THE
JOURNAL
OF
FREDERICK HORNEMAN’S TRAVELS,
FROM
CAIRO TO MOURZOUK,
THE
CAPITAL OF THE KINGDOM OF FEZZAN,
IN AFRICA.

IN THE YEARS 1797-8.

LONDON:

PRINTED BY W. BULMER AND CO.
CLEVELAND-ROW, ST. JAMES’S;
FOR G. AND W. NICOL, BOOKSELLEES TO HIS MAJESTY,
PALL-MALL.
1802.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

ERRATA

INTRODUCTION.

The Society, instituted in the year 1788, for the purpose of exploring the Interior of Africa, in pursuing their great design, adopted wise and certain principles of procedure: they inquired, and then examined; they sought intelligence, and then directed research: their progress has been answerable to the just system of their pursuits and perseverance; and the Society, from the epoch of 1798, have been enabled to direct their efforts for further discovery, on data from actual visitation and experiment.

A volume of the transactions of the Society, printed in the years 1790—92, sets forth in detail, such communications respecting the Interior of Africa, as might be collected on inquiry from British Consuls; from the recital of Negro, or Moorish traders; or from that of Shereefs and others, who had passed with the caravans on religious pilgrimage, in different directions between Mecca and the various and remote stations of Mahomedans in Africa.

Those communications were, at the time, most interesting and useful; they afforded at once the incentive and the direction to farther inquiry; they opened new objects to commercial enterprize, and new matter for scientific speculation, on the productions of nature, and the manners and conditions of society, in a quarter of the globe hitherto unexplored: further, they pointed out the road, and facilitated the means, of ascertaining the truth of each account, and of estimating its importance and advantages by actual visitation and experiment.

Be it allowed, that the narrators spoke of what they had heard, as well as of what they had seen; let it be granted that they were mostly ignorant, credulous, or partially informed; and that, distinctively and in detail, the accuracy of their representations was little to be depended on; yet on points wherein their accounts agreed, they merited attention and regard; they together opened a general view of the society, and of the country; and afforded matter of such reasonable conjecture and inference, as might warrant and direct the course of further investigation. Reflecting on these and other relations made by unenlightened men, it appears, that as the great continent of Africa, amidst its seas of sand, occasionally shews its Oasis, or fertile isle, rising in each desert; so, in analogy to the face of the country, does the blank and torpid mind of its people, display occasionally notes of intelligence and philanthropy; rich spots of genius, and partial scenes of improved social establishment. Having passed whole regions sterilized by apathy and ignorance, the result of superstitions, prejudice, and oppression, the enlightened traveller comes to a sudden view of some rich field of character, and contemplates with delight the free-born spirit and sagacity of the Tuarick of Hagara, and the ingenuity and benevolence of the Houssan. To unfold and disseminate these germs of civilization, is surely a noble task! What description of men and country can be more interesting? whither could the refinement of arts? whither could enlightened philosophy better tend, to humanize and improve? whither could the spirit of trade better direct its course? As we speculate on the projected intercourse, the noblest views open to the mind, anticipating reciprocal advantages: in the dispensation of intelligence and the arts of peace, carrying therewith complacent manners to rude and ferocious nations; and in a full compensation to the enlightened adventurers, from new materials of ingenuity and of commerce, and from new subjects of scientific inference, extending the advancement of human knowledge in all its branches.

The communications in question, operating on the minds of intelligent Members of the African Society, and giving a spur to the curiosity and enterprize of the agents they might employ, formed a suitable and necessary Preface to the undertaking and efforts for practical discovery, and for ensuring the advantages thence to be derived.

The compilation of various informations respecting Africa, had thus an intrinsic value, as affording premises of inquiry, and as giving encouragement and direction to adventure.

But further, and even immediately, wisdom and sagacity will extract truth from accounts, however contradictory, and useful and certain inference, from documents the most ambiguous or incomplete.

Efforts of rude ingenuity often suggest not only improvement but discovery; the rustic forms a lever to raise the mass, and the sagacity of the mechanic applies it to ascertain the weight.

Science often works with effect on the loose and disjointed materials which ignorance has heaped together; compares, arranges, and connects their substances and forms; shews in their matter, construction, or decomposition, new uses; derives new informations, and adds to the stock of human inventions and knowledge.

Were it necessary to illustrate such position by example, the writer would refer, as a special instance, to the elucidations of Major Rennell on the communications in question: to that most accurate and acute philosopher and geographer, the details have afforded matter of enquiry and deduction of the highest import to science. By analysis, and a comparative view of accounts given of journies and places, in reference to the plans of D’Anville, and other geographers; to modern travels; to ancient expeditions; to descriptions of ancient writers; and above all, to those of the father of history, Herodotus; Major Rennell hath corrected the map of Africa, with a learning and sagacity which hath converted conjecture into knowledge; and on experience of those who have explored parts of that great continent, given confidence to each future traveller who may visit its remotest regions.

Had the proceedings of the Society stopped here, and its work been confined to the compilation above alluded to, and to the comments of Major Rennell, the usefulness of its institution would have been acknowledged by posterity.

But happily the Journal of Mr. Park’s travels to the Niger, and that of Mr. Horneman’s journey from Cairo to Mourzouk, will fully shew, that the attainments of the Society are no longer narrowed to the mere rudiments of discovery, which tradition and ingenious inference, alone before supplied.

Even under the inauspicious circumstances of wars and revolutions which from nearly the date of the establishment of the Society, have spread desolation far and wide, and in the year 1798, reached to the very capital of Africa; their chosen emissaries have surmounted all the dangers and difficulties, which these events superadded to the ordinary risk of enterprise.

It should not be omitted, that the traveller, (whose work is now submitted to the public,) was further indebted to the liberal and enlightened spirit, which directs the genius of truly great men to foster useful arts and sciences amidst the horrors of war; and give orders to the armies under their command, to forbear all molestation of the emissary from even an hostile country, whose intentions and pursuits are directed to objects of common value and concern, to the nations of the world at large.

Under such patronage and protection from the General Bonaparte, and with his special passport and safeguard, Frederick Horneman safely reached the caravan passing from Mecca, and pursued, and accomplished his journey from Cairo to the kingdom of Fezzan; which from the general resort of caravans to its capital, Mourzouk, may be considered as the proper post of direction and outfit, for his further travels to the remotest regions of Africa.

In planning the routes of Park and of Horneman, the Society availed itself of former communications, sagaciously discriminated the proper path of research, and have to exult in the success of each adventure. These emissaries have explored roads which shortly mercantile adventure will, and must enter. In this new race of commerce, shame indeed would it be to our national councils, could it possibly be supposed that from the default of patronage and support of Government, our commercial people may lose the start for a priority of factories and establishments of trade, and permit other nations to usurp the vantage ground which British enterprise, under the auspices of a patriotic and enlightened, but private institution, shall have explored, marked out, and prepared for them.

By Mr. Park’s discoveries, a gate is opened to every commercial nation to enter and trade from the west to the eastern extremity of Africa. The navigable parts of the rivers Gambia and Niger are not so far distant, but that great facilities of trade may thence be derived, aided by the establishment of intermediate stations and points of intercourse. A considerable traffic is carried on by the natives for ostrich feathers, drugs, ivory, and gold, even without such advantage. On due direction and exertions of British credit and enterprise, it is difficult to imagine the possible extent to which the demand for our country’s manufactures might arrive, from such vast and populous countries in the bosom of which gold, the great medium of commerce, is readily found; and which would be sought for and brought into circulation with new avidity and success, in proportion as objects for the exchange, became known, desirable, and necessary to the people.

This subject has already been recommended by the Society, to the attention of Government; and on the return of peace, it is not doubted, but it will be treated with a consideration and regard, suitable to the important interests which it involves.

When the thorny track of a Park or a Horneman is become the beaten road of the merchant, advantages of another sort will quickly follow; and the intercourse extend to the instruction of the naturalist and philosopher, to the promotion of civilization, and to the increase of the general stock of human knowledge and happiness.

Contemplating such accomplishment of the wise and benevolent purposes of their Institution, the patriotic members of this Society cannot but look back with exultation to the hour of its establishment, and they will with satisfaction recapitulate its means and progress, towards such happy termination of their labours.

Of those who transmitted accounts which they had received, concerning the people and country of Africa, Mr. Ledyard and Mr. Lucas were specially employed, with the further intent of progress into the heart of the country; for the purpose of ascertaining the truth of these recitals, the correcting them on personal information, and the elucidating, on actual survey, any future plan for turning the knowledge thence derived to account.

Mr. Ledyard died at Cairo, ere his eager and enterprising spirit could even start towards its object: Mr. Lucas, deterred by impending difficulties and dangers, proceeded not further than to Mesurata, seven days journey S. E. of Tripoly; there collected informations from the Shereef Imhammed, and traders of Fezzan, and then measured his road back to Tripoly; and shortly after returned to England.

The Society, with that persevering spirit which ever distinguishes manly minds, engaged on sound principles, and for noble purposes, were not appalled by the death of one emissary, or the failure of another.

They sought out and appointed a new traveller, and to take a new road. Mr. Ledyard was to have penetrated from the east, Mr. Lucas from the north; Major Houghton was appointed in the year 1790, to sail for the mouth of the Gambia, and to traverse the country from west to east: Major Houghton arrived on the coast of Africa November 10, of that year, immediately commenced his journey, ascended the Gambia to Medina, 900 miles (by the water-course) distant from the mouth of the river, and thence proceeded to Bambouk and to the adjoining kingdom of Kasson; where, in September 1791, he unfortunately terminated his travels with his life, near to the town of Jarra. Mr. Park, who was engaged in the service of the Society, in 1795, more successfully followed the route of Major Houghton, and further explored to the banks of the Niger, to Sego, and to Silla, the first of that great line of populous and commercial cities, dividing the southern from the northern deserts of Africa; and the very existence of which, for centuries past, hath been rather matter of rumour than of information; and been made the subject of philosophic romance,[1] in default of authentic account and description.

The informations of Mr. Park were communicated to the Society at their annual Meeting in May 1798.

The year 1798 will ever be noted, as the memorable epoch, when the researches of this Society announced to the world the course of the Niger, from west to east; and, after the distance of 2300 years, corroborated the testimony of the Nasamones, and accounts of Herodotus, contested during that long period by ancient and later writers, and ultimately rejected within the century past, by the learned D’Anville. But further, the settlements on its fertile shores, are by the informations of Park, derived from inquiries so near to the source, as now greatly to be depended on; at least so far, as to give assurance of objects of commerce and learned inquiry, that will amply repay further research. The just motto of the Society is, “quod non peractum, pro non inchoato est;” its exertions and perseverance answer to it, and it is to be congratulated that the task is now easy, its accomplishment assured.

The writer of this Essay, not presuming to graft addition or observation on the intelligent and authentic Journal of Mungo Park, ventures a single comment, of import to the Society, and in justice to its agent.

Mr. Park has not only designated the route of country but of men. He hath marked the districts of population covering the great belt of land intersecting Africa from west to east, and at the same time hath noted the distinctions of Moor and Negro, in manners, prejudices, and government. He hath thereby given to the Society information of the viaticum of character and accomplishments proper and necessary to ensure the success of their future agents: he hath pointed out the roads to districts and cities of the greatest interest, and at the same time hath shewn the means of securing entrance and hospitable reception.

The Society hath availed itself of the intelligence; and a new emissary, Mr. Horneman, hath given his lesson full effect in an expedition which is the subject of the present Volume.

Of the further progress of this accomplished traveller, the Editor forbears to intimate design or suggestion.

The season of mere expectation and conjecture is gone by. It were idle indeed at this period of actual discovery, to hazard surmise for future correction on experiment.

At outset of the Society instituted for the purpose of exploring the Interior of Africa, it might have been proper to set forth, in glowing colours, all that was rumoured, and all that might be expected; well were general reports and ingenious inferences suited to rouze curiosity, to excite adventurous spirit, and to give a spring to the first movements and purposes of the Institution.

Such incentives are no longer necessary; and knowledge actually acquired, demands, in the future display, merely accuracy and precision, as the guides to further success.

The Society is confirmed in its purpose, and assured of its objects and of the means of attainment.

Its travellers will not in future rush on with zealous but unadvised curiosity; or hesitate as in the dark, and on unfounded apprehensions; but, disciplined and educated, proceed with a spirit corrected and confirmed by knowledge and precaution, towards certain purposes and ends.

An adventurer may yet fail; but it is presumed the adventure cannot, unless from failure of the funds and resources of the Society; which, in this great and opulent country, it would be a calumny on the generosity and patriotism of its people, for one moment to anticipate as possible.

Yet let it be remembered, that the extent of our undertakings can only be commensurate with our means.

Expense and charge attend our present inquiries; and even a more advantageous extension of our researches apart, demands of much beyond what our actual numbers and contributions can furnish, will be necessary to ensure the effect of national advantage, and turn to public account the successful experiment of an enlightened and patriotic, but not numerous, Association.

The Society cannot condescend to solicitation; nor is it necessary: it will suffice, that, emboldened by success, they suggest to their countrymen, that, under proper patronage, and with the means of extending their researches, the conclusion will be of advantage, to Great Britain—to Africa—and to the World.

W. YOUNG,

SECRETARY TO THE AFRICAN SOCIETY.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]By Bishop Berkeley.

PREFACE TO THE JOURNAL, &c.

GIVING SOME ACCOUNT OF MR. FREDERICK HORNEMAN; OF THE PREPARATIONS FOR HIS VOYAGE; AND OF EVENTS PREVIOUS TO HIS LEAVING CAIRO.

At the time that Mr. Mungo Park, engaged in the service of the Society instituted for the purpose of exploring the Interior of Africa, was prosecuting discoveries eastward from the river Gambia, it was thought proper to extend their researches in another line of direction, and engage an emissary to explore that great continent, proceeding westward from the city of Cairo.

Early in the year 1796, Mr. F. Horneman offered himself to the Committee of the Society for this service; he appeared to be young, robust, and, in point of constitution and health, suited to a struggle with different climates and fatigues: in his manner and conversations he displayed temper, acuteness, and prudence: he was well apprized of the dangers and difficulties of the enterprize he was to engage in, and shewed a spirit and zeal for the undertaking, which strongly recommended him as a proper person to be employed for the carrying it into effect.

The Committee accordingly engaged his services; and observing in him such foundation of good ordinary education, as further attainments might readily be engrafted upon, they sent him, at the expense of the Society, to Gottingen; there to study the rudiments and writing of the Arabic language, and, generally, such sciences as (in the result of due application of the knowledge acquired), might render any account of his future travels more interesting and useful to his employers, and to the public.

F. Horneman pursued the requisite studies for several months with great assiduity, under the tuition of Professors Blumenbach, Heeren, Hoffman, Tyschen, and Heyne; and in May, 1797, returned to England, properly instructed for his intended voyage. He was then introduced to a general meeting of the Society, when his engagement was approved of, and he was directed to proceed to Egypt with all convenient dispatch.

Passports from Paris were applied for, and granted, permitting him to pass through France; and in July, 1797, he left London on his way to Paris.

He was furnished with letters of introduction to several persons of literary distinction in that capital; and, on arrival, his reception was liberal and friendly, and proportionate to the lively interest which was every where taken in his scheme of enterprize, and in the means of promoting its success. He was invited to a meeting of the National Institute. The first members of that learned society tendered their patronage, encouragement, and assistance: Mr. Lalande furnished him with copies of his “Memoire sur L’Afrique.” Mr. Broussonet recommended him to Mr. Laroche, appointed Consul for Mogadore; and by this latter gentleman’s means he made a further and most useful acquaintance with a Turk of distinction (a native of Tripoly), then resident at Paris. This Mussulman entered into the motives and plan of his travels with a liberal approbation, and a zealous interest in the success; which was little to have been expected from one of such persuasion and character. He gave Mr. Horneman letters of introduction, strongly recommending him to the friendship and protection of several leading Mahommedan merchants at Cairo, who were in the habits of trade with people of the remotest regions of Africa; and he added his own advice, and instructions for the journey.

Thus provided, Mr. Horneman, in August, left Paris for Marseilles, where he embarked the end of the month, and arrived at Alexandria the middle of September: he staid at Alexandria but a few days, and then went to Cairo, where he purposed residing some time, to study the language and manners of the Mograbins, or western Arabs, with whom he was to associate in his future travels. His own letter will best describe his further progress.

(Translation.)

“In my last letter I mentioned my intentions of leaving Cairo about the end of May. The plague beginning to rage in the month of April, it became a proper and necessary precaution not only to defer my journey, but absolutely to shut myself up in my house. My zeal for the undertaking I have engaged in, would have led me to break through this confinement and leave the city, with a view to join the merchants at their place of rendezvous, whence they were directly to depart for Fezzan, had not obstacles arising from the difficulty of procuring the necessary credits for my equipment prevented my immediate procedure.

“As soon as from abatement of the pestilence, I could safely go abroad, I met and renewed my acquaintance with several of the caravan, who remained in the city, expecting the return of others from Mecca. A French commercial house, on whom I had no letters of credit or other claim to confidence, than what arose from private friendship and esteem, having handsomely offered such advance of monies as I might require, I was enabled to prepare for my journey, and set out with this caravan, as soon as complete and ready for departure. All these designs were suddenly frustrated by the arrival of the French on the coast of Egypt. Those who formed the caravan at Cairo quickly dispersed; that from Mecca coming to join it was not yet arrived: myself and other Europeans were seized and confined in the castle, rather as a place of refuge from the indignation and fanaticism of the populace, than as a prison, and we remained there until the arrival of the French at Cairo.

“Soon after their coming, I made acquaintance with two of their learned men, Berthollet and Monge, they liberated and presented me to the Commander in Chief, and he received me with every mark of attention and goodness. His regard for science, and esteem of learned men are too well known to render it necessary for me to expatiate on these high qualities. He promised me protection, he offered me money or whatever was requisite to my undertaking, and he directed the necessary passports to be prepared for me.

“I lost no time in seeking out my friends, the merchants of Fezzan, and renewing my connections with them. Gradually as the public tranquillity became assured, they returned, one by one into the city, till the whole were again assembled; and fifteen days have now passed, since we have been making preparations for our final departure, actually fixed for the day after to-morrow.

“Commonly those who engage in an extraordinary enterprise, consider means yet more extraordinary, as requisite to the success of the undertaking: my opinion, and therewith procedure will be founded on directly the contrary proposition. The plan which I have chalked out for my journey will be simple and easy to pursue. You shall have it in a single line, “it is to travel as a Mahommedan merchant of the caravan.” I am assured that under such character, I can travel with the same surety as the natives of the country.

“Many of the caravan having been at Mecca, are aware that there are numbers of good Mussulmen from various countries who speak not Arabic, and who have different usages and customs; and thus simply attaining a knowledge of certain religious ceremonies and prayers, there is no difficulty in passing generally as a Mahommedan; for as to a certain less equivocal criterion of a personal nature, the delicacy of Mahommedan manners precludes any danger of inquiry.

“To travel as a Christian, will perhaps be impracticable for at least five years to come, for it is incredible how deep and strong an impression the expedition of the French has made on the minds of the pilgrims to and from Mecca: dispersed to their several homes they will carry an aggravated prejudice against Christians far and wide, and to the very heart of Africa.

“Should it be objected to me, that I risk a similar fate with that of Major Houghton, by travelling as a trader, my answer is, “that by travelling as a Mahommedan trader, I shall never travel alone; and with those too of the caravan, considered as one of the least of its merchants.

“In respect to my astronomical instruments, I shall take special care never to be discovered in the act of observation; should those instruments, however, attract notice, the answer is ready, “they are articles for sale;” nor is there fear that I should be deprived of them, whilst master of my price. My comrades know the value of gold at least better than myself. In a word, the merchants of our Fezzan caravan, are men of wealth, integrity, and enterprise; but Mahommedans, the most prejudiced and fanatic.

“I have not yet fixed or methodized my design, as to further journey into the interior of Africa; but I have made acquaintance with a man who has been at Bornou and Cashna, a place, from every account which I can collect, and particularly from the Jalabs, deserving my immediate attention after arrival at Fezzan.

“I expect to be at Fezzan by the beginning of November, and I should propose in the next year, setting out for the Agades and Cashna, residing in and exploring those countries during ten months, and then returning viâ Mecca or Senegambia. Should any necessity of the case oblige me to return to Tripoly, I should not consider my tour as complete, but (with permission of the Society,) hold myself in readiness for a further undertaking.

“I will write again from Fezzan, if I can do so without danger; the safest plan that occurs, is to pack up some bale of goods with an ordinary letter of advice in Arabic, making my real dispatch the package or covering of some article of trade.

“Pray write to and direct the English Consul at Tripoly, or elsewhere, never to make inquiry after me of the traders from Fezzan, and particularly when conveying any thing from me consigned to you. These people are of a very jealous and inquisitive temper, and any inquiries made after me by a Christian, might raise a thousand suspicions, and prove even of fatal consequence to me.

“Nay, should yourselves not hear of me these three years, make no inquiry. Under such precaution, my danger will not be that I travel as a trader and Mahommedan, but such only as results from climate and ordinary perils of voyage in these countries; which I trust successfully to oppose, with a good constitution and strength of body, and with courage and suitable temper of mind.

“It remains only for me to recommend to the Committee, the man whom I mentioned in a former letter. I met with the person in question, Joseph Frendenburgh, who was born in Germany, just on the eve of his intended departure from Cairo for his native country. I engaged and employed him as interpreter; and, pleased with the office, he offered to continue in my service, and attend me in my expedition. He had been ten or twelve years past forced to embrace the Mohammedan religion; had three times made the voyage to Mecca, and spoke perfectly both the Arabic and Turkish languages; in short, he was precisely the man that suited me. The connection with him will ensure me character and confidence from others, and indeed, without him, I should scarcely be able to pursue my journey, without actually embracing and professing Mahommedanism myself, I now well know him on ten months experience, and in just reliance on him, have no apprehension of the calamity incident to travellers, of being robbed by their servants.

“I shall consign to him the care of my camels and my horses, (for we merchants of the caravan all go armed, and on horseback,) he will further have the care of my merchandize, and altogether, I shall have leisure for my inquiries, and for attending to the general objects of my undertaking. The demands of this man are far from exorbitant, and I request of the Society, the attending to a just remuneration of his services, and specially, if in case of my death, he should faithfully preserve my journals and papers, and proceed with them to England.

“I have been in some doubt as to the means of sending this letter, but on my request, General Bonaparte has with great goodness, himself condescended to take charge of its safe conveyance.

“I hope my next will be from Fezzan, and that after three years, I shall be enabled to give account of the interior of Africa.

“I am, &c. &c. &c.

“FREDERICK HORNEMAN.”

To Mr. Edwards, Secretary to the Society, instituted for exploring the interior of Africa.

The above letter was transmitted to the African Committee, under the seal of General Bonaparte, who in addition to other marks of favour and protection shewn to the enterprise of Horneman, took on himself the care of forwarding his dispatches, as above stated.

Mr. Horneman’s Journal of his Travels from Cairo to Fezzan commences five days after the date of this letter. It was by him written in German, and in that language transmitted to the Committee of the African Society. Under their direction, a translation of it was made by a native of Germany, sufficiently versed in the English language, to render the sense of the original with truth and perspicuity; and, on collating his version, it appears to have been executed with fidelity and care. Some correction of foreign idioms and style was yet required: the Secretary, in performing this duty of Editor, has been attentive to the preserving not only the genuine descriptions, remarks, and precise meaning of the traveller, but likewise the spirit, and (at the same time) simplicity of narrative which characterizes his Journal; and, it is presumed, that on reference to the original, the translation offered in its present form will yet appear to be as nearly literal, as the different idioms and context of the English and German languages will admit of.

To the Journal now printed is added an Appendix, containing,

1st. A Note, on Mr. Horneman’s Description of the Country and Antiquities of Siwah; with Reference to ancient Accounts of the Oasis and Temple of Ammon; by the Secretary, Sir William Young, Bart. F. R. S.

2d. A Memoir, containing various informations respecting the interior of Africa, transmitted from Mourzouk, in 1799, by F. Horneman.

3d. Geographical Elucidations of the Travels and of the Informations of F. Horneman, with Maps, by Major James Rennell, F. R. S.

4th. Remarks on the Language of Siwah, in a Letter to the Right Hon. Sir Joseph Banks, P. R. S. by William Marsden, Esq. F. R. S.

The Route of M^r. Frederick Hornemann, from Ægypt to Fezzan; with the Coasts & Countries adjacent, Compiled by J. Rennell, 1802.

[(Large-size)]

TRAVELS
IN THE
INTERIOR OF AFRICA.

CHAPTER I.
VOYAGE FROM CAIRO TO AUGILA.

SECTION I.
To Ummesogeir.

The merchants of Augila had appointed their rendezvous to be held at Kardaffi, a village in the vicinity of Cairo; where I joined them on September the 5th, 1798, and leaving that place the same day, in about an hour we reached the great body of the caravan, which yearly returns from Mecca through Cairo and Fezzan, to the western countries of Africa. The caravan was waiting for us at a small village called Baruasch: we halted at some little distance from the pilgrims, and encamped until the next morning; when the monotonous kettle-drum of our Sheik awakened us before rise of the sun, with summons to proceed on our journey.

I had not under-rated the difficulties of the journey; I was aware that many must arise, especially affecting myself, never having before travelled with a caravan, and being little acquainted with the customs and manners of those who composed it. We had travelled from day-break till noon, and no indication appeared of halt or refreshment, when I observed the principal and richest merchants gnawing a dry biscuit and some onions, as they went on; and was then, for the first time, informed, that it was not customary to unload the camels for regular repast, or to stop during the day-time, but in cases of urgent necessity. This my first inconvenience, was soon remedied by the hospitality of some Arabs who were riding near me, and who invited me to partake of their provisions.

Soon after sun-set, our Sheik gave the signal for halting; and we pitched our tents.

My dragoman, or interpreter, might, even in Europe, have passed for a good cook; and from remains of the provision which our hospitable friends at Cairo had supplied, was preparing an excellent supper, when an old Arab of Augila, observing his preparations, and that myself was unemployed, addressed me nearly as follows: “Thou art young, and yet dost not assist in preparing the meal of which thou art to partake: such, perhaps, may be a custom in the land of infidels, but is not so with us, and especially on a journey: thanks to God, we are not, in this desert, dependent on others, as are those poor pilgrims, but eat and drink what we ourselves provide, and as we please. Thou oughtest to learn every thing that the meanest Arab performs, that thou mayest be enabled to assist others in cases of necessity; otherwise, thou wilt be less esteemed, as being of less value than a mere woman; and many will think they may justly deprive thee of every thing in thy possession, as being unworthy to possess any thing: (adding sarcastically,) perhaps thou art carrying a large sum of money, and payest those men well.” This remonstrance was not thrown away. I immediately assisted in every thing that was not beyond my force; and proportionally gained on the good opinion and esteem of my fellow-travellers, and was no longer considered as a weak and useless idler in their troop.

The next morning we set out early, and after a march of four hours, arrived at Wadey-el-Latron. The signal had been made to halt, for the purpose of collecting fresh water, when a troop of Bedouins appeared at some distance in front, and created great alarm in our caravan. Our Sheik, or leader, had acquired, and deserved, the veneration and confidence of his followers, as much from his known prudence and valour, as from his dignity of Iman. He immediately ordered us to occupy the spot affording water, and himself, with about twenty Arabs and Tuaricks, advanced to reconnoitre the ground where the Bedouins had appeared: they had now retreated wholly out of sight, and we had time to cook and fill our water bags. We could not, however, consider this as a proper or safe station for the night; accordingly at four o’clock we proceeded on our march; and about eight in the evening reached the foot of a sand-hill, and encamped in great disorder, created by the late alarm;—making no fires, and using every precaution to avoid notice or discovery of our retreat.

The next morning, September 8th, we entered the Desert, which may be considered as the boundary of Egypt; and after travelling thirteen hours, encamped on a tract of land by the Arabs called Muhabag.

The ensuing day, our journey was less fatiguing; in four hours and a half we reached Mogara, a watering-place on the verge of a fruitful valley.

The water collected for the use of the caravans is carried in bags made of goat-skins, unripped in the middle, and stripped from the animal as entire as possible; those made at Soudan are the strongest and best; water may be preserved in them for five days, without acquiring any bad taste: the bags of an inferior manufacture give an ill taste, and a smell of the leather, from the second day. To render the skins flexible and lasting, they are greased on the inside with butter, and by the Arabs sometimes with oil, which latter gives quickly a rancid taste, and to any but an Arab, renders the water scarcely fit for drinking.

The sixth day we had again a difficult and tiresome journey of twelve hours, without halting; towards the close of our march, the horse of an Arab near me falling sick, and being unable to proceed at the same pace as the caravan, I kept in the rear to attend him, and give such assistance as might be required. On our coming up with the caravan at its evening encampment, the Arab immediately sent by his slave, two pieces of dried camel’s flesh, with a proper compliment, requesting my acceptance of the present, as some return for the civility I had shewn. I was in an instant surrounded by a number of meaner Arabs, who eyed with avidity the meat I had received, and on my dividing it amongst them, seemed greatly surprised, that I should so readily part with what, in their estimation, was so great a dainty.

Circumstances light and trivial often delineate manners, and characterize nations: the method of equipment, and the means of sustenance which the Arab uses in journeying through these deserts, may furnish a subject of just curiosity, and certainly of special use to such as may undertake a similar expedition.

The Arab sets out on his journey with a provision of flour, kuskasa, onions, mutton suet, and oil or butter; and some of the richer class add to this store, a proportion of biscuit, and of dried flesh. As soon as the camels are halted and the baggage unladen, the drivers and slaves dig a small hole in the sands wherein to make a fire, and then proceed in search of wood, and of three stones to be placed round the cavity, for the purpose of confining the embers and supporting the cauldron. The cauldron, (which is of copper,) being set over, the time till the water begins to boil is employed first in discussing, and then in preparing, what the mess of the day shall consist of. The ordinary meal is of hasside, a stiff farinaceous pap, served up in a copper dish, which, in due economy of utensils and luggage, is at other times used for serving water to the camels: when this pap or pudding is thus served on table, it is diluted with a soup poured on it, enriched or seasoned with the monachie dried and finely pulverized. At other times, the dinner consists of flour kneaded into a strong dough, which being divided into small cakes and boiled, affords a species of hard dumplins called mijotta. A yet better repast is made of dried meat boiled together with mutton suet, onions sliced thin, crumbled biscuits, salt, and a good quantity of pepper. The meat is at dinner time taken out and reserved for the master, and the broth alone is the mess of his followers. The slaughtering of a camel affords a feast to the camel drivers and slaves. The friends of the owner of the beast have a preference in the purchase; and after dividing the carcase, every slave comes in for a share: no part of the animal capable of being gnawed by human tooth, is suffered to be lost; the very bones pass through various hands and mouths, before they are thrown away. They make sandals of the skin, and they weave the hair into twine.

It is not on every occasion that time can be allowed, or materials found, for dressing victuals: in the anticipation of such an exigency, the traveller provides a food called simitée: it consists of barley boiled until it swells, then dried in the sun, and then further dried over the fire; and lastly, being ground into a powder, it is mixed with salt, pepper, and carraway-seed, and put into a leather bag: when it is to be used, it is kneaded into a dough, with just water enough to give it consistency, and is served up with butter or oil. If further diluted with water, then dates are added to the meal, and it is called rouin. Such is the food of the traveller when there is a scarcity of fuel or of water; and none can be expended in boiling. I was often, for days together, without other food than this cold farinaceous pap, mixed with a few dates. Onions and red Spanish pepper are the general and the only seasonings of each meal, with the addition of salt.

On the seventh day, after a march of four hours, we reached Biljoradec, commonly called Jahudie, a term implying that the water is bad, or that other water is not to be found but at a considerable distance.

The three following days, travelling occasionally in the night, we were forty hours in actual journey. On the first of these, (being the ninth day since leaving the vicinity of Cairo,) we reached the chain of mountains which bounded the uniform desert through which we had passed. On the tenth, mounting these hills, I observed the plain on their summit to consist of a saline mass spread over so large a tract of surface, that in one direction no eye could reach its termination, and what might be called its width, I computed at several miles. The clods of salt discoloured with sand lay thick and close, and gave to this vast plain the appearance of a recently ploughed field.

On the summit of this eminence, and almost in the middle of this saline tract, (on computation of its width) I discovered a spring; and the passage of Herodotus[2] occurring to my mind, in which he mentions springs of fresh water on the salt hills, I eagerly made up to its brink. I found it edged with salt: some poor pilgrims attending me tasted the water, but it was so saturated with saline matter, as to be wholly unfit for drink.

On the eleventh day (September the 15th), we came to an inhabited spot; after five hours march arriving at the small village of Ummesogeir.

SECTION II.
Observations on the Desert, from the Valley of Natron to the Mountains of Ummesogier.

The Desert forms a natural boundary to Egypt, on the west extending from the Natron Valley to the mountains of Ummesogier; to the north, the dreary and barren plain is bounded by a chain of lofty hills, in view during the whole course of the caravan; and to the south, extends a journey, probably, of several days, by the ordinary mode of computation in these countries; but in this direction its limits are not defined, or are not known.

In this vast tract of sands, petrified wood is found, of various forms and size: sometimes are seen whole trunks of trees, of twelve feet circumference or more; sometimes only branches and twigs, scarcely of a quarter of an inch diameter; and sometimes merely pieces of bark of various kinds, and in particular of the oak, are to be found. Many of the great stems yet retain their side branches, and in many the natural timber has undergone so little change, that the circular ranges of the wood are discernible, and especially in those trunks which apparently were of oak. The interior of other bodies of timber was become a petrifaction, shewing no distinctions of grain or fibre, but bearing the appearance of mere stone; though the outward coat and form of the substance clearly denoted the tree.

Several Arabs informed me, that in travelling over this Desert, petrified trees were often found upright, and as if growing in the soil; but I presume, respecting those I did not see, from those I inspected, that they were merely trunks raised by hand, round the base of which the sand had quickly gathered before the winds, and formed a mound, as if heaved up by a root. The colour of the petrified wood is in general black, or nearly so; but in some instances it is of a light gray, and then so much resembling the wood in its natural state, that our slaves would often collect, and bring it in, for the purposes of firing.

These petrifactions are sometimes scattered in single pieces, but are oftener found in irregular layers, or strata, covering together a considerable space of ground.

If there yet remains any trace of a western branch of the Nile, as mentioned by ancient writers,[3] it is probably to be discovered in some part of this Desert. I observed no channel, or vestige of such course of river, on the route taken by the caravan. I would direct the researches of any future traveller specially to the tract of country round where we encamped on the nights when we halted at the foot of the sand hill west of Wadey-el-Latron, and in the district of Muhabag: these places we reached not till after sunset, and departing before day, I myself had no opportunity of examining the country. The term Bahr-bella-ma, commonly rendered river without water, by no means designates or points to any specific channel or tract in which any ancient channel may be more probably discovered: for if petrified trees fit for masts, or petrified timbers suited to other purposes of ship-building, said to be found in the Bahr-bella-ma, characterize and give the name (as we are told) to the tract of land throughout which they are to be found, then the appropriate translation is not river, but sea without water, for such petrifactions are scattered over the whole Desert. Indeed the general appearance of this vast and barren tract, well accords to the title of sea without water; its sandy surface resembling that of a leeshore, over which the waters streaming before the storm have, on their ebb, deposited timber, or what else was carried on by the tide. I say not wreck of vessels, for I saw no wood that had the least appearance of the tool, or of having been wrought for any purpose of man. Such as, by light observers, have been taken for fragments of masts, are merely trunks of trees of from thirty to forty feet in length, broken and shivered into large splinters, which lying near each other, shew in their forms and grain of timber, the mass they formerly belonged to and composed.

To the north of the Desert runs a chain of steep and bare calcareous mountains, which were in constant view of our caravan travelling at the distance of three to seven miles in like direction. At the foot of these, runs a flat tract of moorish swampy land, from one to six miles in breadth, abounding in springs, and to which we resorted every second or third day for a supply of water; but at the period of our journey, the springs throughout the whole valley were nearly dried up. The water which remained, and run or spread on the surface, was bitter;[4] yet digging wells near to these rivulets or marshes, we found water at the depth only of five or six feet, which was sweet and palatable.

SECTION III.
Ummesogeir, and further Journey to Siwah.

Ummesogeir is situated on a sandy plain stretching into the recess between two diverging branches of the mountain. In the valley thus formed, appear vast isolated masses of rock, on the largest of which the village is built; it is small, and contains few inhabitants, furnishing only thirty men capable of bearing arms. The houses are low, constructed of stones cemented with a calcareous earth, and thatched with the boughs of date trees. I was informed, that some of these buildings covered caves or chambers cut in the rock; probably ancient catacombs. Our camp was pitched at the foot of the rock, among date trees, through which the way leads up to the town. Its inhabitants, poor as they appeared, received us with hospitality; they came down, almost to a man, from their houses, and assisted us in watering our camels, or whatever service was required. Towards evening I walked up to the village by a path of very difficult access. Coming to a kind of market-place, in its centre I observed bargains making with such eagerness, noise, and altercation, that one should suppose the dealings to be of the first moment; but I soon perceived the sellers to be only a few poor pilgrims of our caravan, and their articles of trade to be merely henna hoechel, rings of lead or glass, and such like ornaments for women; which, with a little shot and gunpowder, they were bartering for dates: the merchandise on either side was not altogether worth a crown.

The people of Ummesogeir are indeed in every respect poor, depending wholly for subsistence on their dates, which they in part sell to the Arabs of the Desert, and in part carry to Alexandria, and exchange for corn, oil, or fat. Their manners are rude and simple, as might be expected, from a society so small, and separated from every other, by vast tracts of desert in every direction. Thus sequestered from the world, too weak in numbers for attack, and too poor to be attacked, these people derive, from their situation and habits of life, a simple and peaceful disposition. An old man told me, that the Bedouins once attempted to deprive them of their rock, and pittance which the date trees around furnished; and would have succeeded, had not a marabut (or holy man) who lies buried in the village, so dazzled the eyes of the invaders, that they could not find the place, though constantly roving round it. A like miracle was hoped for, and (in vain certainly) expected in favour of Cairo, when the French invaded Egypt. The idea of miraculous interposition of this kind appears to have been common to the Oriental nations.

During our stay at this place, the effects of a Twater, who died on the journey were sold by auction. Another man, during our route, was killed by a fall from his camel, pitching with his head on a pointed stone, and which caused his instant death. Two others, poor pilgrims from Mecca, fell victims to the fatigue and difficulties of so long a journey, and for which their scanty means were ill suited, either as to food or rest; and this completes our bill of mortality.

After some days of repose, we proceeded on our journey towards Siwah, distant from Ummesogeir a journey of twenty hours. We soon passed the skirts of the broad sandy plain, and reascended the mountains connected with, and stretching from, those which cover the vale of Ummesogeir to the west. A long and tedious passage over these hills led us finally to a green and fertile valley, towards which, as we descended from the mountain, we perceived people gathering provender for their cattle. Our train of heavy laden camels readily denoted that we were no troop of hostile Arabs; and the people leaving their work, ran to meet and congratulate us on our arrival. They told us that the whole neighbourhood was at peace, and that we might encamp safely and without apprehension. They mounted their asses and conducted us to a plain west of Siwah, and not far distant from that town, where we pitched our tents.

SECTION IV.
Siwah.

Siwah is a small independent state; it acknowledges, indeed, the grand Sultan paramount, but it pays him no tribute. Round its chief town called Siwah, are situated at one or two miles distance, the villages of Scharkie, (in Siwahian dialect termed Agrmie,) Msellem, Menschie, Sbocka, and Barischa. Siwah is built upon, and round, a mass of rock; in which, according to tradition, the ancient people had only caves for their habitation. Indeed the style of building is such, that the actual houses might be taken for caves; they are raised so close to each other, that many of the streets, even at noon, are dark, and so intricate, that a stranger cannot find his way into or out of the town, small as it is, without a guide. Many of the houses built on the declivity of the rock, and especially those terminating the descent towards the plain, are of more than ordinary height, and their walls particularly thick and strong, so as to form a circumvallation of defence to the town within.

The people of our caravan compared Siwah to a bee-hive, and the comparison is suitable, whether regarding the general appearance of the eminence thus covered with buildings, the swarm of its people crowded together, or the confused noise, or hum and buz from its narrow passages and streets, and which reach the ear to a considerable distance.

Round the foot of the eminence are erected stables for the camels, horses, and asses, which could not ascend to, or could not be accommodated in, the town above.

The territory of Siwah is of considerable extent;[5] its principal and most fruitful district is a well watered valley of about fifty miles in circuit, hemmed in by steep and barren rocks. Its soil is a sandy loam, in some places rather poached or fenny; but, assisted by no great industry of the natives, it produces corn, oil, and vegetables for the use of man or beast: its chief produce, however, consists in dates, which, from their great quantity and excellent flavour, render the place proverbial for fertility among the surrounding Arabs of the Desert. Each inhabitant possesses one or more gardens, making his relative wealth; and these it is his whole business to water and cultivate. A large garden yielding all such produce as is natural to the country, is valued at the price of from four to six hundred imperial dollars, there termed real-patuacks. The gardens round the towns or villages, are fenced with walls from four to six feet high, and sometimes with hedges; they are watered by many small streams of salt or sweet water, falling from the bordering rocks and mountains, or issuing from springs rising in the plain itself, and which, for the purposes of irrigation, being diverted into many small channels, expend themselves in the vale, and in no instance flow beyond the limits of this people’s territory. The dates produced are preserved in public magazines, of which the key is kept by the Sheik: to these storehouses the dates are brought in baskets closely rammed down, and a register of each deposit is kept.

North-west of Siwah, there is a stratum of salt extending a full mile, and near it salt is found on the surface, lying in clods or small lumps. On this spot rise numerous springs, and frequently a spring of water perfectly sweet is found within a few paces from one which is salt. North of Siwah, on the road leading to El-Mota, I found many of these salt springs quite close to others which were sweet.

It is not easy to ascertain the general population of a place, with so little police, and so little regularity of government as Siwah, unless opportunity occurred of seeing its people assembled at some general meeting or festival. The number of its warriors, however, is more easily known; and on such data, further estimate of its population may be made. According to the ancient constitution and laws of the state, the government should be vested in twelve Sheiks, two of whom were to administer its powers in rotation; but a few years past, twenty other wealthy citizens, forced themselves into a share of authority, assumed the title of Sheik, and enlarging the circle of aristocracy, increased the pretensions and disputes for power. On each matter of public concern, they now hold general councils. I attended several of these general meetings, held close to the town wall, where the chiefs were squatted in state; and I observed, that a strong voice, violent action, great gesticulation, abetted by party support and interest, gained the most applause, and carried the greatest influence: perhaps such result is not uncommon in most popular meetings. Whenever these councils cannot agree ultimately on any point, then the leaders and people fly to arms, and the strongest party carries the question. Justice is administered according to ancient usage, and general notions of equity. Fines, to be paid in dates, constitute the punishments: for instance, the man who strikes another, pays from ten to fifty kaftas or baskets of dates; these baskets, by which every thing in this place is estimated and appraised, are about three feet high, and four in circumference.

The dress of the men consists of a white cotton shirt and breeches, and a large calico cloth, striped white and blue, (manufactured at Cairo,) which is folded and thrown over the left shoulder, and is called melaye. On their heads they wear a cap of red worsted or cotton. These caps, chiefly made at Tunis, are a covering, characteristic of the Mussulman; and no Jew or Christian on the coasts of Barbary is permitted to wear them. At times of festival, the Siwahans dress themselves in kaftans and a benisch, such as the Arabs commonly wear when in towns.

The women of Siwah wear wide blue shifts, usually of cotton, which reach to the ankles, and a melaye (as above described), which they wrap round their head, from which it falls over the body in manner of a cloak.

They plait their hair into three tresses, one above the other; in the lowermost tress they insert various ornaments of glass, or false coral, or silver, and twist in long stripes of black leather, hanging down the back, and to the ends of which they fasten little bells. On the crown of their heads, they fix a piece of silk or woollen cloth, which floats behind. As ear-rings they wear two, and some women three, large silver rings, inserted as links of a chain: their necklace is glass imitating coral; those of the higher class wear round their necks a solid ring of silver, somewhat thicker than the collar usually worn by criminals in some parts of Europe; from this ring, by a chain of the same metal, hangs pendant a silver plate, engraved with flowers and other ornaments, in the Arabian taste. They further decorate their arms and legs, (just above the ancle,) with rings of silver, of copper, or of glass.

I can give no favourable account of the character of the people of Siwah, either from general repute, or from my own observation. I found them obtrusive and thievish. Our tents, and especially my own, were constantly surrounded and infested by this people; and our merchants were under the necessity of guarding their bales of goods, with more than ordinary attention, under apprehension not merely of pillage, but of general and hostile attack.

I was told much of the riches of this people, and should suppose there must be men of considerable property amongst them; as they have a very extensive traffic in dates with different and remote countries, pay no tribute, and have little opportunity of dissipating the money they receive. The policy of the Siwahans leads them to cultivate a strict and close amity with the Arabs to the north of their country, and who occasionally visit Siwah in small troops or parties, and carry on a trade of barter for the dates. Here our caravan disposed of part of its merchandize, receiving in exchange, dates, meat, and small baskets, in the weaving and context of which, the women of Siwah are remarkably neat and skilful, and in the making of which consists their chief employment. Diseases incident to the country and climate, and from which the natives most suffer, are the ague and fever, and opthalmic affections, or disorders of the eyes.

The language of Siwah, whatever words or expressions may have crept in, from various intercourse of people, is not fundamentally Arabic; and this has led me to various conjectures. At first I looked for the root or origin of this language to the East; but on maturer consideration, and from communications with one of the Tuaricks from Twat, with whom I was in habits of intimacy, I am now satisfied of my former error,[6] and that the language of Siwah is a dialect of that used throughout the great nation of Africa, to which my friend, the Tuarick, belonged, and which may be considered as the aboriginal.

The larger collection of Siwahan words, which I had first made, was lost with other papers, by an accident which I shall hereafter have occasion to mention.

The following list I had from a man of Siwah, whom I afterwards got acquainted with at Augila.

SECTION V.
Antiquities of Siwah.

As we approached the spot destined for our encampment in the Vale of Siwah, I descried to the westward some ruins of an extensive building, a few miles distant from the road, and concluded them to be the same as noticed by a late English traveller, (Mr. Brown,) of whose discoveries I heard first in London, and afterwards, when in Egypt. Circumstances rendered it necessary for me to be particularly on my guard, and to defer any visit to, or actual inspection of, these antiquities, until I had retrieved the confidence of the natives, who, on my very first appearance, (as I was informed,) had taken me and my interpreter, for Christians; and to this supposition they were induced, from our fairer complexion, from our gait and manners, and from our Turkish dresses. When I took advantage of the disturbances at Cairo and its environs, to get introduced as a Mahomedan to the caravan, I could not indeed speak readily, either Turkish or Arabic; but in this, I flattered myself, the assumed character of a young Mameluke might be my excuse; and I further derived confidence from the experience and abilities of my interpreter, who (a German by birth,) had been forced, twelve years past, to embrace the Mahommedan religion at Constantinople, and whose address and knowledge, I hoped, might preclude, or extricate me from, any consequences of jealousy or suspicion.

Considering the importance of my mission, and the great purpose of exploring the whole of Northern Africa, with which I was entrusted, perhaps it had been more wise and prudent on my part, not to have exposed myself to general intercourse, until better qualified to sustain the character I had assumed; had I so done in the present instance, and abstained from visiting the curiosities of Siwah, and exposing myself in the novelty of the attempt, to examinations and suspicions, I might have avoided a danger which (as will appear in the sequel) nearly proved fatal to myself, and therewith to the object of my voyage.

Making such candid admission of not having the requisite forbearance, with objects of so just curiosity in view, I proceed to state the course of my inquiries, and the result.

I first visited the ruins of the extensive edifice before observed. I accosted some men working in the gardens near, and questioning them as to what they knew of this building, they answered, “that in former times Siwah was inhabited by infidels, most of whom lived in caves, but some inhabited these buildings.” One spokesman, pointing to a building in the centre, said, “tradition tells us, that edifice was the hall in which the divan used to assemble; at time of its construction men were stronger than I am; for those huge stones serving as a roof to the fabric, were lifted up and placed there by two men only: there is much gold buried under the walls.” When I then entered into the ruins, I was followed by all the people near, and thus prevented examining the place with any accuracy. On a second visit I was not more successful; and when, after a few days, I returned thither again, some Siwahans directly said to me, “thou undoubtedly art yet a Christian in thy heart, else why come so often to visit these works of Infidels.” In order to maintain the character I had assumed, I was thus necessitated to abandon any further project of nice examination or admeasurement, and restrict myself to general observations, such as I now submit in detail as they occurred.

Ummebeda (the name given to the site of those ruins by the natives) lies near a village called Scharkie or Agrmie, between that place and an isolated mountain, on which a copious spring of fresh water is said to rise. The buildings are in such a state of delapidation, that a plain observer, who forms an opinion only from what he sees, and does not accommodate the object in application and conjecture to preconceived notions of a particular structure which he is to look for, and trace out, could scarcely, (I think) from these rude heaps, and mouldered and disjointed walls, suggest the precise form or original purpose of the building when first raised. Its materials might suggest, that it was built in the rudest ages, and when the Troglodytæ[7] of these parts first left their caves, and in their first attempt of building, took their scheme and plan of architecture from their old mansions, heaping rock on rock, in imitation of the dwelling places which nature had before furnished.

I ascertained the general bearings of the building by my compass, and found the outward walls constructed with aspects facing the four cardinal points, the aberration being only of twelve degrees, and which might have occurred from variation of the needle. The total circumference may be several hundred yards, and is to be traced out and followed by the foundations of a wall, in most parts visible, and which, from the masses remaining, appears to have been very strong. The outward wall, in most places, has been thrown down, and the materials carried away, and the interior ground has been every where turned up, and dug, in search of treasure.

In the centre of this extensive area, are seen the remains of an edifice, which perhaps may be regarded as the principal building,[8] and to which all around may have been mere appendage, and subordinate.

The northern part of this building stands on a native calcareous rock, rising above the level of the general area, within the outer walls, about eight feet. The height of the edifice appears to be about twenty-seven feet; its width twenty-four, and its length ten or twelve paces. The walls are six feet in thickness, the exterior of which within and without is constructed of large free stones, filled up in the interstice with small stones and lime. The ceiling is formed by vast blocks of stone, wrought and fitted to stretch over and cover the entire building. The breadth of each such mass of stone is about four feet, and the depth or thickness three feet. One of these stones of the roof has fallen in, and is broken; the entire southern wall of the building hath likewise tumbled, and the materials have mostly been carried away. But the people have not been able to remove the large fragments fallen from the roof, which their ancestors were enabled to bring from the quarry, and to raise entire to the summit of the edifice. Such are the vicissitudes of art, of knowledge, and of human powers and means, as well as of human happiness and fortunes!

The stones that have fallen, lie sunk, with their surface lower than the base of the yet standing part of the building, and their bottom almost on a level with the area of the great inclosure. The appearance of these fallen stones of the southern wall, leads to a conjecture, that this extremity of the original edifice had its floor or base lower than that of the northern part. The entrances to this building are three, the principal one to the north, and the others to the east and west. The inside walls (beginning at half their height from the ground) are decorated with hieroglyphics sculptured in relief, but the figures seem not to have been sufficiently engraved in alt, or salient, to resist the ravages of time and weather; and in some places they are wholly mouldered and defaced, and especially on the ceiling.

On different parts of the wall appear marks of paint, and the colour seems to have been green. I could no where discover traces of the edifice having in any part been lined or inlaid with a finer stone or material. A few paces from the chief entrance, I observed two round stones, of about three feet diameter, each indented, as if to receive the base of some statue or other ornament. The general material of which the building is constructed, is a lime-stone, containing petrifactions of shells and small marine animals; and such stone is to be found and dug up in the vicinity.

On examining the country around these ruins, I found the soil contiguous to the foundations of the outward wall on the south to be marshy, and was informed that it contained salt springs. I asked if no considerable spring of fresh water was to be seen near; and was shewn a fine rivulet of sweet water, about half a mile from the ruins, which takes its rise in a grove of date trees, and in a most romantic and beautiful situation: it is not, however, its delightful scene that recommends it to the native of Siwah, but an opinion that it is a specific against certain diseases.

I am conscious that the above description of the remains of antiquity near Siwah, is by far too cursory and incomplete, for any purpose of just and accurate inference; and that it must yet remain a mere conjecture, whether these ruins are those of the famous Temple of Jupiter Ammon. It must be obvious, from many points I have adverted to in my description, that I had the site of this renowned temple in view, and that it was a principal object of my research. Circumstances I was under, and of which the reader is already apprised, prevented my pursuing this great subject of just and learned curiosity with the nicety of inspection, and care in the consideration, which I could have wished to employ. Supposing, on reference to ancient writers, the comparison of the buildings not to bear me out in the idea which I entertain; yet on many other grounds I should contend, that Siwah had been a residence of the ancient Ammonites. I draw my conclusion from the relative situation of the country; from the quality of the soil, from its fertility; from the information of its inhabitants, that no other such fruitful tract is to be found any where near; and, in addition to the certainty, at least, that some great and magnificent building once here stood, I derive a further conclusion from the numerous catacombs to be found in the vicinity, and which I shall have occasion more particularly to notice. In regard to the memorable Temple of Ammon, should even my own description of the existing vestiges of building not accurately agree with general accounts of that edifice, yet, notwithstanding, I must continue to hold an opinion, from the general appearance and from the situation of those ruins, that they may be remains of the Temple of Jupiter Ammon. A delineation and decipher of the hieroglyphic figures, which adorn the inner walls of the building, might be conclusive on this question.

I will further add on this subject, that on inquiry after Edrisi’s Santrich, no one knew it even by name; but I was told that at a distance of seven days journey from Siwah, six from Faiume, and two or three[9] from Biljoradec, there exists a country, similar to that of Siwah, its inhabitants less in number, and speaking the same language. That region I should take to be the Minor Oasis of the ancients. I speak of this place from mere report, and could gain no more accurate, or further account; perhaps it lies among the mountains which traverse the great Desert near Ummesogeir, extending towards the south.

I come now to the subject of the various catacombs, to be found in the territory of Siwah, and which I was enabled more fully to examine, as lying in more sequestered spots, and where I was less liable to observation.

If I well understood my companion, an inhabitant of Siwah, there are four principal places, where catacombs are found. The first, Belled-el-Kaffer; the second, Belled-el-Rumi; both these terms, denote one and the same thing, namely, “place or town of infidels;” the third is, El-Mota, or place of burial; the fourth, Belled-el-Chamis, or Gamis. My inquiries were in particular directed to El-Mota, situated at the distance of about one mile north-east from Siwah. It is a rocky hill, with a number of catacombs on the declivity, but the most remarkable, are on the summit. There is a separate entrance to each, and the descent inwards is gentle and gradual. The passage from the aperture, leads to a door-way, from which the space of the room is enlarged, and on each side, are smaller excavations for containing the mummies. The stones rising from the threshold are cut in a form that shews a door to have been formerly hung, and to have closed the entrance. The catacombs are of different extent, and each is wrought with great labour and neatness of work, and especially the uppermost, which contains no traces of any mummy. In others are found various remains. I long, but in vain, searched for an entire head: I found fragments, and especially of the occiput in abundance, but none with any investiture remaining; and even in the occiputs most entire I could not discover any stain or mark of their once having been filled with resin. The cloth still adhered to some ribs, but so decayed, that nothing could be further distinguished, than that the stuff in which the mummy had been wrapt, was of the coarsest kind.

The ground in all these catacombs has been dug and explored in search of treasure, and I was told, by my guide, that in every one of these sepulchres gold has been, and is yet sometimes, found.

There is every probability that entire mummies might be discovered in the catacombs at a greater distance to westward of Siwah. I was credibly informed, that besides the open catacombs on the mountains, there are others under ground, and the entrance of which is to be found at no great depth; and that Biut-el-Nazari, (houses of Christians, synonymous here to Infidels,) exist on both sides of a long subterraneous passage, forming a communication, between two catacomb-mountains. The catacombs met with on Gibel-el-belled, being the hill on which Siwah is built, are small, and consist of a little antichamber, leading generally to two caverns where the mummies were deposited. Of these the two most remarkable are two large and high caverns on the north side; the one is twenty, the other sixteen feet square, and both are open to the north.

There are likewise two other caverns, of similar dimensions, but not so lofty, to be seen westward of Siwah, and leading to Augila; their entrance is low and narrow, and the two excavations are so near, that the partition, as appears from a small perforation, is only ten inches thick.

Quitting the subject of antiquities in the territory of Siwah, I have only to add, that in the nearest plain west of the town, there are other massive remains of some building, but which bear no token or note of remote antiquity, such as may be attributed to the ruins I first described.

SECTION VI.
Departure from Siwah.—Journey to Schiacha, and Danger which the Traveller there incurred.

Having remained eight days at Siwah; on the 29th of September, at three in the afternoon, we broke up our encampment, and proceeded a three hours march, when we again pitched our tents at foot of a hill. The next day we began our journey late, being delayed till one o’clock, in search of a slave who belonged to a court-officer of the Sultan of Fezzan, and who had absconded from the caravan. Whilst the man was looking for, I set out with a view of inspecting some catacombs which I descried on the neighbouring hills, but was stopped at some distance by a lake of seven or eight miles in circumference, formed at the base of the mountain by the conflux of springs and small pools of water, which the rains at this season had swollen and brought together. Returning to the camp, I took my telescope to examine the appearances I was not enabled closely to inspect, when the first object on the mountain which presented itself to my view was the Negro after whom the search was making. I gave no notice of my discovery, the poor fellow having a good character, and having been driven to the attempt of flight by the extreme severity of his master. I am sorry to say there was little hope of his final escape, the Siwahans having promised to deliver him up. This day we travelled till half an hour after sun-set. The next day we marched at two hours before day-break, and halted at nine. The fourth day brought us to the fruitful valley of Schiacha.

The mountains by which we travelled from Siwah to this spot, are branches of those which I have mentioned as appearing, at all times, to north of our way through the Desert, and often at but little distance. They rise abruptly, and as precipices, from the level ground, and shew a face of mere rock, without the least covering of soil or even of sand. Their appearance, taken together with that of the sea-sand which covers the Desert, indicate this vast tract to have been flooded, and at a period later than the great deluge. In the sandy plain below these mountains is seen the surface of a vast calcareous rock, containing no substance of petrifaction, whereas the mountains near consist of limestone, crowded and filled with fragments of marine animals and shells. The strata of all these rocky hills lay horizontal.

Westward of Siwah, I found two banks or heaps of calcined shells, some of the size of two inches over. My interpreter told me, that taking his road at some distance from me, he saw a mountain standing singly and unconnected with others, composed entirely of shells. Many such vast isolated mounds are to be seen throughout the whole of this district, and the bed-joints or interstices of their strata of stone (always horizontal), being filled up with a reddish, friable, calcareous substance, they often resemble pyramids, and in so exact and illusive a manner, that more than once I was deceived into expectation of arrival at such building. The architecture of the ancient Egyptians was of the vast and gigantic kind; and builders of such ambitious temper and stupendous scheme, might readily entertain the idea of transforming a mountain into a pyramid, shaping the huge rock, already in form partly adapted, and casing it with wrought stones on the outside, as they might prefer. Some of the learned have given an opinion, that the Pyramids of Giza and of Saccara, were not originally erections from the base, but merely hills of earth or stone, shaped and covered by the labour of man. The idea is plausible, though certainly to be controverted, by reasons to be drawn from history, and from other the best sources of fact and argument.

I now proceed to the recital of an event in which I was personally and principally concerned. I shall give the recital in detail, as, in its consequences, being of the highest import to the future safety of myself, and therewith to the progress of discovery which I have engaged in; and, as it has afforded me self-confidence and new encouragement, ever favourable to the success of enterprize, so will it, I trust, give satisfaction to those who have employed me, inspiring just and well-founded hopes of my finally accomplishing the great purpose entrusted to my care.

The state of quiet and security usually attending our encampments was interrupted, whilst at Schiacha, by the arrival of some Siwahans, who, about eight o’clock in the evening, came with intelligence, that a numerous horde of Arabs from the vicinity of Faiume were hovering in the Desert, ready to fall upon our caravan. These messengers at the same time assured us, that the people of Siwah had resolved to come to our assistance, and to escort us to the next watering-place; adding, “that their little army would arrive in a few hours, determined to risk with us every thing in opposing the attack of the Bedouins, whose force they represented as consisting of from 800 to 1000 men. Our leader, the Sheik of the Twaters, immediately assembled the principal people of the caravan, when it was decided not to desert our post, but to await the enemy. Scarcely was our little council broke up, when we heard from afar the braying of some hundred asses, giving notice of the approach of the Siwahans. They use this animal on their military excursions, from the advantage it affords of more easily proceeding by narrow and rugged passes among the mountains, and evading or attacking any enemy, who from ignorance of the country, or from the nature of its cattle requiring safer roads, is obliged to confine its march to broader defiles or vallies. Some men were immediately dispatched from the caravan, requiring the Siwahans to halt at half a mile distance from our post. The night passed in disquietude and alarm: each got his arms in readiness, and prepared for a battle on the ensuing day. A little before sun-rise, the Siwahans advanced on foot, and gave apprehension of immediate attack. Some Augilans rode forward, to inquire their intentions, and were answered, “that the caravan had nothing to fear;” on reporting this to the Sheik, he sent the messengers back, to say he should consider and treat them as enemies, if they advanced a step further. On this message the Siwahans halted, formed a circle, and invited some Augilans to a conference. During all this time, I remained quiet with my baggage, having sent my interpreter to collect intelligence of what was passing. Seeing him return, and judging from his manner and haste, that he had something of importance to communicate, I ran to meet him. He immediately accosted me with, “cursed be the moment, when I determined upon this journey; we are both of us unavoidably lost men; they take us for Christians and spies, and will assuredly put us to death.” With these words he left me, and ran to the baggage, where he exchanged his single gun for my double barrelled one, and armed himself with two brace of pistols. I upbraided him with his want of firmness, told him “a steady and resolute conduct could alone preserve ourselves and friends, and reminded him that his present behaviour was precisely such as to give weight to the suspicions entertained:” I further urged, “that on his own account he had nothing to fear, having for twelve years been a Mahommedan, and perfectly acquainted with the religion and customs; that myself alone was in danger, and that I hoped to avert it, provided he did not intermeddle with my defence.” “Friend, (answered he,) you will never hear of danger: but this time you will pay for your temerity.”

Perceiving that terror had wholly deprived him of the necessary temper and recollection, I now left him to himself, and walked up unarmed, but with a firm and manly step, to this tumultuous assembly.

I entered the circle, and offered the Mahometan salutation, “Assulam Alckum,” but none of the Siwahans returned it. Some of them immediately exclaimed,—“You are of the new Christians from Cairo, and come to explore our country.” Had I at this time, been as well acquainted with Mahometan fanaticism, and the character of the Arabs, as I have been since, I should have deduced my defence from the very terms of the accusation, and stated that I was indeed from Cairo, having fled from the Infidels; as it was, I answered nothing to this general clamour, but sat down and directed my speech to one of the Chiefs, whose great influence I knew, and who had been often in my tent whilst at Siwah. “Tell me, brother, (said I,) hast thou ever before known 300 armed men take a journey of three days, in pursuit of two men, who dwelt in their midst for ten days, who had eaten and drank with them as friends, and whose tents were open to them all? Thyself hast found us praying and reading the Koran; and now thou sayest we are Infidels from Cairo; that is, one of those from whom we fly! Dost thou not know, that it is a great sin to tell one of the faithful that he is a Pagan?” I spoke this with an earnest and resolute tone, and many of the congregation seemed gained over by it, and disposed to be favourable to me: the man replied, “that he was convinced we were not Infidels, that he had persuaded no one to this pursuit, and as far as depended on him alone, he was ready to return to Siwah.” On this I turned to one of the vulgar, who was communicating some of the accusations against me to the people of our caravan. “Be thou silent, (said I,) would to God, that I were able to speak well the Arabic, I would then ask questions of thee, and of hundreds like thee, who are less instructed in the Islam than I am.” An old man on this observed, “This man is younger than the other, and yet more courageous!” I immediately continued, “My friend is not afraid of thee, but thou oughtest to have fears of my friend: dost thou know what it is to reproach a man, who lives with sultans and with princes, with being an Infidel?” I was then asked for what purpose we carried Christian papers. I now found that my interpreter had unwarily shewn a passport which I had obtained from General Bonaparte, with a view not to be detained at the French posts through which I was to pass to the caravan. My interpreter at this moment came up, and finding me alive, and the assembly less angry and violent, than when on being first questioned, he had exasperated them by inconsiderate and perplexed answers; he recovered himself, and stood sufficiently composed and collected, whilst I explained partly in German, partly in Arabic, what had passed. Knowing, however, that the paper in question would be demanded, and not choosing to trust to his prudence in the manner of producing it; I went myself for it to the tent, and returning, brought likewise a Koran with me. I immediately tendered the paper to a Chief of the Siwahans, who having unfolded it, asked, “if any by-stander could read it.” I could not help smiling at the question, perilous as was my situation. The same question was then put to us, when I answered, “that we did not understand what it contained, but were told, it would allow us to quit Cairo without being molested.” “This is the book, (interrupted my interpreter,) which I understand:” and immediately took the Koran from my hand. We were ordered, by reading in it, to give proof of our being truly of the religion. Our learning in this respect went far indeed beyond the simple ability of reading. My companion knew the entire Koran by heart, and as for me, I could even then write Arabic, and well too: which with these people, was an extraordinary proficiency in learning. We had scarcely given a sample of our respective talents, when the chiefs of our caravan, who to this moment had been silent, now took loudly our part; and many of the Siwahans too, interfered in our favour. In short, the inquiry ended to our complete advantage, though not without the murmuring of some in the multitude, who lost the hopes of plunder which the occasion might have afforded.

Thus the character of Mussulman which I assumed was firmly established, and I shall not be subjected in future, to like inquiries, on which, perhaps, more decisive proofs might be required, and which I could not give. The security of my future voyage is thus assured, and so great an advantage more than compensates for some losses attending the above incident, but which yet I must regret.

During the time I was first in conference with the people of Siwah, and those of the caravan, my baggage was left with my interpreter; who in the paroxysms of his fears, and indeed with no light apprehensions of our bales of goods being searched, took my remains of mummies, my specimens of mineralogy, my more detailed remarks, made on my way from Cairo to Schiacha, and generally my books, and gave them to a confidential slave of my Arab inmate, to bury them in a bog; this was done, and I never afterwards could retrieve them.

SECTION VII.
Departure from Schiacha—arrival at Augila.

On the fifth day (reckoning by our departure from Siwah,) we left Schiacha, and travelled about four hours, when we encamped. The next morning in two hours and a half, we came to a district called Torfaue, where we halted to collect fresh water: from this place we departed at four in the afternoon of the same day, and continued our march until eight the next morning, through a desert, the level of which was interrupted by numerous sand-hills; at eight o’clock we stopped to refresh, and rested till two o’clock, when we again pressed forward, and continued our march till eight in the morning, when we encamped till one. At one we again proceeded, travelled all night, and till three o’clock the next morning, when the party with whom I travelled, discovered, that during the night, we had wandered from the caravan; we resolved thereon to halt and await the return of day. We placed our baggage by the side of each camel, to be enabled on emergency, to load again with dispatch, and I laid me down to sleep on the sand, with the bridle in one hand, and my firelock in the other, and slept soundly till sunrise.

We now discovered our caravan; and at the same time, that we were not above half a mile from a spot, fruitful and abounding in water. We immediately made up to the place and encamped. The journey from Torfaue to this spot, was the most disagreeable and fatiguing that in the course of all my travels I had experienced. Both men and cattle were so wearied and exhausted, that as soon as the baggage was unladen, all resorted to sleep. We here reposed the whole day, and the next set forth for Augila, by short marches, (altogether not amounting to more than nine hours travel); we used no haste, as having nothing to apprehend, being now in the country of our friends.

Our entry into Mojabra, one of the three places belonging to the dominion of Augila, was solemn and affecting, as the greater part of the merchants of our caravan had here habitations and families. The Bey of Bengasi, Vicegerent for the Bashaw of Tripoly, and at that time resident at Augila, sent about twenty of his Arabs to note in writing the burden of the camels, and for which they demanded a small duty. These Arabs then ranged themselves, and formed a right wing to our caravan, drawn up for procession. The merchants who had horses formed the left, and the pilgrims and ordinary Arabs formed the centre, headed by the Sheik preceded by a green flag. The pilgrims marched on singing; and the Arabs made their horses prance and curvet, and so continued until we approached near to Mojabra; where a number of old men and children met us, to felicitate and get a first embrace of their sons and relations, whom, on hearing of the French invasion in Egypt, they had given over as lost.

We pitched our tents in a spot adjoining the town, and were most hospitably entertained. The following night I proceeded on my journey towards Augila, in company with two merchants, one of whom procured me a lodging on my arrival, it being the intention of the caravan to stop longer than usual at this place.

There are three towns within the territory of Augila; Augila, the capital, and Mojabra, and Meledila. The two last are near to each other, and both about four hours from Augila; Mojabra to the south, and Meledila to north of the road by which we passed. Mojabra and Meledila are occasionally comprehended in the general name of Fallo, designating the district.

Augila, a town well known in the time of Herodotus,[10] covers a space of about one mile in circumference. It is badly built, and the streets are narrow and not kept clean. The houses are built of a limestone, dug from the neighbouring hills, and consist only of one story or ground floor. The apartments are dark, there being no aperture for light but the door; and are generally ranged round a small court, to which the entrance of each room faces, for purpose of collecting the more light. The public buildings, comparatively, are yet more mean and wretched. Mojabra is of smaller extent, but appears proportionally more populous than Augila. The inhabitants of Meledila are chiefly employed in agriculture; those of Mojabra engage mostly in trade, and pass their lives in travelling betwixt Cairo and Fezzan. The people of Augila are of a more sedentary disposition; though some of these too, were with our caravan.

The men of the above places, who engage in the caravan trade, generally keep three houses; one at Kardaffi, near Cairo; one at Mojabra, and a third at Zuila, or sometimes at Mourzouk. Many have a wife and family establishment at each of these houses; and others take a wife for the time, if the stay of the caravan is longer than usual. The men from their very youth devote themselves to such traveller’s life. Boys from thirteen to fourteen years of age, accompanied our caravan the long and toilsome journey from Augila to Fezzan on foot, or at least seldom mounting a horse. In observing the general character of this people, I could not but remark a degradation, self-interestedness, and mean and shuffling disposition, derived from early habits of petty trade, and the manner in which it was conducted, as contra-distinguishing those engaged in this traffic, and those who remained at home.

The men of the country are engaged in gardening and agriculture; but in the last to no great extent. The women are very industrious in manufacturing coarse woollen cloths of five yards in length and a yard and a half wide, which are called Abbe, and are sent in considerable quantities to Fezzan. These constitute the chief clothing of this people; they wrap them about their bodies, and without even a shirt or shift under.

Round Augila the country is level and the soil sandy, yet, being well watered, is tolerably fertile. Corn is not cultivated in quantity sufficient for subsistence of the people. The Arabs of Bengasi, distant about thirteen days journey, import annually both wheat and barley; and this their corn caravan is generally accompanied by flocks of sheep for sale.

The inhabitants of this region can generally speak the Arabic but their vulgar language is a dialect similar to that of Siwah, above noticed.

FOOTNOTES:

[2]In hoc supercilio sunt frusta salis, ferè grumi grandes in collibus, et singulorum collium vertices è medio sale ejaculantur aquam dulcem pariter et gelidam. Herodot. ed. Wesseling. p. 181.

[3]Ῥέει γὰρ ἐκ Λιβύης ὁ Νεῖλος, καὶ μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην. Herodot. Euterpé, § 33. The Editor rather supposes that Herodotus using the term Lybia, comprised all Africa, west of Egypt and Ethiopia; and that the river, or branch of river, alluded to, is the great stream flowing from the west, described by the Nasamones, and supposed to be a part of the Nile, by Etearchus: in such case the traveller may in vain look for its channel in the country suggested by Mr. Horneman, it being undoubtedly far to the south,—the Joliba or Niger.

[4]So too Alexander, on his march to the Fane of Ammon, found the water bitter: κατήντησεν ἐπὶ ΠΙΚΡΑΝ καλουμένην λίμνην.

Did. Sic. Tom. I. p. 198, edit. Wesseling.

[5]Vide Note, [Appendix, No. I.]

[6]Vide [Appendix, No. IV.]

[7]Vide Herodot. edit. Wesseling, p. 284.

[8]Vide Note, [Appendix, No. I.]

[9]The distance from Biljoradec is not clearly expressed in the original.

[10]Herodotus places Augila at ten days journey from the city of the Ammonians. Melpom. 182. N. B. Mr. Horneman was nine days on journey from Augila to Siwah, partly by forced marches.

CHAPTER II.

SECTION I.
Augila, to the Confines of Temissa.

Soon after our arrival at Augila, a man was sent off by the chief of the caravan to examine the watering-places as far the borders of the kingdom of Fezzan. This precaution became necessary from the increased number of people and camels, now forming this great caravan, and the possibility that, from want of rain or other causes, the springs on the usual route might not afford sufficient water for so large a body. The messenger being ordered to use the utmost dispatch, returned on the twelfth day with the happy intelligence, that water was in plenty, and that he met with nothing to impede our journey.

Accordingly, the 27th of October was the day fixed for our departure from Augila, and myself and party quitted the town the preceding evening, and encamped in the open air, to be among the first at the breaking up and movement of the caravan. The next morning we set out before sunrise, and proceeded in a direction west by south. Our caravan was increased by companies of merchants from Bengasi, Merote, and Mojabra, in all about 120 men. Many of the inhabitants of Augila and Fallo, accompanied us part of the way, and, as a mark of honour and attention, pranced their horses and fired their muskets round us. This party had scarcely taken their leave, when an Arab riding to us in haste, gave information, that we were pursued by a large body of horse, and that they were even then close upon our rear. On this intelligence the camels were immediately driven by the slaves and boys to a rising ground, and those who had arms mustered to cover the retreat, and prevent the enemy’s irruption and pillage. At the moment we were preparing for action, we were happily undeceived. The horsemen were troops of the Bey of Bengasi (then resident at Augila as I before mentioned), and who, hearing the complimentary discharge of firelocks by the friends who had just left us, thought we might have been attacked, and came out to our assistance.

We now resumed our march, and continued it till sunset, each boasting of his prowess, and what feats of arms he had before done, and what he would have done had the Bey’s troops been hostile.

The evening we encamped in the open Desert, on a spot devoid of water, and so completely barren, that not even a single blade of herb for our camels was to be found, and we were obliged to feed them with what provender we had with us.

On the second day we advanced for twelve hours through the Desert, the plain consisting of soft limestone, sometimes bare, but more frequently covered with quicksand.

On the morning of the third day, the scene somewhat altered; detached hills rose here and there, taking from the uniformity of the before level desert. These mounds seemed to derive their origin from a base of calcareous rock, round, and on which the sands had gathered, and been heaped up by the winds, and on some to a considerable height. From this district of hillocks and hills, commences a range of mountains called Morai-je, stretching far to SSW, and seemingly also branching towards the north. This day we encamped two hours before sunset, for the purpose of awaiting the return of some Twaters, who separated from us about noon, to seek pasture for their camels. Our camp was pitched on the summit of a hill, at foot of which were spread a quantity of petrified shells and marine substances imbedded in a soft limestone.

On the fourth day we struck our tents very early in the morning, with the view of reaching a particular spot for our next encampment, where fresh water was to be found. The first part of our day’s journey we travelled on a continued plain on the heights of the mountain. The ascent from the east had been gentle, but coming to the western declivity, we found the way down most steep and difficult. It is noted by the name of Neddeek by the Arabs. The way down is not only steep, but so narrow that the whole caravan was obliged to travel in single file, camel after camel. The perpendicular height of this (almost) precipice was about eighty feet. From the verge of the summit the prospect was most beautiful. A narrow vale, extending far beyond the reach of the eye, was illumined at some distance by the rise of sun, whose beams slanted over the mountain we had to pass: in regarding the level and brightness of the distant scene, we looked over a fore-ground of craggy rocks, and abrupt and frightful chasms yet remaining in gloomy shade; and the contrast of bright and terrific scene made the stronger impression on our minds, whilst from this awful height we had to meditate on the difficulty and danger of our passage down to the plain. I followed not the narrow track of the caravan, but picked myself out a way down the mountain with some difficulty and risk. Coming to its base, I observed a piece of petrified wood, of about two feet long and eight inches broad; it was the only such fragment I saw in these parts. Forward in the plain to some distance, lay huge stones, or rather rocks. They probably have been there from the time of some great flood,[11] which, on every consideration of what I now and before saw, I must suppose to have inundated these countries, at some distant period, distinctively and subsequent to the deluge mentioned in Scripture. At some distance I cast a look back to the Neddeek; its appearance of wild forms of rock broken into or rent asunder, confirmed my idea of irruption of waters, and that the deluge had rushed from the west. Our march was now directed along the valley, skirted by mountains nearly of the same height and form as those we had passed; at length it expanded into a wider plain called Sultin, where, at one o’clock, and after ten hours journey we encamped, and with water in plenty to replenish our bags for the ensuing days.

The fifth and sixth days we journied on through this Desert; for so, from its barrenness and appearance, it may be justly termed, though throughout abounding in springs. The waters I should, however, suppose to be bitter, as the Arabs dig no wells in this district.

The seventh day our way lay between ranges of hills, and in the evening we came to a spot affording not only verdure but trees, and that to a considerable extent of country: under these trees we encamped, and continued travelling through a very grove the best part of the ensuing day, when our road opened to a desert checquered with hills, and scabeous calcareous rocks. From one of these eminences I first observed the mountainous region Harutsch, so known to and dreaded by travellers. The marvellous narratives of calamity therein suffered, and which had been recited to me on our way; and the black and dreary appearances which the face of the country offered to my view, roused my curiosity, and I pressed on before the caravan to examine a lower mountain, which, like a promontory jutted towards us before the rest. The soil of the desert near was stony, the stones consisting of calcareous limestone. The mountain presented the form of an imperfect cone: its strata I take to have lain originally horizontal, as those of the hills passed on our route, but from some convulsion, they are now broken, turned over, and promiscuously confused. The substance of which the mountain consists, on fracture, and as to colour, resembles the ferruginous basalt; and such I take it to be. Range upon range of dreary and black mountains succeed, and form the only prospect!

As the caravan was approaching, I dismounted, and sat me down close to a large stone which formed my table, whilst I partook of such frugal fare as the Arab carries with him on these occasions. When I rose up the caravan had passed the prominence of the mountain and disappeared. The ground, however, being firm, and thence the road to be easily traced, I was under no anxiety; though after half an hour’s march, somewhat surprised at not yet discovering my old companions, I took out my spy-glass, when I descried at a little distance four Moroccans, whom I rode up to and accosted: they told me that the caravan had already encamped at a short distance from the road, to pasture their camels, and that they themselves were in search of water to satisfy their thirst. I was inclined to be of their party, but was fearful of giving uneasiness to my people by longer absence from the caravan, which, from its fires now kindled, I easily discovered and rejoined.

The ninth day we travelled between black and dreary hills; our road meandering through narrow and dismal ravines, now and then spreading to some width, having some grass and even a tree, and sometimes opening to a space of valley, of which the herbage looked fresh, and even luxuriant, from the copious rains which fall in this mountainous region, fertilizing the soil after it is washed down.

Our watering-place consisted of pools of mere rain water from the hills, and was situate at the edge of a valley of about six miles circuit, shewing not only a rich verdure, but bearing shrubs and trees. Here we saw some gazelles, but so shy, that we could not get a shot at them.

We passed our tenth, eleventh, and twelfth days incessantly almost in march through this dreary solitude; yet we could not expedite our journey as we wished. Sometimes we were obliged to wander from our direct line with the windings of our only path; at other times we were forced to move on slowly and with difficulty, over layers of loose stone for half a mile together: in the course of one of those days, I ventured on a walk to the south, accompanied by my Arabian servant and some Twaters. We could easily, on foot, outstrip the caravan under all its impediments of march. Every where I found the mountains of like appearance as exhibited to the traveller on the common road, with the only difference that views even more dreary and terrific occasionally caught the eye: it having been matter of course to work and conduct the road along the least rugged vallies.

On the afternoon of the thirteenth day, we broke at length from this dark region into an extensive plain. Here we continued on march for some hours, when we came to ranges of low calcareous mountains, and about sunset encamped at the entrance of the defile which leads through them.

On the morning of the fifteenth I placed myself among the foremost of the caravan, consisting chiefly of poor pilgrims, hastening to precede the other company, with a view of first quenching their thirst at the spring, which on that day we were to arrive at. On coming to the watering-place called Ennaté I perceived a well already cleaned and in order, and several Twaters lying round. I placed myself near and prepared for breakfast. An old man had laboured a shorter cut across the sand to be sooner at the well; after mutual salutation, I offered him a handful of dates and some meat; these he thankfully accepted, kissing them and rubbing them on his forehead. Putting the provisions down on the ground, he got to the spring, and continued drinking for a considerable time, and recited his prayer Elham-Dulillah with great devotion. He told me, that for three days past he had been without his requisite portion of water. This man (as himself told me), was above sixty years old; and this was his third voyage from Fez to Mecca, without possessing the least means of accommodation for the journey; without preparation of food for his subsistence; nay, even without water, excepting what commiseration and the esteem in which his pilgrimage was held, might procure for him, from the charity and regard of travellers better provided in the caravan.

We reposed the rest of the day on this spot, distant from our last encampment four hours march, and our chief dispatched a messenger to Mourzouk, to give notice of arrival of the caravan on the frontier of the kingdom, and to bear a letter of respect to the sultan from each merchant individually.

And now, on the sixteenth, (dating by our departure from Augila), we came again to the society of men: a march of nine hours bringing us to Temissa, situated within the territory of Fezzan.

SECTION II.
Observations on the Region of the Harutsch.

The mountainous desert of Harutsch is the most remarkable region that came within scope of my observation during this journey; its extent has been stated to me at seven days journey over, from north to south; and at five days from east to west: but in a subsequent voyage from Fezzan to Tripoly, I fell in again with a branch or tract of the Harutsch, and was there told, that it yet extended further to the west. At Mourzouk, too, I was informed of black mountains on the road leading southward to Bornou, on whose heights the climate was of very cold temperature, and whence the people of Mourzouk obtained their iron; and I conjecture that such mountainous tract may be a further branch of the Harutsch, though having indeed no positive information or proof of the immediate junction or connection of these regions.

The rugged, broken, and altogether wild and terrific scene which this desert tract affords, leads strongly to the supposition that its surface at some period took its present convulsed form and appearance from volcanic revolution. Its inequalities of ground are no where of great altitude. The general face of country shews continued ranges of hills, running in various directions, rising from eight to twelve feet only above the level of the intermediate ground; and between which branches, (on perfect flats, and without any gradual ascent of base or fore-ground,) rise up lofty insulated mountains, whose sides are exceeding steep from the very base. A mountain of this description, situated midway on journey over this desert, and north of our caravan road, is by the Arabs termed Stres; it has the appearance of being split from the top down to the middle. I was prevented from particular examination of it, but soon, on our caravan halting, had the opportunity of inspecting another of the same kind.

This mountain I perceived, from the foot to the summit, to be covered with detached stones, such as wholly constitute the lower hills. The small plain from which this mountain rose, was encompassed by rows of hills, such as above described, closely running into each other, and connected as a wall. The flat within was overspread with white quicksand, on which lay, irregularly scattered, large blocks of stone, of like nature and substance as that generally throughout this desert. With some trouble I procured a sample of the earthy stratum beneath the sand: it seemed to me, at the time, to have the appearance of ashes thrown out from a volcano; but I have since lost the paper which contained the specimen, and cannot further confirm the accuracy of my first observation. In the vicinity of this mountain, I found stones of smaller bulk and a reddish colour, resembling that of burnt bricks; some of these were one-half red, the other blackish; the red part had not the same weight or density, on fracture, as the black: the former is more porous and spongy, and bears a general resemblance to slags or scoriæ.

The stony substance, of which the mass of these mountains consists, varies in colour and density; in some parts heavy and compact, in others having small holes and cavities. These species of stone are intermingled, and I could not discover in either, any extraneous matter or substance.

The stratification or lay of these stones is perfectly horizontal, but often disturbed; parts of the first layer sinking into and mixing with the second below, and the second with the third. Sometimes the strata take an oblique direction; sometimes are promiscuously confused, and sometimes no strata appear at all; and a series of low hills is formed of one solid mass of rock, with fissures in direction to the north. The plain too shews occasionally level rock of the like nature and substance, in parts where bare of sand or soil. The whole of this region of hillocks, hills, rocks, and mountains, is, in parts, intersected by vales, occasionally having water; and though the soil is of white sand, yet it is so far fertile as to produce single trees, and pasturage for beasts; in these productive spots are frequently to be seen the tracks and slots of game. Often, when I thought I could so do without danger of losing my way, I struck into one of the narrow vales running apparently in the same direction as our caravan road; and occasionally led away to defiles becoming more narrow and rugged, I repented my indiscretion, whilst thus separated from my company, and exposed to attack from Bedouins, with dependence for safety on my single sabre and pistols. On regaining the caravan, it yet occurred that my danger had not been great, for what Arab robber could look for a traveller in such a tract, or suppose any hardy enough to wander therein from his troop, excepting, indeed, some wretched Moroccan pilgrim in search of water!

In the course of these excursions, on the side of one of these narrow vales, winding among the mountains, I observed a narrow branch or inlet, towards the termination of which the rocky heights from each side closed, and formed a cavern of about nine feet deep, and five feet wide; and, considering its appearance and situation in this desolate, obscure, and mournful region, I was inspired with feelings, as on viewing the entrance to the subterraneous world, and very passage, ad inferos.

My interpreter told me, that at some time when I had taken another path, and when the caravan was travelling about midway through the mountains, he saw a cavern in which the stones to a considerable depth were black, and that under these lay a stratum of white stones. On travelling afterwards from Fezzan to Tripoly, in continuation of the Harutsch, (as I supposed it), I myself observed ranges of basaltic hills, alternate with ranges of calcareous hills. My interpreter brought me a specimen of the white stone taken from the cave himself had seen, but I think was not happy in its selection, it consisting of a mere lump of indurated argillaceous earth, such as often adheres to limestone.

In respect to the many hills, and their curious ranges and direction, the Harutsch exhibits a similitude to the excrescences on the bordering mountains I refer to in a subsequent journey; it agrees too in the circumstance of single stones scattered on the surface, which, in the Harutsch, are distinguished as being only of one species or substance, peculiar to the district. There is too a further analogy in the plains formed of bare rock; and in the white quicksand covering other levels, and laying round the mountains, and up their base, though to no considerable height.

Contiguous to the Harutsch-el-assuat, or black Harutsch, lies the white Harutsch, or Harutsch-el-abiat. The country denoted by this appellation is a vast plain, interspersed with mounds or isolated hills, and spreads to the mountains rising towards Fezzan. The stones covering the surface of this plain have the appearance of being glazed, and so too every other substance, and even the rocks which occasionally rise or project from the level. Among the stones are found fragments of large petrified marine animals, but mostly shells closed up and insolidated. These shells struck or thrown forcibly on others, give a shrill sound, and the fracture presents a vitreous appearance.

The low, bare, calcareous hills which border the plain, are, by the Arabs, comprised in the Harutsch-el-abiat; but they are of a nature very different. Of all that I have seen, this range of hills contains the most petrifactions. These mountains rise immediately steep from the level, and the matter of which they are formed is alone friable limestone, in which the petrifactions are so loosely imbedded, that they may be taken out with ease; they consist of petrified conchs, snail-shells, fish, and other marine substances. I found heads of fish that would be a full burthen for one man to carry. In the adjacent vallies are shells in great number, and of the same kind as those found on the great plain, and which, as I before mentioned, have the appearance of being glazed.

SECTION III.
Arrival at Temissa, and further Journey.

We were yet an hour’s march distant from Temissa, when the inhabitants of that place greeted the caravan with welcome and congratulation on arrival. They put questions without number, concerning our health, intermingling wishes for peace in the Arabian stile and manner. The incessant repetition of the same words appeared to me extraordinary, but I was soon given to understand, that it denoted polite manners, according to usage of the country. The more noble and educated the man, the oftener did he repeat his questions. A well dressed young man attracted my particular attention, as an adept in the perseverance and redundancy of salutation. Accosting an Arab of Augila, he gave him his hand, and detained him a considerable time with his civilities, when the Arab being obliged to advance with greater speed to come up again with his companions, the youth of Fezzan thought he should appear deficient in good manners if he quitted him so soon: for near half a mile he kept running by his horse, whilst all his conversation was, How dost thou fare? Well, how art thou thyself? Praised be God thou art arrived in peace! God grant thee peace! How dost thou do, &c. &c.

On our approach to Temissa, the pilgrims arranged themselves with their kettle drum and green flag. The merchants formed a troop, at head of the caravan, and pranced and curvetted their horses as they led on, and in this manner we passed on to our place of encampment near the town, whilst the women assembled without the walls, welcomed us in their Arabian custom with reiterated and joyful exclamation, to which we answered by discharge of our fire-arms; and these compliments continued till we pitched our tents in a grove of date trees.

All was gladness and felicitation this day throughout the caravan, and especially amongst the merchants. Perhaps for years past the caravan had not left Cairo with so gloomy and fearful a prospect as on the present occasion, when an army of Infidels had so suddenly assailed and taken the principal city of Africa, destroyed the ruling power of the Mamelukes, and threatened immediate abolition to the trade for slaves, on which the caravan principally subsists. It was but a few days after our leaving Cairo, that the appearance of an horde of Bedouins gave alarm to our caravan; indeed it was extraordinary that we should reach Siwah without attack, as the Arabs had of late been so bold, as even to pass the French posts, and rob near to the very capital. Whilst at Siwah, we were apprised of the movements of different hordes of Bengasi and other Arabian tribes; and not far from our road between Augila and the frontiers of Fezzan, we descried numerous vestiges of their depredation, viewing some hundreds of dead camels and beasts of burthen which they had plundered and left, probably from deficiency of water for their support. They had robbed in the neighbourhood, and even made an attack on Temissa, and had waited for us in these parts for a considerable time, till they concluded that, from the conquest of Cairo, our caravan would not this year proceed. Being therefore now in no immediate danger, and our future route laying through the inhabited districts of the realm of Fezzan, our fears at once vanished.

Temissa is at present a place of little importance, containing not more than forty men bearing arms. It is built on a hill, and surrounded by a high wall, capable of securing it against hostile incursion if in due repair, but in many parts the wall is decayed and fallen. I was told there were inscriptions to be discovered on some of the buildings, but I found none, and rather suppose none such ever existed, the ruins consisting of mere dilapidated houses, built with limestone, and cemented with a reddish mortar. These remains, however, shew that the ancient inhabitants of Temissa were more expert in the art of building than the present, who have patched up dwelling places in and among the ruins scarcely so comfortable as our sheds for cattle in Europe.

These people have many sheep and goats. Their only beast of burden is the ass. The place is surrounded with groves of date trees, which furnish the chief subsistence; corn is produced, but in very small quantity.

Having visited the town; on my return to camp, I found there a number of the natives, bartering sheep, fowls and dates, for tobacco, butter, female ornaments, and the coarse woollen stuffs with which the Arabs are generally cloathed. The evening closed in mutual congratulation and festivity, and the younger slaves and boys of the camp made a bonfire.

Our journies from this place being intended to be short, we did not decamp the following morning till half an hour after sunrise, and moved on slowly between date trees, on a generally level ground, interspersed here and there with low hills formed by the wind, which had gathered and heaped a deep sand round some of the trees, so that only the top branches appeared. At two in the afternoon, we came in sight of Zuila, and proceeded towards the place destined for our encampment SW. of the town.

SECTION IV.
Of Zuila.

Zuila being a place of importance in the territory of Fezzan, and the place of residence, not only of many leading and wealthy men, but of relations to the family of the Sultan; we halted at some little distance from the town, and prepared to do the proper honours of our arrival.

The merchants, their pages and slaves dressed themselves in their best apparel; and the Sheik ordered his green flag to be borne before him, in honor to the Shereefs who live in this place. We had scarcely formed ourselves in procession, when we perceived twenty horsemen, mounted on white horses, with a green flag carried in their centre. It was the Shereef Hindy, the principal man of the town, who with his eight sons and other relations, was come out to meet us: at some distance followed a great number of men and boys on foot. They joined our caravan, and we passed together near the town, with huzzas and discharge of muskets, till we reached our place of encampment and pitched our tents.

Many other inhabitants then came out to us, some from curiosity, and some to barter their goods; all behaved with the greatest decorum and regularity; but the family of the Shereef was distinguished by its particular complacency and politeness of manners: they wore the Tripolitan dress, but over it a fine Soudan shirt or Tob. The dealings of the caravan, on this occasion, were considerable, and especially with the women, who purchased various articles of ornament, in exchange for garden-stuff, milk, and poultry.

Zuila has received the name of Belled-el-Shereef, or town of the Shereefs: in former times it was an important place, and its circumference appears to have been thrice the extent of what it is now. Some of the Shereef’s family told me, that some centuries past Zuila had been the residence of the sultans, and the general rendezvous of the caravans: and even yet the voyage to Fezzan is termed, the voyage to Seela, by the caravan from Bornou.

This little city stands on a space of about one mile in circuit; as in Augila, the houses have only a ground floor, and the rooms are lighted from the door. Near the centre of the town, are the ruins of a building several stories high, and of which the walls are very thick; and report says, this was formerly the palace. Without the town near the southern wall, stands an old mosque, little destroyed by time, serving as a sample of the ancient magnificence of Zuila; it contains in the middle a spacious hall or saloon, encompassed by a lofty colonnade, behind which runs a broad passage, with entrances to various apartments belonging to the establishment of the mosque. At some little distance further from the city, appear ancient and very lofty edifices, which are the tombs of shereefs, who fell in battle, at time the country was attacked by Infidels.

The environs of Zuila are level, supplied with water, and fertile. The groves of date trees are of great extent; and its inhabitants appear to pay more attention to agriculture than those of adjoining places.

In the evening we had further proof of the Arab hospitality of yore. A slave of the Shereef’s, brought to each tent a dish of meat and broth, and ten small loaves; this most ancient custom the Sheik of the Sultan keeps up and strictly adheres to on arrival of each caravan; soon after, he sent to each of us three small loaves for the morrow’s breakfast.

SECTION V.
Further journey—and arrival at Mourzouk.

We left the hospitable Zuila the ensuing morning, and having passed through a grove of date trees, came to an extensive and open plain over which we marched seven hours, and then arrived at Hemara; a small village, thin in people, and wretched in appearance, though the country round is most fertile. Here for the first time I was regaled with the great Fezzan dainty of locusts or grass-hoppers, and a drink called lugibi. The latter is composed of the juice of date trees, and when fresh is sweet and agreeable enough to the taste, but is apt to produce flatulencies and diarrhœa. At first I did not relish the dried locusts, but when accustomed, grew fond of them: when eaten, the legs and wings are broken off and the inner part is scooped out, and what remains has a flavour similar to that of red herrings, but more delicious.

The succeeding day we were on march before sunrise; our road crossed a plain, with date trees to the south, among which I descried several small villages. I was till noon separated from my usual party, the Sultan’s Sheik of Zuila being pleased to select me as his particular companion. His ordinary clothes were very much worn, and even ragged; he had a cloak, the badge of his high office; he chose to ride with me (as he said) because he deemed it dishonour to ride with the merchants. When permitted to quit him and rejoin my old comrades, I found them in great glee and spirits, at being so near the place where they had houses and families; their gladness, however, soon received alloy, for the officers of the Sultan met us to take account of the bales and merchandize, which had not being usually done till arrival at the gates of Mourzouk; and the merchants had been in the habit of previously disposing of at least a third of their goods, in order to evade the duties. Some however, had contrived to intermingle their baggage with that of the pilgrims, who pay no duties. Rather out of humour with what had passed, our traders of the caravan agreed with a proposal of the Sheik to make a forced march to Tragen, where we arrived at sunset.

At this place we reposed the whole of the ensuing day, employed in preparation for honourable appearance before the Sultan, who usually rides out to meet the caravan, in pious respect to the pilgrims returning from Mecca. The Sultan sent forward some camels laden with meat and bread, which were here distributed. The next morning we proceeded, and after eight hours march, pitched our camp near to the chapel and tomb of Sidibischir, a holy man of great renown in ancient times, and from whom the village near is likewise named Sidibischir. The following day was to be that of our interview with the Sultan. On that day, the 17th of November, we finished our long and perilous journey, arriving, after a three hours march, in the immediate vicinities of Mourzouk.

The Sultan had posted himself on a rising ground, attended by a numerous court, and a multitude of his subjects.

Our caravan halted, and every person of the caravan, of any importance, dismounted to salute him. With others I approached, and found the sultan seated on an old-fashioned elbow chair, covered with a cloth striped red and green, and placed at extremity of an oval area, round which soldiers were drawn up, of but mean appearance. The sultan himself wore the Tripolitan vest, and over it a shirt or frock, embroidered with silver, in the Soudan manner. Close to him, on each side, were white Mamelukes and Negro slaves, with drawn sabres; behind these were six banners, and black and half-naked slaves, holding lances and halberds, of a fashion as old perhaps, as the times of Saladin. We entered the circle by an opening left facing the sultan, and about the middle of the area: according to the ceremonial of his court, we pulled off our slippers, and approached barefoot to kiss his imperial hand. Each having paid his compliment, alternately passed to right or left, and seated himself behind the sultan: the merchants being thus ranged in two equal groups on either side the throne; lastly entered the Sheik of the pilgrims, with his sabre drawn, and kettle-drum, and green flag of Mecca borne before him. The pilgrims followed, chaunting praises to God, who had so far conducted them in safety; and continued their hymns until the Sultan was pleased to dismiss their leader, with a gracious promise of sending his royal present of dates and meat to every tent. This ceremony of audience being over, the Sultan remounted his horse and rode back to the city of Mourzouk, preceded by kettle-drums and banners, and amidst his lance-men and halberdiers; whilst his courtiers, joined by the Arabs of our caravan, pranced and curvetted their horses on each flank of the procession.

FOOTNOTES:

[11]Vide Strabo, p. 49, 50; edit. Casaub.

CHAPTER III.

Some Account of Fezzan.

The greatest length of the cultivated part of the kingdom of Fezzan, is about 300 English miles from north to south, and the greatest width 200 miles from east to west; but the mountainous region of Harutsch to the east, and other deserts to the south and west, are reckoned within its territory.

The borderers on the north are Arabs, nominally dependant on Tripoly, but their obedience is merely nominal, and they take each opportunity of public weakness or commotion to throw off the yoke. Fezzan to the east is bounded by the Harutsch, and line of deserts. To the south and south-east is the country of the Tibboes. To the south-west that of the Nomadic Tuaricks. On the west are Arabs.

The kingdom contains a hundred and one towns and villages, of which Mourzouk is the capital. The principal towns next in order to the imperial residence are Sockna, Sibha, Hun, and Wadon to the north; Gatron to the south; Yerma to the west; and Zuila to the east.

The climate of Fezzan is at no season temperate or agreeable. During the summer the heat is intense; and when the wind blows from the south is scarcely supportable, even by the natives. The winter might be moderate were it not for the prevalence of a bleak and penetrating north wind during that season of the year, and which chilled and drove to the fire not only the people of the place, but even myself, the native of a northern country.

It rains at Fezzan seldom, and then but little in quantity. From November 1798 to June 1799, there was not a single thunder storm; the 31st of January, 1799, there were some faint lightnings without thunder. Tempests of wind are however frequent, both from the north and the south, whirling up the sand and dust, so as to tinge the very atmosphere yellow. There is no river, nor indeed a rivulet deserving note throughout the whole country. The soil is a deep sand covering calcareous rock or earth, and sometimes a stratum of argillaceous substance.

Dates may be termed the natural and staple produce of Fezzan. In the western parts of the kingdom some senna is grown, and of a quality superior to that imported from the country of the Tibboes. Pot-herbs, and generally vegetables of the garden, are plentiful. Wheat and barley are suited to the soil and climate, but from inexpertness or difficulties attending the mode of tillage, and generally from indolence of the people and oppressions of the government, corn is not raised sufficient for the inhabitants, and they rely for subsistence on importations from the Arab countries bordering Fezzan to the north.

Very little attention is bestowed on the rearing of beasts. Horned cattle are to be found only in the most fertile districts; and are even there but few in number; they are employed in drawing water from the wells, and are slaughtered only in cases of extreme necessity. The ordinary domestic animal is the goat. Sheep are bred in the southern parts of the kingdom; but the general supply is furnished by the bordering Arabs. The wool is manufactured into abbes, or coarse woollen cloths, the general clothing throughout the country; with the meat the very skins are roasted, whilst fresh, and eaten. The horses are but few: asses are the beasts of general use, whether for burthen, draught, or carriage. Camels are excessively dear, and only kept by the chief people, or richer merchants. All these animals are fed with dates or date kernels.

The commerce of Fezzan is considerable, but consists merely of foreign merchandize. From October to February, Mourzouk is the great market and place of resort for various caravans from Cairo, Bengasi, Tripoly, Gadames, Twat, and Soudan, and for other smaller troops of traders, such as Tibboes of Rschade, Tuaricks, and Arabs. The trade from Cairo is carried on by the merchants of Augila; that from Tripoly, chiefly by the inhabitants of Sockna, and but by few either of Fezzan or Tripoly. The commerce with Soudan, is conducted by way of the Tuarick Kolluvi, by the native Agades; the trade with Bornou is managed by the Tibboes of Bilma. The caravans coming to Mourzouk from the south or west, bring, as articles of commerce, slaves of both sexes, ostrich feathers, zibette, tiger skins, and gold, partly in dust, partly in native grains, to be manufactured into rings and other ornaments, for the people of interior Africa. From Bornou copper is imported in great quantity. Cairo sends silks, melayes (striped blue and white calicoes), woollen cloths, glass, imitations of coral, beads for bracelets, and likewise an assortment of East India goods. The merchants of Bengasi, who, usually join the caravan from Cairo at Augila, import tobacco manufactured for chewing, or snuff, and sundry wares fabricated in Turkey.

The caravan from Tripoly, chiefly deals in paper, false corals, fire-arms, sabres, knives, and the cloths called abbes, and in red worsted caps. Those trading from Gadames, bring nearly the same articles. The smaller caravans of Tuaricks and Arabs, import butter, oil, fat, and corn; and those coming from the more southern districts, bring senna, ostrich feathers, and camels for the slaughterhouse.

Fezzan is governed by a sultan, descendant from the family of the Shereefs. The tradition is, that the ancestors of the reigning prince, coming from western Africa, invaded and conquered Fezzan about 500 years past. The sultan reigns over his dominions with unlimited power, but he holds them tributary to the Bashaw of Tripoly: the amount of tribute was formerly 6000 dollars, it is now reduced to 4000; and an officer of the bashaw comes annually to Mourzouk, to receive this sum, or its value in gold, senna, or slaves. This officer, whilst in commission, is called Bey-el-nobe. On his departure from Tripoly, which is every year in November, he takes all travelling merchants under his protection; and returning from Tripoly to Mourzouk, I shall avail myself of the opportunity.

The present sultan assumes the title “Sultan Muhammed-ben Sultan Mansur;” and this title is engraved on a large seal, which he applies to acts of authority or correspondence within his realm, but when writing to the bashaw of Tripoly, he uses a smaller seal, on which, instead of the name Sultan, that of Sheik only, is engraved.

The throne of Fezzan is hereditary: the crown, however, descends not in all cases, directly from father to son: it is the eldest prince of the royal family, who succeeds; and such may be a nephew, in preference to a son who is younger. This custom frequently occasions bloodshed: the son of the deceased sultan may be of sufficient age to govern, though younger than the collateral heir; and having interest and adherents formed by his past high connections and situation, will often be ready to controvert the law of succession, as inapplicable in principle to the case of himself and competitor, equally arrived at the age of manhood and discretion: the question of right is then decided by the sword.

The Sultan’s palace (or house) is situate within the circumvallation of the castle or fortress of Mourzouk: he lives there retired, and with no other inmate but the eunuchs, who wait upon him. His Harem is contiguous; he never enters it, but the female whom he at any time wishes to see, is conducted to his apartment. The Harem consists of a Sultana, who, by rules of the empire, must be of the family of the Shereefs of Wadan or Zuila, and of about forty slaves. These last are often sold and replaced by others, if they do not bear children to the sultan, or do not otherwise endear themselves to him by superior charms and accomplishments.

There is a place set apart within the precincts of the castle, for those who attend on public business, from which a long narrow vestibule leads to a door which opens into the principal apartment of the sultan. The opening of that door is announced by the beating of kettle-drums, as a signal of audience. The door of audience is opened three times in each day. Those who on account of respect or business, attend for introduction, are conducted by the long narrow passage between slaves, who incessantly repeat, “May God prolong the life of the sultan!” On coming to the door, the sultan appears opposite, seated on an old fashioned elbow chair raised some steps, and forming his throne. The person introduced, approaches, kisses the hand of the sultan, raises it so as to touch his forehead, then quits it, and kneels before him. He is permitted to state his case, and address the sultan in ordinary and plain language, but particular attention must be given, that the expressions, “God prolong thy life;” “God protect thy country, &c.” be frequently intermingled; and at each presentation, it is customary to offer a small present. It is only on Fridays, or on some solemn festival, that the sultan appears without the castle walls, and then he is attended by his whole court. He goes on Fridays to the great mosque, on horseback: on other days of solemnity or public occasion, he rides on a plain without the town, where his courtiers prance and run their horses round him, and exhibit their skill in equestrian exercises, and in the art of shooting.

The sultan’s court or official attendants are, the kaledyma, or first minister; the keijumma, or second minister, and the general of his forces; a number of black slaves, and a few white slaves, who are by the Mahometans termed Mamelukes. The kaledyma and keijumma must both be free-born men; whatever their nominal rank, they at present have but little influence. All the interest and power rests with the Mamelukes, who are mostly Europeans, Greeks, Genoese, or their immediate descendants. The black slaves, are purchased whilst yet boys, and are educated for the court according to their dispositions and talents; some of these too have gained great ascendancy with the sultan.

The apparel of the sultan, on days of state and ceremony, consists of a large white frock or shirt, made in the Soudan manner, of stuff, and brocaded with silver and gold, or of satin interwoven with silver. Under this frock, he wears the ordinary dress of the Tripolitans; but the most remarkable appearance is that of his turban, which, from the fore to the hinder part, extends a full yard, and is not less than two thirds of a yard in breadth.

The revenues of the sultan are produced from certain assessments of tax on all gardens and cultivated lands, and from arbitrary fines and requisitions. The slaves employed in collecting these imposts, are most exorbitant and oppressive, if not bribed. The sultan derives further income from duties on foreign trade, paid by the several caravans. That from Cairo pays from six to eight dollars for each camel load. The caravans from Bornou and Soudan pay two matkals, for each slave on sale. He further possesses a territorial revenue, collected from domains of the crown; from salt-pools; from the natron lakes; and from the royal gardens and woods. The present sultan has made great addition to his treasures by predatory expeditions, which he occasionally directs against the Tibboes of the tribe of Burgu.

The public expenditure consists chiefly in maintenance of the sultan, his court, and palace. The cadi and department of justice, those of the religious order, and the great officers of government, are severally supported from the produce of date-tree woods and gardens, granted as usufruct to those holding the respective offices. The princes of the royal family are supported from the proceeds of appropriate territory, and by certain proportions of corn delivered weekly from the sultan’s stores, and from occasional exactions on the people, levied by their personal authority, and by means of their slaves. Such oppression is a natural result of the powers of collection, and means of enforcement, and adjudication of right, being vested in each occasional lord of the domain.

Justice is administered by an officer, termed the cadi: his decisions are directed by the Mahometan law, old customs, and established practice; with exception to criminal cases, in which judgment is arbitrary, or referred to the sultan. In the absence of the cadi, his secretary or scribe, performs the office.

The dignity of a cadi, or chief judge, is hereditary in a certain family, ever since the present race of sultans was established on the throne. The sultan, in each instance of demise or vacancy, selects from this family, such individual to fill the office of cadi, as is noted for learning; or in other words, who can best read and write.

Besides the cadi, all the princes of the sultan’s family, claim a right of jurisdiction, and even of imposing corporal punishments.

The cadi is, at the same time, chief of the clergy, and possesses great influence and authority with the people; the next to him in rank, is the iman kbir, or great Iman.

The population of Fezzan is not easily determined. On loose estimate, I should state the inhabitants throughout, at about 70, or 75,000 souls. All of them, without exception, profess the Mahometan religion. The colour or complexion of the people varies; those of the northern parts of the country, for the most part, have a complexion and features, similar to those of the Arabs. In the southern districts, they have mixed with the natives of the great nations bordering on that quarter, and bear a resemblance to the Tibboes and to the Tuaricks. The genuine or indigenous race of Fezzans, may be described as a people of but ordinary stature, and their limbs by no means muscular or strong, their colour a deep brown, their hair black and short, their form of face such as, in Europe, we should term regular, and their nose less flattened than that of the negro.

The mein, the walk, and every motion and gesture of the people of Fezzan, denote a want of energy, either of mind or body. The tyrannic government, the general poverty of the country, and their only food consisting of dates, or a kind of farinaceous pap, with no meat, and rarely with even a little rancid oil or fat, contribute at once to weakness of frame, and dejection of spirit. Even in those parts, where the race may be supposed to be ameliorated by a mixture with the Arabs, there is no energy of character, no industry. Arts and manufactures, will of course supply but a poor and scanty chapter, exhibiting few articles, and no ingenuity: throughout Mourzouk, I could not find one single skilful artificer in any trade or work; indeed, there are no other tradesmen, but shoemakers and smiths. The latter work every metal without distinction; and the same man who forges shoes for the sultan’s horse, makes rings for his princesses. The women, indeed, fabricate coarse woollen cloths, called abbes; but for the goodness or value of their manufacture the reader may form his own estimate, when told, that the weaver’s shuttle is unknown, and that the woof is inserted into the warp thread by thread, and the whole worked solely by hand.

The dress of the people of Fezzan consists of a shirt or frock, made of a coarse linen or cotton cloth, brought from Cairo, and the abbe so often mentioned. The middling classes wear frocks made at Soudan, of dyed blue cloth. The richer people and the Mamelukes of the sultan are clothed in the Tripolitan habit, over which they wear a Soudan shirt of variegated pattern and colours, and likewise the abbe. The ornamental distinctions of dress are chiefly confined to the head-dress, and to rings on the arms and legs. The lady of a chief or wealthy man of Fezzan divides her hair into seven long curls or tresses; one of these is interbraided with long slips of gilt leather, terminating in a bow; the other six tresses are bound round by a gilt leather strop, and at the end of each is a trinket, which a sketch will best describe.