out; but she was wrecked north of Bergen in the following year, probably on the outward voyage. In the year following a new trading ship must actually have arrived with the new bishop, Alf; but it is stated that Greenland had then been without a bishop for nineteen years. In 1369 the Greenland ship seems again to have been sunk off Norway.[75]

It looks as if these voyages of “Knarren” became rarer and rarer, until at the beginning of the fifteenth century (1410) they presumably ceased altogether; in any case, we hear no more of them. Even though the Greenland traffic may have paid, it cost money to fit out “Knarren,” and when there was so much doing in other quarters, it was not always easy to procure the necessary funds. Another reason for the decline was the growing influence and power of the Hanseatic League over trade and navigation in Norway. Together with the Victualien Brethren and the adherents of the captive King Albrekt of Sweden, the Leaguers took and sacked Bergen in 1393. In 1428 the town was again taken by the Hanseatic League. It may easily be understood that events of this kind had a disturbing and perhaps entirely paralysing effect on the Greenland traffic, which had its headquarters in this town. Moreover, Norway had before this been much weakened by the Black Death, which visited the country in 1349. It raged with special virulence in Bergen; but there is no notice of the disease having spread to Greenland; perhaps that country was spared through “Knarren” not having sailed there before 1355, and probably no other ship having made the voyage in the interval. In 1392 there was again a severe pestilence throughout Norway, and many people died. In that year too a great many ships were wrecked. There were thus a number of misfortunes at that time, and the people of Norway had enough to occupy them in their own affairs. Another circumstance unfavourable to the communication with Greenland was the union of Norway with Denmark, and for a time with Sweden. The seat of government was thereby removed to Copenhagen, and interest in Norway, and especially in its so-called tributary countries, was further greatly diminished by the larger claims of Denmark and Sweden.

It is reasonable to suppose that under such conditions the settlements in Greenland, which were almost entirely cut off, must have decayed; comparatively few, perhaps, were able to get a passage, and left the country by degrees; but the people declined in numbers; they adopted an entirely Eskimo mode of living, and mixed with the Eskimo, who perhaps at the same time spread southwards in greater numbers along the west coast of Greenland. It was remarked in the last chapter that the Norsemen, when they arrived in the country, evidently looked down upon the stone-age, troll-like Skrælings, whom they could hunt and ill-use with impunity; with their iron weapons, their warlike propensities, and their larger vessels, they may perhaps have been able to maintain this imaginary superiority in the early days, so long as they still had some kind of supplies from abroad. But it is obvious that these relations must have been fundamentally changed when this communication gradually ceased, and they were reduced, without any support from Europe, to make the best of the country’s resources; then the real superiority of the Eskimo in these surroundings asserted its full rights, and the Greenlanders had to begin to look upon them in a very different light. It is therefore perfectly natural that from this very fourteenth century a fundamental change in the relations between Norsemen and Skrælings set in. And that such was the case seems to result in many ways from the meagre information we possess.

Gisle Oddsson’s annals on the decline of the Greenlanders

In the Annals of Bishop Gisle Oddsson, written in Iceland in Latin before 1637, we read under the year 1342 [G. Storm, 1890a, pp. 355, f.; Grönl. hist. Mind., iii. p. 459]:

“The inhabitants of Greenland voluntarily forsook the true faith and the religion of the Christians, and after having abandoned all good morals and true virtues turned to the people of America (‘ad Americæ populos se converterunt’); some also think that Greenland lies very near to the western lands of the world. From this it came about that the Christians began to refrain from the voyage to Greenland.”

It is not known from whence Gisle Oddsson took this statement. As the expression “the people of America” (“Americæ populi”) is a curious one, and as the statements in the bishop’s annals following that quoted above are entirely myths and inventions taken from Lyschander’s “Grönlands Chronica” (but originally derived from Saxo and Adam of Bremen), Storm regarded the whole account as spurious and lacking any mediæval authority. Interpreting, curiously enough, “ad Americæ populos se converterunt” to mean that the Greenlanders had emigrated to America, Storm supposes that this may be a hypothesis “formed to explain the disappearance from Greenland of the old Norwegian-Icelandic colony.” But the meaning of the passage can scarcely be interpreted otherwise than as translated above, that the Greenlanders had forsaken Christianity, given up good morals and virtues, and had been converted to the belief and customs of the American people (i.e., the Skrælings). The people of America must be a strained expression the bishop has used to denote the heathen Skrælings (who inhabited Greenland and the American lands) in contradistinction to the Christian Europeans. Greenland was frequently regarded in Iceland in those times as a part of America (cf. the map, [p. 7]). Hans Egede, for example, thought the natives of Greenland were “Americans.” In other words, the statement simply means that in 1342 a report came that the Greenlanders were associating amicably with the heathen Skrælings (which was forbidden by the ecclesiastical law of that time), and had begun to adopt their mode of life; which, in fact, is extremely probable.