Pl. 44.

TEMPLE OF AMARAH.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

TRAVELS
IN
ETHIOPIA,
ABOVE THE SECOND CATARACT OF THE NILE;

EXHIBITING
THE STATE OF THAT COUNTRY, AND ITS VARIOUS INHABITANTS,
UNDER THE DOMINION OF MOHAMMED ALI;

AND ILLUSTRATING
THE ANTIQUITIES, ARTS, AND HISTORY
OF
THE ANCIENT KINGDOM OF MEROE.

BY G. A. HOSKINS, ESQ.

WITH A MAP,
AND NINETY ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE TEMPLES, PYRAMIDS, ETC. OF MEROE,
GIBEL-EL-BIRKEL, SOLIB, ETC.
FROM DRAWINGS FINISHED ON THE SPOT, BY THE AUTHOR,
AND AN ARTIST WHOM HE EMPLOYED.

LONDON:
LONGMAN, REES, ORME, BROWN, GREEN, & LONGMAN,
PATERNOSTER-ROW.
1835.

London:
Printed by A. Spottiswoode,
New-Street-Square.

TO
HER ROYAL HIGHNESS
THE DUCHESS OF KENT.

Madam,

Your Royal Highness having been pleased to inspect, with some apparent interest, the portfolios of original drawings from which the illustrations of the annexed volume have been selected, I have ventured to solicit permission to inscribe the Work to Your Royal Highness.

It has little merit, perhaps, except fidelity of representation. But, claiming this for it, I presume to hope that it may obtain Your Royal Highness’s indulgent consideration, even though it should be found more deficient in other respects than I am willing to believe.

I have the honour to be,

Madam,

With profound respect,

Your Royal Highness’s

Most obedient

Humble Servant,

THE AUTHOR.

PREFACE.

The following work contains the observations made by the Author during a journey performed by him in 1833 into the higher parts of Ethiopia. It is illustrated by engraved representations of the most remarkable objects in that country, from large drawings, finished on the spot by himself, or under his direction.

The monuments of Egypt, the most wonderful ever reared by human hands, have been described by numerous travellers, though there is still ample room for more full and accurate delineation. Even the antiquities of Lower Nubia have of late been repeatedly visited. But Ethiopia, above the second cataract, including the metropolis of the ancient kingdom of Meroe, had been explored by very few Europeans, and only two Englishmen; yet it abounds with monuments rivalling those of Egypt in grandeur and beauty, and possessing, in some respects, a superior interest. According to Heeren, Champollion, Rosellini, and other eminent inquirers, whose judgment was confirmed by my own observations, this was the land whence the arts and learning of Egypt, and ultimately of Greece and Rome, derived their origin. In this remarkable country we behold the earliest efforts of human science and ingenuity.

Such were the objects which induced the Author to encounter the difficulties and hardships of a journey into the upper valley of the Nile. It were to be wished, that the task had fallen into abler hands; yet he may be permitted to mention, that he had, to a certain extent, been prepared for it, by a series of years spent in Italy, Sicily, Greece, and other countries, distinguished by splendid remains of antiquity. He resided afterwards for a year in Upper Egypt, delineating its most remarkable edifices, and studying the sculptures and the hieroglyphics. He had thus acquired considerable experience in architectural drawing, and he took care, by the use of the camera lucida, to secure the accuracy of his outline. He had, likewise, the good fortune to engage the services of a very able Italian artist. No spot of any consequence was left till a leisurely and careful delineation had been made of every object of interest which it contained. It is therefore hoped, that a tolerably complete and accurate delineation has now been made of the most important antiquities of Ethiopia.

Although the illustration of ancient monuments formed the Author’s primary object, he has not neglected to make observations on the various and often singular tribes by whom the country is at present inhabited. He has been enabled to exhibit them under a new and very peculiar aspect, as no longer proud and independent, but reduced to complete subjection under the severe sway of that extraordinary character, Mohammed Ali, Pasha of Egypt. It is hoped that some light has been thrown upon the Turkish system of government, particularly in the provinces. Perhaps, also, the narrative of his journeys through extensive tracts of desert may be read with some interest. The original form of a journal has been retained, as that in which the impressions of the observer are given in the most faithful and brief manner.

In the concluding chapters, the Author has endeavoured to collect into one view the scattered notices which alone record the history, commerce, and arts of the celebrated kingdom of Meroe, and to illustrate these by recent materials, collected by himself, and others, from the sculptures and inscriptions still remaining. Lamentably deficient as our information is on this important subject, it may be interesting to find the few particulars related in ancient history, and particularly in the sacred volume, in many respects so fully confirmed by the evidence of existing monuments.[1]

CONTENTS.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

[Map of the Nile] from Assuan to the conflux of the Bahr El Abiad and the Azruk.

ERRATA.

The Nile from Assuan to the Conflux of the Blue and White Rivers; Comprising the routes across The Great Nubian and Bahiouda Deserts. By G. A. Hoskins, Esq^r.

TRAVELS
IN
ETHIOPIA.

COTTAGES OF BERBER.

CHAPTER I.

INTENDED RETURN TO CAIRO. — ARRIVAL OF ARTIST. — DETERMINATION TO PENETRATE TO MEROE. — MOTIVES. — ADVANTAGES TO BE DERIVED FROM THE DISCOVERIES OF YOUNG, WILKINSON, CHAMPOLLION, AND ROSELLINI. — DEPARTURE FROM THEBES. — TURKISH MODE OF FASTING. — ARRIVAL AT ASSUAN. — HINTS TO TRAVELLERS ON TURKISH ETIQUETTE. — NAZR OF BERBER. — UNPROMISING ACCOUNTS OF THE DESERT. — DETENTION FOR WANT OF CAMELS. — SHEAKH OF THE ABABDE TRIBE. — RUINS OF ELEPHANTINE AND ASSUAN. — BOSNIAN SOLDIERS. — WATER SKINS DEFECTIVE. — ARRIVAL OF THE CAMELS. — COMMENCEMENT OF THE JOURNEY. — NUBIAN POVERTY. — CARAVAN FROM KHARTOUN. — CULTIVATION IN LOWER NUBIA. — SINGULAR AND PICTURESQUE SCENERY. — NUBIAN PEASANTRY AND THEIR SLAVES. — TURKISH HUMANITY. — ROMAN ENCLOSURE AT DACKER. — PROVISIONS IN NUBIA. — SIMILARITY OF A MODERN AND ANCIENT CUSTOM. — NUBIANS, THEIR PREJUDICES, POVERTY, FOOD, WANT OF RELIGION, AND DRUNKENNESS — THEIR DOMESTIC COMFORT, AND COMPARATIVE FREEDOM. — WADY EL ARAB. — ARRIVAL AT KOROSKO. — PREPARATIONS FOR CROSSING THE GREAT NUBIAN DESERT. — THE GOVERNOR OF KOROSKO. — DRUNKEN COPTIC SECRETARY.

Feb. 1. 1833. Having spent twelve months in the valley of the Nile, I had designed to leave Thebes this week, and return to Cairo. To this long period had an intended stay of a few weeks been protracted, in consequence of my daily increasing devotion to the fascinating but laborious study of Egyptian antiquities. I cannot, however, escape some uncomfortable feelings when I contrast the prospect now before me, of privation and dreariness in a long journey through the desert, with the hopes I had indulged of returning now to Europe, to the enjoyments of social and domestic intercourse, and the refinements and comforts of civilised life. My boat was ready, and all preparations made for my voyage down the Nile, when its direction was changed by the arrival of Signor Bandoni, a skilful Italian artist, whom I had long anxiously expected. I then immediately determined to proceed with my projected journey to the antiquities of Meroe, and thus complete my investigation of the architectural wonders of the Nile. Wearied, however, with my previous labours at Thebes, and in the Oasis Magna, I had felt reluctant to make this arduous attempt without the assistance of an artist. Had I now lacked courage, the redoubtable appearance of my Lucchese ally would have inspired me with resolution to encounter the wildest Bishareen of the Nubian desert, or the hungriest lion of Ethiopia. The Signor brings with him his bosom companion, a double-barrelled Spanish escopette, of awe-inspiring calibre, the destructive powers of which, he assures me, have been frequently proved upon the turtle doves in the palm groves of the Nile: he animates me also with the assurance, that “non ha niente paura;” nor, since his landing in these barbarous regions, has he yet known bodily fear, except once, and that by mistake, when scared by the lion-like roar of a buffalo, near the base of Pompey’s Pillar. The valley of the Nile, as far as Wady Halfah, has been described by many. Only six or seven Europeans have penetrated beyond that cataract; and, unfortunately, all even of those were not sufficiently acquainted with Egyptian antiquities, and competent, as artists, to give a satisfactory description and correct delineations of the interesting remains which still exist in those remote regions.[2] In using the term acquainted, I do not mean to state that any person has penetrated very deeply into the mysteries of Egyptian lore, much less can I pretend to have lifted “the veil of Isis which no mortal has yet raised;” but even a slight knowledge of the recent discoveries in hieroglyphics gives to the traveller of the present day an advantage over, perhaps, even the most learned travellers who visited this country before the discoveries of Young, Wilkinson, Champollion, and Rosellini. Egypt is no longer a field for speculative ingenuity and brilliant imagination. The daylight has appeared, and the efforts of talent and perseverance have cleared away many of the difficulties which obstructed the first labourers in this rich mine of antiquarian research. Enough is already known of hieroglyphics to make the subject be duly appreciated by literary men, and we may confidently expect important information from that source. The drawings which have hitherto been made in Upper Nubia are considered to be very inaccurate; much has been left undone, and the hieroglyphics have been but partially and imperfectly copied; while many of the inscriptions are totally unknown. Aware of these circumstances, and also that not a drawing or description of the antiquities of Meroe has yet been published in England, and hoping that my labours may be of some service to those interested in these subjects, I leave Thebes to encounter again the fatigues and perils of the desert; but Meroe is before me, the probable birth-place of the arts and sciences.

I bade adieu, last night, to my kind friends, Mr. and Mrs. Hay, whose society, attention, and valuable services, have been an indescribable resource to me during my long residence at Thebes. I felt how gratifying it is, in setting out on a journey of this description, to have the warm wishes of others that it may be successful. “Bring as many drawings as you can,” was the good advice given to me, and which I intend to follow.

I cannot perform impossibilities, by bringing the antiquities themselves; but I trust and hope, with the assistance of my camera lucida, my long experience in drawing that peculiar style of architecture and sculpture, and last, though not least, the valuable aid of my excellent Italian artist, Signor B., I shall be able to bring back drawings and plans which shall have the merit and value of strict accuracy. But I must disclaim, in the outset, any idea of adding much to the geographical knowledge of the interior of Africa. The object of my journey is Meroe, and to elucidate the existing vestiges of the ancient grandeur of the kingdom of Ethiopia. The wind this day has been favourable; but there was so little of it, that our progress has not been great.

Feb. 2. We arrived at Esneh this morning at eight, and remained until ten. I wished to see the Governor, to procure from him a letter to the Nazr of Assuan, requesting him to assist me in procuring camels; but I was told that he was asleep, and would not be visible till late in the afternoon. It is now the month of Ramadan, during which the law forbids them to eat or drink before sunset; however, the Turkish grandees avoid this privation by turning night into day, sleeping the greater part of the latter, and devoting the former to business and their pleasures. This manner of keeping their fast is somewhat similar to the devotee Peter Pindar describes, who, when sentenced to perform a pilgrimage with peas in his shoes, wisely took the liberty to boil his peas. The wind being favourable, I could not wait the awakening of the Mahmoor.

Assuan.—Feb. 5. In our journey of this and the two preceding days, we have only had six to seven hours of wind; however, this afternoon, we arrived at Assuan, and I immediately waited on the Nazr to procure camels. On entering a Turkish divan, the traveller is merely required to make a grave bow, placing his right hand to his left breast, and to seat himself on the divan in the Turkish style, which, for the information of those readers who have not been in the country, I should say is exactly that easy position, which it seems in Europe tailors only are privileged to assume. When seated, he usually salutes the great man again in the same manner as before; but if the latter be of very high rank, it is better to show respect by placing the right hand, first, to the lips, and then, above the forehead. A few complimentary speeches are now exchanged; such as “How do you do?” “What a tall man you are!” “What a fine beard!” “You are like one of us!” Welcome and thanks. Coffee is then presented to the traveller. The Pasha gives pipes to noblemen at his own divan only; but every English gentleman has a right to expect one, or to smoke his own at the divan of any of his subordinate officers. The Turk, if he is only a Katshef or Nazr, ought to make a kind of half rise from his seat when the traveller enters; but it is very seldom that his pride and desire of appearing a great man in his little court permits him to show this courtesy. All the Turks possess, or have the power of assuming, an apparently natural dignity of manner. The liberated slave, raised suddenly to rank and authority, seems always at his ease, as if born to the station that he fills. Education, that is, the having learned with difficulty to read and write a letter of four or five lines, makes no distinction, being an attainment in which those of the highest rank are sometimes deficient. I presented to the Nazr, a common-looking fellow, the Pasha’s firman, which, as usual, he kissed and placed to his forehead. As soon as his Coptic writer had read it to him, he ordered me a pipe, an attention previously omitted, and in the mean time offered me his own; but my servant at that moment entered with mine. I had ordered it, because my not assuming my right in this trifling etiquette would have made me less respected, not only by the Nazr and his court, but, what was of real consequence, by the Arabs, who were to accompany me across the desert to Berber. Generally I hate etiquette and ceremony, as the north and north-east winds of society; but I have found from experience, that with the Turks it is absolutely necessary to insist upon their observance. Travellers, in their ignorance of Eastern manners, are generally too humble to them. If even a Katshef pays them a visit, they rise from their seats and bow, as often and as low as if he were a monarch. Accordingly, when they return the visit, they have the mortification to perceive, that the Turk, misconstruing such European courtesy into obsequiousness, and an acknowledgment of inferiority, does not even rise to receive him; but, with a slight condescending nod, desires his visitor to be seated, and of course has less regard to his requests in matters of real importance. The days of Burckhardt are past. The traveller throughout Mohammed Ali’s dominions has now no occasion to submit to any indignity, or even incivility: his forbearance will gain him nothing except the consciousness of having fruitlessly submitted to the contempt of an ignorant and illiterate barbarian. I have dwelt upon this little circumstance, from my experience of its importance for the guidance of future travellers. The Nazr, during the rest of my visit, was profuse in his offers of services. He informed me, that the Government were themselves in want of camels; but that I should have the first that could be procured, which he hoped would be next day. Along with the Nazr was a Bey, just returned across the desert from Berber. I could get little information from him; and, indeed, could not ask many questions of him, as I found he had just been removed from the government in disgrace, on account of extortion. I might have guessed the cause from his physiognomy, for I have rarely seen so villainous a countenance. He did not seem neglected in his adversity, as numbers of Turks were visiting him, each kissing his hand, and wishing him a speedy return to the favour of the Pasha. He gave me no flattering description of the desert, telling me I should feel it bitterly cold at night, and should spend nine or ten days, without finding any water at all drinkable. The sorry condition of his camels, too, strongly confirmed the truth of this account.

Feb. 6. I heard this morning, with surprise, that I should probably have to wait a week longer before procuring camels. Knowing the Turks to be adepts at procrastination, I went to the Nazr, and urged the necessity of my starting immediately. At my request, he sent for the Sheakh of the Ababdes, the tribe who provide camels to caravans and travellers for the journey between Assuan and Makkarif, the capital of Berber. They act also as carriers to the Red Sea, the Oasis Magna, along the Nile to Dongolah, and also across the western side of the great Nubian desert. The residence of the Sheakh being two hours distant, he did not arrive before this evening. I was agreeably struck with his appearance; he was a man of middle size; extremely regular features; a calm and dignified manner; a benevolent, and at the same time noble, expression of countenance. His dress was remarkably neat and clean. His turban and long linen gown were beautifully white and of good materials. He promised us that we should have camels the next day, and we agreed that the price should be seventy piastres for the use of each during the journey to Makkarif, where, it is said, we shall arrive in twenty days. It is rather annoying to be thus detained, since every day is of consequence, the season being so far advanced; but it is some consolation that our time has not been quite lost. The island of Elephantine is no longer adorned with temples. Some ruins of walls, a rude statue of Osiris, slight traces of the temple of Chnubis, and the Nilometer, are all the remains which now exist. The northern part resembles a garden ornamented with beautiful groves of palm trees and the richest cultivation. Syene offers still less to interest the antiquarian, but much to strengthen the believer in Holy Writ. The prophetic denunciation of Ezekiel is fulfilled. The tower of Syene has truly fallen from the pride of her power. The ruin of a pier, partly Roman but chiefly Arab, and an insignificant fragment of a temple, are the only vestiges of this once important city. Yet the natural scenery around is still beautiful, and the views from it, as well as from the Island of Elephantine, are the most lovely in Egypt. The castle of Syene, built by the Bosnian soldiers, forms, even in its ruined state, a highly picturesque object. Several of the descendants of the Bosnian soldiers are living at Assuan, and in Lower Nubia. I met with one as far south as Amarah.[3]

Feb. 7. No camels are arrived; we are obliged, therefore, to delay another day. This requires some patience, when every thing is prepared for our expedition. I superintended this morning the filling of the skins with water: I am sorry to find them very indifferent, although the best I could procure.

Philæ.—Feb. 9. After repeated applications to the Governor, I have procured at last nine camels and two dromedaries for ourselves. Any complaint of this delay would be unreasonable, otherwise than as a misfortune. Several Turks in the employment of the Pasha have been detained for want of them during this last fortnight; notwithstanding which, from their knowledge of his favour for travellers, they have given me the preference. Our start, however, is at last made. I have been very anxious to leave Assuan, having perceived an increasing disinclination on the part of my artist and servants to undertake the journey. The tales of some Arab merchants have excited among them so much alarm, that all my powers of persuasion and remonstrance were necessary to keep them from defection. They have unfortunately heard the exclamations of some of my old Nubian friends, the Rais of the Cataract and others, when I told them I was going to Shendy. “Wonderful! God is great! but are you not afraid to go into such a hot country, where it rains fire?” It has been no easy task to persuade them that a passage of eight or ten days over a desert, without water, and of twenty days without intermission on the backs of camels, can be an easy undertaking. I hope, for their sakes, we shall not have to suffer much: as to myself, I feel more indifferent. I am going to Meroe; and the idea of the desert, notwithstanding Burckhardt’s, and still more Bruce’s, description of it, does not damp my ardour.

Sail on the Nile.—Feb. 10. We left Philæ this morning at half past seven, entered into the mountains, and at three o’clock descended again into the valley of the Nile; at a quarter to six, we pitched our tents on the banks of the river. The mountains we have passed are of the same character as at the cataract, chiefly of syenite, the exterior of which is darkened by the sun. The formation consists of the same round blocks, appearing at a distance as disjoined. The place where we are encamped, and indeed all the country we have traversed to-day, is miserably poor. The strip of cultivated land is not an eighth of a mile in breadth. Barley, cotton, and sherangig are all that the country produces. The latter, which forms the chief food of the Nubian, is a hard disagreeable kind of pea, which no culinary art can render palatable to European taste. We have passed several small villages, each containing from ten to twenty houses. This morning we met a troop of cavalry from Khartoun, which had passed the desert, of which they gave us any thing but an encouraging description. They say we shall be ten days in crossing it; and “take care of your water” is their constant advice. The same admonition has been dunned in our ears more than a hundred times since the day that we arrived at Assuan.

Marwal.—Feb. 11. We set out this morning at half past seven, and proceeded, for some time, on the banks of the river. Nearly opposite to the small temple of Kardassy, we again turned into the mountains. There the granite chain suddenly ceases, and the hills are of sandstone, until opposite Tafey, where again, for a short space, they are of granite, and then of sandstone. Arriving at the district of Kalabshy, I found the mountains partially composed of sandstone, and immediately afterwards of granite. The belt of cultivated land, on both sides of the river, is always extremely narrow, seldom above fifty paces wide; and sometimes the rocks extend to the water, scarcely leaving a narrow and dangerous path. My own camel fell, and also the one conveying the baggage. This is the first time that such an accident has occurred to me with these animals; and I ought to add, not to have the appearance of contradicting what I have elsewhere said, that any horse, or even mule, would have run considerable risk of stumbling over these slippery granite rocks. Before leaving Assuan, a fortune-teller came to my tent: being busy at the time, I ordered her away rather angrily. In her rage, she exclaimed that I should fall from my camel. I did not expect that her malediction would be so soon fulfilled. I had quite forgotten the circumstance; but my Arabs, shaking their heads, soon reminded me of it. My fall might have been serious, as such accidents with this animal generally are, if the creature had rolled immediately; but, the instant it stumbled, I leaped off, and escaped unhurt. Barley, sherangig, and cotton are the only productions I have observed this day: they are often mingled together, in patches, upon the same field. I observed the peasants breaking the sandstone and spreading it on the ground. The best way of seeing to advantage the scenery on the Nile is, certainly, to ride on its banks: in a boat the effect is lost. The finest view we have had this morning, was in descending from the mountains opposite Tafey. The basalt and red but exteriorly dark-coloured granite, contrasted with the light red sand of the desert, similar rocks and sands in the distance, in the midst the serpentine river with its verdant banks, adorned with groves of palm trees and the interesting remains of temples, all illumined with the clearest blue sky and the most gorgeous sunset, formed often a scene to which few painters could do justice. Though not romantic nor strikingly picturesque, according to the original import of those terms, yet the extraordinary contrast and magical effect produced by this wonderful combination of brilliant colours, are magnificent, and present almost insuperable difficulties to the artist who attempts faithfully to delineate such a landscape. Three hours before arriving here, we passed the small village of Abaho, in which I counted nearly thirty houses. The inhabitants are evidently wretchedly poor; however, they enjoy the luxury of idleness. Very few seemed engaged in any occupation. One woman I observed spinning cotton and two or three busy about their domestic concerns; but the many were enjoying il dolce fur niente of the Italians. They were almost all miserably clad; the clothes of both sexes were in rags, the children naked, and girls from fourteen to sixteen, with beautiful forms, and extremely graceful and elegant in their movements, had merely a covering which extended from the waist to a little above the knee. This ceinture, or rat, as it is called in Arabic, is made of thin thongs of hippopotamus hide, and fancifully ornamented with beads and small shells. The number of thongs is so great, that it fully serves its purpose as a covering. They wear it till they are married; an event, however, which often takes place before they are twelve years of age.

Dacker.—Feb. 12. We left the village of Marwal at seven, and encamped here at sunset. Our route has this day, also, been alternately in the mountains and on the banks of the river. We observe the same poverty, the same sterility; villages of about a dozen houses each, constructed, in the rudest manner, of stones piled on each other. The cultivated land on the banks is never more than fifty paces wide, often not twenty, and in some parts the barren rocks extend to the river. We met, this morning, another troop of a cavalry regiment, returning by the desert from Khartoun. We shall, no doubt, meet traces of their passage,—dead camels, if not men. Some of their animals could scarcely crawl, and one of them dropped on the ground unable to proceed any farther. The master, a Turk, seemed very much concerned; but whether for the value of the beast, or real attachment to his fellow traveller, I will not decide; yet, in justice to his humanity, I must relate, that, when the Arabs wished to stab and cut it up for food, he refused his consent. Finding, however, that it was impossible the animal could proceed, or even live many hours, he ordered his servant to shoot it with his musket. This showed some feeling; for had he left it to die on the road, the Arabs would have killed it with their knives, and then could lawfully have eaten it. They were very much disappointed at being deprived of their repast, and considered it quite a waste of valuable food. We have passed the village and temple of Dandour (on the other bank), and are now encamped opposite the temple and village of Dacker.[4] Adjoining is a Roman inclosure of large extent with towers, constructed of unburnt bricks. There are no traces of a temple within the inclosure; but contiguous to the south-east corner are some fragments of a room still adorned with hieroglyphics and sculpture, but too much defaced for us to discover the subject. The style is very wretched, and evidently Roman. Mountains of hornblende and sandstone.

Wady el Elayat.—Feb. 13. We quitted Dacker this morning, soon after sunrise, and have encamped this evening in a small valley near the river, and, as is generally the custom of the caravans, close to a village. There is not much provision to be procured from a Nubian village, frequently not even eggs and fowls. A half-starved sheep or kid may sometimes be purchased, but at a much higher price than in Upper Egypt. Yet there is no uniformity in the rates: you have a sheep one day for six piastres; and the next, perhaps at only thirty miles’ distance off, you must pay twelve, or even more, for one not larger. This arises, of course, from the poverty of the land, and the very little communication which exists between the different villages. My servants and camel-drivers like to chat with the women; and, perhaps, near the villages we are less annoyed by the wolves than we might be at a greater distance, the dogs of the peasants affording a certain protection, though I have often heard them snuffing around my tent. We have passed this morning the village of Uffidunia: the temple of that name is on the opposite side of the river. Our track has chiefly followed the banks of the Nile, but the views have not been very pleasing. The mountains consist chiefly of a soft sandstone, the surface of which is very much darkened by the sun. We have met another troop of the cavalry from Khartoun. The soldiers have all male or female slaves; some for their own service, others on speculation for the Cairo market. The women are almost entirely covered; sometimes I could distinguish a fine black eye glancing from under the coverings, but it is not considered decorous to notice them much. This etiquette, which still prevails so generally in the East, is the same ancient custom by which Themistocles profited to facilitate his escape to the Persian king. We are encamped at the borders of the province called Wady el Elayat.

Sungar.—Feb. 14. We have been eleven hours in the district of El Elayat. We left the small village at the commencement of the Wady this morning at seven, and encamped here at sunset. This is the last village of the Wady. We have suffered more from fatigue than before; the road, or rather path, having led for a long time over the hills. Immediately after starting, we left the valley of the Nile for an hour and a half. That part of the road was not very fatiguing. We passed Seboua at eleven, and at two P.M. left the Nile, and were obliged to alight from our camels and climb the mountain, for three hours, over the most difficult paths we have yet met with. A notion prevails in Europe, that camels are incapable of crossing rough mountainous and stony roads; I can only say that, upon this rocky, and sometimes steep path, none of our camels fell; had we used horses, the difficulty would certainly have been as great, particularly when heavy loads were upon their backs. I would not have ventured to ride over, even on a mule. The mountains are of sandstone, some also of hornblende. I sketched, this evening, a native of this district, my dragoman in the mean time keeping him in conversation till I finished my sketch, without his having any suspicion what I was doing. All the Nubians have a superstitious prejudice against having their portraits drawn. I made some enquiries about the village, its name, the number of houses, and of inhabitants, &c. The poor peasants imagined I was employed by the Pasha to take an account of the country. Apprehensive that I should cause their taxes to be raised, they gave me a lamentable description of their poverty, saying that there were indeed eleven houses, but they were all tumbling to pieces; that they were miserably poor; had scarcely a rag to cover them; that their land did produce some little cotton and barley, but if I caused their taxes to be increased, they could not subsist, but must absolutely die of starvation. Man here may be said only to vegetate. He drags on, from day to day, a miserable existence, living on the coarsest food, and ignorant of any comfort. In examining, however, more closely, we find the peasants of Nubia possessing some great advantages over those of Lower and Upper Egypt. Their domestic comfort is decidedly greater. Their women, unlike those of Egypt, have always their faces uncovered, and enjoy in other respects much freedom; while that depravity as regards both sexes, which pervades the whole land of Egypt, is almost utterly unknown in these Nubian villages. They are also less oppressed; and, thanks to the poverty of their country, less annoyed by the presence of their rulers. Their predominant vice is drinking immoderately of bouza and arracki. There being only three mosques from the first to the second cataract, a distance of more than 220 miles, and their almost total deficiency of religious instruction, are perhaps some excuse for their violating, in this respect, so openly, and to such an excess, the precepts of the Koran.

Korosko.—Feb. 15. We arrived at this village at ten o’clock. Here again commences a Nubian dialect, but different from the Kenous, above the first cataract. The district of Wady el Elayat, or Wady el Arabi, which we passed through yesterday, is the division between these two Nubian tribes. We have allowed our camels to rest this afternoon, previous to commencing to-morrow morning the fatigues, perils, and privations of the Great Desert: they are making the last hearty meal which they will enjoy for some time; the Ababdes are filling the water skins, while my servants are employed in foraging for provisions; no easy task in a Nubian village. Mr. B. has made me a view in colours of the extraordinary effect of the scenery in Nubia, produced by the wonderful contrast between the dark hills and the bright yellow sands, fringed with strips of the beautiful verdure on the banks of the river. The Governor, an Effendi, paid me a visit in my tent, and frankly asked me for several things which he saw, and fancied; which I as frankly refused. The visits of inferior Turks are always annoyances: it is very seldom that any information can be obtained from them, and their impertinence is without bounds. I was amused by his secretary, a Copt, who complained that he was affected by a pain in his chest when the weather was cold. I gave him some flannel, which I could ill spare, also some medicine; and, with other advice, I told him most peremptorily that he must drink no arracki (spirit). This last injunction disconcerted him exceedingly; and his master laughed heartily at an advice which he knew to be so unwelcome to his jovial secretary. I told him it would kill him. “Well,” said he, “if it kills me, maktoob min Allah! it is written, but drink I must.” In the evening, he came to me again, half intoxicated. As I offered him no beverage, except coffee, he soon, with a cunning smile and an expressive nod, pulled out of his pocket a small bottle of excellent arracki and a little cup. I did not wish to offend the fellow, having occasion to leave some boxes in his charge until my return, and therefore endured his company for some time. At last, his intoxication increasing, he was quite insupportable, and I was obliged to desire my servant to turn him out. His good-humour did not forsake him, nor did he seem at all offended; coolly observing, that he was sorry I was tired of his company.

CHAPTER II.

COMMENCEMENT OF THE JOURNEY ACROSS THE GREAT NUBIAN DESERT. — DESCRIPTION OF THE CARAVAN. — ADVANTAGES OF TURKISH DRESS AND CUSTOMS. — PROVISIONS NECESSARY FOR THE DESERT. — AKABA, OR MOUNTAIN PASSES. — DEAD CAMELS. — FEAR OF ROBBERS. — ANXIETY ABOUT THE STOCK OF WATER. — ARAB OPINION OF TRAVELLERS. — ALARMING DIMINUTION OF OUR WATER. — DEAD BODIES OF SLAVES AND CAMELS. — HOJAB EL JENOUS. — BAB EL KOROSKO. — AGE OF THE CAMEL. — BAHR BELA MA, OR SEA WITHOUT WATER. — MERAGE. — PERILS AND CHARMS OF THE DESERT LIFE. — DILET EL DOOM, VALLEY OF THE SHADE OF THE DOOMS. — GOLD MINES. — OMRISHI SUFIR. — WELLS NOW DRY. — EL MURRAH, OR THE WELL OF BITTER WATERS. — HIEROGLYPHICS ON THE ROCKS. — COLONY OF BISHAREEN. — HEIGHT AND CHARACTER OF THE MOUNTAINS. — ARAB SONGS. — GAZELLE. — DANGER OF LEAVING CARAVAN. — ABSAH GOLD MINES. — STORMS IN THE DESERT. — CAMBYSES. — BRUCE. — ARAB MANNER OF MOUNTING THE CAMEL. — MANNER IN WHICH THE ARABS REPOSE. — ARRIVAL AT THE NILE. — ESTIMATE OF THE LENGTH OF THE ROUTE AND GENERAL PACE OF THE CAMEL.

The Great Nubian Desert.—Feb. 16. This morning, at eight o’clock, we left Korosko, and entered the Desert. Having omitted until now giving a description of my caravan, I may mention, as useful to future travellers, the provisions and equipments which may be considered as necessary for a journey of this description. Both my artist, Signor B. and myself, wear the Turkish Nizam uniform. A traveller might, without much risk, retain his European dress; but it is most prudent and desirable to adopt the Turkish, as being the best suited, not only to the climate, but also to serve the important object of commanding respect. Those travellers who refuse this tribute to the customs of the country pay dear for their prejudice. If it does not expose them to frequent insult, they are at all events less esteemed by the natives; and they lose a decided advantage, in not having the comfort and luxury of a dress so admirably suited to the climate and manners of the East. Our unnatural tight trousers, waistcoats, and coats, with their padding, braces, straps, starch, stiffners, and stocks, in a tropical country would be intolerable. Another advantage of this comfortable and graceful costume is, that it enables you to repose with ease in any position. To sit bolt upright, on a hard chair, in such a latitude as this, is what no one could endure, who had experienced the luxurious ease of the Turkish divan. The rest of my caravan consisted of a guide (Habeer) on his dromedary; a very picturesque-looking fellow. Besides the usual arms of the Arabs, the long spear, sword, and shield of the hippopotamus, he had also a brace of pistols attached to his saddle, which he took great pride in displaying. He was very independent, and conscious of the importance of his office, so that I was afraid at starting he would not have been so manageable as I afterwards found him. My dragoman, Mahomet Abdini, a native of Cairo, was the cleverest servant I ever knew in any country: his wily tongue and insinuating address were often of more service to me than my piastres. I had, besides, a Greek servant, named Ibrahim, alias Michele; a Mahometan with the Arabs and Turks, and a Christian with his own countrymen. He speaks Italian fluently, and also the Turkish, Greek, and Arabic. He is the musician of the party; and his singing, accompanied by his fiddle, is vastly agreeable to the natives, but, being in the harsh style of the modern Greeks, is grating to my ears. I had, besides, a Copt, who had served me long and usefully at Thebes, in the dignified station of umbrella-bearer. Including, therefore, our Ababdes, owners of the camels, the full complement of my little caravan amounts to twelve persons and eleven camels. My stock of provisions chiefly consists of a large sack of Cairo biscuit, and another of rice. Besides these two chief requisites, and also charcoal, I have a good supply of groceries, tea, sugar, coffee, and wax candles, and last, but most important, twenty geerbahs of water, which I expect will be amply sufficient for the eight days of desert journey, though the Signor has forewarned me, most anxiously, more than fifty times, che beve molto. This is the desert in which Bruce and Burckhardt suffered so much. They took the easterly and more direct track, which commences at Deroueh, a little below Assuan, and therefore had a longer space to traverse, with, however, the advantage of meeting repeatedly with good water. At a quarter past six, P.M., we encamped. Our road this day has been through a succession of narrow valleys, called Akaba, or mountain passes, and small plains, bounded by low picturesque hills. The valleys are covered with sand, in some places two feet deep, but generally much less, and sometimes the bare rock is visible. Sandstone forms the base of the valley and of the hills. There are, however, some of slate, varying from 150 to 180 feet in height. I observed a great variety in their forms. We have already met with a few of the horrors of the desert, particularly numbers of dead camels, some of which had perished lately, and vultures were feeding on their carcases. They seem also to have attracted the hyænas from their dens, as I discerned on the sand numerous traces of those animals. Some of our water-skins, I am sorry to find, are bad. I marvel Signor B. did not perceive this at Korosko, as he took an active part in tying them up. The journey from Assuan has injured them, yet, with care, I hope to have a sufficient supply. This evening the camel men objected to pitching my tent, saying that they were afraid of robbers. I did not yield to their alarms, as sleeping in the open air is an Eastern custom which I am not much inclined to try at this season of the year. I cannot conceive a tent to be much additional attraction to Arab plunderers, if there are any; but the depredations upon the water, I fear, are by my own Ababdes, as their own supply is small. I have, therefore, caused all the geerbahs to be carried into my tent. If we run short, and have to suffer, it shall not be for want of precautions. While my camel men were thus occupied, one of them asked me why I was subjecting myself to the danger and fatigue of such a journey, when I was rich enough to stay at home. The Arabs are now not so much surprised at travellers going to Wady Halfah. So many make that journey, that it is no longer a novelty; besides that, the Cangias (boats of the Nile), though any thing but agreeable to Europeans, appear luxurious to the peasants. They can easily conceive the pleasure of sailing in what they consider delightful conveyances, listening to the songs of the boatmen, smoking all the day, and eating and drinking of the best the villages can afford; but that travellers should voluntarily expose themselves to the fatigues and heat of the desert, apparently for the sake of a few old stones, is to them quite incomprehensible.

Desert.—Feb. 17. A fearful accident has befallen us. To our utter dismay, four of our largest geerbahs are empty, the water having leaked out during the night. The skins are old, although the best we could procure at Assuan. The rest seem good: Heaven grant that they may prove so! the consequences of another such accident might be fatal. We have passed to-day the bodies of seven human beings who have doubtless recently perished from thirst and fatigue; we have seen also dead camels without number. We have travelled twelve hours through valleys of the same character as those we passed yesterday. Some of the hills might be from 230 to 250 feet in height, but the greater number from 100 to 150 feet. Many, like those of yesterday, are isolated, and some standing in the centre of the valleys. They consist chiefly of slate, but some are of sandstone. They are called Hojab el Jenous, from there being several representations of buffaloes drawn on the rocks by some rude artists, probably Arabs. The valleys are almost entirely covered with sand, on which I found many round balls, of the form of peaches, of iron glance. At sunset we left the valleys, the last hills of which are rather higher than the others, and are called Bab el Korosko, or the Gate of Korosko, and encamped behind a small hill, at the commencement of a large sandy plain, called Atmoor Bahr Bela Ma, that is, the sea without water. We have been twenty-two hours en route in these valleys, which I consider not less than sixty miles, from the rate we have travelled. The Ababdes occasionally sing to animate their camels. The effect in accelerating their speed is quite extraordinary. First one camel-driver sings a verse, then the others answer in chorus. It reminded me somewhat of the Venetian gondoliers.[5] I noticed that they lingered near the bodies of the dead camels, being apparently more affected by them than by those of the slaves. The latter they perhaps knew not, while the camels were old acquaintances. I have often made attempts to learn the age which this animal usually attains, but have never been able fully to ascertain it. The general answer is, a hundred years. By examining and tracing the traditionary stories on the subject, I am led to conceive their span of life equal to that of man, and subject to similar frequent contingencies from different causes, such as extremes of heat and cold, excessive fatigue, and particularly the great neglect of the owners. This evening I have bestowed great pains on the preservation of the water, having suspended the suspicious geerbahs in my tent.

Feb. 18. We mounted our camels this morning at half past six, and have had an exceedingly fatiguing ride of thirteen hours, forty miles, without any repose, struggling through one immense down of sand. There were some small hills of sandstone, with occasional thin layers of gypsum. The sand was very fatiguing for the camels: on its surface I found disseminated many of the round balls of iron flint, or iron glance, varying from four to eight inches in circumference. Their exterior is often uneven. I found, also, some balls, hollow like the others, and occasionally two united together. These were silicious conglomerates. I observed, also, numerous quartzose pebbles, and some fragments of white marble, the only specimens I have seen in this desert. The mountains are chiefly of slate. We have suffered very much from the fatigue of this day’s journey, and have still five days’ march through this waterless desert. The only object to interest me, and relieve the weariness of mind and body, has been the merage, so often described. Some travellers state that this phenomenon has deceived them repeatedly. This I am surprised at, since its peculiar appearance, joined to its occurrence in a desert where the traveller is too forcibly impressed with the recollection that no lakes or standing pools exist, would appear to me to prevent the possibility, that he who has once seen it can be a second time deceived. Still this does not diminish the beauty of the phenomenon:—to see amidst burning sands and barren hills an apparently beautiful lake, perfectly calm, and unruffled by any breeze, reflecting in its bosom the surrounding rocks, is, indeed, an interesting and wonderful spectacle; but it is a tantalising sight to the Arabs traversing the desert on foot, always with a scanty supply of water, and often, owing to their great imprudence, wholly destitute of it. There is much of the sublime to elevate, and of real danger to excite the mind, in the passage of the Desert: the boundless plains of sand, the thought of the distance from the habitations of man, and from the most common necessaries of life, the perpetual apprehension of falling short of water, and the certainty, that whoever, from fatigue or illness, is unable to keep pace with the caravan, will at once, with a camel and his share of the provision, be abandoned to his fate. And what a fate! Few left in this manner ever reach their destination. My Ababdes seem, also, to have a great fear of the Bishareen, who occasionally plunder the caravans. These alarms produce a certain excitement, which calls forth all the energy of the traveller: but were these dangers tenfold greater than they really are, the thought that I am approaching nearer and nearer to Meroe would sufficiently animate my courage.

Feb. 19. We mounted our camels this morning at six, and at eleven we left the Bahr Bela Ma, which we had been eighteen hours in crossing (fifty-four miles). Our road began to wind amongst the mountains. The first valley we passed was of considerable breadth, and contained great numbers of doom and acacia trees. The former were not very large, bearing no fruit, and apparently drooping for want of water. In this valley, which is called Dilet el Doom, or Valley of the Shade of the Dooms, I observed traces of torrents. Three hours to the east of it, I am informed that there are appearances of exhausted gold mines, of the habitations of the miners, and the stones used by them in procuring the precious metal. The Arabs informed me that the rain falls here chiefly at the rising of the Nile, but that last year there was none, otherwise we should have seen herbage on the hills;—that twenty-four hours is sufficient to produce it. This valley has the appearance of having once been cultivated; but I could discover no remaining trace of habitations. They tell me that the Bishareen, when there is pasture on the hills, lead here their flocks, and pitch their tents in this pretty valley. Perhaps, when Ethiopia was more populous, and before the gold mines were exhausted, this road was much frequented; and probably, by sinking wells (for I feel persuaded that water might be found in these valleys), and by forming small colonies at suitable stations, a safe and rapid communication may have existed between the centre and extremity of the kingdom. A short distance out of the direct road is a well called Omrisha, now dry, but which contains water during the rainy season. About an hour and a half beyond this is another well, called Sufir, now also dry. The mountains consist generally of flinty slate, some few of sandstone. Their forms are broken, and very picturesque. At two o’clock we passed through a chain of hills, by a road which has evidently been artificially formed. This is another proof that pains have been taken by a more civilised people to diminish the difficulties of travelling in this region. At four P.M. we entered the valley of the spring called El Murrah, or the Well of Bitter Waters, the only one in the Desert that is not now dry; we encamped for the night, that our camels might have time to drink, and our men to repose. On one of the rocks of the valley of the spring are some hieroglyphics. I distinguished the name of the god Horus, and the hawk, the emblem of that divinity. There are four wells within a few feet of each other, all exceedingly salt, and considered by the Arab merchants and Turks as very unwholesome. One, however, is much better than the others. The Arabs and camels drink of this, and we have filled some of our water-skins, in case the stock from the Nile should not be sufficient; otherwise we shall not use it, as it is extremely salt, and strongly impregnated with iron. One of my servants, not content with his allowance of the water of the Nile, drank a large cup of it, which caused nausea and severe purging for some time afterwards. It has not the same effect on the Ababdes, who apparently enjoy it as much as their camels. There are six families of Bishareen stationed here, who attend to cleaning the wells from sand. The Pasha placed them in this valley, but gives them no allowance. They possess camels, with which they trade, and supply the merchants who need these animals. All the caravans give them a trifle. They live in tents made of mats; and their wild appearance, extraordinary head-dress, yet fine features, quite accord with our idea of dwellers in the desert. The nauseous salt water is their only beverage, but does not seem to disagree with them. I never beheld a more sad picture of savagery and desolation than their encampment. The Arab tribes, even the most remote, cannot be called savages, since they speak one of the richest and most beautiful languages in the world, and many of them are versed in the Koran; but the harsh and uncouth gibberish of these wild Bishareen is only intelligible to themselves. They inhabit tracts of country, where Nature seems almost to deny them a subsistence; and not even the terror of the Pasha’s vengeance can restrain their predatory propensities. A European must have powerful protection from their own chiefs to venture into their inhospitable wilds. The traveller who has little of novelty to interest his attention in the dreary desert cannot readily dispel the gloomy impression forced on his mind by contemplating man in this his lowest condition. When he reflects on the abject state of these naked Bishareen, their ignorance of religious principles, of all intellectual and civilised enjoyments, the scanty and precarious means by which their life is supported: a dish of coarse unground dourah, moistened by water of the most disgusting quality; a miserable tent their only shelter from the tropical sun, and from the nightly cold, so bitter in these regions, and so painful from its contrast with the mid-day heat: he is astonished at the physical phenomenon, that the constitution of man can endure so much privation; and he cannot but admire the mysteries of Providence, when he sees a human being of like capacities and passions with himself content and happy in a state so slightly removed from the condition of the brute.

Feb. 20. This morning, at six, we left the Bishareen quite in joyance at having received a trifle more than the customary gift of a few piasters, and delighted with the privilege of scrambling for a few pieces of broken glass, which had been thrown out of my tent. I should state that last night, and also for two hours before we set out this morning, they had stationed themselves close to our encampment, like wild animals seeking their prey. Three quarters of an hour after our departure from the well, we left the mountains, and our road then lay over an immense plain of sand, sometimes very difficult for the camels to wade through, but generally not very soft, and indeed, occasionally quite hard. This plain, which is ten hours, or thirty miles, in extent, is almost entirely surrounded by hills. The width varies from about ten to fifteen miles. At five P.M. we again entered into the mountains, and waded through several narrow valleys, containing acacia trees. At six, that is, after twelve hours’ ride, we encamped. The mountains, called Cab el Kofas, or the Spilling of the baskets, particularly one about 400 feet high, at the entrance of this chain, are very picturesque. The effect of a tropical sunset upon them was magnificent. Their general height was about 200 feet, and some were of less altitude. Their form was generally a long continuous chain, with peaks of various forms. I observed some in the distance totally isolated, and having the appearance of pyramids. We should not have passed this plain so rapidly but for the common custom of the Arabs, before mentioned, of urging on their camels by singing: the effect is very extraordinary; this musical excitement increases their pace at least one fourth. I often asked the camel drivers to sing, not only to hasten our progress, but also for the pleasure of hearing their simple melodies. Some of their best songs possess a plaintive sweetness that is almost as touching as the most exquisite European airs. The words are often beautiful, generally simple and natural, being improvisatory effusions. The following is a very imperfect specimen. One takes up the song:—“Ah, when shall I see my family again; the rain has fallen, and made a canal between me and my home. Oh, shall I never see it more?” The reply to this and similar verses was always made by the chorus, in words such as these:—“Oh, what pleasure, what delight, to see my family again; when I see my father, mother, brothers, sisters, I will hoist a flag on the head of my camel for joy!” I asked a fine, handsome lad, who was singing this ranz des vaches of the desert with the feeling of a Swiss, if he would go with me to England, to my village. He asked me how long I had been absent; I told him three years. “No,” said he, “I cannot go with you; if I were to be absent from my family three years, I should be very unhappy—I should be ill.” Near the place where we are encamped is another well, now dry.

Feb. 21. We set out this morning at seven, and proceeded through defiles in the mountains, which at eleven we quitted. The valleys we passed through, for the first four hours, were strewed with quartz, a common kind of porphyry, and fragments of indurated clay slate, approaching to rubbarid jasper. The mountains were chiefly of flinty slate and hornblende. There are a few acacia trees in the valley, and here and there dried up grass. Among the latter we started a gazelle, which Mr. B. and I pursued round an isolated hill at the entrance of a large plain. We could scarcely have lost ourselves, particularly as I had a compass in my pocket; but, on our rejoining the caravan, the Habeer warned us not to leave it again, and told us many instances of Turks and others having been lost by following the gazelles into the mountains. A Nazr and Katshef perished, very recently, by their imprudent eagerness in chasing the animals through their winding valleys. Some time afterwards, a particular search having been made, they were found dead a considerable distance from the road, their hands clenched, apparently in the last agonies of that most horrid of deaths, which is produced by thirst. This creature might have been fancied our evil genius in the guise of a gazelle, tempting us to destruction; for, scarcely did we come within sight of the graceful coquette, than she bounded off, and, after a short career, stopped again.

“Lasciva puella:

Et fugit ad salices, et se cupit antè videri.”—Buc. iii.

She continued to lead us on in this wanton manner, until we were aware that we had wandered from the road further than was prudent. At last, she ran towards some narrow defiles; but we did not allow our ardour for the chase to carry us further. Although conscious we were in the direction the caravan must take, we did not see it for some time, and felt a strange inquietude on finding ourselves alone, destitute, and helpless, in the midst of this immense desert. I fired my gun, and, the signal being answered, our uneasiness was relieved. Towards the end of this chain of hills, about two hours’ journey east of the direct road, is a place called Absah, where there are traces of gold mines, and, as at the one at the same distance from the valley of the dooms, numerous remains of habitations, but apparently not very ancient. The stones with which they were worked remain, and there are wells now dry. The Arabs keep them a great secret, and will take no traveller to visit them, unless he has a particular order from the Pasha, and is protected by one of their chiefs. M. Bonomi, who enjoyed these advantages, will, I hope, soon give us an account of them. The result, I believe, of his investigation was, that they are now so exhausted, that they would not repay the labour of working. At eleven we entered a large sandy plain, and at four P.M. we passed some hills of a pyramidal shape. They are of syenite, and their formation is similar to the round granite rocks of the First Cataract. They are called El Talati Greibat—the Three Greibat—from their being at a distance apparently only three. They extend considerably towards the east; but some of them are so low as to be nearly covered with the sand. North-east of these I observed some hills of the same conical form, called Adaramat; but I was at too great a distance from them to perceive whether they were of granite. After eleven hours’ ride, we encamped in the plain at six. The wind is very high; I am almost afraid of my tent being carried away. For several days I have been on the look out, thinking it possible that on these light sandy plains I might see some of Bruce’s pillars of moving sand; but I have not been favoured with the view of any such stalking prodigy; and I must declare that, notwithstanding the numerous deserts I have crossed, at different seasons, always making particular enquiries on the subject, I have neither seen nor heard of such as he describes. The wandering Arabs tell the women, children, and peasants of the Nile fearful stories of the whirlpool of the desert, and the terrible simoom; but such tales, embellished by an Oriental imagination, will rarely bear investigation. From what I have been able to ascertain, there are certain gusts of wind which occasionally sweep over these deserts, with clouds of sand, which prevent your distinguishing any object at all distant; but these are not very dangerous to caravans, except in those tracts where there are immense hills or accumulations of light sand, such as I have seen near the Oasis Magna, in the Libyan desert. The custom of caravans, when they have the misfortune to meet with such blasts, is to pitch their tents and shelter themselves within them. Whatever may be the quantity of sand, they are always safe if they can reach the summit, or place themselves under covert of a hill. I will mention here an instance of this kind, which, in returning from my first voyage up the Nile to the Second Cataract, along with Mr. Ponsonby, he and I witnessed, on the 14th of April, 1832. We were on the point of going that evening to the Isle of Elephantina, when a violent storm, which, considering the season, though rather too early, I might almost call Khampseen, came on. The whole day had been unusually hazy, the air thick and exceedingly oppressive. The extreme heat of the thermometer was 86° in the shade; at sunrise, 70°; sunset, 74°: 86° was a few degrees higher than we experienced it several days previous and after; and I may also remark, that the day following, the thermometer did not rise above 79°. About five o’clock, an immense cloud of sand came sweeping along with a wind so violent, that a boat which was crossing the river to the island was driven back, and the air became so turbid and impregnated with sand, that it was impossible to distinguish any object ten yards from the bank of the river. We heard the peasants in the fields, seemingly wild with confusion and alarm, calling aloud to each other and for their children; and when the sand enveloped them from our sight, we still heard their cries. A scene so strange and impressive I shall never forget. The gale blew almost directly from the west, and seemed to be a specimen of those which have successively swept before them the hills of light loose sand, which, as the Egyptian traveller will recollect, have completely smothered the cultivated land on the western bank of the river opposite Assuan. We endeavoured to shelter ourselves from it as well as the old windows of our cangia would permit; but the sand penetrated every where, into my bed, arms, instruments, and linen; and even my watch was affected. I felt it in my eyes and between my teeth. I then made the reflection, how awful it would be to encounter such a simoom in the desert. It was by such a storm that the army of Cambyses is supposed to have been overwhelmed, as Dr. Darwin in his “Botanic Garden” most graphically describes it:—

Wave over wave the driving desert swims,

Bursts o’er their heads, inhumes their struggling limbs,

And one great earthly ocean covers all:

Then ceased the storm—Night bow’d his Æthiop brow

To earth, and listen’d to the groans below.

Awhile the living hill

Heaved with convulsive throes, and all was still.[6]

In mentioning that I have never heard of nor seen these sandy or meteoric pillars, which is the more remarkable since Bruce says he observed them day after day, I do not mean to affirm that he could not have seen that extraordinary phenomenon in this very desert. That adventurous and intrepid traveller has been already too much calumniated. I merely state that my own experience, and the numerous enquiries I have made, lead to the conclusion, that such phenomena are now unknown: it must, however, be recollected, that Bruce crossed this desert more in the interior. Those who have most strongly condemned Bruce for his occasional exaggerations and embellishments (into which he certainly fell), have forgotten that few other travellers have ever brought to their country so large a mass of fresh, interesting, valuable, and correct information. Salt, his most severe critic, in speaking of his drawings of the ruins of Axum, asserts that he was no draftsman; yet he contradicts himself in a variety of other instances, where he confirms the accuracy of Bruce’s delineations of plants and birds, which are more difficult to execute than an obelisk without hieroglyphics. Mr. B. is most to blame for not acknowledging sufficiently the services of his Italian artist. Many of his tales, marvellous as they at first appeared, have proved to be correct. There was a time in England, when, if a traveller mentioned any fact that was contrary to preconceived ideas, he was accused of error, and often, notwithstanding his previous character of honour and integrity, of wilful exaggeration, and even misrepresentation. Now, however, the mass of well-educated and scientific men have more liberal ideas, and, being anxious for information, are pleased to see the errors of earlier travellers corrected, and endeavour, with philosophical discrimination, to bestow on each the credit which is due to him.

Feb. 22. My dromedary was on his knees at seven this morning. The Arab mounts his camel, by pulling down his head, placing his knee on its neck, and allowing the animal to raise him on its back. The first time I attempted to ascend a dromedary in this style, was on my route from the Oasis Magna; and I paid the penalty of my inexperience. I had pushed on in advance of my caravan nearly a couple of miles, when I had occasion to alight to adjust my saddle. Not doubting that I could mount with true Arab agility, I made the attempt; but deeming it necessary to spring with the return of the animal’s neck, our united force pitched me clear over its tail, leaving me sprawling on the sand,—a lesson to all too aspiring riders. The dromedary ran back at full speed to the caravan. For eleven hours before reaching any hills, except a small one called Faroot, we traversed an immense down, the full extent of which, from the hills called El Talati Greibat, to the smaller ones called Mogram, could not be less than forty miles, without any perceptible alteration in its level. It consists of sand, on which was disseminated a great variety of quartz fragments, principally of a deep red colour, and from a half to three inches in length. I observed, also, on the plain, numerous detached pieces of mica, and some curious specimens of granite. We passed at six P.M. the small range of mountains called Mogram, which are of flinty slate; and about two hours afterwards we encamped, after thirteen hours’ ride, in another plain. To-morrow morning we expect to arrive at the valley of the Nile. I look forward to that event with great pleasure. My servants are exhausted by the bodily fatigue for so many hours each day, the short allowance of water, the cold at night, sleeping in the open air, and other privations which they are obliged to submit to; and Signor B. begins to bear with impatience the want of his soup, the provident regulations of the desert not permitting our precious water to be employed for that purpose. For two days the wind has been high, and we have not been able to use our umbrellas as a protection from the scorching rays of an almost vertical sun. Our camels, also, have suffered from the thirteen days’ fatigue. We were obliged to leave one at El Murrah with the Bishareen, being unable to continue the journey. I observed, also, this afternoon, that my Ababdes seemed more than usually tired. Their manner of resting is peculiar. They walk on a short distance in advance of the caravan, choose a flat part of the desert, if possible, shaded by a rock, and extend themselves at full length flat on their backs, stretching out their arms and legs. This mode of reposing for a few minutes I have found to be very refreshing.

Arrival at the Nile. Village of Abouhammed.—Feb. 23. We left this morning at seven, and reached the banks of the Nile in five hours. There is no apparent descent from the desert. Our fatigues and sufferings were all forgotten, and every one seemed to bless his stars, and think it luxury to quaff again the delicious waters of this most noble of streams, uncontaminated by the taste of the geerbah skins, and no longer confined to the scanty allowance of the caravan. The Ababdes have found here many relations and friends, and there seems to be no end to salamats and taip eens, to shaking of hands and embracing. At their request I have consented that the remainder of the day shall be devoted to repose and festivity. My servants have killed the fattest sheep they could find; part of which, and a small backsheesh (present of money), I have given to the Ababdes to complete their happiness. They are already at work, drinking the bouza; and I observe that some pretty Berber women with their jests and charms are increasing their hilarity. We have been eighty-six hours in this route:—

CHAPTER III.

ABOU-HAMMED. — FORTIFIED HOUSE OF THE SHEAKH. — ISLAND OF MOGRAT. — POPULATION. — TAX TO THE PASHA. — TROPICAL RAINS. — ARAB RAFT. — FORTUNATE ESCAPE. — MANNER IN WHICH THE CAMELS PASS THE RIVER. — GAGI. — DESCRIPTION OF THE HAREM OF A SHEAKH. — OFFICE HEREDITARY. — HABITATION OF A SHEAKH. — ETHIOPIAN FLIES. — DOUM TREES. — ABOU-HASHIM AND OTHER VILLAGES. — CULTIVATION. — ARAB CIVILITIES. — BERBER SHEEP AND GOATS. — VILLAGES AND ISLANDS. — ARAB BURIAL-GROUND. — GENERAL CHARACTER OF THE COUNTRY. — TRACT OF DESERT. — WILD ASSES. — FIFTH CATARACT. — PRESENT STATE OF NUMEROUS VILLAGES. — ARRIVAL AT MAKKARIF, CAPITAL OF BERBER.

This part of the valley of the Nile is not very pleasing or fertile, the eastern bank being almost entirely swallowed by the desert. The village is called Abou-Hammed; and consists of a few houses, or rather wretched huts, built of mud and straw. The fortified house of Sheakh Halif is almost as large as the village itself: since his death it has not been occupied. It consists of a large quadrangular brick enclosure, with a circular tower at each corner. In the centre is a building of one story, in which are the divans and sleeping-room of the Sheakh. Along the enclosing walls are innumerable little huts,—the apartments of his wives and concubines, the latter of whom are said to have at one time amounted to no fewer than sixty. Opposite to this village is the Island of Mograt, which is principally remarkable for numerous fine doum trees, profusely scattered upon it. The Sheakh of this district paid me a visit, and informed me that it contained, chiefly residing on the island, twenty-five families; which, he said, probably consisted of 300 individuals. I remarked, that this was allowing a very great proportion for each family; but he replied, that one family consists sometimes of forty persons; a fact only to be accounted for by the polygamic privileges of the Mahometans. I am told that the district contains forty sakkeas, which confirms this estimate of the population, as seven or eight persons may always be reckoned to a wheel. The peasants of the island informed me that they pay twelve dollars and two ardebs of wheat as a tax for each sakkea. I searched over the eastern side of this island for antiquities; but without success, except a small fragment of a wall of unburnt bricks, apparently Saracenic. I neither found nor heard of any vestiges of its ancient rulers. The island is very rocky; I observed some of hornblende slate, and granite, with disseminated fragments of quartz, and beautiful specimens of Egyptian jasper. The Sheakh complained of its being rocky and not very fertile: “We toil hard,” said he, “but earn little:” yet this part of the valley of the Nile seems very healthy. The malaria which, higher up, after the time of the inundation, causes so much sickness and mortality, is here unknown. The tropical rains sometimes extend lower than this place, but not regularly: for three years rain has been entirely wanting, and the peasants complain of not having herbage in the valleys for their camels. I crossed the river to the Island of Mograt, on a raft or boat of the rudest description,—three logs of wood lashed together, with sides and square ends constructed in the same primitive manner. Perceiving that the natives passed in these safely, I did not hesitate to trust myself upon one. A peasant, with a clumsily constructed paddle, impelled and guided the raft; another holding up with one hand part of his dress, as a protection against the wind, while with the other he was employed in baling out the water. The servant I had with me was similarly engaged. Before we entered the raft it was one third full of water, which was immediately doubled by our additional weight. I did not, however, allow them to bale out much, as I perceived there was less danger of our being swamped than upset by the violence of the wind, and was therefore glad of the water for ballast. I sat at one end, not uselessly employed; for, as the raft seemed often inclined to turn over on one side or the other alternately, I kept it balanced by throwing my weight accordingly. I asked my Charon if they were often upset? “Yes,” said he, “repeatedly; but we are unembarrassed with clothes, and can swim to shore;” at the same time eyeing rather superciliously my wide Turkish trousers, which, had any accident occurred, would as infallibly have carried me to the bottom as if a millstone had been tied around my neck. In fact, my worthy friend, Charon, on his return to the island, after bringing me back, was upset, and saved his life by his dexterity in swimming. I scarcely had time to smoke a shibouk, when my servant came running in to give me this intelligence, and congratulate me on my escape; but as these Arabs, like crocodiles, swim nearly as easily as they walk, no danger was apprehended. I observed to-day the curious manner they transport the camels to the island. The men fill a large geerbah (water-skin), with air, on which they place themselves, and paddle across, leading the animals by a cord, and encouraging them to swim by their songs.

Gagi.—Feb. 24. We set out this morning at eight, and encamped at the village of Gagi at five,—nine hours. Here, and in the island of the same name adjoining, they number fifty men, all of the Ababde tribe. In the island are six sakkeas, for each of which they pay to the government fourteen dollars and two ardebs of wheat. We are encamped, as usual, near the house of the sheakh. I walked into his harem without ceremony, and chatted with his wives and female slaves. Some of them were very beautifully formed; and being almost naked, they displayed finely shaped busts, and, I may say, almost perfect symmetry of shape; their features very regular, and their full dark eyes exceedingly expressive. The little drapery worn by them is adjusted with great taste, and they possess a natural ease of manner, neither bashful nor yet too forward, which is very engaging. The slaves were employed in making basket-work, and the wives reposing on their angareebs. I could not, in Egypt, have taken the liberty of entering a harem in this manner; but here, apparently, more freedom is permitted, for they did not seem at all offended; on the contrary, they gave me as much encouragement as I could desire. They examined my arms and dress, and were profuse in their admiration of my beard, and in exclamations, as, “Odjaib, whallah! wonderful, God is great! but he is a tall man.” The sheakh was smoking under the shade of some doum trees. He saw me enter, but had the politeness not to interfere. The title of sheakh was at one time always hereditary in Upper Egypt; but the Pasha, in most instances, put an end to this mode of transmission; choosing for that honour those that had best suited his purposes. In Upper Nubia, he has respected a little more the existing distinctions. There the office of sheakh is still in general hereditary: the eldest son succeeds to the father; and, in default of male issue, the eldest daughter enjoys the dignity. On account of the number of their wives, it rarely occurs that they have no son; but I am told there is an instance now, near Dongolah, of a female sheakh. I have described the fortified house of a great sheakh: that of one less powerful and wealthy consists, generally, of two large rooms, a divan and harem, between which is a pallisaded enclosure, where the flocks are kept. (See [Vignette,] p. 1.) The sheakhs offer us every night angoureebs[8] (bedsteads) made of wood and cords, but we are now so accustomed to sleeping on the ground that we no longer feel it a hardship. On this evening, and also that of yesterday, we have been annoyed by swarms of very small flies, like midges, which draw blood most copiously from our hands, but without leaving much painful irritation.[9] From Abou-Hammed to this village our route has always been through the desert, sometimes 300 paces only, but often as much as three miles from the river. The banks are covered with doums and acacias; the fruit of the former is very well flavoured, tasting like good gingerbread, but the rind is very hard, and the little that is eatable is so difficult to get at, that it is really not worth the trouble. This tree has rarely, if ever, branches springing up from the root, like the palm tree. The small round and full yellow flower of the acacias emits a most delightful odour. The size of these trees is here very great, compared to those we see in Europe. The first two hours this morning I noticed porphyry rocks appearing above the sand, and fragments of the same disseminated; afterwards hornblende rock. Near here the rocks are of quartz.

Abou-Hashim.—Feb. 25. We left Gagi this morning at seven, and encamped here at half past three P.M.—eight hours and a half. At half past ten we passed the village of Atmoon, situated on the opposite side of the river. It is inhabited entirely by Berbers. There are eleven sakkeas there. I am told that there are generally seven persons, including children, employed at each. At this village, and in the Island of Mero opposite, are twenty-three sakkeas, which pay ten dollars 150 piastres, and four ardebs of dourah each, equal to 210 piastres. Cailliaud has marked two islands, one Meri, the other Mero; but there is, in fact, only one, called Mero. The Island of Kourgos, we slept opposite to last night, extended until ten A.M. At half past ten we passed an isolated mountain, three miles on our left. During the greater part of the day we have passed over sandy flat plains; rocks of coarse granite, hornblende, and gneiss occasionally appearing above the surface, and fragments of the same and of quartz being also disseminated. I also remarked rocks and fragments of sandstone much charged with iron. At twelve we visited, close to the river, the ruins of a Saracenic castle of crude, that is, unbaked, bricks. The Arabs, by their description, had led us to expect antiquities. Our track this day has generally been a mile and a half distant from the river. (For the bearings, see the [Map.]) Shortly before arriving here, we observed fields of dourah; otherwise the banks of this side of the river are generally uncultivated, but covered with doum and large acacia trees. The productive land seems to be in the islands. The inhabitants of this village are mixed, there being some families of Ababdes, but the greater number Berbers. We always go to the house of the sheakh, who meets us with the usual Arab civilities, and gives us his hand, welcoming us as Mahometans, Salam Aleycam, and supplying us with sheep and milk. Some of these sheakhs have an air and bearing truly dignified and patriarchal. Their flocks of goats and sheep form their chief ostensible wealth: the sheep are small, and the wool worth very little, being so coarse as almost to resemble hair. Their colour is beautifully variegated, generally white and black, but in some cases white and brown. The mutton, though too young, is good, and the goats’ milk the best I ever tasted. We found, near the river, this morning, numerous shells of the genus Etheria, almost resembling the Ostrea.[10]

Feb. 26. We left Abou-Hashim this morning at seven, and encamped at five P.M. At half past eleven we passed El Bagahra, and at half past one Neddi, the former a large, the latter a small, village. We passed also the small island of Essabeas, where there are four sakkeas; this island begins at Bagahra, and terminates opposite Neddi. Our route, all day, has been at a short distance from the river, over the same kind of downs and plains, covered with the doum and acacia trees. Near the villages I observed barley and cotton, but no dourah; the produce of the island, I am informed, is the same. These villages are entirely inhabited by the Berbers. We have passed no hills to-day, but I observed continually points of hornblende slate and coarse granite appearing above the sand. I have also been surprised to observe to-day, in the desert, great numbers of the same shells. We have passed, during these last three days, several burying-places of the Arabs. They consist of earthen or sandy mounds, half a foot high; the length and breadth, of course, depend on the size of the body. At each end of the mound is a piece of black slate rock, about a foot high, and along the centre is a narrow gutter, which is filled with loose little pebbles, and, what is singular, these are always of the same colour. Sometimes they consist of small pieces of yellow, and sometimes of white, quartz; and, occasionally, I observed them of the shells above mentioned. Considerable pains is evidently taken to choose these stones of exactly the same colour and description, and also generally of the same dimensions. The effect is very pleasing. The slabs at each end reminded me of the simple gravestones in our country churches: the recollection was interesting; but they could not stand the comparison; for where, indeed, in the wide world, is there any scene to be compared with the tranquil beauty of our village churches, diffusing a peaceful charm over the rural landscape of rich enclosures, snug parsonage, and baronial demesnes, peculiar to England. Here is but a dreary wilderness: nature stern and desolate; man nearly in the state of the savage. In this part of the valley the breadth of the Nile is generally about one third of a mile; but it varies exceedingly, being sometimes a whole mile, and occasionally not much above a quarter. The foliage on its banks renders it not unpleasing to the eye, particularly as contrasted with the adjoining deserts. The flatness of the country prevents its being picturesque, except in some parts, where rocks and little islands in the bed of the river break the monotony of the landscape. This evening we are encamped, not, as usual, near a village, but on the banks of the Nile, previous to passing a small tract of desert.

Granata.—Feb. 27. We commenced our sandy route this morning at half-past six, and my caravan arrived at this village at half-past six P.M. Mr. B. and myself were only nine hours. Having pushed on our dromedaries, we crossed the small desert, before the fifth cataract, in six hours. This desert is sandy, with quartz and flinty slate disseminated. We saw, for the first time, three wild asses, which had been browsing among the acacias near the Nile. There are great numbers of them in the country, but the peasants very seldom succeed in catching or destroying them. A mixed breed is sometimes seen in the villages. From the description of the Arabs, I conceive that the zebra, also, exists in these deserts. The wild ass seems larger than the common one; but we were at too great a distance to observe them particularly. The peasants seldom chase them, but with a good horse it is not very difficult. The reader will recollect the beautiful and accurate description in Job, chap. xxxix.[11] We arrived at the fifth cataract at half past twelve, and remained three hours. It is not to be compared to either the first or second for picturesque effect. There are here no mountains, or even hills, and the fall, at a little distance, is scarcely perceptible. The sound is great, the rapids strong, and of such an extent, that, at this season of the year, certainly no boat of any size could pass: when the Nile is high there would be little difficulty. We made two views, looking north and south, and coloured them on the spot; but the [vignette] will give the reader an idea of this cataract of the Nile. Two hours below are the islands of Kermi, Drogueh, and Melor: almost opposite the cataract is a village called El Solymanieh. Doums and acacias, as usual, on the banks of the river. An hour before arriving, we passed the small village of Gouloulab. This village, where we are encamped, is very large, and said to contain 300 men. The island of Ertole, opposite, is represented to have the same population; but this, I think, is rather an exaggeration of the sheakhs’.

FIFTH CATARACT OF THE NILE.

El Makkarif, Capital of the ancient Kingdom, and now Turkish Province, of Berber.—Feb. 28. We started this morning at seven, and at ten passed the large village of El Abadieh, a little below which, on the opposite side, is Engreyab; at a quarter past twelve, El Ferrakah, opposite which is Abselam; at half past twelve, El Dankel; at half past one, El Hassan (vestiges of a Saracenic castle), opposite which are the villages of Dekseet and Wady Shekeer; at half past one, the village of El Howe; at half past two, El Gadawab; at three, we passed a village called Housh, opposite which is Ellet Wady Gadallah; at a quarter past three, Mahanifa; at half past three, Dich; and at four entered the capital, Makkarif. Most of these villages are large, but many almost entirely deserted. In one of 120 houses, I counted only twenty that were inhabited. This is occasioned, not only by a decrease of population, but also by the wretched state of poverty to which the Berbers are now reduced. Many families who had formerly two, three, and even six houses, are obliged to content themselves with one, allowing the others to fall into ruin from not having the means or inducement to repair them. If still possessed of any wealth, their only means of preserving it, or, at all events, of transmitting it to their posterity, is to keep it secret; and by an affectation of poverty, lull any suspicion that may arise of their possessing treasure. Notwithstanding what I am told of their hidden wealth, I should suspect the examples to be few: the real distress is unfortunately far too evident. The houses are scattered, and often at a considerable distance from each other; never crowded together, like the cottages in the villages of Egypt. Being shaded by the graceful doum and acacia trees, they produce a rural and sometimes picturesque effect. According to the ancient divisions, we have only been this day in the province of Berber. Since we reached El Ferrakah, the character of the country has been quite different; more villages, a richer soil, and even the desert thickly studded with trees like a shrubbery. The country between Abou-Hammed and Grenata is included in the Turkish province of Berber, and as such I have described it. The natives are the Rabatat, once the terror of caravans. The heavy exactions they imposed on all travellers, or rather merchants, obliged the latter to take the long route from Derouey to Makkarif, the same in which Burckhardt and Bruce suffered so severely. The manners of the Rabatat seemed rougher, and their depravity more open, than I observe here.

CHAPTER IV.

VISIT TO THE GOVERNOR. — COURT AND ANCIENT CHIEFS OF THE COUNTRY. — HOSPITABLE RECEPTION. — TURKISH ENTERTAINMENTS. — CHARACTER OF THE GOVERNOR. — HIS ATTENTIONS. — STYLE OF LIVING. — DONGOLAH HORSES. — ANECDOTES, COSTUMES AND PORTRAITS OF THE CHIEFS. — TURKISH KNOWLEDGE OF THE ARTS. — BAZAAR OF MAKKARIF. — HOUSES. — MANUFACTORY OF INDIGO. — EXTENT OF CULTIVATION. — POPULATION. — CAMELS’ HIDES. — SUGAR MANUFACTORY. — ETHIOPIAN WOOL. — BISHAREEN TRIBE. — MANNER OF COLLECTING THEIR TRIBUTE. — ABABDES AND OTHER ARAB TRIBES. — TURKISH POLICY. — BURCKHARDT. — CHARACTER OF THE PEOPLE. — ARABS OF THE DESERT.

Immediately on our arrival, we paid a visit to Abbas Bey, the governor of the province. He has a private house for his harem; but during the day he holds his court and takes his meals in one of the fortified houses of the sheakhs. At the door we found a number of soldiers and officers drinking coffee. The Turkish governor is obliged to furnish the officers attached to his court, as well as strangers and principal persons of the town who wish it, with as much of this beverage as they choose to drink; and so great is the consumption, that it is in fact the most considerable part of his official expenditure. We were ushered into a large room, forty feet by twenty, and proportionably high, with windows at one end, but, as usual, without glass: some small windows, above the larger, were covered with paper as a substitute. Around the room was a divan one foot high and four feet wide: one end was covered with mats, over which were thrown rich carpets and scarlet plush. The Governor, a man of about thirty, of a stern yet prepossessing appearance, was seated in the corner upon the skin of a panther. The courtiers were arranged on each side according to their respective ranks. On his right was the grand Cadi, in a brown dress, with a green turban (the badge of his having made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and being a sheriff, or descendant of Mahomet). He is a native of this country, and fills the offices of high priest and chief judge. The Bey paid him great attention; no doubt on account of his great influence with the people. He has a very jesuitical countenance: I thought of Alfieri’s celebrated speech in Saul. Next to this priest was Sheakh Sayd, the Chief of the Ababdes. (See [Plate.]) His family have held this title from time immemorial: the stamp of nobility is marked upon his high forehead; and there is an expression of dignified mildness in his countenance which commands respect: he interested me exceedingly. Another, but inferior, Sheakh of the Ababdes was seated next to Sheakh Sayd, in a blue linen dress. Next to the Ababde Sheakh was the Melek Nazr ed Deen. This man was forty years melek or king of this province. I am informed that the meleks of Shendy and Metammah attacked his kingdom, defeated him, seized his riches, and sullied the honour of his family. In revenge, it is said he fled to the Pasha of Egypt, and represented to him how easily he might subdue the country. The Arabs, and in this district particularly, extol in the most hyperbolical terms the merits of their great men. I will mention their expressions in a few instances as characteristic. According to their extravagant accounts, the war-cry of this melek was, “I am a bull, the son of a bull, and will die or conquer!” They assert that he is able to cut a camel in two with a blow of his sabre, and to eat a whole sheep to his breakfast. He really is an amazingly stout man for this country (see [Plate I.]), and both his appearance and manners are surly and repulsive, which, however, is not extraordinary, when we consider that he is now a disregarded pensioner (having merely the rank and pay of a katsheff), and no real authority in the extensive province where, at one time, his will was law. Several other personages were present, among whom were katsheffs, kaymacans, and artillery officers; Sheakh Beshir (see [Plate II.]), now melek of Shendy, and some sheakhs of the Bishareens. In the centre of the room stood about thirty attendants; cowhasses, with their silver-headed canes, armed with pistols and sabres; janissaries in the Albanian dress; mamelukes, Turkish soldiers, sheboukgees, slaves, &c. &c. The Bey was playing at drafts with Sheakh Sayd when we entered, but immediately closed the board, and rose from his seat. He received us very courteously, ordered us pipes and coffee in abundance, and a fresh supply of the latter at least every half hour; and, contrary to the Egyptian custom, there came usually two cups for each person at a time. Their manner of presenting it is in the highest style of Turkish fashion; holding the bottom of the fingan (cup) between the first finger and thumb, with the hand curved. It was presented at the same time to the Bey and myself; then to the others according to their rank. I presented to him the firman of the Pasha. He looked at the seal, kissed it, and applied it to his forehead in token of his obedience; but at the same time assured me that, on account of my being an Englishman, even if I had brought no firman, he would have done whatever was in his power to facilitate my plans. He would not allow us to leave him without partaking of his evening meal, a short description of which may amuse the reader.

Pl. 3.

Published by Longman & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

After we had well lathered our hands in the usual Turkish manner, the round white metal table was brought in, and we all squatted down on the floor, with due decorum, around it. We had first soup, and afterwards twenty dishes of meat, one following the other, and the dinner finished with a pillof of rice. We used wooden spoons for the soup, diving into the dish promiscuously; the meat we ate with our fingers, using always the thumb and two forefingers of the right hand; each person keeping as well as he could to his own angle of the dish. Holding a piece of bread in his hand, he fished out the pieces of meat, with a due proportion of gravy. The dishes were all small, and some of them very recherchés; but, as usual, it was mutton, mutton, nothing but mutton, though disguised in a great variety of forms, with herbs, beans, and sauces from Cairo. The hands of the Bey had the precedence in plunging into each dish, and the paws of the others briskly followed those of their leader. Having tasted one or two choice morsels, his Excellency nodded his head, and that plate vanished. A number of hungry attendants who were to dine upon the remains of the feast, waited in a string, and handed the dishes back and forward, from one to the other, with the greatest rapidity. Very little was said during the repast; indeed, whoever is so foolish as to converse on such an occasion runs a great hazard of faring indifferently. As it was, I had rather a scanty supper; for perceiving it was bon ton to eat of every dish, and not knowing how many might follow, I did not duly profit by the precious moments. Old Nazr ed Deen, who, as I have stated, is reported to breakfast with such a voracious appetite, seemed by no means satisfied, although I observed that he made the best use of his time. The whole affair was finished in twenty minutes. Some of the dishes were not one minute on the table. The Bey, with his fugacious nod, reminded me of the physician at the island, who was so considerate for Sancho Panza’s digestive powers. I ought not to omit mentioning, that the Bey, as a special act of politeness to myself, selected often the most delicate morsels from the best dishes, with his own besmeared fingers, and placed them before me. I did not quite relish such a greasy gratification, but was obliged to swallow the compliment. Several slaves stood around the table with gullahs of cool water,—the only beverage permitted; others had large fans to keep away the flies. After we had performed our very necessary ablutions, smoked a pipe, and taken coffee, the Bey dismissed his court and attendants, and we had a long tête-à-tête upon various subjects. Although evidently a brave man, he finds the difficulties of his situation trying and embarrassing. Having no trusty friend or confidant near him, he seemed glad of an opportunity of disburdening his grievances before a stranger, to whom there would be no disgrace or humiliation in expressing his fears and difficulties. “I have few or no friends here,” said he, “and many enemies. It is difficult to satisfy the demands of the Pasha, and not oppress the people. The Government at Alexandria are never content with the amount of the revenue; and yet are enraged if any complaints reach them, although they are the consequence of their own exorbitant demands; but I hope God will give me good luck, and enable me to keep my place to the satisfaction of my master.” We conversed about the province; his manner of managing the Arabs, with the statistics of the country; the affairs of the Pasha (to whom he seems very much attached, and hopes to see him master of St. Petersburgh, or at all events, of the recent acquisitions of that power from the Ottoman empire); the war with the Sultan; the conquest of these provinces; his own military exploits and valour; and the antiquities which are the object of my journey. Understanding that my artist was an Italian, he displayed his knowledge of that language, which extended only to two words, buono e morte, by taking hold repeatedly of Mr. B.’s arm, and at the same time that he repeated these words, he accompanied them with such a powerful grasp, as almost made poor Signor B. scream for pain.—“Anima del’ caina (del cane),” he said to me, in the Neapolitan dialect, “buono o cattivo mi pare che mi vuol la morte.” Afterwards, the conversation turning upon animals, he showed me the skin of a pet lion, that he had killed because it had destroyed a sheep. I happened to appear pleased with it, when he instantly made me accept it. He then sent for a beautiful little monkey, of the grey capuchin kind, with which he also presented me. I took it into my special protection, and christened it with the name uppermost in my thoughts, namely, Meroe; and many a weary mile, till my return to Thebes, did it beguile me with its mischievous gambols on my camel. When I rose to take leave, the Bey said he would accompany me to my tent, and then offered me a fine large panther’s skin, on which he had been sitting. He did not give me these, as the Turks in general make presents, with the expectation of receiving others more valuable; for I told him, on receiving the first, that I had not contemplated making this journey when I left Europe, and had therefore nothing with me to offer him. He replied, “All Turks are not the same; there are good and bad of every nation: these are trifles; tell me how I can be of real service to you; and the only return I wish is, that you think well of me when you go to your own country.” He privately inquired of my dragoman if we were in want of candles, sugar, coffee, of another tent, or any thing else. Although we wanted nothing, we duly appreciated his kind intention. The style in which he came to my tent, and went to and from his harem every day, will give some idea of the state kept up in these provincial governments. He was preceded by his guards, armed with guns; then by four cowhasses, beating their massive silver-headed sticks on the ground,—a substitute for music: the Bey himself then followed, on foot or on his charger, having behind him six other guards, with guns, and a crowd of perhaps twenty servants. I was at a loss what return to make for his liberality: he had really shown himself such a fine fellow, that it was painful to be behind him in generosity. Having no suitable articles to spare, such as a gun, pistols, or a watch, the most proper gifts to a Turk of his rank, I could only beg his acceptance of a few trifles,—a new patent powder-flask and belt, a bag of English shot, a good English penknife, and a silver watch-guard. I gave him, also, a little stock of medicines, with directions how to use them; these he valued very highly, being aware on how slender a thread his life hangs in such a baneful climate as this.

Pl. 2.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

March 1. This morning the Bey sent us a couple of fine sheep, and, before we were dressed, a cowhass called to summon me to his divan. He showed us his stables, in which were six horses, of the true Dongolah breed, black and brown, of whom the black were the finest, but all of them had rather upright pasterns, and four white legs: sometimes the white extends over the thighs, and occasionally over the belly. They are not light, slender horses like some of the best race of Arabs, being more remarkable for their strength: their appearance reminded me very much of the Egyptian horses, as represented on the walls of Thebes. They would make magnificent cavalry horses; but if they were brought on a race course, I think their appearance would induce few to back them, except, perhaps, for a three-mile heat; certainly not for the St. Leger. The breed is rare now, and valuable. Even here a good Dongolah horse fetches from 50l. to 150l. After dinner he went to his harem to sleep, and then returned to the government-house. He then sent for me again, and kept me with him until ten at night. Dinner and supper were served in the same style as on the preceding day.

March 2. This morning the Bey sent for me as before, and kept me till after dinner, when I started for Shendy in his own boat, which he had the goodness to lend me. He invited me to make a longer stay, but I had no time to lose. These three days, however, have not been altogether mis-spent, as I have obtained some important information. I complained to the Bey yesterday, that, on account of the prejudices of the people, we were unable to draw any of the costumes of the country. The Bey very coolly declared, that whoever dared to refuse, he would cut off his head! Though this summary order was coolly received in the divan, we did not hesitate to avail ourselves of it, and immediately set to work, and drew the portraits of all the dignitaries of consequence at his court. I have already referred the reader to the portraits of Melek Nazr ed Deen, Sheakh Beshir, and Sheakh Seyd. Some of them were very reluctant, in spite of all our persuasion, particularly one native prince called Mousa. (See coloured plate, [XVI.]) His likeness, taken by Signor B., is admirable, the colour correct, and his figure is the finest specimen of manly beauty I have seen in this country. His breast, as will be observed in the plate, has somewhat of a projection, a peculiarity I have often observed in Upper Nubia. It is considered a great deformity, and those who have it often submit to a most painful operation for its removal. Mousa, when my artist had finished his portrait, begged the Bey to treat him as a man, and not show him like a beast. He is the son of a melek, but now serves as a groom. He is famous for his courage and dexterity in the use of the sabre. To use their own exaggerated Oriental language, he is capable of killing 100 men in battle. In our tent, yesterday, we took the figure and costume of a Bishareen boy, about eighteen, whose father, a powerful sheakh, had attempted to excite a revolt against the Pasha. Not being successful, he fled, and his son was detained in prison until the father paid a fine of 250 camels. By way of a jest, though a barbarous one, which I should not have allowed had I known of it, the Bey and his officers told the poor boy that we were to cut off his head, being Turks deputed from Cairo for that special purpose. He sat down on the ground in the attitude represented, with his head turned on one side, and remained motionless, in the same position, nearly three quarters of an hour. We remarked that we had never had a subject who sat so patiently. When we had finished, we told him he might get up, making him, at the same time, a small present; when, with a look of bewildered delight, he told us how differently he expected to have been treated, and that he had been awaiting every moment the stroke of the sabre.

In the evening, when we were with the Bey, he sent for the poor youth, and frightened him again by telling him that, by virtue of the drawing we had made, we had a magical power over him, and should transport him with us into our own country. He opened his mouth aghast, asked every body if it were true, and seemed struck with horror at the idea of never again seeing his native deserts. He addressed his inquiries particularly to Sheakh Seyd, who, as chief of the Ababdes, he did not think capable of deceiving him; but I verily believe many of the meleks and chiefs present, who affected to join in the laugh, really had doubts and misgivings that such, in truth, was the necromantic power of our pencils, and particularly of the camera lucida, with which I drew several of them. My artist took the Bey’s likeness, at his own particular desire; I conceive, for one of his favourites. He was very well satisfied with the representation of his figure, rich costume, his sword and accoutrements, and of the fierceness of his mustachios; but he did not understand the shading, and begged my artist “to take away those black things.” Before leaving Makkarif, the Bey showed me round the indigo and hide manufactories belonging to the government. I parted from him with some regret, for he is decidedly the best Turk I have ever known; and it was a great pleasure for a few days to meet with such courtesy in these wild regions of interior Africa. Makkarif has little appearance of a capital. The bazaar should scarcely be dignified with such a title, as it only consists of six or seven miserable shops. The town is divided into seven divisions. The population may, perhaps, amount to 3500, though it is difficult to obtain exact information as to numbers. The houses are quadrangular huts of one story, like those in Lower Egypt—not however crowded together as those, but usually standing detached. Some of them are circular, and have thatched conical roofs—a description of cottage very general to the south of Berber. The residence of the governor, and of some of the sheakhs, resembled the fortified house surrounded by large courts, described at Abou-Hammed. There is here a large manufactory of indigo, a valuable branch of culture, which was introduced by the Pasha into this province five years ago. They cut it three times during the season, at intervals of about two months. To extract the dye, they place the stalks and leaves for eighteen hours in a cemented mud basin or cistern of water, which is then drawn off into another vessel: in this last they leave it only a few hours, stirring it well with sticks, and afterwards let it off into a caldron, in which the final process of boiling takes place, and indigo is produced of very good quality. The Pasha receives from this manufactory nearly 14,000 okres (weight), which is sent to Cairo, and sold there for fifteen dollars per okre. The government has greatly extended the cultivation of the cotton plant in this province. Considerable quantities of wheat and oats are also grown in it; but barley and dourah, particularly the latter, are the chief produce. In the Turkish province of Berber, which extends from Abou-Hammed to two days journey beyond Shendy, there are 6000 feddans (measure) of cultivated land, and 500 sakkeas. There were 800 of the latter, when first the Pasha took possession of the country, but misrule, or, perhaps, the system inevitably adopted in order to subdue entirely the country, has impoverished as well as depopulated it. The number of peasants, merchants, Arabs, and other residents, so far as I have been able to learn, may be estimated (including their families) at 30,000: this is independent of the Bishareen and other desert tribes who pay their tribute here. The number of sakkeas may appear small in comparison to the extent of the cultivation and the number of the inhabitants; but it may be remarked, that a great proportion of the arable land in this province is irrigated by the inundation of the Nile and by manual labour. Besides, the peasants, as well as the wandering tribes, subsist in a great measure by their flocks and by their camels, which are bred in great numbers, and of the finest quality, and sent to Cairo. Many also are sold here to the merchants and carriers of this place; also to those of Shendy and Sennaar. The price of a strong, ordinary camel is about ten or twelve dollars; of a dromedary, ten to thirty dollars. For several years the government have sent to Cairo from 1500 to 2000 hides. This year the Pasha has required 20,000. These hides are prepared with lime, salt, and the pod of the mimosa. The Pasha has also tried the sugar cane, which flourishes luxuriantly in the islands, though the people have not yet acquired any skill in the manufacture of it. There is a small sugar-house, but of the rudest construction. The canes are placed between two rollers, turned by oxen, which squeeze out the juice. The peasants themselves make a coarse kind of linen cloth, which may be called fine canvass, but seldom deserves a better name.

Pliny says, that Ethiopia, as well as Egypt, was by the Greeks called Etheria, “without wool;” which may have been owing to the circumstance, that the Ethiopians, like the Egyptians, wore only linen; but perhaps it may rather allude to the extremely bad quality of the Ethiopian wool. The Bishareen pay their tribute to this government. They occupy the territory, and are generally supposed to be descendants, of the ancient Troglodites; but there is a name sculptured on the walls of Thebes, of a captured people, called Sharim, which, with the Coptic article Pi, makes Pisharim or Bisharim. Souakim, the capital, is fifteen days’ journey from this place, on which road water is found every day and a half: its inhabitants are called Edherbi and Hadendoah. Besides these, the Bishareen have other subordinate divisions, as the Amarrah and the Benishamah. As I have before stated, they are the most uncivilised of the Arab tribes, if they can be called Arabs, when they speak a language without any Arabic words, and lay no claim to Arabian descent. Their features are often striking, but their manner of dressing their hair, making it bushy and prominent both in front and behind, and often shaving it a little, gives them a savage appearance. Their dress generally consists of folds of linen of the country, often ragged and dirty, but always put on in a graceful manner, not unlike the ancient Greek drapery. War and plunder seem to be their element, and they are accused of being treacherous and deceitful: they are addicted also to petty theft. Many are poor in the extreme; some few rich and powerful, living luxuriously, as they deem it, on camels’ flesh and milk. The principal persons at Makkarif tell me that they count 200,000 houses or tents; but, notwithstanding the vast extent of their territory, this must be an exaggeration. The government finds always great difficulty in collecting their tribute. “We generally send,” said the Bey, “two soldiers at a time. If they are murdered, it is of no great consequence! for two men it would be absurd to lay waste a whole province; but if we sent twenty or thirty, and they were destroyed, it would create great alarm, and be a serious loss out of my small force of 400 cavalry. Once,” said he, with an air of triumph, “I was there with a large retinue, when a greatly superior number of Bishareen attacked us, during the night, as is always their custom. Nine of my men fled at the first onset, and falling into the hands of the enemy were immediately massacred. We resisted and escaped, but it caused great terror among my troops. Soon after we avenged the death of my nine brave fellows in our usual manner. We enticed to this place many of the Bishareen engaged in this affair by a promise of pardon: then we enclosed them in one of our fortified houses, and put them to death.” Some divisions of this tribe, who are almost quite independent, often plunder the caravans and small villages, and carry off cattle and other property; and they sometimes extend their predatory incursions as far as Dongolah.

The Ababdes are divided principally into two tribes, the Maleykab, from Esneh to Assuan; and the Hashibani, from Assuan to Kash Kosseer. They are a fine race of men, and wear their hair in ringlets hanging behind their heads, and at the sides, nearly to their shoulders. Sometimes, but very rarely, their hair is bushy in front like the Bishareen. Their dress of coarse linen is always folded around them with the same graceful elegance. This tribe is much less numerous than the Bishareen, but they have the character of being braver. The number of their houses and tents was stated to me by their chief, Sheakh Sayd, at 50,000. During the conquest of this country, and on other occasions, they have been of great service to the Pasha, who therefore levies no direct tribute except from such as have allotments of land, and sakkeas, who pay for them like the peasants of the Nile. Burckhardt speaks of the treachery of the Ababdes. I have been with them for months in the Oasis Magna and other places, and cannot say I have experienced it. On the contrary, I have observed them more grateful for kindness, more attached, more proud of their liberty, and tenacious of their character, and more disinterested, than any other of the Arab tribes. The number domiciled in this province is very considerable. Besides these, I saw individuals of several other Arab tribes who frequent Berber, while others I only heard of. Among these are the Hassanyeh, who range from Berber to Kordofan, principally near Dongolah,—the Kababysh, to the south-west of the latter, extending to the White River,—the Benegerar, from Dongolah to Kordofan, in the Desert,—the Erfara, near Sennaar,—a large and powerful tribe called Rafarah, numbered with the Erfara,—the Shukriah, settled principally near Shendy, but also between Berber and Sennaar, and the Atbara and the Bahr el Azruk. The Eddibina, also, near Shendy,—the Djamelyeh, on the Bahr el Abiad,—the El Amran, to the east of the Mugrum, or Astoboras,—the Shelouks, ten days up the White River, or Bahr al Abiad. They are said to be tall, powerful men, always quite naked, and armed with bows and arrows, spears and shields; and I am told that they worship the sun. Their territory extends for a considerable distance on both sides of the river, but the division on the east side is called Denha. The Shelouks inhabit also numerous islands, communicating with each other by means of canoes, some of which are very large. The Bahr el Abiad was represented to me as being, in that part, ten times wider than the Bahr el Azruk:—the Numrum, also, a negro race of naked Pagans, twenty days’ journey from Sennaar, upon the White River. All these tribes, except the two last, are wholly or partly tributary to the Pasha. When we consider the slight comparative force with which his governments are generally supplied, we must confess his officers know how to manage their affairs, although the means they adopt are not always the most honourable. The government of Berber has only 400 cavalry to keep in subjection a population of 30,000, besides the many powerful tribes of the neighbouring deserts. The ancient chiefs of the country are almost all alive and at large. Each native is armed, and acquainted with the use of the sabre and lance, and some few have matchlocks. They see the prosperity of the country gradually decaying, and the population daily diminishing; yet such is their terror of the Pasha’s power, that, notwithstanding the small number of his troops, and the length of time it would require to bring forward reinforcements, no monarch in Europe has such absolute power, or sleeps more safe from bodily fear than the Governor of Berber. The relentless system, which has completely succeeded in Lower Egypt, of impoverishing the peasants, and reducing them by distress to complete vassalage, is gradually but successfully carried on by the Pasha in this country. The descendants, perhaps, of those tribes who defied the power of the Greeks and Romans, have been taught by Mohammed Ali to crouch beneath his yoke. He has done so, in despite of all the obstacles man and nature opposed to his ambition;—a brave resistance, cataracts amongst which many of his barks were lost, the horrors of the desert, burning climate, malaria, and fever, which at first nearly annihilated his army at “one fell swoop.” The statement of Cailliaud, that at Sennaar, the Pasha saw one third of his forces fall a prey to malignant and intermittent fevers, dysentery, and bilious attacks, shows at how dear a price these conquests were purchased. But the Pasha’s power in this country rests now on a basis which it would be difficult to shake,—a combination of vigorous policy in council, with superiority of arms and discipline in the field. The tribes now know from experience the weakness of their half fighting, half dancing hosts, with their lances, swords, and large unwieldy shields,—against the regular fire of disciplined troops. The very report of a cannon is irresistible to beings who have the utmost dread of a musket; and they can now contrast the effects of artillery with those of the comparatively harmless implements of their own warfare, which seldom inflict more than flesh wounds. Their former chiefs and meleks are now sinking fast to the wretched level of the peasants. Stripped of their patrimonial wealth and estates, and shut out from their other sources of gain—commerce and exactions—they are now obliged to pay court to the Turkish governors, to obtain or preserve a scanty pension, which is almost their only means of subsistence. The chiefs have suffered more than the peasants from the domination of the Pasha, who has followed the usual policy of all conquerors, by systematically aiming “to cut off the highest of the poppy heads.” The great mass of the people of every nation are generally indifferent to the misfortunes of the aristocracy, and are rarely animated, by individual attachment, or more enlarged views of national independence, to rise and deliver from oppression those who, perhaps, were once their own oppressors. Possibly, they may even feel a selfish exultation in seeing them reduced to their own level; forgetting that, while their ancient chiefs sink thus into poverty and obscurity, every hope of restoring the liberty of their country vanishes.

I have not spent sufficient time in this province to judge accurately of the character of the people, and I dare scarcely attempt to delineate what the masterly hand of Burckhardt has so admirably accomplished. I have not his work with me, and do not remember minutely his account of the natives of this district. I must, therefore, make a short record of my own observations, though, probably, they will add but little to the information which he has communicated. I am sorry to confirm his statement, that the most extreme profligacy of manners prevails among the Berbers. They are entirely devoted to women; unfortunately, not only to their own wives, but, with lawless passion, to the wives of their neighbours. Adultery is far more common here than in any other part of the valley of the Nile; and there exists, also, in this and the adjoining provinces, a system which is a disgrace to human nature. The sheakhs, meleks, and chief men hire out their female slaves, or, rather, oblige them to carry on an infamous traffic here and in the different villages, and to pay to their master a monthly tribute out of the fruits. This is the climax of profligacy. A correct idea of the immoral state of the country may be formed, when those who, from their station, ought to endeavour to repress vice, are, by this system, its chief promoters. Slavery is horrible under any guise; but when the task of the unfortunate victim is to sacrifice every principle of honour, virtue, and decency, in order to satiate the avarice of a remorseless master, a more distressing picture of human wretchedness cannot be imagined. Besides the monthly tribute, they are dependent also for their own subsistence upon the passing caravans.

The superstition of the Berbers keeps pace with their gross ignorance. I have already stated that, notwithstanding many attempts, I was never able, unless in the Bey’s presence, and through his despotic mandate, to overcome the apprehension and scruples of the Berbers, of both sexes, to allow their portraits to be drawn. Among those, too, who knew I was a Christian, I could often distinguish an ill-disguised contempt when I deviated in any respect from the Mahometan customs.

Intoxication is another vice to which the Berbers are generally addicted, but seldom to any very gross excess. Their beverage is the bouza, a species of beer made of dourah, boiled in a jar, and drunk after a day or two, when it ferments. It is not of a very intoxicating quality, but they drink gallons of it at a sitting. One of the peasants intimated to me his regret that the Prophet had only promised them rivers of milk in his paradise, instead of bouza. They have also the meresi and bulbul, more delicate descriptions of the same beverage; and a strong but tasteless spirit (arrake), with a very wretched liquor which they call wine; both these last being extracted from the date. They are civil and attentive to strangers, but there is something overstrained in their obsequiousness. They have the reputation of being great thieves. Several old Egyptian merchants, and also my camel-drivers, advised me to take care of my baggage during the night, when I passed through Berber; always recommending me, for that reason, to encamp near the house of the sheakh. The women go about with their faces uncovered,—a privilege which, in Egypt, only the wives of the Arabs of the Desert enjoy. They have, generally, good figures, and a rather pleasing expression of countenance. The men are stout, but their features are seldom very prepossessing, or at all noble; and they are deficient in that open and dignified manner and deportment which distinguish the generality of the Arab tribes. The Arabs in general, but especially the Berbers, are averse to active exertion. I have often seen several of them sitting together for many hours in the shade, with their eyes half closed, in a listless and supine state, neither talking, nor engaged in any occupation. Sometimes they were smoking, yet at the same time apparently unconscious that pipes were in their mouths. Perfect repose of body and mind, the dolce far niente of the Italians, is the highest felicity they are able to conceive. Endowed with an imperturbable stock of apathy,—more comfortable, perhaps, although not so intellectual, as European philosophy,—they submit to a distressing accident, which would throw one of our countrymen almost into a fever, without allowing their equanimity to be in the least disturbed. “Mactub min Allah!” it is written, It is the will of God! they exclaim, with placid resignation; and, instead of brooding over their misfortune, become immediately reconciled to it, and, with amazing facility, banish it from their thoughts.

The Sennaar and Shendy merchants, chiefly Arabs, pass sometimes by this route; others go to Dongolah, across the Bahiouda desert. This is, however, a much shorter route, and for that reason often preferred. They furnish the bazaar of Makkarif with soap, spices with which they make an ointment to keep their skin soft, rice, Mocha coffee, mirrors, glass beads, and shells; and articles in cotton, such as handkerchiefs, shawls, and other dresses: they also bring tobacco and pipes, crockery, cooking dishes, &c. A great many camels are employed on this route, in conveying the officers, soldiers, and provisions from Assuan to Berber, Shendy, Khartoun, and Sennaar. When no other article is ready, the camels are laden, in return, with charcoal made of the osshi plant, which is excellent for gunpowder; but even for culinary use, the difference between its price at Berber and at Assuan, in consequence of its scarcity at the latter place, fully remunerates them for the carriage. A great number of camels are, at certain seasons, employed by the government in conveying down to Assuan the indigo, grain, hides, &c. levied as taxes in kind. This gives employment to the Arabs of the desert, and attaches these roving tribes, by the strongest chains of interest, to a more regular and less barbarous government than they have ever been accustomed to, and thus reconciles them to the relinquishment of their independence. When we consider the predatory and lawless habits they gloried in for ages previous to the Pasha’s conquest; the anarchy and confusion which afforded them such facilities for rapine, and in which their bold unruly spirits delighted, as the short though dangerous path to distinction and wealth,—it is surprising to see them thus quietly occupied in the vocations of peace, and earning their livelihood by honest industry. A tribute of applause is certainly due to Mohammed Ali, for effecting this great improvement in the habits and pursuits of the uncivilised hordes who occupy so considerable a portion of the continent of Africa.

CHAPTER V.

DEPARTURE FROM MAKKARIF. — VARIOUS VILLAGES. — THE MUGRUM, ANCIENT ASTABORAS. — ROUTE TO GOSS REDJAB. — VERDANT APPEARANCE OF THE ISLAND OF MEROE. — VOYAGE ON THE ASTAPUS. — NUMEROUS VILLAGES. — COTTAGES. — HIPPOPOTAMI; MANNER OF DESTROYING THEM. — VILLAGES. — ARRIVAL AT THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

March 8. We set sail, with a favourable breeze, from Makkarif, at one; and at half past one we passed the village of El Releh; and at two, Sowektab el Ekaba, on the western bank of the river; opposite to which, on the east bank, is a small village called Howed. At four we passed Wady Rowel, on the eastern side; at five, the small village of Sidin on the same side; at six, a large village called Karmim; at three quarters past six we passed Sayal, a small village on the east bank; at a quarter past seven, Dakkel, on the same side; at twenty minutes past seven, El Fodlet; and at half past seven we moored for the night at the village of Unmatur, on the western side. We have had a good wind, and certainly cannot have made less than three miles an hour. Opposite to Unmatur is the junction of the Mugrum, the ancient Astaboras, with the Nile, isolating from the Nubian and Libyan desert this part of Meroe. For some distance before reaching it, I observed that the colour of the water was very green, and had not the usual appearance of the Nile, which is comparatively clear at this season. I perceived also that the taste was different, and that it had a strong disagreeable smell. I regret that it is now dusk, so that I cannot observe more accurately the distinction of the waters of the two rivers; but I am informed, that for some space after the confluence, they remain unmixed. The width of the Mugrum, as the Astaboras is now called, from what I could learn, is, at the time of the rise, about 1000 feet. At this season, they tell me, it is almost stagnant. It swells many days earlier than the Bahr el Abiad or the Azruk; and I think the green colour that tinges the whole Nile for the first thirty or forty days after its rise, may be attributed to the influx of the waters of this river. The chief province or district on its banks is called Atbara, evidently a corruption from the ancient name of the river, which is curious, as any analogy is rarely to be found between the modern and ancient names in this country. Two hours before arriving at the junction, we passed a small shellal (cataract). The current was strong; a number of small rocks impeding the stream for about half way across. The banks are covered with beautiful groves of acacias, doums, and palm trees, and had generally a much more verdant appearance than we had before remarked; reminding me most forcibly of the observation of the pretorians sent by Nero:

Herbas circa Meroen demum viridiores, silvarumque aliquid apparuisse.[12]

From the best information I have been able to obtain, there are seven days’ journey from the mouth of the Mugrum to Goss Radjeb, the principal village on its banks: for the two first days, the direction of this river is nearly east. There are on this route few villages; the habitations chiefly consisting of encampments of migratory Arabs, who change their stations as often as they need fresh pasture for their camels and flocks. The chief tribe frequenting the banks of the Astaboras is that of the Bishareen; but its branches were described to me as distinguished by the following distinct names: The first day’s journey east, is called the district of the Atbara; the second, that of the Eddandoweh; the third day, towards the south, Attaka; the fourth, Giberta; the fifth, Medkirab; after which the district of Makkadi extends several days beyond Goss Radjeb. A merchant informed me, that, at this latter place, there are the remains of a temple, but without any sculpture, columns, or hieroglyphics. According to the accounts given to me by the most intelligent Arabs, this river abounds much more than the Nile in hippopotami and crocodiles, and the western bank is infested with lions.

March 3. Leaving Unmatur at seven, with a good wind, we began our voyage on what Strabo calls the river Astapus, but which the natives still call the Nile: passed, at a quarter past seven, the village of Hassal, west side, and El Dahmur east, at nine, Abouselam west, and Ambori east; at half past nine, Hossya east, Maholrab west; at half past ten, the island of Essaydrab; at twelve, the island of Gunnabra and the village of El Roweh west; at half past one, El Howyeh east, El Ferakah west; at three, the island of Tumfar, and the village of Alioh, to the east; at half past three, the island of Egaydag, and village of the same name, on the western bank; at half past four, the island of Nama; at three quarters past five, Gebata to the east, and Keytayab to the west. This day I have observed that some of the villages consist of circular huts with thatched conical roofs. The water has not the same colour nor the same disagreeable smell as that near the mouth of the Astaboras. We have seen many crocodiles and several hippopotami: upon our approach they disappeared under the water; but occasionally raised their enormous heads, which, at the distance we were then, appeared like those of buffaloes. We fired at them, but without any effect. The Arabs state that their only vulnerable part is their forehead. What Hasselquist says of the manner of destroying them, by placing salt peas on the bank, the eating of which may excite them to drink until they die, amused the Arabs vastly. Their only way of killing these animals, is by concealing themselves in the long grass or corn fields on the bank, near one of their tracks. When the hippopotamus approaches, they attack and pierce him with a barbed lance, to which a strong cord is attached. The animal rushes to the river, and they follow him warily on the banks, or in a boat, until his strength is quite exhausted, and he is almost dead. His usual expiring effort is to make for the shore, or his pursuers drag him thither as an angler does a fish. The peasants sometimes keep up fires during the night, to preserve their crops from his ravages. I observed to-day several beautiful woods on the islands; and, for the first time, monkeys—the small Grey Capuchin species.

Bagromeh Meroe.—March 4. During the last night we have passed the following villages:—

Under the cheerful influence of a tropical morning, at seven, we arrived at the site of the ancient capital of Ethiopia.

CHAPTER VI.

MEROE.

HISTORICAL EVIDENCE THAT THIS IS THE CEMETERY OF THE CAPITAL OF ETHIOPIA. — THE IMPOSING APPEARANCE, NUMBER, POSITION, AND DIMENSIONS OF THE PYRAMIDS. — ETHIOPIAN ARCH. — PROOFS THAT THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE ARTS DESCENDED FROM ETHIOPIA. — EDIFICES OF A PYRAMIDAL FORM THE BEST ADAPTED TO RESIST THE RAVAGES OF TIME. — PECULIAR STYLE OF THE SCULPTURE. — THE LANGUAGE OF HIEROGLYPHICS GENERALLY KNOWN IN ETHIOPIA. — THE STYLE OF THE SCULPTURE THE CRITERION OF THE AGE. — MONUMENTAL, GEOLOGICAL, AND HISTORICAL EVIDENCE THAT THE KNOWLEDGE OF THE ARTS DESCENDED FROM MEROE. — DESCRIPTION OF THE SCULPTURE. — NAME OF MEROE ON THE MONUMENTS. — MEROE PECULIARLY INTERESTING, AS THE BIRTH-PLACE OF THE ARTS. — SANDSTONE QUARRIES. — SITE OF THE CITY. — VILLAGES OF THE PRESENT INHABITANTS. — AGRICULTURE. — CAILLIAUD.

Agatharchides says the Astaboras unites its stream with the Nile, and forms the Island of Meroe; and Strabo (lib. 17.) says Meroe is formed by the conflux of the Astapus and Astaboras. Diodorus states the island to be 375 miles long, and 125 wide. The exact distance from Syene to Meroe is stated by Pliny to have been a subject of great dispute even in his time; which is the more extraordinary, when we consider the number of travellers who had then visited and even penetrated beyond the capital of Ethiopia. Pliny first mentions Delion as having travelled far beyond Meroe; afterwards Aristocreon, Bion, Basilis, and Simonides the younger, who wrote an account of that city. Timosthenes was sixty days in making the voyage by water. Eratosthenes reckoned the distance 625,000 paces, and Artemidorus 600,000. Bion gives us a list of towns, but no distances: the sixty days of Timosthenes, by water, is too indefinite a date to be of any use, although it agrees tolerably well with the account of Herodotus.[13] The 625,000 paces of Eratosthenes, equal to 590 miles, is about the length of the direct caravan road, which I find to be 560 miles to the town. Artemidorus’s distance of 600,000 paces, equal to 568 miles, agrees more closely with my ascertained distance of that route, that is, across the Great Desert, by Korosko and Abou-Hammed.

Pl. 5.

GENERAL PLAN OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

Pliny says that this dispute concerning the distance to Meroe was finally settled by the prætorians and tribune sent by Nero for the purpose of exploring the country, which he had some intention to make a conquest of. There is little doubt, I conceive, that these men would follow the Nile, in order to observe all the towns, and report what resources there would be for an army. This will account for their calculating the distance to the island at 874,000 paces (817 English miles). Following most of the sinuosities of the Nile, I find it about forty miles more; but, as it cannot be supposed that they did not occasionally avail themselves of some of the many shorter routes now followed by the caravans, this may be considered to correspond with sufficient exactness.

Pliny computes from Napata to the Island of Meroe, 360,000 paces (340 English miles). If Gibel el Birkel be the site of ancient Napata, the distance by the longest road is only 240, a difference of 100 miles; I therefore conceive that Gibel el Birkel cannot be the site of the ancient city of Napata, which, I think, we must look for 100 miles lower down the river, perhaps at Old Dongolah. Ptolemy places it much more to the north. Pliny says, that from the commencement of the island to the town is 70,000 paces (66 English miles). I found the distance to be nearly 60 miles; a difference only of 6 miles: but these discrepancies are not surprising when we consider the vague information and dubious authorities from which he acknowledges that he compiled his account. I suggested, in crossing the Great Desert, the probability of its having formerly contained establishments and wells, at different stations, for the convenience of a more civilised population, and of this route having been anciently much more frequented by travellers. There is every reason then to suppose that Eratosthenes and Artemidorus took this route; which will make their calculations, as well as those of the prætorians by the Nile, accord very satisfactorily with the position of these ruins. Without bringing forward other proofs, the authority of Ptolemy is sufficient to dispel any doubt that might possibly remain upon the subject. That geographer places the capital of Ethiopia in latitude 16° 26′; a difference only of 30′ from the observation of Cailliaud. It is impossible to conceive the observation of that geographer to be exactly correct (which, indeed, is rarely the case); for, besides the absence of other ruins, we cannot imagine that there could have been another town so near the capital with such splendid cemeteries as these.

Never were my feelings more ardently excited than in approaching, after so tedious a journey, to this magnificent Necropolis. The appearance of the Pyramids, in the distance, announced their importance; but I was gratified beyond my most sanguine expectations, when I found myself in the midst of them. The pyramids of Geezah are magnificent, wonderful from their stupendous magnitude; but for picturesque effect and elegance of architectural design, I infinitely prefer these of Meroe. I expected to find few such remains here, and certainly nothing so imposing, so interesting, as these sepulchres, doubtless of the kings and queens of Ethiopia. I stood for some time lost in admiration. From every point of view I saw magnificent groups, pyramid rising behind pyramid, while the dilapidated state of many did not render them less interesting, though less beautiful as works of art. I easily restored them in my imagination; and these effects of the ravages of time carried back my thoughts to more distant ages.

[Plate VIII.] faithfully represents the principal group of the pyramids, and their present state of preservation, and the annexed view exhibits the most interesting of that group in detail. As every stone in these plates is drawn with the camera lucida, the reader will have the opportunity of studying their construction, and I may also add (particularly in the case of [Plate IX.]), of appreciating their picturesque appearance.

Pl. 6.

PRINCIPAL GROUP OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

The porticoes on the east side of each pyramid soon attracted my attention, and I passed eagerly from one to the other, delighted to find in several of them tablets of sculpture and hieroglyphics, which, few as they are, have, I trust, given us the assurance of the locality, and will, I hope, throw some light upon the mythology and arts of the Ethiopians. There are the remains and traces of eighty of these pyramids (see [Plate V.]): they consist chiefly in three groups. The principal and most imposing, at which I arrived first, is situated on a hill, two miles and a half from the river, commanding an extensive view of the plain. This group is arranged (see [Plate VI.]) nearly in the form of a bow, the string of which from A to W is 1050 feet, and following the curved alignement of the pyramids from A to D, 625; D to W, 850, making in total extent 1425 feet.

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

The plan will show that no regularity has been maintained in their position. Thus, the façade of portico A (see [Plan]) faces about north-east, while the generality of the other porticoes vary from east to south-east. The circumstance of the porticoes fronting generally towards the east, and not one to the north and south-west, proves a religious observance; but that there was no astronomical object in view, in their porticoes facing the rising sun, is certain from the variation in the directions, and from there being no attempt at mathematical precision. Although we cannot attribute to them the scientific object conceived by some to have been contemplated in the location of the pyramids of Memphis, still a happier combination of position could not be imagined for producing upon the mind those impressive feelings which the royal cemeteries of kings of an age so distant, and of a nation once so great and powerful, naturally inspire.[14]

The following account of the different measurements of the pyramids will show the dissimilarity of their size. A (see [Plate VI.]) is 32 feet square; B, 42 feet square; C, 52 feet square; D, 31 feet from east to west, and 27 feet 6 inches from north to south; F, 60 feet square; G, joined to the latter, of the same size; H, 63 feet square; I, 42 feet 6 inches by 40 feet; K, 42 feet square; L, 26 feet 6 inches by 23 feet 6 inches; M, 26 feet 6 inches by 21 feet; N, 29 feet square; O, 63 (this is without a portico); P, only 17 feet square, without a portico; R, 61 feet square; S, 30 feet square; T, 50 feet square; U, 29 feet square, V, 37 feet north to south, 39 feet east to west; W, 20 feet square; X, 20 feet square. Seven marked Y consist of pyramids in such a ruined condition that the exact plan cannot now be ascertained; but some of them, from the size of the porticoes, which can still be traced, have evidently been of importance.

Pl. 7.

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

London. Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

The pyramids (Plate [No. VII.]) restored architecturally, will give the best idea of their original form and ornaments. The pyramid No. 3. is 60 feet in diameter at the base, and 60 feet high; and is constructed, like most of the others, as shown in the plates, of stones, generally one foot high and two feet and a half long. The rim at the angles of No. III. is a great additional beauty; and many of them are thus ornamented. Most of them can be ascended; but the surfaces of some (as of Nos. 1. and 2.) are quite smooth. The appearance of a window in No. 1., thirteen feet from the summit, is curious; but it is merely an architectural ornament, and not for the purpose of admitting light into any room of the interior. There are thirty-one pyramids in the group, of which the plans of twenty-three may be traced; while to the south-east is another group of thirteen, in some degree of preservation, as will be seen by the above view. There are three other groups, two consisting of two pyramids each, and the other of six (see General Plan, [Plate V.]); and at 5600 feet to the west of the chief group, may be traced the remains of twenty-five pyramids, but almost buried.

SOUTH-EAST GROUP OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

The porticoes I have before mentioned, situated on the eastern side of all the pyramids, consist generally of one room, which varies from 12 to 6 feet in length, and from 11 to 6 feet in width. The portico of pyramid H consists of two rooms, the one leading out of the other: the first 8 feet long and 12 feet broad; the second the same breadth, but only 6 feet in length. Three steps, each 8 inches deep and 6 inches high, lead into the portico of No. 3. [Plate VII.] The doorway is 3 feet 10 inches deep; the portico is 13 feet 8 inches long, and 7 feet 6 inches wide; the height of the façade is 18 feet 4 inches.

The façades of these porticoes are very elegant. In their forms we can clearly trace the origin of the Egyptian propylons. That of No. 3. [Plate VII.] consists of a doorway 3 feet wide, and the doorposts 6 inches wide. Above the door is an architrave, over which is a square beading, and over it, as in Egyptian edifices, rises a cornice ornamented with the globe and wings. The door is 11 feet 6 inches high, and, including the architrave and cornice, 14 feet. The buttresses, on each side of the door, have a slight inclination inwards, but not so much as the Egyptian propylons. They measure at their base 7 feet 6 inches, at their summit 7 feet; others, 5 feet by 4 feet 8 inches and 5 feet by 4 feet 10 inches. These measurements include the square beading at the angles. In Egyptian architecture this beading would be round. The square form here adopted, being more simple, affords another reason for supposing that the first idea of this great ornament to the Egyptian temples originated in Ethiopia. The height of this portico is 11 feet 4 inches: that of the pylons of all the porticoes nearly the same, whatever may be the height of the pyramids; but the length and width of the porticoes seem to vary in proportion to the size of the pyramids. At the extremity of most of these porticoes, opposite the entrance, is the representation of a monolithic temple, ornamented with sculpture, all very much defaced.

Pl. 8.

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

It is evident that, from motives of curiosity, or perhaps avarice, attempts have been made to open many of the pyramids, but without success. From the appearance of those which have been partially broken into, I do not perceive the slightest probability that any of them contain galleries. Probably they are constructed over wells in which the bodies are deposited. That they are places of sepulture cannot be doubted, from their position, number, and, most particularly, from the subjects of the sculpture on the walls, which I will presently describe. One of the porches or porticoes is most interestingly curious, the roof being arched, in a regular masonic style, with what may be called a keystone. (See [Plate VII.]) This arch consists of four and five stones alternately; but, notwithstanding this irregularity, the principle is the same, the stones being held together only by lateral pressure. I trust to be able to establish, beyond dispute, that the arch has its origin in Ethiopia. The style of the sculpture in this portico, and the hieroglyphic names of kings on porticoes ornamented in a similar style, being, as I hope to prove, much more ancient than any in Egypt, where there is no specimen of a stone arch constructed in so regular a manner, we may consider such proficiency in architectural knowledge as a decided proof of the advanced state of the arts, at a very remote period, in this country.[15]

A question which has long engaged the attention of literary men is, whether the Ethiopians derived their knowledge of the arts from the Egyptians, or the latter from the former. One of these hypotheses must be admitted, as the similarity of the style evidently denotes a common origin. These pyramids belong, without doubt, to the remotest age. No edifice, perhaps, is better calculated to resist the ravages of time, or the destructive efforts of man, than the pyramid; particularly when constructed, as these are, without any chambers in the interior. In a country where earthquakes are unknown, little rain falls, and the wind is seldom violent, ages must elapse before these vast masses of stone could be much dilapidated, unless buried by the desert, or carried away by man as materials for other buildings. The porticoes even of the pyramids that are standing, although adapted to their proportions, are almost all injured, and most of them destroyed. There are no symptoms of fanatical violence having been exercised on what remains. Their ruined and defaced condition must be entirely attributed to their great antiquity.[16]

The sculpture is in a very peculiar style, which can scarcely be called good: the large figures, in particular, display a certain rotundity of form which I never observed in any Egyptian sculpture. The smaller figures have also this peculiarity; but, from their dimensions, it is not quite so perceptible, at least not so striking. The hieroglyphics are very much defaced; indeed, those I have copied are almost all that remain. The Ethiopians did not group their hieroglyphics so well as the Egyptians: their striking deficiency, in this respect, proves either a great corruption from the Egyptian style, or, most probably, a great improvement made by the latter on the Ethiopian invention. This is the more extraordinary, as Diodorus informs us that the knowledge of hieroglyphics was, in Egypt, confined to the priests: but that, in Ethiopia, they were understood by all.

To any one who, like me, has made a long study of Egyptian monuments, the style of the sculpture, even in the absence of any known name, is generally sufficient to determine its epoch. This fact, of which those travellers who have spent any length of time in Egypt will be fully aware, may give additional weight to my opinion of this sculpture. It is all executed in basso relievo, with the exception of the hieroglyphics, which are in intaglio. The style is certainly by no means equal to the best at Thebes. It is unlike the style of the age of Osirtesen, the Thothmes, Rameses II. (Augustan age), Rameses III. (first decline), the florid style during the reign of Psammitichus, or the clumsy inelegant productions of the Persian (I refer to the sculpture in the temple of Darius in the Oasis Magna), Ptolemaic, or Roman dynasties. There is no resemblance to any of these styles, or appearance of its being a corruption from them. The ornaments, on the fragments which still exist, are all evidently peculiar to the country. Of the few that still remain, many are not found in Egypt, and appear to represent the rites of a religion much more simple and pure than the corrupted Egyptian mythology. They bear the stamp of originality, and I should say, therefore, that the Ethiopian style is antecedent to the others; that it is the earliest, though not the best.

Pl. 9.

PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

“The Ethiopians,” says Diodorus, “describe the Egyptians as one of their colonies led into Egypt by Osiris. They pretend, also, that Egypt, at the commencement of the world, was nothing but a morass; and that the inundations of the Nile, carrying down a great quantity of the alluvial soil of Ethiopia, had at length filled it up, and made it a part of the continent; and we see,” he says, “at the mouth of the Nile, a particularity which seems to prove that the formation of Egypt is the work of the river. After the inundation, we remark that the sea has repelled on the shore large masses of the alluvial soil, and that the land is increased.” Many writers on Egypt have confirmed this statement of Diodorus. The gradual increase of the depth of soil around different antiquities enabled the French savants, unassisted by the science of hieroglyphics, to decide, in many instances with tolerable accuracy, the date of their construction. The depth of the alluvial soil has ever been, and still continues, increasing; and as this progressive increase may, in every instance, be ascertained, there must have been a period when there was little or none; when Egypt was a mere morass, or rather a desert. The great population, power, riches, and civilisation of the Egyptians astonish us, particularly as we know that their prosperity was almost entirely derived from agriculture, and that the fertility of the land was produced altogether by the periodical overflowings of the Nile. These spread abundance and happiness over the country, created numberless beautiful islands, and changed into a smiling, luxuriant valley what was originally a morass, or, more properly speaking, an arid desert.

“Et viridem Ægyptum nigrâ fœcundat arenâ.”[17]

The first cause, then, of all this fruitfulness was Ethiopia. No one, I think, will conceive it probable that a country originally possessing such advantages could have been long unselected by the descendants of Noah. Herodotus also calls the Ethiopians aboriginal. Considering, then, the rapidity with which man multiplies in a hot climate where no Malthusian restraints operate, and in the full enjoyment of the ease and abundance which so rich a soil must have secured to them, I think it not unreasonable to conclude that Ethiopia, even before Egypt emerged from the Nile, was peopled by a numerous and powerful race. I cannot conceive that a country possessing such agricultural and other advantages—and probably, on that account, the resort of surrounding and less favoured nations—could long remain poor. Riches would introduce a taste for elegance, and afford encouragement to invention; hence the arts would derive their origin. The population increasing, while the land, owing to the spoliations of the river, diminished in extent and richness, the necessity of emigration became obvious. At the command of their oracle, as was their custom (see Herodotus, ii. 139.), they quitted their homes and proceeded along the course of the river; settling in the lower valley of the Nile: they would plant there the religion, arts, and knowledge of their country. This conclusion is confirmed by the following strong passage from Diodorus, proving historically what is my own conviction from the examination of their monumental remains. “It is from the Ethiopians,” says he, “that the Egyptians learned to honour their kings as gods, to bury their dead with so much pomp; and their sculpture and their writing (hieroglyphics) had their origin in Ethiopia.”[18]

Pl. 10.

Printed by C. Hullmandel.

SCULPTURE IN ONE OF THE PYRAMIDS OF MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

The following is a description of the most important pieces of sculpture which I found on the walls of the porticoes. ([Plate X.] Sculpture.—Meroe.)

The principal figure in this plate is a queen, plainly attired in a long robe, tight at the neck and ankles, and, what is not usual in Egyptian sculpture, closely fitted to the legs. The whole figure is singularly dissimilar to those represented in the sculptures of Egypt. It is strongly marked by corpulency, a quality still so desired by Eastern beauties; a curious circumstance, since this rotundity of form, which is the distinguishing feature of Ethiopian sculpture, and which, making its figures more bulky, and, perhaps, clumsy, than the Egyptian, is nevertheless rather pleasing to the eye, and, I think, more natural. I made this drawing with the camera lucida, in order to give the figure exactly, without any exaggeration. It will be observed that there are defects in the proportions, similar and as numerous as in Egyptian sculpture; for instance, the faulty manner of drawing the eye, the shortness of the arms, and the form not being fully made out. This queen has in one hand the lash of Osiris, and in the other a lotus flower. She is on the seat having the form of a lion, which differs very little from the one we often see on the walls of the temples of Egypt. Her sandals greatly resemble some specimens I have seen at Thebes, and are not unlike those the peasants here now wear. She is seated under a canopy, the top of which is decorated with the common Egyptian ornament of the heads and necks of serpents.

Opposite to her have been placed three rows of figures, the first of which is quite destroyed; the second is injured, but sufficiently entire to render all the hieroglyphics and figures intelligible. The first represents a female pouring out libations to the queen. The vase into which the liquid is represented as falling has a shape which I have never seen in Egypt. This figure has the same rotundity of form, though, from the small scale, it is less conspicuous in my drawing. Behind this are six smaller figures or divinities. The first, from his attributes, and also the hieroglyphics, is the god Thoth, with both hands raised. The next is Horus, with two vases in his hands, from one of which he is apparently pouring water upon plants in two vases, on a stand which has nearly the form of a lotus-flower. Anubis is the next divinity, and he also has a vase in his hand. On one side of this latter figure is a vase, and on the other the lotus flower-stand. After these figures is Kneph, behind whom is a rude and ugly-shaped vase: then follow two figures very much defaced. From the hieroglyphics, one of them must be Seb, but those of the other I am not acquainted with. The only figure discernible in the third row is Anubis, pouring libations. This plate then exhibits four of the divinities generally represented in the judgment-scenes and mysteries of the dead. Thoth, Horus, Anubis, and Kneph present offerings to the queen, the occupant of the tomb.

The consideration of the hieroglyphics of this and the other sculptures on the tombs of Meroe I will defer until another opportunity; only remarking, that the composition of the groups is rather inferior to that in the Egyptian edifices, and that the names in the ovals are unknown. I must also state that it appears to me that there is the name of Meroe in the last row of the tablet, before the queen. There is the hieroglyphic of three hills, emblematical of land; the plough and the disk, which, with the vowels generally omitted, may be read, land of Mero, or, in Coptic, Ⲙⲉ ⲢⲎ, “dilectus Sol,” not an inappropriate name. I have an imperfect drawing (given me by Sir William Gell) of a coin found by Mr. Ruppell, on one side of which is a boat and the three long lines, emblematical of the inundation. Above the boat are, apparently, the same two hieroglyphics of the plough and disk, which I conceive to be the name of the capital of Ethiopia.

Pl. 11.

SCULPTURE IN THE PORTICO OF A PYRAMID AT MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

[Plate XI.] This exhibits a subject more interesting. There has seemingly been a figure, similar to the queen (in [Plate X.]), on a lion-formed seat, but it is now too much defaced to discover exactly whether it has been a king or a queen. The style of the sculpture is, however, evidently Ethiopian. The centre of this group, also, is divided into three rows. The highest contains a representation similar to part of the great procession in the portico of Medenet Abou, at Thebes. In this interesting little fragment we have a proof that the Egyptians derived even their religious ceremonies from the Ethiopians. Although this row of figures is exceedingly injured, I distinguished clearly the jackal, ibis, and hawk standards, carried by priests shaved, and with long robes, like those in the procession at Medenet Abou; thus confirming what Diodorus says, that “the priests in Ethiopia observe the same order and the same customs as the Egyptians. Those who are devoted to the worship of the gods purify themselves, shave, and dress, in the same manner.” Following these standard-bearers is a curious figure of Anubis and four priests bearing a boat, but almost defaced. I cannot agree with those who suppose that this procession alludes to the expeditions of the Ethiopians, undertaken at the command of their oracle, or that it is as Heeren calls it the oracle ship. I consider it rather a religious type, emblematical of the passage of the soul into immortality; the voyage to “the undiscovered land, from whose bourne no traveller returns.”

In the same row of this plate we have Isis, Osiris, Horus, and Thoth. The addition of the two former is important, when we consider that they are in a real Ethiopian edifice. Osiris is represented, as at Thebes, as president of Amenti, under the figure of a mummy; his lash in his hand, and the head-dress of the globe and feathers, &c.

In the third row, Isis, with the head-dress of the hieroglyphic called the throne, is caressing a hawk on a pedestal; the type of her son Horus. The third row contains a variety of elegant vases. We have here the true origin of many that were once thought Greek, and only recently acknowledged to be Egyptian. The large figure, offering with one hand a vase of incense, and with the other pouring libations, is remarkable for his short girdle, made of the skin of a lion. This is another proof of the originality of the style. The common Egyptian and Ethiopian lion-formed seat had also, very probably, its origin here, where lions abounded. If in Egypt now, so thinly inhabited (compared to what it formerly was), there are none of these animals, it cannot be supposed that they existed there when the population was so much denser. Diodorus says, that, as there was no wool in Ethiopia, the inhabitants covered their nakedness with the skins of beasts; and the Ethiopians, under Arsamenes (Herod. vii. 69.), are described as clothed with the skins of panthers and lions. Strabo also says that some of them only wear a cincture of skins, the sheep being without wool. The ornament at the bottom of this plate is unique, representing serpents standing erect, with arms and hands, in which they are each holding a feather, the symbol of truth. I have never seen this representation in Egypt, but it reminds me of some of the subjects in the tombs of the kings. The ornament at the top of this plate, representing stars, that is, the heavens, is constantly seen in Egypt, and is also, seemingly, of Ethiopian derivation.

Pl. 12.

SCULPTURE IN A PYRAMID AT MEROE.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

[Plate XII.] (the third of Sculpture) represents the inner tablet, or the three rows of figures, in a subject upon the opposite wall, and is connected with the fragments of two figures, and adorned with decorations defaced, but apparently so precisely the same as [Plate XI.] that I have thought it unnecessary to repeat them. The smaller figures in this subject are also less perfect. In the first row is the fragment of a figure certainly meant for Osiris; before him may be distinguished four very small divinities, perhaps the genii of Amenti, and a lion, seated on a pedestal, the executioner of justice. In the same row is a curious group of four hogs. I have been told that a representation of these animals once existed on a tomb at Thebes; but this is the first time I have seen them sculptured on any edifice in the valley of the Nile. In the second row is a pedestal, upon which is the model of a monolithic temple. On one side of the latter is a goose, and on the other a hawk, emblematical of the divinities Seb and Horus; after which there is a representation of a tree, with a figure on each side, followed by Thoth, with his hands raised towards the figure of a mummy: the head of the latter is defaced; but its shape is important, as proving that the Ethiopians were acquainted with the art of embalming. The third row contains a pedestal, or altar, on which three figures are seated. One with the globe and horns is Isis; the third, Horus; the other, is defaced: behind these is a large twisted serpent. In the second row of this tablet, and also in [Plate XI.,] is an altar or pedestal, on which are cakes of bread, and in the midst of them the flowers of the lotus; indicating, I conceive, that they are the bread of that plant. The figure with a ceinture of lion’s skin, in both these subjects, is pouring libations on the flowers, symbolical, perhaps, of the reign of the king, who, like the inundation of the river, had spread abundance and prosperity over the land. There were some other fragments on the porticoes, and in one I observed a balance, and Thoth and Horus weighing the actions of the deceased before the judge, Osiris; a common subject on the papyrus, and which is also seen on the walls of the Temple of Athor at Thebes, &c.

At the extremity of each portico, as before observed, is the representation of a monolithic temple, above which are the traces of a funeral boat filled with figures, but all too defaced to be distinctly made out. In the centre of each boat is the sphere in the usual concave socket; and I was able, with much difficulty, to distinguish the divinities Kneph and Anubis. On each side of the boat is a pedestal on which is the bird with a human face representing the soul: one has a sphere on its head. Diodorus mentions that some of the Ethiopians preserved the bodies of their relations in glass (probably alabaster) cases, in order to have them always before their eyes. These porticoes may have been used to contain such cases.

I have carefully described this interesting and magnificent cemetery; but how shall I attempt to express the feelings of the traveller on treading such hallowed ground? One who, in passionate admiration for the arts, had visited the chief galleries of Europe, gazed upon the breathing image of divinity in the Apollo of the Vatican, or the deep expression of the most poetical of statues, the Dying Gladiator of the Capitol; who had beheld and felt the pictorial creations of a Raphael and a Correggio, and, with delight, contemplated Grecian, Roman, and modern sculpture, could not be unmoved at finding himself on the site of the very metropolis where those arts had their origin. The traveller who has seen the architectural antiquities of Rome, and has admired the magnificent use that nation has made of the arch, making it the chief ornament of their baths, palaces, and temples, would be further deeply interested at finding here the origin of that discovery. These emotions would be felt with peculiar force by one who, like myself, had been fortunate enough to trace art through her earliest creations,—from the splendid Gothic edifices of the north to the ruins of the Eternal City—from Rome to Magna Græcia—from the magnificent Temple of Neptune at Pæstum to the still purer antiquities of Sicily, particularly at Girgenti, where nature and art seem to have vied with each other—from that interesting island to the Morea and the city of Minerva, where the knowledge of the arts, sown in the most genial soil, produced the perfection of elegance, chasteness, and magnificence. But the seeds of the knowledge of the Greeks were derived from Egypt; and the Egyptians received their civilisation from the Ethiopians, and from Meroe, where I now am writing. The beautiful sepulchres of that city afford satisfactory evidence of the correctness of the historical records. Where a taste for the arts had reached to such perfection, we may rest assured that other intellectual pursuits were not neglected, nor the sciences entirely unknown. Now, however, her schools are closed for ever, without a vestige of them remaining. Of the houses of her philosophers, not a stone rests upon another; and where civilisation and learning once reigned, ignorance and barbarism have reassumed the sway.

These pyramids are of sandstone, the quarries of which are in the range of hills to the east. The stone is rather softer than the Egyptian, which, added to the great antiquity, may account for the very dilapidated state of most of these ruins; and also for the sculpture and hieroglyphics being so defaced. Time, and the burning rays of a tropical sun, have given them a brownish red tint, in some parts nearly black. As the operation of many ages is required to make this change on a light-coloured sandstone, a further proof is afforded of the great antiquity of the monuments. The stones being small, and easily removed, it is fortunate that the chief group of pyramids is so far distant from the Nile; otherwise, like those on the plain, near the river, a great proportion of them might have been carried away as materials for the erection of more modern edifices.

This, then, is the Necropolis, or City of the Dead. But where was Meroe, its temples and palaces? A large space, about 2000 feet in length, and the same distance from the river, strewed with burnt brick and with some fragments of walls, and stones similar to those used in the erection of the pyramids, formed, doubtless, part of that celebrated site. The idea that this is the exact situation of the city is strengthened by the remark of Strabo, that the walls of the habitations were built of bricks: Εν δε ταις πολεσιν αἱ οικησεις εκ φοινικινων σχιζων διαπλεκομεναι και τοιχων εκ πλινθων. These indicate, without doubt, the site of that cradle of the arts which distinguish a civilised from a barbarous society. Of the birthplace of the arts and sciences, the wild natives of the adjacent villages have made a miserable burying-place: of the city of the learned—its “cloud-clapt towers,” its “gorgeous palaces,” its “solemn temples,” there is “left not a rack behind.” The sepulchres alone of her departed kings have fulfilled their destination of surviving the habitations which their philosophy taught them to consider but as inns, and are now fast mouldering into dust. As at Memphis, scarcely a trace of a palace or a temple is to be seen. In this once populous plain I saw the timid gazelles fearlessly pasturing. The hyenas and wolves abound in the neighbouring hills. This morning Signor B. met a man with the head of one which he was carrying in triumph to his village: he said that he had been attacked at once by three small ones when alone, and with no weapon but his lance. The small villages of Bagromeh[19], south of the ruins, consist of circular cottages with thatched conical roofs. The peasants have numerous flocks, which they send to pasture on the plain. On the banks of the river I observed cotton, dourah, and barley. Such is the present state of Meroe. It is an ample requital for my toilsome journey, to have been the first to bring to England accurate architectural drawings, &c. of all the remains of the ancient capital of Ethiopia, that city which will ever live in the grateful recollection of those who love the arts.

March 6. My rais informed me, this morning, that he could wait no longer; that his orders from the Mahmoor were only to show us the ruins; that he knew the governor wanted the boat; and that he would not stay another night on any consideration. I should have wished to have remained a few days more at this interesting place, particularly with the view of making some excavations, but I must confess I had no great hopes of the latter being of much avail. Since the enterprising French traveller, M. Cailliaud was here, the desert must have made great encroachments on the ruins in the plain, as I saw nothing of the traces and almost plan, of a temple which he has marked in his General Plate, No. XXXI.

It will be alleged that there are a great many discrepancies between my architectural and picturesque views and those of M. Cailliaud. I have only to remark that the former are by M. Bandoni, a most skilful Italian architect and painter of acknowledged reputation, whose sufficient recommendation to me was the patronage of that most distinguished of British antiquarians, Sir William Gell. The picturesque views are drawn by myself, with the utmost care and attention, and with the camera lucida; so that I can vouch for the correct position of every stone. M. Cailliaud has given several pieces of sculpture from the propylons. I observed that the façades of two of the porticoes were ornamented with sculpture, representing a king sacrificing prisoners—a subject so often seen in Egypt: they were very much injured; but had they struck me as being so extraordinary as he has represented them, I should certainly have drawn them separately. The figure which appears in my camera view ([Plate IX.]) has none of those peculiarities. The variations in the directions of the pyramids are most accurately marked; for I was very particular in my directions to Mr. B. on that subject. M. Cailliaud has left me the opportunity of being the first to present to the public several interesting pieces of sculpture, and numerous tablets which decorate the interior of the porticoes.

CHAPTER VII.

DEPARTURE FROM THE RUINS. — NUMEROUS VILLAGES, ONE CALLED MEROUEER. — SHENDY. — FORTIFIED HOUSE OF THE MELEK. — INSIGNIFICANCE OF THE PRESENT CAPITALS OF ETHIOPIA. — POPULATION OF SHENDY. — BAZAAR. — PRICES OF CAMELS, SLAVES, ETC. — MANNER OF TRANSACTING BUSINESS. — WOMEN OF SHENDY. — SLAVE SYSTEM. — POWER OF THE ANCIENT MELEKS. — THEIR WIVES. — ARMY OF THE PASHA. — DEATH OF ISMAEL PASHA. — METAMMAH. — THE KATSHEF OF THAT PLACE AND HIS COURT. — KATSHEF OF SHENDY.

At five P.M., I left, with great regret, the site of Meroe, and stopped for the night at half past seven. The navigation of the river, in the dark, at this season of the year, is dangerous, on account of the number of rocks. We have passed, this evening, the village of Abukatab, to the west, and on the east a large village called Kabushish, and an island of the same name. We passed Garburiah, a large village to the west, and we are now near El Gililife, a smaller one on the same side. Yesterday, and this morning, I was greatly alarmed for the health of my Dragoman. He has had a most violent dysentery, which I have at last cured with opium and calomel; the former sufficiently strong to keep him asleep. This attack might have been fatal to him had he not possessed a very strong constitution.

March 7. We set sail this morning, at six, with a favourable wind, and passed, at nine, a large village called Meroueer, on the west side. The resemblance to the ancient name is obvious, but there are no remains. At ten we passed the village of Sofra, to the west; at half past ten, the village of Gaher, same side, and the small island of Addadiker. Shortly afterwards, we passed the village of Unukatab, and arrived at Shendy at twelve.

FORTIFIED RESIDENCE OF THE ANCIENT MELEKS, OR KINGS, OF SHENDY.

Shendy.—On the eastern banks of the river is one of the old fortified houses of the Meleks, now the residence of the government. I called to pay my respects to the Katshef, but was informed that he was asleep. I proceeded to the town, which is about a mile distant from the river. Burckhardt, by his very detailed account of Shendy, conveys almost an impression that it is a considerable place; but, though the capital of a once important province, that succeeded to all that remains of the commerce of Meroe, as a city it can never have been worthy of much notice. Any of the little towns in Lower and Upper Egypt have ten times more the appearance of a metropolis. The houses are little better than mere hovels; there are no shops, no cafés: the country in the immediate vicinity is wretchedly barren. The town may now contain 600 or 700 houses, and not more than 3000 or 3500 inhabitants. The dwellings are not crowded together, as in the villages of Egypt; they are spacious, and have often interior courts: the streets are wide, and there are in the town several open spaces, or squares, some of which are used as market-places.

It fortunately happened to be the day of the bazaar, which gave me an opportunity of seeing what articles were exposed for sale, and also of observing the Arabs and peasants who attend the market. The most valuable articles offered for sale were camels, dromedaries, and slaves. The price of a male negro is from 10 to 20 dollars: they are preferred young, being then more docile and less lethargic than at a maturer age. Female slaves, when old, are valued according to their acquirements: when young, being destined for the harem, they rank according to their personal attractions, and vary from 30 to 100 dollars. Abyssinians, when young and beautiful, as they often are, bring from 60 to 100 dollars. Camels were selling for 9 and 10 dollars each,—the best, 12 and 14; dromedaries, 12 and 20; and even 50 dollars for a high-bred Bishareen. There was a great show of oxen with humps on their shoulders, like those of ancient Egypt, as they are always represented on the walls. (See the one in the view of a Dongolah cottage, [Plate XXXVI.]) There were also sheep and goats in the bazaar: the sheep, 6 to 9 piastres (1s. 6d. to 2s. 3d.), skin included. The price of the goats, if they yield much milk, 10 piastres (2s. 6d.). I remarked several peasants selling a coarse common kind of goat’s-milk cheese, for which there is apparently a great demand. The Cairo merchants bring a variety of articles: white cotton dresses; cutlery of a very inferior quality, such as twopenny knives, or razors, which sell here for fivepence; soap; Abyssinian coffee (very good); beads; shells; small glass mirrors; kohl (antimony), to tint their eyelids, and hennah to colour the hands of the swarthy beauties; and a variety of spices and essences.

Their manner of dealing is peculiar. When I asked the price of a camel (for I thought of buying some for my journey homewards), they would not name one, but asked me how much I would give. I made an offer for a dromedary to a man, who refused it, but still declined saying how much he would demand. I soon gave up such a tedious process of making a bargain. I observed some good specimens of the Shendyan beauties. (See [Plate XVI.]) They have their hair twisted in tresses and hanging down on each side of their faces; their dress is of coarse materials, but flowing, graceful, and generally adjusted with much taste and elegance.

Pl. 16.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

Shendy, Berber, Dar Shageea, Dongolah, &c., previous to their submission to the Pasha, had each its own Melek, independent or tributary to the great Melek of Sennaar. Each of the sons of these petty kings had estates assigned to him; but they all acknowledged the head of the family, that is, the reigning Melek, contributed to his support and defence, submitted to his laws and commands, and served him in war. This order of Meleks, or nobles, was most numerous; and they established their power by the same base system alluded to in my account of Berber, and to which I refer with reluctance, as developing the means by which the Meleks obtained political influence in this part of the interior of Africa. Such a profligate, and, fortunately, unique system of family aggrandisement tended obviously to the complete demoralisation of the country. They purchased, or made captive in their wars, female slaves; of which some possessed thirty, others as many as a hundred, and some five hundred. These unfortunate creatures, as already stated, were placed by the meleks in the different villages, and obliged to gratify the avarice of their masters, and earn their own scanty livelihood by the abandonment of their virtue. The only privilege these most wretched of slaves possess is, that when they have paid to the melek a sum equal to their purchase money or present value, the custom of the country precludes him from selling them. It is at his option to sell or not the child to the father. The price of the infant is generally from 150 to 200 piastres. The daughters, when grown up, succeed to their mother’s “heritage of woe.” The compulsion under which these victims act is some apology for this systematic depravity. They pride themselves as superior to the common almæ, and are not considered in the same light by the virtuous women in the village, who never admit the almæ into their houses, or hold any intercourse with them. These slaves, on the contrary, are not only permitted to visit them and join in their occupations and festivals, but are admitted to their friendship. They are allowed to be present at their wedding and funeral ceremonies, though not to join in the dance. The sons of these slaves, as already noticed, are sometimes sold, particularly when the melek is in want of money; but generally they are brought up to cultivate the ground of their chief, and, when necessity requires, rally around his standard, and accompany him to battle. From their earliest infancy, they are entirely devoted to the despotic will of their melek; evincing great attachment to his person, and zeal in the execution of his commands, as the only means by which they can hope for emancipation. This singular kind of family connection may, perhaps, account for the supreme authority in this country having been so seldom disturbed, and for the rare occurrence of those revolutions so common in such petty uncivilised states. The result of the system was, that the melek had always a large force of slaves and dependants, besides those of the meleks his kinsmen, who were also implicitly devoted to his will, and deeply interested in maintaining the peace and security of the kingdom.

The meleks were the only aristocracy of the country. Each, before the Pasha’s domination, took four wives; and many, regardless of the limit set by the Koran, even more. They tell me that Melek Tumbol of Argo has had twenty-one.[20] Their wives, who are always daughters of meleks, pass their time in the harem; for it is considered a degradation to have a son by a slave or woman of low rank, or to allow their wives to work. The Pasha, by depressing the meleks, has diminished, but not destroyed, this system of slavery; and at some future period it may be the means of exciting a combined effort to expel his descendants. Serving, as some of the Shageea slaves do, in his army, they have, of course, learned the use of fire-arms, and could turn them against their oppressors. There are 500 of the Shageea tribe in the pay of the Pasha. But, perhaps aware that the security of their dominion over this country consists in their discipline, and the superiority of their arms, the government have not admitted into their army any of the Arab tribes of this vicinity; and these Shageeas being at a distance, near Habeesh, little danger is to be apprehended from them now: indeed, so long as they are so far distant with the army, they may be considered as hostages for the fidelity of their province. Hourshid Bey, the governor of Sennaar, besides the 500 Shageea slaves, has also under his command nearly 5000 men, consisting of Mograbins, from Lower Egypt, Fellaheen, and Turks. With this force, he extends every campaign the Pasha’s dominion on the Blue River, and sends every year never less than 500, and often as many as 3000 slaves, the trophies of his victories, to Cairo.

Before the conquest of Ismael Pasha, Shendy, I understand, was rather more populous: but this was the town where that unfortunate prince met his fate. The circumstances connected with this event, according to the information I obtained here, differ, in some respects, from those which have been stated by other travellers. It might seem that the accounts obtained by those who passed immediately after his death were likely to be most correct: but often the contrary is the case; for events in the course of time have new light thrown upon them, and the rashness and imprudence of Ismael Pasha were naturally glossed over at the moment. He came from Sennaar to Shendy with about ten Mamelukes. The Meleks Nimr (tiger) of Shendy, and Messayad of Metammah (a eunuch who once belonged to Sultan Foddal of Darfour), came to pay their homage to him. The Pasha demanded of Nimr a subsidy, to the value of 100,000 dollars, in money, slaves, and cattle: Nimr, in no very polite terms, declared his inability, when the Pasha, in a fit of passion, struck him with his pipe. Nimr, enraged at this insult, was on the point of drawing his sabre and attacking the Pasha; but Melek Messayad pacified him, advising him, in the dialect of the Bishareen, which they both understood, to delay his revenge until evening, and at present to promise a compliance with the exorbitant requisition. The two chiefs, after leaving the presence, ordered their slaves and people to prepare a quantity of wood. The Khasnar Dar Bey of the Pasha observed these preparations, and was overheard by an Arab advising the Prince to effect his escape: but the latter, with the pride peculiar to the Turks, replied, “Am I not a Pasha? and what Arab dare touch me?” A few hours after dark, they surrounded the house with faggots, set fire to them, and the unfortunate Prince and the Mamelukes who were with him perished in the flames. Nimr fled up the country, married a daughter of a king of Habeesh, and is still the inveterate enemy of the Turks. The same night Melek Messayad fell upon the few troops that were stationed at Metammah, and massacred them. Messayad was afterwards killed by the Deftar Dar Bey, as were also a great number of the Shendyans, suspected to be connected with the murder of the Prince. In consequence of this event, the government have made Metammah, on the opposite side of the river, their chief place of residence, and several of the inhabitants of Shendy have removed thither.

Metammah, situated one hour’s walk from the river, is a much more desolate-looking place than even Shendy. You see streets full of sand, scarcely an inhabitant, no brio, no bazaar: the houses are common hovels. Such are the present capitals of Ethiopia. The only habitable abode is one of the fortified castles of the Sheakhs, now occupied by a Katshef, who commands this part of the province. I paid him a visit, but found him a stupid fellow, and could procure no information from him on any subject, especially concerning the locality of the antiquities in the desert I was anxious to visit. His house presented a complete contrast to that of the governor of Berber, being filthy in the extreme, so that I was almost afraid to sit down on his divan. The servants who presented the coffee were the most wretchedly dressed fellows I have seen in the country. The conversation was chiefly about backsheesh (presents), and the spirit they exhibited, in discussing the prices of the camels I required for my journey into the desert, was very disgusting. The Katshef’s son entered the room, and fired off an English pistol at the window,—a Turkish hint that another pistol would be acceptable. The Katshef asked me to stop and dine with him; but really the appearance of the place was not sufficiently promising to induce me to accept his offer. He ordered me a horse to convey me back to my tent, and gave me a dirty scoundrel as a guide who did not know the road. The moon had not risen; and, it being extremely dark, we missed the track in crossing the plain: fortunately, the light of a fire, which I knew came from a hut near my boat, served me as a guide. The horse, several times, nearly fell, in consequence of the roughness of the ground. On arriving at my tent, I gave the urchin three piastres, with which he was not satisfied, although the clothes, or rather rags, on his back were not worth half the sum.

March 8. I returned this morning to Shendy, and waited on the Katshef, an old retired officer, not now in the employ of the Pasha; but, having been useful in his day, he receives his pay, and lives here in good style. He gave us an excellent dinner: the most remarkable dish was a preparation of meat with raib, a kind of sour milk, which is very refreshing in this climate; he also assisted us in making the necessary preparations for our excursion into the desert.

CHAPTER VIII.

DEPARTURE FROM SHENDY. — DIFFICULTIES. — DESERT. — VISIT FROM AND ANECDOTES OF LIONS. — IMMENSE RUINS. — CONFUSION OF THE PLAN. — BUILT BY BAD ARCHITECTS. — DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF THE PRINCIPAL TEMPLE. — STYLE OF THE SCULPTURE. — OTHER RUINS. — SINGULAR SITUATION OF THE RUINS. — THE PURPOSE FOR WHICH THEY WERE CONSTRUCTED. — THEIR PROBABLE AGE.

March 9. We left Shendy later than we intended, having been delayed by the following little difficulties. I had engaged from the government six camels, with three drivers, of which they only sent me one driver. As I found I should lose a day, or perhaps two, in going back to Metammah, and there were said to be none procurable here, I was forced to yield this point. I had also stipulated for a Turkish soldier, who accompanied Cailliaud, and for a habeer (guide), and had agreed to give twelve piastres per day for these two persons. Before setting out, I asked the soldier, “where was the habeer?” “I am the habeer,” he said. “Where, then,” asked I, “is the soldier?” “Oh,” said he, “I am soldier and habeer both.” I was resolved not to start without another, my own men not being sufficient to load the camels. After a long dispute, he at length procured me an Arab. This is a specimen of the little annoyances to which travellers are generally liable in dealing with Turks. The desert to-day has had the appearance of a shrubbery, being richly covered with long yellow grass, acacias, tamarinds, and thorns, and enlivened with numerous herds of gazelles. Every two or three minutes we saw six or eight, but so wild that our attempts to approach them were fruitless.

Ruins of Wady Owataib, or Mecaurat.—March 10. We started this morning at six, and at eleven arrived at these interesting ruins. We passed, at about nine, a range of soft sandstone hills, which run from east to west.

I was surprised to find in this situation, which may be called the interior of the Desert, such extensive remains of antiquity. They consist of an edifice, containing temples, courts, corridors, &c. destined for purposes not religious only, but civil, domestic, or military. After taking a general survey, I returned to my tent for my portfolio, pencils, &c. My dragoman met me, with a bewildered look, and communicated to me intelligence which was any thing but agreeable. A man, who was driving cattle, the only person we have met to-day, came and asked my servants, who were pitching the tent, if they were not afraid of lions, as they seemed to be preparing to pass the night amongst the ruins. He told them that he brought his cattle here to pasture only during the day, when the lions are asleep in their dens among the mountains, but through the night they prowl all over this part of the plain; and only six nights ago four of them had killed three of his cattle, within 200 yards of our tent. He showed them the spot where their bones lay, and advised us immediately to quit this place, and remove either to the Nile, or to a distant mountain, whither he was going, and where we should be in safety. These tidings caused no slight consternation in my little caravan; some repented having come, others wished to return immediately; all seemed dismayed at the idea of passing the night exposed to such unpleasant visiters. Was I then to leave the antiquities of Meroe, and abandon the hope of being able to procure any further memorials of their magnificence? There were only two alternatives: to return with the mortification of having failed in one of the great objects of my journey, and still, as we could not arrive before night, perhaps incur the same danger; or to take the necessary precautions for defence in case of being attacked by these animals. I chose the latter course, and made my men collect all the wood that could be found, to keep up fires during the night. I sent my dragoman and the Turkish soldier towards the neighbouring hills, to see if they could discover any traces of them. After an hour they returned, and said they had seen none. The fact was, my dragoman did not know their footprints, and the Turk concealed the truth. Scarcely had I finished an address to my artist and servants, endeavouring to assure them that, after this intelligence, we should, with proper precautions, be perfectly safe, when, looking down, I perceived, in my very tent, the distinct traces of a lion; but I put my foot upon them, and said nothing. I could discover no other marks about the ruins; but a very light wind is sufficient to efface the impression on a loose sandy desert like this. This evening I have established a watch, and kept it myself five hours. My servants are sleeping on the ground, according to their custom, and have taken the precaution to form the camels into a sort of fortification, by tying them down in a circle round themselves. They are now all sleeping soundly, unconscious of danger, except my habeer, who has fastened the heel of his camel to his own leg, knowing well that the instinct of that creature (trembling and restive whenever a lion is near) will warn him of danger, and at the same time the animal will be prevented from flying off and escaping without his master.

March 11. I had not been long asleep, during the watch of my servants and artist, when I was suddenly roused. The Turk had seen two lions among the ruins, within 100 yards of my tent, and had fired his gun to frighten them away. I immediately ordered additional fires to be lighted: shortly afterwards, the peasant, who had advised us against encamping here, came to us for protection. By the light of the moon he had perceived the approach of two lions, which, he said, were behind him in the plain. I went a short distance from my tent, with the Turk, to reconnoitre, and I heard them roaring at no considerable distance. The roar soon became very distinct, even in my tent, but it did not prevent my falling asleep, as I was dreadfully fatigued by the previous day’s work, the long watch I had made, and the excessive heat. This was yesterday extraordinary for the season, being 110° in the shade (of the temple), though the extreme has been hitherto 98° and 100°. I slept the remainder of the night. This morning we found that the four lions had rambled all over the ruins, and their traces were quite fresh in every part. They had evidently been deterred only by our fires from attacking us. I ascertained them, by their footsteps, to be two males and two females; one of the males must have been very large, the females much smaller.

Every place and country has its danger, but few spread more alarm than this terror of the deserts. Seas and oceans have their tempests, in which vessels are frequently shipwrecked; and, even in smooth water, rocks and shoals send many to a watery grave. The traveller, even on the king’s high road, has sometimes to dread banditti. How many accidents occur even to the citizen on his holyday trips! Thus he who has never quitted his native country, and the traveller in foreign lands, are alike beset with perils; but there are few dangers which cannot be alleviated, often prevented, by prudent and precautionary measures, and which, stripped of the terrors in which heated imaginations have clothed them, present in their reality much that is alarming. By simply keeping up a few fires, the merchants who pass these deserts sleep securely, in defiance of their being infested by the most formidable of all wild beasts. I should, however, state, that instances are mentioned of fires not having this effect, when the lions are excessively pressed by hunger, particularly at the season when they require food for their young. Towards evening (for it is very seldom, if ever, that the lion is seen during the day), one alone has often arrested a large caravan. In some instances they have been known to attack men; but are generally content with an ox or a camel, which they kill, and sometimes, particularly if they have left their females or young in their den, carry away a large part on their shoulders. The number of these animals must increase rapidly every year, for it is very seldom that an instance occurs of one being killed.

They tell me, that a party of twenty peasants went lately to destroy two which had taken a station within a very short distance of the river, and committed great ravages among the flocks. The men were armed with lances, shields, and sabres. They traced the lions to their den, and began lighting fires, to drive them out. The female darted past them immediately. The male remained some time, until he could no longer endure the smoke, when he began to roar in a most terrific manner; he then rushed out, infuriated, upon the peasants: not one, however, of these gallant assailants had the courage to fling his lance, but each, without any consideration for the fate of his friends, sought his own security in flight. Fire-arms only are of use against these formidable animals, but the Italian proverb is said to be true of them:—Il lione ferito alla morte non s’avvilisce ancora. They are generally seen two and four together, often more, but always in pairs. They are very rarely disturbed; and, as no attempts have been made to exterminate them, their number is said to have increased considerably during these last few years. This may be considered the place where their haunts begin. They infest the road to Sennaar and the west side of the Atbara; but travellers incur less danger in the beaten track of the caravans than when, like us, they deviate from it.

The reader will recollect that, at the entrance of this desert, I observed great numbers of gazelles, but for several miles round these ruins and hills I saw none. These timid creatures prefer the risk of approaching the habitations of man, considering the arts of the peasants to destroy them less perilous than the vicinity of the lions. The latter know the places in the plain where the gazelles sleep, and, favoured by the darkness of night, dart upon their victims, whose superior swiftness only avails them when sometimes the roaring of their enemy intimates his approach. The Arabs tell some singularly superstitious tales of the generosity of the lion. The following has been related to me as a fact, by different peasants; but I must confess that, like the generality of Arab tales, it partakes of the marvellous: yet, perhaps, with a mélange of fable, there may be some kind of foundation of truth. They say, that when the lion seizes the cow of a peasant, he will permit the owner to carry away a portion; particularly if he asks for it in the name of his mother, wife, or family, and takes it without showing any fear.—I must apologise to the antiquarian, and perhaps to readers in general, for this long digression from my description of these antiquities, but I promised to give some account, not only of the remains, but also of the present inhabitants of Ethiopia.

The plan (see [Plate XIII.]) which I give of these ruins was made with the utmost care by my artist, Mr. B., and drawn out on the spot. I can testify for the pains that were taken to render it as accurate as possible. The ruin is too much destroyed for the plan to be perfectly correct, as to the size and situation of some of the doors, and the dimensions of many of the apartments; still, there is all that is necessary to exhibit to the reader the general form of the edifice. Even if all the walls were remaining, without any inscription to elucidate them, it would still be doubtful what this extraordinary mass of building has been. The appearance of the ruins is very imposing, from their immense extent; and I will give a detailed description of them, as they are certainly the most curious and inexplicable I have yet seen in Ethiopia. They consist of chambers, courts, corridors, and temples, in an enclosure or parallelogram, 760 by 660 feet; but in more accurate numbers the entire circumference is 2854 feet. The north-east side is 660 feet long; the north-west, the only side on which there are entrances,—

On the north-east, south-east, and south-west sides, there are no entrances into the enclosure. The wall on the north-west side cannot be traced accurately through its whole extent. There have apparently been three entrances on this side; the central one, which is the most distinguishable, leads into a large court, 620 feet wide and 144 feet long. Opposite to the central entrance, on the south-east side of the court, is a long narrow corridor, 8 feet wide and 205 feet long, which leads to the principal temple, situated in a court 94 feet long by 85 feet wide. To give an exact idea of the situation of this court, I should state, that from the wall of the court to the enclosure on the south-east side is 106 feet; 165 feet to the enclosure on the south-west side; 204 feet from the north-west and 150 feet from the north-east side. Although not exactly in the centre of the structure, a slight examination of the plan will enable the reader to perceive that, from its situation, size, and the circumstance of the corridors leading into it, that edifice was, evidently, the principal temple: it is 47 feet long, from north-west to south-east; and 40 feet 6 inches broad. The large court, and the corridor from it to the temple, in a line with the central entrance of the enclosure, clearly indicate that the grand entrance was on the west side; and yet it is singular there is no doorway in the temple on that side. There are five entrances into the latter; one on the south-east side, two on the north-east, and two on the south-west. In front of the south-east end have been twelve columns, three feet and a half in diameter, in two rows of six each; before the west end, six columns, and five at each side, not including the columns at the angles: making, altogether, twenty-eight columns. There are the remains of four columns, which ornamented the interior of the temple. In front of it, on the south-east side, is a doorway which leads into a room 20 feet by 26, with two chambers on one side and one on the other; before them is an inclined parapet: an architectural ornament to the façades of temples, of which there are examples even in the best style of Egyptian edifices, such as at Solib. ([Plate XL.]) The axis of the door leading through this room to the parapet is the same as that of the central edifice into the temple. The circumstance of this inclined parapet wall, and there being a double row of columns only at this end of the temple, prove that it fronted to the south-east.

Pl. 13.

RUINS OF WADY OWATAIB OR MECAURAT.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

The court containing the inclined parapet leading into the temple is 125 feet wide and 75 feet long: several doors lead out of it; one to the east into a court of 96 feet long and 165 feet broad, in which is a small temple fronting the south-west. A few rows of steps lead up to a portico which was ornamented with four columns, fragments of which are still remaining. On each side of the door leading from the portico into the temple is a colossal statue, very much mutilated, being now without either head or arms. They are attached to the wall in the Egyptian manner, and they have the attitude of one foot advanced before the other, like the Egyptians. The style of one is tolerably good; the other, that is, the one on the east side of the doorway, is much inferior. They are accurately represented in my drawing. The exterior of this little temple is 53 feet by 45: at the angles is the Egyptian beading. The doorway is ornamented with a twisted serpent on each side. The interior, which consisted of one room, contains the remains of two columns without their capitals. From their situation, there appears to have been originally six: on the walls are some rude scratches, but undoubtedly modern. South of the principal temple is a large court, 258 feet long and 248 feet broad. On the north-east side of the principal temple is a corridor 7 feet wide and 96 feet long, having a north-west direction, whence it turns to the south-east for 45 feet, and leads into a court where there is another small temple: this had also a portico before it, which was ornamented with four columns. The exterior of this temple measures 52 feet by 29. In the interior there are now the remains of four columns, from the position of which there seem to have been originally eight. On the south-west side of the principal temple is a corridor 86 feet long and 12 feet wide, having a south-west direction, whence it turns to the north-west for 20 feet, and leads to some small rooms, and also into a large court 88 feet long, containing two small chambers, in one of which are the fragments of three columns.

SMALL TEMPLE AT WADY EL OWATAIB.

Pl. 14.

WADY OWATAIB.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

I will attempt no further description of this extraordinary edifice. The reader will perceive, from the inspection of the plan ([Plate XIII.]), how utterly impossible it is to give a more detailed, and, at the same time, clear, description of its various compartments. The confusion of successive rooms, corridors, small and large courts, and temples, together with the total absence of any attempt at regularity, excited my curiosity to find out the nature of this singular construction. It has evidently been built by wretched architects, at different periods, in an age when the art had sadly declined in Ethiopia; but, before alluding to the different surmises concerning the object of its erection, I will first give a detailed description of the principal temple in the centre. The view ([Plate XIV.]) will give a good idea of its present state of preservation. The columns in Plates [XIII.,] [XIV.,] and [vignette,] executed architecturally, will sufficiently indicate the style of art: a few fragments of capitals alone remain, and those are on the north-east side of the temple. It will be seen by [Plate XIV.] that the forms only of several of the capitals are visible, but only one fragment has the appearance of having been finished. (See [vignette.]) Their form is somewhat similar to that usual in the Ptolemaic age of architecture in Egypt; but the ornaments of the fragment, above alluded to, consist only of parallel lines: whether these terminated in the lotus flower cannot be ascertained, but there certainly is a resemblance, though not complete, to a Ptolemaic capital. Under the capital of this column are seven rows of beading; the rest of the shaft, consisting of five pieces, is fluted, except the lowest stone, which is ornamented with the lotus flower. The style of the fluting is Grecian. The shaft swells out a little towards the lower part, and is rounded off at the bottom. It bears another resemblance to the Egyptian style in the base it rests upon being circular. There remains one fragment (see [vignette]), of a fluted column with a smooth panel in the centre, in which a wreath is sculptured in imitation of the leaves of the palm tree. Another fragment of a column is ornamented with sculpture, and at the base the triangular ornament not unlike the Egyptian.

COLUMNS AT WADY EL OWATAIB.

The sculpture is in very high relief—not less than 1¾ inch; but the style is decidedly bad: the figures are generally from about 3 to 4 feet in height; and, notwithstanding their defaced condition, I could distinguish that some of them are en face; but the rudeness of the execution of what remains perfect, demonstrates an epoch when the arts had wofully degenerated in this their parent land. At Uffidunia, in Lower Nubia, an edifice well known to be Roman, there is a piece of sculpture on the detached propylon very much in this style. The view ([Plate XV.]) represents fortuitously almost all the most perfect fragments which now exist; and so completely shows the style of the sculpture, that I regretted the less not having time to make separate drawings, particularly as not a single hieroglyphic remains, or has ever existed, to elucidate the sculpture. I trust, therefore, that the accurate notes I took on the spot, of every fragment I could find, and the specimens of the style in my drawings, will be considered quite sufficient. What sculpture remains, is chiefly on the lower part of two columns and on several fragments which lie scattered about: some of the figures are en face, and some en profile. Notwithstanding their defaced condition, I distinguished the following:—Thriphis with the lion’s head, en profile; the hawk-headed divinity (Horus); two figures, seemingly goddesses, but not very discernible, en face; a divinity with a vase; Kneph, en face, with a globe at his breast; a goddess, en face, in a kind of monolithic temple. On another fragment I discerned a figure presenting offerings with one hand, and the other raised behind his head. On another large fragment, Isis, Horus, and a king were discernible: the ovals of his name seem never to have been filled up. On another fragment I observed a border consisting alternately of a lion and the goddess of truth with outstretched wings. As there are no hieroglyphics, the names of these divinities are, of course, only inferred from the presence of their usual attributes. Except on these fragments of columns in front of the central temple, there are no other remains of sculpture in any part of these ruins, with the exception of the two fragments of colossal statues I have before alluded to as ornamenting the façades of the small temple to the east. There are some other ruins at a short distance from the great enclosure, but they are of little importance. One of the rooms contains the remains of six columns, on one of which is sculptured an elephant destroying a dog with his trunk, and on another a winged lion is represented killing a man.

Pl. 15.

WADY OWATAIB.

Published by Longman, Rees & C^o. April 6^th. 1835.

I have now only to advert to the singular situation of these ruins, their probable use, and the age when they were most probably erected. In a direct line, they are distant from the river six hours’ journey, which may be sixteen or eighteen miles. About a quarter of a mile from the ruin, I saw three or four blocks of stones, but no indication of their having formed part of an aqueduct, and there are no traces of wells; but both may have existed, and be now entirely buried by the sand of the desert. I could not, however, observe or hear of any decided traces of aqueducts between the ruin and the river. The occupants of the edifice may have been supplied with water by geerbahs, as the peasants of Metammah and other villages distant from the river are at this day.[21] If the edifice was only used as a residence during the season of the malaria, the rain water might have been preserved in cisterns and in the sacred lakes; but rain does not invariably fall here every year, and would afford, therefore, only a precarious supply. Those, however, who constructed such a building would certainly know how to sink a well, and, from the appearance of the ground, the trees, and the vicinity of the mountains, I do not conceive it would be a very laborious undertaking to find water.

Cailliaud considered this edifice to have been a college of priests; and Professor Heeren supposes it to be the celebrated Ammonium. I think neither of these suppositions probable. With regard to the first, we know that the priests were always surrounded with representations of the divinities and the mysterious language of hieroglyphics; but is it not remarkable that there is no structure either in Egypt or Ethiopia so destitute of the sacred writing as this? The priests, also, are supposed, with great probability, to have themselves executed the sculpture and hieroglyphics; and they cannot be imagined to have been unacquainted with that language. It must, on the contrary, have formed a principal branch of their education. I think it, therefore, very improbable that the place where they would be occupied in teaching hieroglyphics should, of all the ruins in the valley of the Nile, be the only one destitute of them; that where instruction was given in the mysteries of their religion, there should be so few representations of the gods, and those few almost of no use to the student, from being unexplained by hieroglyphics. One would imagine they would have gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of the unoccupied walls to exercise the skill of the students. If this were a college, their system of education must assuredly have been very defective, if they did not take care to have the mysteries they taught represented on the walls of the universities, and not on those of the temples only. We must consider the Ethiopians as ignorant indeed, if we suppose that they neglected to place them where they would have been really useful, while they covered with these subjects their temples, where they would be less observed, and the interior of the porticoes of their tombs, which were rarely opened. Had it been a college, some urchin would have shown his progress in the study by carving his name in hieroglyphics; and, considering that this was more the fashion with the ancients than the moderns, we should have as long a list of Ethiopian names here as we have of English at Eton or Harrow. In such a seminary, I conceive, the walls of the chambers, corridors, and temples, inside and outside, like the temples and palaces of Egypt, would have been decorated with sculpture. The walls are not rough, but smooth and finished; it has therefore not been the original intention to embellish them with such subjects.

Had this edifice, as Professor Heeren supposes, been the Ammonium, the original seat of the oracle of Jupiter Ammon, at whose command those religious colonies issued forth, which carried civilisation, arts, and religion from Ethiopia to the Delta; had this been the centre and stronghold of the superstitions of the Nile; the priests, the guardians of the sacred rituals, would not have omitted to decorate the abode of their great divinity with art and magnificence proportionate to the wealth and power of so great a nation. Well aware of the awe with which the appearance of mysterious learning inspires the vulgar, they would not have neglected to adorn the walls with imposing and mysterious subjects, to augment their veneration, to excite them to devotion, and to munificence in their offerings to the god. It accords in no degree with the religious pomp elsewhere displayed by the Ethiopians and Egyptians, to conceive that this unfinished and comparatively insignificant temple contained the golden altar, the “holiest of holies,” of their great divinity. That the great Ethiopian oracle, whose celebrity even Homer has testified, should not have had a more magnificent habitation than this, cannot be admitted. We know, from Pausanias and others, the costly presents which were made to the oracles of Greece; and can we conceive that the Ethiopians, probably equally, if not as more ancient, a much more religious and superstitious people, would have allowed their celebrated Ammonium to be the least finished, least magnificent and imposing, of all the temples which now exist in the valley of the Nile?

It is a more probable supposition that, as the wealth of the oracle of Apollo at Delphi exposed it from the beginning to the enterprises of avaricious and impious men, and was too powerful a temptation even to the Phocians, in the same manner the great oracle of Ammon in the valley of the Nile, particularly in a country like Ethiopia, where history tells us that gold was once so plentiful, might suffer from the celebrated altar which was dedicated to its worship being loaded with the valuable and magnificent devotional offerings of a wealthy and superstitious people. Such parade and splendour would serve as incentives to the enemies of their religion, equally anxious to appropriate the spoil and eradicate the superstitions of the worshippers of Ammon. But it is most probable that, at the time when the religion of the Gospel was widely spread in this part of Africa, some Christian king of Ethiopia, zealous, and desirous of obliging his subjects to embrace the true religion, and aware that, if his faith prevailed at all, it must prevail, to use the language of Paley, by the overthrow of every statue, altar, and temple in the world, may have utterly destroyed not only the Ammonium, but also many of the other temples; and this may account for the few remains of sacred edifices which are now found in Ethiopia. Another argument, in answer to the supposition of Professor Heeren, is, that, among the numerous representations of the divinities on the columns of the principal temples, there is not one single figure of Ammon, except with the attributes of Kneph.

This edifice may have been a château de chasse of the king, or a palace in which he passed the rainy season, which might then, as now, be unhealthy near the Nile. The objection to this supposition is, that the kings as well as the priests were generally, and probably always, surrounded with religious pomp and ceremony. I conceive it, therefore, a more reasonable conjecture that it was an hospital, to which invalids, particularly those suffering from malaria, were sent during the rainy season. This will account for the immense courts and chambers, and the insignificance of the temples, evidently intended for persons of little consideration. From the experience I have had of the climate of the desert, I must say I consider them much more healthy, in any season, than the valley of the Nile. At the instigation, I conceive, of some person acquainted with this fact, the Pasha established a splendid hospital and college at Abou Zabel, situated in the Desert, about twelve miles from Cairo. The dryness of the atmosphere, the sand immediately absorbing any rain that falls, renders these wildernesses in the highest degree salubrious. The stones of which this edifice is constructed are nearly the same size as those of the pyramids of Meroe; that is, about 1 foot high and 2½ feet long, and are apparently quarried from the neighbouring hills.

With regard to the antiquity of the ruins, it does not appear to me to be very great. The sculpture, which, in the absence of hieroglyphics, forms the only criterion, resembles, as already mentioned, that on the propylons at Uffidunia; not exactly indicating that they were built at the same period, but that they belonged equally to the last stage of sculpture in the two countries; and, as the arts first flourished in Ethiopia, they may have decayed there earlier than in Egypt, particularly as the wealth and power of this country diminished more rapidly, the Nile washing down to the lower valley the source of their affluence and prosperity. From the Grecian character of the fluting of the columns, as well as from the plan of the temple and sculpture, it is not improbable that this edifice was constructed about the period of Ergamenes, whose reign was coeval with that of Ptolemy II. Diodorus describes this king of Ethiopia as having had a Greek education, and having introduced into this his native country a taste for the philosophy of Greece, and delivered himself and his people from the tyranny of the priests; and perhaps, I may add, he endeavoured, by the introduction of foreign ornaments, to regenerate a taste for architecture and sculpture: but in this specimen we only see the last effort of a people whose greatness was passed away, their taste corrupted, and all the lights of knowledge and civilisation just expiring. The elegant pyramids of Meroe differ as widely, in taste and execution, from the immensely extensive but ill-planned ruins of Wady el Owataib, as the best sculpture at Thebes, during the age of Rameses II., differs from the corrupted style under the Ptolemies and Cæsars.

CHAPTER IX.

DEFICIENCY OF WATER. — RETURN TO THE NILE. — WILD ANIMALS. — ANCIENT CANAL. — TEMPLE OF ABOU NAGA. — DIFFICULTIES. — THE MODERN CAPITALS OF ETHIOPIA. — SENNAAR. — THE DIFFICULTY OF PENETRATING TO THE SOURCE OF THE BAHR EL ABIAD. — TRIBE OF ARABS ON ITS BANKS. — WATER LESS SWEET THAN THAT OF THE BAHR EL AZRUK. — ARAB DESCRIPTION OF THE RIVER. — INUNDATION OF THE NILE. — RETURN TO SHENDY. — MAMELUKE EXERCISE.

I had intended to have proceeded from the ruins of El Owataib to those of El Mecaurat, farther in the Desert; but my stock of water was almost exhausted, in consequence of my guide and camel-driver not having brought their own supply, according to agreement, also on account of several of my own geerbahs proving bad, and our consumption, owing to the extreme heat, having been twice what we expected. Signor Bandoni seems to be apprehensive of a deficiency, and anxious to guard against it; for yesterday evening I found him in my tent with his mouth at a three-gallon geerbah. His draughts were profounder than his philosophy, for by his earnestness he seemed intent on trying whether he himself possessed that valuable faculty which his experience in the desert had taught him the camels possess; that of imbibing, at one draught, a sufficient store for a week. We left the ruins at half-past twelve, and arrived at the Nile at half past six. We saw on our road numerous traces of the lions, hyenas, tigers (nimr), wild asses, and ostriches, and near the river, guinea-fowls. Shortly before arriving at the Nile, we passed the bed of a canal which seemed to be ancient. They informed me that it extends very far into the Desert towards the ruins of Mecaurat.

March 11. We left this morning at seven, and reached the ruins of Abou Naga at nine. The two square pillars which remain of this temple, are very curious. On each side is a representation of what is generally called a figure of Typhon, above which is the head of Isis or Athor. These figures are very much injured, but the style is extremely bold and decidedly very ancient. The people above Meroe, says Diodorus, worship Isis and Pan, and also Hercules and Zeus. This Typhonian figure is called Pthah by many, and considered as an immediate emanation from Jupiter. We have here two more divinities to add to the Ethiopian list: I use this name, for of all the antiquities existing in the valley of the Nile, these have the most ancient appearance. The [drawing] will give an exact idea of the style of the sculpture. The reader will remark that this is no effort of a feeble and corrupt taste, no imitation of a foreign (Egyptian) style, but the spirited work of an early period, when the productions of art would naturally be more remarkable for force and vigour than for exquisite or delicate finish. There are no hieroglyphics, nor any appearance of there ever having been any, which may be considered another proof of their great antiquity, an edifice in which they are absent must either be of the most ancient or most modern date: and certainly this latter description cannot belong to the present structures. The style has evidently the stamp of originality, and I therefore think it may be considered a fragment of perhaps one of the most ancient temples which has ever been erected in honour of the two great divinities, Isis and Typhon, or rather, I should say, of the two principles of good and evil existing in the world: for Isis, the Ceres of the Greeks, is a type of that benevolent care of the Deity which furnishes men with the fruits of the earth; and she is worshipped under the form of a woman, emblematical of the maternal fondness of the great divinity. Under that view, she is sometimes represented with her son, the infant Horus, on her knees, as the source of the multiplication and increase of the human race.

TEMPLE OF ABOU NAGA.

The figure which, in deference to the general opinion, I have called Typhon, has been considered by many to be that of Pthah, from the circumstance of almost similar representations having been found with the name of that divinity in hieroglyphics; but, in the absence of any inscription to decide the question of what this figure has been, I must confess that I conceive it not impossible that it may be the Hercules of the Ethiopians. Hercules, or the god of strength, would be a type of the attribute of power in the great divinity; and that this should be a leading representation in the primitive ages, is not surprising, as, of course, muscular strength would then be the endowment most highly prized. The fables of Hercules clearing the earth of monsters were very probably partly derived from Ethiopia, together with the worship of the divinity. The mythology of the Ethiopians, as I may, perhaps, venture to mention more particularly on a future occasion, appears by no means to have been a gross polytheism. I do not mean to say that the “uncultivated mass,” as Gibbon styles them, very little removed in point of intellect from their fellow-labourers the oxen, could have entertained very pure notions of religion; I only agree with those who conceive that the more educated and enlightened classes worshipped these different symbolical forms, not as separate and equally powerful divinities, but as the types of the different attributes of the One great Deity. This temple, which was about 150 feet long, seems to have been ornamented with six pilasters, five feet square; but it was impossible to trace the plan satisfactorily: and as I conceive the materials to have been carried away, an excavation would be of little use. The plan (2300 feet in circumference) shows that the town has been small, and built of sun-burnt bricks.

PLAN OF THE RUINS NOW CALLED ABOU NAGA.

I had intended to have gone from this place to the ruins of Mecaurat, at eleven hours’ distance in the desert. The soldier who officiated as my guide, on leaving the ruins of Wady el Owataib yesterday, said that we could not visit the ruins of Mecaurat, as they were situated farther in the desert; that we should most probably meet with lions on the road; and that the danger would indubitably be much greater than on the preceding night; that, at this season of the year, it was folly to think of going there without a guard or large caravan; and, to conclude, that he would not incur the responsibility of taking me. This morning, to my surprise, he said he was willing to accompany me, if I desired. In this uncertainty I asked for information from the sheakhs and different peasants I met; and the result of these enquiries was, that, Mecaurat being farther in the mountains, lions are much more numerous there than at Wady el Owataib; that we should probably fall in with them on the road; that this was the most dangerous season, from their food being scarce, and that none of the peasants lead their flocks there, since fires do not always succeed in repelling them. A few years ago there were few or none; but now the number was so great that I ought not to hazard going. In fact, not one, by bribes or threats, could be induced to join our caravan.

Notwithstanding this discouraging information, I was anxious not to leave any of the antiquities of Ethiopia unexplored; and I felt that I might have gone without very great risk, because we had a proof, the night before last, of the effect of fire in frightening lions away; and I believe, as long as there are camels, or any kind of cattle, they would not, if unmolested, attack a human being. I had learned, also, that there was one edifice not much ruined, and conceived that in it a fortification might soon be made, which a lion could not penetrate. My servants seemed evidently afraid, but said, wherever I went they would accompany me; but my artist made so many objections that I told him, in disgust, he might go or not, as he thought proper. He took me at my word, and refused to accompany me. I at first determined to go alone: but, after considering that I should have to leave two camels and a servant with him; that my caravan would thus be reduced in number; and as no other camels could be procured, their owners being afraid of the lions, I should not be able to take enough of water to enable me to stay at the ruins a sufficient time to make all the drawings that would be necessary; I gave up the expedition, conceiving that it was of little importance. My funds, also, are now considerably reduced, and I am not in a country where I can easily replenish them. The heat is every day more intolerable. I ought, for private reasons, to have long since been in Europe; my health has for several days been very indifferent, from these annoyances, the excessive heat, which for the first few days of its commencement is always most prejudicial, and I must confess myself not a little disgusted.

I must be satisfied with having been at Meroe, on the site of the capital of Ethiopia, which appears to me a satisfactory termination to my more important labours in the lower part of the valley of the Nile; and when the reader considers that I have now been nearly fourteen months above Cairo, leading almost the life of an Arab, without any of the comforts and charms of the civilised world, I think he will not reproach me for not extending my travels to Sennaar and the banks of the White River. Indeed, even had not a private duty obliged me to return to England, I should not, I think, have gone very much farther south, as I could spend my time much more usefully at Thebes; for, except those in the desert, there are no antiquities beyond this point.

As to the modern capitals of Ethiopia, nothing can be more miserable than those I have already seen. Sennaar, I am told, great, splendid, and beautiful as the Arabs represent it, is very little larger, and has not much more the appearance of a capital, than Shendy, which, as I have said before, cannot be compared to many of the small towns in Egypt. The poetical minds of the Arabs are fond of describing in glowing terms the beauty of distant objects; as the ancients placed the Garden of the Hesperides in the most remote region; but the descriptions of modern travellers, and the accounts of many sensible Turks, have satisfied me that Sennaar is not worth half a day’s journey, and certainly not twenty-two, which would be necessary to go thither and return.

As to the Bahr el Abiad, or White River, it would be extremely difficult, if not impossible, to penetrate to any distance on its banks; and it is now more than ever impracticable to attempt the discovery of its source. The Governor at Kordofan has his gazwah, or hunt for slaves, on the banks of that river: there is, therefore, scarcely a family in that part that has not lost some relation,—fathers their sons, husbands their wives, brothers their sisters, children their parents,—and all would rejoice to avenge their loss on the first white man who should imprudently venture into their territory. The source of the Nile could only, I conceive, be discovered by an armed force; and even that method would present great difficulties. It would require a large army to subdue the great extent of country through which the Bahr el Abiad probably passes. Not only the chiefs, but the whole population, instead of any of them joining the standard of the invader, or furnishing him with provisions, would resolutely oppose him. Each man would fight with desperation for the preservation of his property, family, and liberty. The Shillooks, Numrum, and other brave and warlike tribes on the White River, are not ignorant of the wretched lot of their brethren in Cairo. Many a fugitive slave has carried the intelligence to his tribe of the misery and hardships they endured after they were taken prisoners; their sufferings from the scanty allowance of water in the desert; the numbers who perished from fatigue, heat, and thirst; their painful journey on foot, bound in the most cruel manner; their wretched food; their ignominious exposure for sale in the Cairo market; and, perhaps, the cruelty of their taskmasters. These are injuries, I think, sufficient to sharpen their sabres, and inflame their hatred and thirst for revenge, on all Mahometans and white men. The traveller being French or English would be of no avail. They distinguish but two races, Pagan and Mahometan, and two colours, black and white, their friends and enemies.

As to the source of the Bahr el Abiad, and the situation of the Mountains of the Moon, as the Arabs of this neighbourhood have never been there, or seen any person who has visited either the one or the other, their suppositions are not worth more, if so much, as the conjectures of any intelligent man in London. I think it more candid to confess that these subjects are still involved in a mystery, which the armies of the Pasha may possibly one day clear up; yet he can never subdue that country with the facility with which he made himself master of the valley of the Nile: the difference of creed, and the deep-rooted hatred against him which prevails there, would oblige him almost to exterminate the whole population before he could enjoy a peaceable possession of the territory. If his ambitious views are diverted by European interference from another track with his immense resources, large and disciplined army, and the great superiority derived from fire-arms and artillery, he might penetrate even to the source of the White River, and solve that problem which has perplexed the literary men of every age. No private individual would be so rash as to attempt this discovery. Were there any possibility of success, for the hope of immortality, men could be found to encounter fearlessly the heat and fatigue, and other ordinary dangers of the journey; but no one would be so foolish as to expose himself to the certain death which would be the result of any attempt made at this period.

This discovery would have been more easily accomplished before the Pasha’s conquest; before the war of colour, if I may so describe it, commenced: but there does not seem to have been any recent intercourse between the inhabitants of the kingdom of Shendy and the tribes on the banks of the White River. If any credit can be given to the accounts of the Arabs, there are cannibals not very far up its stream. I was told that twenty days above its junction with the Bahr el Azruk, there is a tribe of Arabs mixed with the Pagans. I can scarcely believe this latter statement, otherwise it would present a somewhat less difficult method of penetrating to a certain distance. I have been assured by several Arab merchants, and also Turks, that the water of the river is less sweet than that of the Azruk, that the caravans stationed on what they call the Island, between the two rivers, universally prefer the water of the latter. The Egyptians, therefore, are indebted to the Azruk for the singular sweetness of the waters of the Nile. The Arab’s invariable description of the Bahr el Abiad is, that it has waves like the Red Sea, but the current is not powerful like that of the Blue River; that a boat would sail rapidly up, on account of the prevailing northerly winds, but it would be more difficult to descend. It is not improbable that the reason of the superior rapidity of the Blue River is its greater proximity to its source in the mountains, whilst the Bahr el Abiad may pass through immense districts, where the surface is more level and uniform.

Of the inundation of the Nile I will speak hereafter; only remarking at present, that during the whole of this journey I have not met one sensible Arab, who was ignorant that the rains in Ethiopia were followed by the rise of the river, and that, according to the wetness of the season, the inundation was more or less beneficial. I do not mean to say that they are acquainted with the real causes of those rains,—the rarefying of the air by the sun in his approach towards the tropic, and the consequent rush of vapour from the neighbouring seas; but the circumstance of the peasants here all being aware of the rain as the season of the inundation, excites my surprise how the ancients, particularly as many of them visited Meroe, could be so ill acquainted with, or, indeed, have the slightest doubt of, the true cause. The flourishing state of the country at that period, and the probable extent of its commerce, renders this still more singular. If they had not been actual witnesses to the tropical rains, (and, according to Pliny, many were,) they must have heard of them, over and over again, from authentic sources. The most uneducated peasant in Europe, were he to see the rain fall in torrents for a long period, the little rivulets running into a river in his vicinity, and yet not be aware why the latter was swollen, would be considered to display a tenfold degree of stupidity. It can only be accounted for by their preferring to ornament their works with ingenious speculations rather than admit an explanation which they could not account for.[22] We arrived at Shendy this evening at nine.

Metammah.—March 12. This morning the katshef at Shendy, with his servants and dependants, went through the Mameluke exercise for our amusement. Six entered the list on each side. Their lances were stalks of the palm tree, about four or five feet long. The combatants were about 300 or 400 yards apart at the commencement, but when the contest became more animated, not more than 100. Each one sallied out when he liked, armed with a single lance, and, when there was no opponent in the field, rode near the opposite party, and generally, when at the distance of from twenty to thirty feet, flung his lance at his adversaries within their limits, to excite them to come forth; otherwise, when the field was full, at those who were galloping back from pursuing their adversaries. The attacked party trusted to the speed of the horse to save him from the lance of the one who followed him, who, having in his turn flung his lance, was rode after by another of the opposite party, and thus the ball was spiritedly kept up. The requisites for these manœuvres are, perfect management of his horse, dexterity in avoiding his adversary’s lance, and catching it, if possible, with his hand, which enables him to turn again upon the assailant. They are only, as I have said, allowed to go out with one lance, and when they have thrown it, are dependent on their agility, and the swiftness of their horses, to save themselves from their pursuers; but the qualities most admired, and most necessary, are strength and dexterity in throwing the lance, and fearless indifference to blows. Each well-directed and successful aim was hailed with a shout of admiration, and those who seemed to fear the contest were evidently despised. The exercise is fine, but the wounds received are sometimes not slight. There is no ostensible respect of persons. The servant throws his lance at his master, and the master at the servant; yet, somehow, the katshef escaped always amid the numbers of lances which were showered around him: a clever courtier knows how to direct his aim. Between the servants the game sometimes became serious, and blows were exchanged with the appearance of real enmity.

I saw this morning a number of mats and baskets made by the women, some of which are very beautiful. They make here, also, very neat sandals, almost exactly resembling those of the ancients. At noon I crossed to Metammah. I found that the katshef was absent. The soldier he had deputed to perform the duties of his office promised me eight camels, to cross the desert of Bahiouda to Meroueh.

CHAPTER X.