A [transcriber’s note] follows the text.

Liberty Enlightening the World.

THE RISE AND FALL
OF
Anarchy in America.

FROM ITS INCIPIENT STAGE TO THE

FIRST BOMB THROWN IN CHICAGO.

A COMPREHENSIVE ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT CONSPIRACY CULMINATING IN THE

Haymarket Massacre,

MAY 4th, 1886.

A MINUTE ACCOUNT OF THE APPREHENSION, TRIAL, CONVICTION AND EXECUTION OF THE LEADING CONSPIRATORS.

BY

GEO. N. McLEAN.

“ORDER IS HEAVEN’S FIRST LAW.”

PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED.

SOLD BY SUBSCRIPTION ONLY.

R. G. Badoux & CO.
Chicago & Philadelphia
1888.

Copyrighted, 1888.
R. G. BADOUX & CO.
(All rights reserved.)

Contents

PREFACE.

In view of the many phases and complications involved in the labor question, along with the cosmopolitan element engaged in forcing, as it were, measures intended to revolutionize labor, trade and commerce, this subject becomes of extreme delicacy to treat, the intricacy of which affect all classes and conditions of men, and threatens to convulse society from the outer crust of uppertendom to the inner sub-strata of human interest, affecting largely the social, civil, and political interests of the ever-enlarging generations of mankind.

The dark cloud standing out in bold relief outlined against the political horizon of this great republic seems to be gathering in intensity. Just now the lull in matters pertaining to this great question of CAPITAL and LABOR, seem like the “calm that precedes the hurricane.” Animosities and antagonisms are widening the gulf between these conflicting interests of society, and anarchy and socialism, assuming a belligerent attitude, threaten a disruption of good and wholesome government.

We bid a hearty God-speed to any innovation upon the stereotyped and superannuated system, or dogmatic usage in the interests of absolute and overwhelming monopolies, which has for its object the general well-being of our common humanity, the elevation of the universal brotherhood of mankind, and the perpetuity of American institutions.

We do not believe in monopoly and oppression; but the final triumph of right over wrong by honest, earnest and persevering endeavor.

SOCIALISM.

A theory of society which advocates a more precise, orderly and harmonious arrangement of the social relations of mankind than that which has hitherto prevailed.—Webster.

COMMUNISM.

The reorganizing of society, or the doctrine that it should be reorganized, by regulating property, industry and the means of livelihood, and also the domestic relations and social morals of mankind; socialism; especially the doctrine of a community of property, or the negative of individual right in property.—J. H. Burton.

ANARCHY.

Want of government, the state of society where there is no law or supreme power, or where the laws are not efficient, and individuals do what they please with impunity.—Webster.

INTRODUCTION.

“Order, heaven’s first law.”

Never before, perhaps, in the history of any great nation, was there a time when wise, honest and unswerving men were necessary at the helm of the great social and political ship of American freedom than at the present time, in order that she may weather the blasts, pass in safety the dangerous reefs and shoals of any party politics, maintain the majesty of her laws, grow strong in truth, making aggressive warfare upon error and superstition, “and having done all to stand entire at last,” “with her lamps trimmed and burning,” her liberty enlightening the world.

One of our great minds has said: “Our country, though rich in men of faithfulness and power, and having escaped from the difficulties of earlier times, perceives new questions which demand whatever of counsel the wise and thoughtful can give,” for an era so active in thought and impulse is always perilous to the nation and need strong men, wise and calm in the midst of her greatest storms. Many of our nation’s noblest sons within a short space of time have bowed in obedience to the behest of that monarch whose summons all must obey. In our minds we go back to that period when our country was young, and behold manly forms, marked by intellectual dignity, and bearing in their countenance the unmistakable insignia of true and noble manhood. They, too, have passed away, and home and sanctuary know them no more; but the light found in such characters assist in solving the difficult problems of to-day. Our nation’s God can make of a poor and humble craftsman a mighty statesman. Many such lives are poured full of honors, and their graves are fresh and green in our memories. Nothing can equal in grandeur the interminable extent of our vast prairies, covered with blossoming buds. Every lover of nature, and home and country can daily hear a grand anthem of praise ascend to God for the munificence of his unspeakable gifts.

“From that cathedral boundless as our wonder
Whose quenchless lamps the sun and moon supply.”

These pastoral symphonies are dear to all our hearts. We love our country, and gazing upon our glorious flag, we feel it means to

“Friends a starry sky,”

But to foes

“A storm in every fold.”

Untarnished its honor, and the undimmed radiance streaming down from every star upon our glorious banner for over one hundred years, what usurper dare insult her national prowess and trail her honors in the dust, or flaunt the red flag of anarchy and socialism in the face of our national greatness?

Anarchy cannot prevail, as “order is heaven’s first law,” and “eternal vigilance the price of liberty.”

Our measureless prosperity as a nation have caused to seek employment, protection and a home beneath the ample folds of our grand old flag, many representatives from almost every nation under the sun, to whom have been extended all the rights, social, civil, religious and political, of free-born American citizenship, while obedient to its laws. We who seek this country as our home, because of its advantages and the superior facilities for obtaining a livelihood or of amassing wealth, can be guilty of no baser act than to endeavor to sow the seeds of discord and confusion among the peaceful and well organized brotherhood in this land of freedom and prosperity; and all violations of good and wholesome law, endangering the peace and prosperity of citizens, or the overthrow of our national institutions, are deserving of the nation’s frown.

What greater insult can be offered to the children of freedom than for people of foreign birth to usurp the birthrights and trample upon the institutions for which their fathers bled and died?

Never before were citizens of any country placed on trial for so grave and flagrant a transgression, who received such consideration and fairness at the hands of the administrators of law and justice as did the participants in the Haymarket tragedy.

In view of the deep turpitude of their crime great credit is due to all the standard papers of the city of Chicago, and the Press of the United States, for the fair and impartial manner in which they represented the Anarchists’ case during the trial and pending the execution. The articles appearing from time to time in their columns seemed ever tempered with mercy. Yet firmness characterized all their expressed opinions. The institutions of our country are dear to every true and loyal American.

The outrage perpetrated upon our high order of civilization called for life in exchange for the lives sacrificed by the tragic events of the night of May the 4th, 1886. Every right-thinking journalist acknowledged the justice of the sentence and said, so let it be; believing that when “judgment and justice are abroad in the land the people will learn righteousness.”

CHAPTER II.

Anarchists—Their Nationality—The First Agitation—Leaders—Anarchy—The “Revenge” Circular—The Haymarket Meeting—The Massacre.

Scarcely has the chronicler of time recorded fifty years in the eventful history of Chicago since it was known only as a little trading post for the Indians of the west and northwest, but being the central and distributing point for the interminable fertile territories stretching away toward the land of the setting sun, its progress in wealth and population has been unprecedented. The superior facilities for obtaining supplies, and the demand for implements for agricultural purposes, have conspired to render Chicago one of the most important commercial cities on the globe. And to-day it stands the grainery of the American Continent, the great repository and commercial reservoir of continental America, with a cosmopolitan population of over seven hundred thousand. Capitalists engaged in mammoth manufacturing enterprises like McCormick and others, in order to secure cheap labor to the exclusion of native skilled workmen, have imported to this country thousands of foreigners who, after gaining a foothold in the land, have turned upon their employers in organized bands with measures intended to be revolutionary.

The troublesome element consisted largely of the ignorant lower classes of Bavarians, Bohemians, Hungarians, Germans, Austrians, and others who held secret meetings in organized groups armed and equipped like the nihilists of Russia, and the communists of France.

The Haymarket Massacre.

They called themselves socialists. Their emblem was red. They paraded the streets of Chicago without let or hindrance in 1878, carrying a red flag and making insulting and incendiary speeches at Lake front park, and at several of the public halls of the city.

This free country accorded to them without regard to birth or nationality the rights of freedom of speech, and we shall see how that indulgence beyond the bounds of propriety has been abused. In 1877 they held secret meetings to organize their forces, and during the same year there were several labor riots.

In 1879 anarchists and socialists united to endeavor to secure by their votes and influence as mayor Dr. Ernst Schmidt, and as city treasurer F. Stauber. Polling nearly 10,000 votes they secured several representatives in the city council.

On the evening of the 2d of July, 1879, Captain Bielfeld, with ten of the gang known as the Lehr and Werh Verein, left Turner Hall, marching from Twelfth to Union, then returning, Lieut. Callahan secured their arrest. As a test case for a violation of the law relative to the militia, Bielfeld alone was booked to appear before the police court on the 3d of July, 18.91879. Rubens, his attorney, gave bonds for his appearance. The defendant then took a change of venue to Morrison, becoming his own bail to appear at that place in the afternoon. Bielfeld, with his attorney, and prosecuting attorney Cameron, were present. The case was continued for one week. The following day being the Fourth of July, was looked forward to with solicitude as a day when Chicago might expect riot and carnage. Bielfeld had been bound in $300 bonds but was released on habeas corpus the same day on an application to Judge Barnum, who pronounced the majority of the clauses in the militia law as unconstitutional.

In November, 1879, a similar case was argued before the supreme court which in its rulings sustained the constitutionality of the militia law in direct opposition to Judge Barnum’s rulings and opinions. This opinion was a reversing of Judge Barnum’s decision restricting armed bodies of socialists, anarchists, or communists from parading the streets, deciding that in matters pertaining to the peace and safety of citizens the police powers are plenary.

In the autumn of 1879 the Bohemian anarchistic agitators held a picnic at Silver Leaf Grove, in the vicinity of Douglas Park, and being annoyed by uninvited guests, at the command of their captain, Prokop Hudek, they fired a round of ball cartridge into the promiscuous crowd, seriously wounding quite a large number of citizens. Their captain, and the entire company of would-be assassins, were arrested and brought to the corner of Madison and Union streets, where the police were compelled to use their utmost efforts to prevent the enraged and outraged citizens from lynching the leaders of the gang of outlaws. The peace-loving and law-abiding citizens were so exasperated at the audacity and cupidity of the uncivilized horde that it was with difficulty the police induced them to disperse without wreaking a summary vengeance upon these organized badditsbandits, who were beginning to operate with impunity in the very midst of the highest order of civilization and refinement.

The United States Supreme Court acknowledge and defend the right of citizens to assemble, without arms, when the object is to make known, in proper language, any grievance. But they must in all cases be under the control, direction and protection of the police force. But all meetings to organize, or any organized gatherings for the purpose of subverting law and order, all armed mobs making incendiary speeches or advocating violence are subject to military law, and under the control of the police, as the guardians of the public peace.

From the time of the arrest of Herman Presser, on the affirmation of the militia law, by the Federal Court, in 1886, all armed demonstrations of the socialistic element from this time ceased, but in secret they matured their fiendish plottings against the law-abiding citizens and safety of American institutions, becoming skilled in the manufacture and use of dynamite bombs as a weapon for the purpose of destroying life and property, and the intimidation of the officers of law and justice.

The leaders of anarchy and socialism with whom we have to do, more particularly in this volume, are viz.: August Spies, Samuel Fielden and A. R. Parsons, Spies being the editor of the Arbeiter Zeitung, and A. R. Parsons editor of the paper known as the Alarm.

The eight houreight-hour system of labor had been agitated for some time, and the first of May, 1886, was the time set for it to go into effect by all the trade and labor unions. It was suspected by many that the insubordinate element of socialists and anarchists would take advantage of the already fermented state of the working classes, to make a bold stand to revolutionize and demoralize, by their treasonable and inflammatory speeches, the otherwise peaceful and respectable citizens of Chicago. The McCormick reaper works, with over one thousand employes, mostly foreigners, had been out on a strike for several weeks, and being at fever heat the anarchists sought to produce a riot among these turbulent men, who only needed a leader and some encouragement, which they were soon to receive from Spies. On May 2d a large force collected at or near the junction of Eighteenth street and Centre avenue. Here they reversed the American flag, carrying it top side down, symbolic of the revolution they intended to work in American institutions. They marched down the Black Road to the prairie in front of McCormick’s works, where August Spies addressed them in extravagant language, exciting the mob by a seditious and inflammatory speech, at the close of which the effect was plainly visible, as the mob at once attacked the works of McCormick, demolishing a portion of it, and seriously injuring several non-union men who were employed there. The six police there on duty bravely tried to hold the fort, but were forced to give way before nearly three thousand infuriated men, when they turned in a call for assistance, and were reinforced by the arrival of thirty more officers, who bravely beat back their assaiiantsassailants, killing one of the mob by a shot from a revolver, and wounding several others. The repulsed mob then retreated, and their leaders repaired to office of the Zeitung to prepare a circular, and printed it in German and English, which was headed Revenge, and the English copy read as follows, which they circulated throughout the city:

REVENGE.

“Revenge, working men! to arms! Your masters sent out their bloodhounds—the police. They killed six of your brothers at McCormick’s this afternoon. They killed the poor wretches, because they, like you, had the courage to disobey the supreme will of your bosses. They killed them because they dared ask for the shortening of the hours of toil. They killed them to show you, ‘free American citizens,’ that you must be satisfied and contented with whatever your bosses condescend to allow you, or you’ll get killed. You have for years endured the most abject humiliation; you have for years suffered immeasurable iniquities; you have worked yourselves to death; you have endured the pangs of want and hunger; your children you have sacrificed to the factory lords—in short, you have been miserable, obedient slaves all these years. Why? To satisfy the insatiable greed to fill the coffers of your lazy, thieving master. When you ask them now to lessen your burden he sends his blood-hounds out to shoot you, kill you. If you are men, if you are the sons of your grandsires who have shed their blood to free you, then you will rise in your might, Hercules, and destroy the hideous monster that seeks to destroy you. To arms we call you! To arms!

Your Brothers.”

The German portion difiereddiffered from the above mainly in the following passage: “Why? Because you dared ask for the shortening of the hours of labor.” In the German copy it ran: “Because you dared ask for all that you believed to be your rights.” Instead of being addressed, as in the English, to American citizens, it was directed to the followers of anarchy and socialism.

Another circular was distributed calling a meeting at the Haymarket for the night of May 4, and urging working-menworking men to arm and go in full force. In the Arbeiter Zeitung appeared the letter “Y,” meaning Ypsilon, which was the signal for the armed anarchists to turn out, and in the department of the paper known as the “Letter-Box” the word “Ruhe,” signifying that the time for revolution was at hand.

There were about three hundred and fifty anarchists carrying concealed weapons at the HaymarkstHaymarket massacre on the 4th of May, 1886, and probably about fifteen hundred present in all at the time of the explosion. A. R. Parsons had delivered his speech and Samuel Fielden was portraying to the sympathizing crowd, with all the eloquence he could command, the wide and yawning unbridged gulf between capital and labor, when seven companies of police, numbering nearly two hundred men, under command of their superior officers, swooped down upon the lawless mob. Captain Ward, in clear and ringing tones, commanded these land pirates to quietly disperse, when from an alley contiguous was seen in the darkness a little line of fire passing directly over the heads of the motlymotley crowd. The hissing fiend, hurled by some practiced hand to perform its hellish mission, fell directly between two of the ranks of our brave and noble officers, and exploded with a detonation which seemed to shake the city from center to circumference, dealing death to several brave and noble officers, while the wounded and dying numbered over sixty, who a moment before were in the best of spirits and in the discharge of their duty as protectors of public peace, were stricken down without a moment’s warning. But was there a man dismayed, although the groans of the wounded and mangled victims could be heard in every direction, not knowing but the next instant another explosion would strew the ground with fresh victims from their ranks? Scarcely had the sound of the explosion died away in the echoing distance, or the smoke from the fatal bomb rose up to be lost in the dark and murky clouds, ere the spirit of patriotism rose up in their hearts, inspiring them to deeds of noble daring, when they boldly charged in a solid column this band of treacherous outlaws. Captain Bonfield seized a revolver from the hand of a fallen officer, at the same time drawing his own revolver, and from both hands he rained a shower of lead into the ranks of the enemy. Under this aggressive movement the anarchists began beating a hasty retreat.

The wounded officers were removed to the County Hospital, while a large detachment were kept busy during the night caring for the dead and dying. The exact number of killed and wounded among the anarchists could not be ascertained, as they were removed from the ensanguined field immediately by their friends to places of safety, and medical assistance secured for them from among the socialistic fraternity.

On the 5th of May, Rudolph Schnaubelt was arrested on suspicion that he was an important factor in the conspiracy. On an investigation which followed, he very adroitly managed to impress the authorities of his innocence, when he was discharged, and he at once disappeared from the city; but during the progress of the trial, evidence was obtained which proves almost conclusively that Rudolph Schnaubelt was the arch fiend who hurled the deadly bomb causing so many brave officers to bite the dust without a moment’s warning.

CHAPTER III.

This great and unprecedented anarchistic conspiracy of May 4th will doubtless result in a blessing to America. First, it will teach the administrators of law and justice the necessity of being watchful of this treacherous element in society which would thus ruthlessly violate every sacred principle of right and honor.

The bravery of the police on that eventful night of May 4th is worthy of note in the history of Chicago, and those who fell in the defence of our birthrights as American citizens have builded a monument in the hearts of a grateful people that shall endure while the star-spangled banner shall continue to wave “O’er the land of the free and the home of the brave.” Were we to disturb, disquiet, and bring up from their tombs the most hideous monsters from the dead of the dark and superstitious ages of the gloomy past, their hands deep purple with the blood of their murdered fellow men, we should fail to find a parallel that would compare with this unscrupulous cold-blooded massacre, along with the bold attempt at the subversion of law.

On the fifth of the month eight of the leaders of anarchy were arrested and indicted for murder and conspiracy. The police raided the office of the Arbeiter Zeitung, the organ of the socialistic and anarchistic labor agitators, obtaining quantities of dynamite bombs, flags, and inflamatoryinflammatory literature which was offered in the trial as corroborative evidence. August Spies, a German, was the editor of the Zeitung and a ringleader of the anarchists. A. R. Parsons, an American, was editor of the Alarm. Samuel Fielden, of English nationality, laborer. Oscar Neebe, German. Adolph Fischer, a German.

Louis LingLingg, a German, carpenter. George EngleEngel, German, and Michal Schwab. These are the ones who were indicted for murder and anarchy. A. R. Parsons fled the night of the riot and consequently was not arrested, but he subsequently came in and gave himself up to the officials in the criminal court, doubtless thinking by this semblance of honor to impress the court of his innocence and thereby secure acquittal.

The attorneys for the State in the prosecution were as follows: Julius S. Grinnell; and assistants State, George Ingham and Frank Walker.

Col. W. P. Black, Solomon Zeisler, and Mr. Foster, of Iowa, were for the defence, who availed themselves of every technicality in the interests of their clients. Four long and tedious weeks were consumed in obtaining a jury, exhausting fourteen panels of jurors in securing twelve competent men to try this case. His Honor, Judge J. E. Gary, presiding.

The names of the jury accepted by the State and the defence were Major J. H. Cole, F. E. Osborne, S. G. Randall, A. H. Reed, J. H. Bruyton, A. Hamilton, G. W. Adams, J. B. Greiner, C. B. Todd, C. A. Ludwig, T. E. Denker, and H. T. Sanford.

An application was filed with State’s Attorney Grinnell for a separate trial in the case of Neebe, Spies, Schwab, and Fielden, but was overruled by his Honor, Judge Gary, as they had been jointly indicted for conspiracy and murder.

On Friday, July 10th, 1886, the case of the anarchists was opened by the prosecution in the taking of evidence.

Officers Steel, Barber, Reed and McMahon, who were wounded in the riot of May the 4th, were so far recovered as to be able to be present.

Felix Puschek was sworn and submitted plans of the Haymarket and several halls in the city known to be headquarters for the meetings of the anarchists.

Police Inspector Bonfield next took the stand and related how the police attempted to disperse the unlawful assemblage of armed Anarchists, and detailed the circumstance of the bomb-throwing, already related. He also identified the following circular, by which the meeting was called:

“Attention, working men! Great mass-meeting to-night, at 7 o’clock, Haymarket square, between Desplaines and Halsted. Good speakers will be present to denounce the late atrocious act of the police, the shooting of our fellow working men yesterday afternoon. Working men, arm and appear in full force.”

“The Committee.”

Some of the anarchist’sanarchists indicted for conspiracy turned State’s evidence. Gottfried Waller, a Swiss by nationality, a cabinet-maker by trade, formerly a socialist, and a member of the Lehr and Wehr Verein, testified that the latter organization comprised various armed groups of anarchists; that the letter “Y” in the Arbeiter Zeitung meant for the armed section to meet at Grief’sGreif’s hall; that he acted as chairman of the meeting of seventy or eighty persons, Engel, Fischer and Breitenfeld, the commander of the Lehr and Wehr, being present. The witness testified that Engel unfolded a plan whereby if a collision between the strikers and the police should occur, the word “Ruhe” would appear in the Arbeiter as a signal for the Lehr and Wehr and the Northwest group of anarchists to assemble in Wicker Park with arms. They should then storm the North avenue police station, and proceed thence to other stations, using dynamite and shooting down all who opposed them, and should cut the telegraph wires to prevent communication with the outside world. Engel said the best way to begin would be to throw a dynamite bomb into the police station, and that when the populace saw that the police were overpowered, tumult would spread through the city, and the anarchists would be joined by the working men. This plan, Engel said, had been adopted by the Northwest group. It was decided to appoint a committee to keep watch of affairs in the city and to call a meeting for the next night in the Haymarket. Fischer was directed to get the handbills calling the meeting printed. Those present at the preliminary meeting represented various groups throughout the city. Fischer announced that the word “Ruhe” would mean that a revolution had been started. Engel put the motion, and the plan was adopted. The committee on action was composed of members from each group; the witness knew only one—Kraemer. The members of the armed groups were known by numbers, and witness number was 19.

Spies was questioned in January, 1885, at Grand Rapids, Mich., relative to these secret organizations, when he said that force must bring about the necessary reform which the ballot-box had failed to inaugurate and was incompetent to perform. Shook, of Grand Rapids, also testified that Spies had said that the secret drilled organizations of Chicago for the revolution of society numbered over 3,000, and that none except members of those organizations knew of the modus operandi by which they intended to wage their warfare.

Lieutenant Bowler testified to seeing men in the crowd fire upon the police with revolvers; officers S. C. Bohner and E. J. Hawley saw Fielden fire. In the line of proving up the conspiracy to incite the working men to violence, it was shown by the evidence of James L. Frazer, E. T. Baker, A. S. Leckie, Frank Haraster, Sergeant John Enright and officer L. H. McShane, that Spies and Fielden incited the mob to attack McCormick’s Reaper Works and the non-union employes on May 3. Detective Reuben Slayton testified to having arrested Fischer at the Arbeiter Zeitung office. He had a loaded revolver hid under his coat; a file-grooved dagger and a fulminating cap, used to explode dynamite bombs. Theodore Fricke, former business manager of the Arbeiter, identified the copy of the “Revenge” circular as being in Spies’ handwriting. Lieutenant William Ward testified to having commanded the Haymarket meeting to disperse in the name of the people of Illinois, and that Fielden cried, “We are peaceable,” laying a slight emphasis on the last word.

William Seliger, of 442 Sedgwick street, testified that Louis Lingg boarded with him, and that himself, Lingg, Huebner, Manzenberg and Hewmann worked at making dynamite bombs of a spherical shape. He attended the various meetings. He identified the calls for the armed sections to meet in the Arbeiter Zeitung. BalthasarBalthazar Rau brought the “Revenge” circular to Zephf’s hall. Lingg worked at first on “gas-pipe” bombs; they made forty or fifty bombs the Tuesday before the riot. Lingg said they were to be used that evening; he and Lingg carried a small trunk full of the bombs to Neff’s hall, 58 Clybourne avenue, that evening, where they were divided up among the anarchists; besides the Northwest group the Sachsen Bund met at Neff’s hall; witness, Lingg, Thieben and Gustave Lehmen and two others from the Lehr and Wehr Verein, left Neff’s hall for the Larrabee street police station; Lingg said a disturbance must be made on the North side to prevent the police from going to the West side; Lingg wanted to throw a bomb into the station; the police were outside, and they could not get near; the patrol-wagon came along completely manned, and Lingg wanted to throw a bomb under the wagon; he asked witness for fire from his cigar; witness went into a hallway and lit a match, and before he returned the wagon had passed: they returned to Neff’s hall where he heard a bomb had fallen on the West side, and killed a great many; Hewmann blamed Lingg and said in an angry voice, “You are the cause of it all;” they then went and hid their bombs under sidewalks and in various places, and went home; Lingg first brought dynamite to the house about six weeks before May 1, in a long wooden box; he made a wooden spoon to handle it with in filling the bombs; witness belonged to the Northwest group, and his number was 72, Engel was also a member. [The bombs were here produced and Judge Gary ordered them removed immediately from the court roomcourtroom and from the building.] Seliger’s testimony was unshaken on cross-examination. Mrs. Bertha Seliger corroborated her husband’s testimony, testifying that at one time six or seven men were at work making bombs, and that after the Haymarket Lingg tore up the floor of a closet to secrete those he had on hand.

Lieutenant John D. Shea, Chief of the Detective force, testified to having assisted in the raid on the Arbeiter Zeitung office, May 5. The galley of type from which the “Revenge” circular was printed, copies of Herr Most’s book, and other anarchistic literature, red flags and banners with treasonable devices, and a quantity of dynamite were found. The witness asked Spies if he wrote the “Revenge” circular, and he refused to answer. When he arrested Fischer he asked him where he was on the night of the Haymarket meeting. Fisher said in the Arbeiter ZietungZeitung office with Schwab, and that Rau brought word that Spies was at the Haymarket, that a big crowd was there, and they all went over. He had a belt, a dagger, and a fulminating cap on him when arrested, but he said he carried them for protection. I said: ‘You didn’t need them in the office.’ He said: ‘I intended to go away, but was arrested.’ I also said: ‘There has been found other weapons like this sharpened dagger; how is it you come to carry this?’ He said he put it in his pocket for his own protection.

Detective William Jones testified that he had a locksmith open a closet in Spies office, and in a desk were found two bars of dynamite, a long fuse, a box of fulminating caps, some letters, and copies of both the celebrated circulars. At Fischer’s home he found a lot of cartridges and a blouse of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. Officer Duffy found two thousand copies of the circular calling upon the working men to arm, and the manuscript of the “Revenge” circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office. Herr Most’s book, “The Science of Revolutionary Warfare,” found in the Arbeiter office, was offered in evidence; also the manual for the manufacture of explosives and poisons.

Bernhard Schrader, a native of Prussia, five years in this country, a carpenter by trade, testified that he was a member of the Lehr und Wehr Verein; was at the meeting at Greif’s hall the night of May 3, and he corroborated Waller’s testimony throughout. Besides those mentioned by Waller, Schrader named Hadermann, Thiel and Danafeldt, as attendants at the meeting. He saw BalthausarBalthazar Rau distributing the “Revenge” circulars at a meeting of the Carpenter’s Union on Desplaines street. Witness was present also at the Sunday meeting on Emma street. It was here agreed to cripple the fire department, in case they were called out, by cutting their hose. Witness went to the meeting at 54 West Lake street in response to the signal “Y” in the Arbeiter Zeitung. He was at the Haymarket, but did not know who threw the bomb. The Northwest group of the Lehr und Wehr were armed with Springfield rifles. Witness’ number in the organization was 3,312.

Lieutenant Edward Steele testified that when the police entered the Haymarket somebody cried out: “Here come the blood-hounds. You do your duty, and we’ll do ours.”

Lieutenant Michael Quinn testified that he heard this exclamation and that the man who made it was Fielden, just as he ceased speaking on the wagon. About the instant the bomb exploded, Fielden exclaimed: “We are peaceable!”

Lieutenant Stanton testified that the bomb exploded four seconds after his company of eighteen men entered the Haymarket. Every member of his company except two were wounded, and two—Degan and Redden—killed. The witness was wounded in eleven places. Officers Krueger and Wessler testified to having seen Fielden shoot at the police with a revolver.

Gustave Lehman, one of the conspirators, gave a detailed account of various meetings; the afternoon of May 4 he was at Lingg’s house where men with cloths over their faces were making dynamite bombs; Huebner was cutting fuse; Lingg gave witness a small hand-satchel with two bombs, fuse, caps, and a can of dynamite; at 3 o’clock in the morning, after the Haymarket explosion, he got out of bed and carried this material back to Ogden’s grove and hid it, where it was found by Officer Hoffman; money to buy dynamite was raised at a dance of the Carpenters’ Union, at Florus’ Hall, 71 West Lake street. Lingg took this money and bought dynamite; Lingg taught them how to make bombs. M. H. Williamson and Clarence P. Dresser, reporters, had heard Fielden, Parsons and Spies counsel violence; the latter at the Arbeiter Zeitung office had advised that the new Board of Trade be blown up on the night of its opening. George Munn and Herman Pudewa, printers, worked on the “Revenge” circular in the Arbeiter Zeitung office; Richard Reichel, office-boy, got the “copy” for it from Spies.

The most sensational evidence of the trial, as showing the inside workings of the armed sections of the socialists, and at the same time the most damaging as indicative of their motives and designs, was that of Detective Andrew C. Johnson, of the Pinkerton agency, an entirely disinterested person who was detailed in December, 1884, by his agency, which had been employed by the First National Bank to furnish details of the secret meetings which it was known were being held by revolutionary plotters at various places throughout the city. Johnson is a Scandinavian, thin-faced and sandy-haired, born in Copenhagen, and thirty-five years of age. He told his story in a calm, collected, business-like manner. Mr. Grinnell asked:

“Do you know any of the defendants?” Witness—“I do.”

“Name them.”—“Parsons, Fielden, Spies, Schwab and Lingg.”

“Were you at any time connected with any group of the International Workingmen’s Association?”—“I was.”

“What group?”—“The American group.”

“Were you a member of any armed section of the socialists of this city?”—“Yes, sir.”

“When did you begin attendance at their meetings?”—“The first meeting I attended was the 22d of February 1885, at Baum’s pavilion. The last meeting I attended was the 24th of January of this year.”

“At whose instance did you go to their meetings?”—“At the instance of my agency.”

“Did you from time to time make reports of what you heard and saw at their meetings?”—“I did.”

Mr. Grinnell passed over to witness a bundle of papers and asked: “Have you in your hand a report of the meeting of the 22d of February, 1885?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Were any of the defendants present at that meeting?”—“Yes, sir; Parsons was present.”

“Refer to your memoranda and tell me what was said by Parsons at that meeting.”—Objected to; overruled.—“Parsons stated that the reason the meeting had been called in that locality was so as to give the many merchant princes who resided there an opportunity to attend and see what the Communists had to say about the distribution of wealth. He said: ‘I want you all to unite together and throw off the yoke. We need no president, no congressmen, no police, no militia, and no judges. They are all leeches, sucking the blood of the poor, who have to support them all by their labor. I say to you, rise one and all, and let us exterminate them all. Woe to the police or to the military whom they send against us.’”

“That was where?”—“At Baum’s pavilion, corner of Cottage Grove avenue and Twenty-second street.”

“Have you a report of any other of the defendants speaking at that meeting?”—“No, sir.”

“What is the next memorandum that you have?”—“The next meeting was March 1. That night I became a member. I went to Thielen, who was at the time acting as treasurer and secretary for the association, and gave him my name and signified my willingness to join the association. He entered my name in a book and handed me a red card with my name on and a number.”

“When and where was that?”—“That was March 1, 1885, at GriefsGreif’s hall, No. 54 West Lake street, in this city.”

“Have you what was said and done at that meeting?”—“I have a report of it here.”

“Who spoke?”—“Parsons, Fielden, Spies, and others.”

“Any other of the defendants?”—“No sir.”

“State what Fielden said, and then what Parsons said.”—“A lecture was given by a man named Bailey on the subject of socialism and christianity, and the question arose as to whether christianity ought to be introduced in their meetings.”

“What did Fielden, Spies and Parsons say there?”—“Fielden said that he thought this matter ought not to be introduced into their meetings. Parsons said, ‘I am of the same opinion,’ and Spies also said that it ought not to be introduced.”

“Now state the next meeting.”—“The next meeting was March 4, at the same place.”

“Who were present?”—“Parsons, Fielden and Spies were present, and spoke.”

“When was the memorandum made that you have of that meeting?”—“The same day, immediately after the termination of the meeting. Parsons said: ‘We are sorely in need of funds to publish the Alarm. As many of you as are able ought to give as much as you can, because our paper is our most powerful weapon, and it is only through the paper that we can hope to reach the masses.’ During his lecture he introduced christianity. Spies stood up and said: ‘We don’t want any christianity here in our meetings at all. We have told you so before.’ Fielden made no speech.”

“When was the next meeting?”—“March 22.”

“Were any speeches made by any of the defendants there?”—“Yes, sir, Spies spoke. Previously a man named Bishop introduced a resolution of sympathy for a girl named Sorell. Bishop stated that the girl had been assaulted by her master. She had applied for a warrant, which had been refused her on account of the high social standing of her master. Spies said: ‘What is the use of passing resolutions? We must act, and revenge the girl. Here is a fine opportunity for some of our young men to go and shoot Wight.’ That was the man who had assaulted the girl.”

“Do your reports contain references to speeches made by others?”—“They do.”

“You are only picking out speeches made by the defendants?”—“That is all.”

“When was the next meeting?”—“March 29, 1885, at Grief’sGreif’s hall. The defendant, Fielden, spoke at that meeting. He said: ‘A few explosions in the city of Chicago would help the cause considerably. There is the new Board of Trade, a roost of thieves and robbers. We ought to commence by blowing that up.’”

“Were other speeches made at that meeting?”—“There were, but no others made by the defendants.”

“When was the next meeting?”—“April 1, at Greif’s hall. Spies, Fielden and Parsons were present at the meeting. Spies made a lengthy speech on this occasion. His speech was in regard to acts of cruelty committed by the police in Chicago; he spoke of the number of arrests made, and the number of convictions in proportion. He also referred to the case of the girl who preferred a charge of assault against police-sergeant Patton, of the West Chicago avenue station.”

“Who else spoke there?”—“Fielden. Spies had said before that he had advised the girl to get a pistol and go and shoot the policeman. Fielden stood up and said; ‘That is what she ought to do.’”

“What was the next meeting?”—“April 8, 1885, at Greif’s hall. Parsons made a lengthy speech. He referred frequently in his address to the strike at the McCormick harvester works. He said: ‘There is but one of two things for the men to do. They must either go to work for the wages offered them or else starve.’ In concluding his remarks he referred to the strike at La Salle, Illinois. He said: ‘To-morrow morning or the next day the authorities here in the city will probably send a trainload of policemen or militia to La Salle to shoot down the working people there. Now, there is a way to prevent this. All you have to do is to get some soap and place it on the rails and the train will be unable to move.’ Parsons spoke at great length of the crimes, as he termed them, of the capitalists, and he said to those present that it was an absolute necessity for them to unite against them, as that was the only way they could fight the capitalists.”

“Who else spoke there?”—“Fielden. He said it was a blessing something had been discovered wherewith the working men could fight the police and militia with their Gatling guns.”

“What was the next meeting you had?”—“April 19. That meeting was held at No. 106 Randolph street, because the hall at No. 54 Lake street was engaged. At this meeting Parsons offered a resolution of sympathy for Louis Riel and the half-breeds in the Northwest who were in rebellion against the Canadian government. Neither Parsons nor Fielden spoke at the meeting.”

“What was the next meeting?”—“April 22, at Greif’s hall. Referring to the opening of the new Board of Trade building, Parsons said: ‘What a splendid opportunity there will be next Tuesday night for some bold fellow to make the capitalists tremble by blowing up the building and all the thieves and robbers that are there.’ At the conclusion of his speech he said that the working men of Chicago should form in processions on Market square Tuesday evening next, and he invited all those present to get as many of their friends as they could to join in the procession.”

“Did any other of the defendants speak there?”—“Fielden said: ‘I also wish to invite as many of you as can come and as many as you can get. Go around to the lodging-houses and get all you can to join in the procession—the more the merrier.’”

“When was the next meeting?”—“April 26, at Greif’s hall.”

“Did any of the defendants speak there?”—“There were present Parsons, Fielden, Spies. Parsons said: ‘I wish you all to consider the misery of the working classes, and the cause of all the misery is these institutions termed government. I lived on snow-balls all last winter, but, by G—d! I won’t do it this winter.’”

“What was the next meeting at which any of the defendants attended?”—“April 30, at Market square; Parsons and Fielden. Parsons said: ‘We have assembled here to determine in which way best to celebrate the dedication of the new Board of Trade building, and to give the working men of Chicago a chance to state their views in the matter’. Fielden then said: ‘I want all the working men of Chicago, the country, and the world in general to arm themselves and sweep the capitalists off the face of the earth.’ Parsons then said: ‘Every working man in Chicago must save a little of his wages every week until he has enough to buy a Colt’s revolver and a Winchester rifle, for the only way that the working people will get their rights is by the point of the bayonet. We want you to form in procession now, and we will march to the Board of Trade. We will halt there, and while the band is playing we will sing the Marseillaise.’”

“Did you march in the procession, too?”—“I did.”

“Where were you in that line of march?”—“I was in the center of the procession.”

“Did any of the defendants march with you?”—“Not with me, but in the procession Fielden, Spies, Parsons and Neebe marched.”

“What was the next meeting?”—“There was something occuredoccurred the night of May 30. I was standing at the corner of Washington street and Fifth avenue close behind Spies. That was Decoration day, and as the procession passed by, Spies said: ‘A half-dozen dynamite bombs would scatter them all.’ A little later a gentleman who was standing near remarked upon the fine appearance of the Illinois National Guard, who were then passing. Spies said: ‘They are only boys, and would be no use in case of a riot. Fifty determined men would soon disarm them all.’”

“When was the next meeting?”—“The next meeting was on the Lake front, May 31, and Fielden and Parsons was there. Fielden said: ‘It is only by strength and force that you can overthrow the government.’ Parsons also spoke, but I don’t recollect what he said.”

“Go on to the next meeting.”—“The next meeting was June 7, at Ogden’s grove. There were present Fielden, Parsons and Spies. Fielden said: ‘Every working man in Chicago ought to belong to organizations. It is of no use to go to our masters to give us more wages or better times. I mean for you to use force. It is of no use for the working people to hope to gain anything by means of an ordinary weapon. Every one of you must learn the use of dynamite, for that is the power with which we hope to gain our rights.’ Schwab also spoke at that meeting in German, which I do not understand.”

“When was the next meeting?”—“The next meeting was August 19, at Greif’s hall. Parsons and Fielden spoke. Parsons referred to the late strike of the street car employes, and said that if but one shot had been fired, and Bonfield had happened to be shot, the whole city would have been deluged in blood, and social revolution would have been inaugurated. The next meeting was August 24, at Greif’s hall.”

“Do you know of a fellow named Bodendecke speaking at those meetings?”—“Occasionally, but not frequently; I don’t know where he is now. There were some twenty or twenty-three men present at that meeting, and twenty women.”

“Name who were present.”—“Besides the two defendants, Parsons, and Fielden, there was Baltus, Bodendecke, Boyd, Lawson, Parker, Franklin and Schneider.”

“State what occuredoccurred there.”—“After being there a short time a man armed with a long cavalry sword and dressed in a blue blouse and wearing a slouch hat came into the room. He ordered all those present to fall in. He then called off certain names, and all those present answered to their names. He inquired whether there were any new members who wished to join the military company, and some one replied that there was. He then said: ‘Whoever wants to join step to the front.’ Myself and two others stepped to the front. We were asked separately to give our names. I gave my name, which was put down in a book, and I was then told that my number was 16. Previous to my name being put down in the book, a man to whom I was speaking asked whether there was any one present who knew me, or whether any one could vouch for my being a true man. The defendant, Parsons and Bodendecke spoke up and said they would vouch for me. The other two were asked their names in turn, and as they were properly vouched for, their names were entered in a similar manner in a book, and they were given numbers. The man who came into the room armed then inquired of two other men in the room whether they were members of the American group. Both said they were and he asked to see their cards. As they were unable to show cards they were expelled, as were two others. The doors were closed and the remainder were asked to fall in line, and we were drilled about three-quarters of an hour—put through a regular manual of drill, marching, countermarching, wheeling, forming fours, etc.”

“Who drilled you?”—“The man that came in with the sword; I didn’t ascertain his name. At the expiration of that time the drill-instructor stated that he would now introduce some of the members of the first company of the German organization. He went outside and in a few minutes returned accompanied by ten other men, dressed as he himself was, each one armed with a Springfield rifle. When they all got into the room he placed them in line facing us and introduced them as members of the first company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. He said that he was going to drill them a little while to let us see how far they had got with their drill. He drilled them about ten minutes in a regular musket drill. At the end of that time a man in the employ of the proprietor of the saloon at No. 54 West Lake street came into the room with two tin boxes, which he placed on the table at the south end of the room. The drill-instructor then asked all those present to step up and examine the two tin boxes, as they were the latest improved dynamite bomb. I stepped to the front with the others, and examined the two tins.”

“Describe them as near as you can.”—“They were about the size and had the appearance of ordinary preserved fruit cans. The top part unscrewed, and on the inside the cans were filled with a light-brown mixture. There was also a small glass tube inserted in the center of the can. The tube was in connection with a screw, and it was explained that when the can was thrown against any hard sabstancesubstance it would explode.”

“Was that mixture a liquid?”—“Inside of the glass tube was a liquid.”

“Was there anything around that glass tube?”—“Yes, sir; it was a brownish mixture.”

“Was that a liquid?”—“No, sir; it looked more like fine sawdust.”

“Did you feel of it?”—“I did not. The drill-instructor told us we should be very careful about selecting new members of company, because if we were not, there was no telling whom we might get into our midst. The next proceeding of the evening was to select officers. A man named Walters was chosen Captain, and Parsons was chosen Lieutenant. Some discussion arose as to what the company should be called. It was decided eventually that we should be called the International Rifles. The drill-instructor then suggested that we ought to choose some other hall, as we were not quite safe there. He added: ‘We have a fine place at No. 636 Milwaukee avenue. We have a shooting range in the basement, where we practice shooting regularly.’ Parsons inquired whether it was not possible for us to rent the same place. The drill-instructor informed him he did not know. The question of renting another hall was postponed, and our next meeting was fixed for the next Monday.”

Mr. Salomon—“A meeting of what?”

Witness—“A meeting of the armed section of the American group.”

Mr. Grinnell—“Who drilled that company that night?”—Witness—“That German, and Parsons and Fielden.”

“When was the next meeting?”—“The following Monday, the 31st of August, at the same place. Parsons and Fielden were present, and others. That was a meeting of the armed section, and it was held at Greif’s hall. Capt. Walters drilled us about an hour and a half. Afterward a consultation was held by the members of the company as to the best way of procuring arms. Some one suggested that each member should pay so much a week until a sufficient amount had been raised wherewith to purchase a rifle for each member of the company. Parsons said: ‘Look here, boys, why can’t we make a raid some night on the militia armory? There are only two or three men on guard there, and it is easily done.’ This suggestion seemed to be favored by the members, and it was finally decided to put the matter off until the nights got a little longer.”

Capt. Black—“Which matter was put off?”

Witness—“The raid on the armory.”

Mr. Grinnell—“When was the next meeting?”—Witness—“September 3, 1885, at No. 54 West Lake street. Fielden made a speech there and said: ‘It is useless for you to suppose that you can ever obtain anything in any other way than by force. You must arm yourselves and prepare for the coming revolution.’ That was one of the ordinary meetings of the association. The next meeting was October 11, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Spies and Fielden were present. Fielden said: ‘The Eight-Hour law will be of no benefit to the working men. You must organize and use force. You must crush out the present Government by force. It is the only way in which you can better your present condition.’ I left with Fielden before the meeting terminated.”

“When was the next meeting you attended?”—“The next meeting was December 20, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden was present. He said: ‘All the crowned heads of Europe are trembling at the very name of Socialism, and I hope soon to see a few Liskes in the United States to put away a few of the tools of the capitalists. The execution of Riel in the Northwest was downright murder.’”—“Was that an open meeting?”—“It was as far as I know. I saw no one refused admission.”

“How about those other meetings you have mentioned, aside from the armed sections?”—“Aside from the meetings of the armed section I should say that they were public. I never saw any one refused admission.”—“Was there any precaution taken?”—“A precaution was taken in this way: A member of the group was generally stationed at the door, and as each member entered the hall he was closely scrutinized. The next meeting was December 30.”

“What place?”—“At No. 106 Randolph.”

“Who spoke there?”—“Fielden. At this meeting a stranger asked a question, and Fielden replied to the question.”

“Do you know what the question was?”—“The question was: ‘Would the destruction of private property assist universal co-operation?’ Fielden replied: ‘Neither I or any body else can tell what is going to be in a hundred years from now, but this everybody knows: If private property is done away with, it would insure a better state of things generally. And we are trying all we can to teach the people the best way in which to bring about this change.’”

“Who was present at that meeting?”—“Fielden, only. The next meeting was January of this year, at Twelfth street Turner hall. Fielden and Schwab were present. Fielden, referring to the troubles in Ireland, said: ‘If every Irishman would become a Socialist, he would have a better opportunity to secure home-rule for Ireland. I want all Irishmen to destroy all the private property they can lay their hands on.’ He also referred to other matters. What he said had reference to Pinkerton’s detective agency.”

“What was it he said?”—“He said Pinkerton’s detectives were a lot of cold-blooded murderers, and the worst enemies the working men had, and they were all in the pay of the capitalists.”

“Is that all that was said there? Was that one of these ordinary opening meetings?”—“It was.”

“What else happened?”—“Schwab also addressed this meeting in German. During his speech he was frequently applauded. The next meeting I attended was January 14, at No. 106 Randolph Street.”

“January of this year?”—“Yes, sir.”

“What was said at this meeting?”—“Before the meeting commenced the defendants, Fielden and Spies, had a conversation which I overheard.”

“Where was that?”—“That was held in the hall near the door.”

“State what you heard.”—“Spies said to Fielden: ‘Don’t say very much about that article on Anarchists in an afternoon paper. You simply need to state that a reporter of the paper had an interview with me a few days ago, but that most of the statements of the paper are lies.’”

“How was that conversation carried on?”—“It was carried on quietly and was not meant for anybody else to hear.”

Capt. Black objected to the last part of the answer, and succeeded in having it stricken out.

“What was the tone of voice?”—“In whispers.”

“When did they leave?”—“Spies further said: ‘You must be careful in your remarks. You don’t know who might be amongst us to-night.’ Spies then went away and the meeting was called to order.”

“By whom?”—“Fielden.”

“What did he say?“—“He made a long talk, commenting on the articles that appeared. He said almost all of the statements were lies. He said in regard to dynamite bombs: ‘It is quite true we have lots of explosives and dynamite in our possession, and we will not hesitate to use them when the proper time comes. We care nothing at all either for the military or the police. All of these are in the pay of the capitalists.’ He further said that ‘even in the regular army most of the soldiers are in sympathy with us, and most of them have been driven to enlist. I have had a letter from a friend out West. He told me that he had seen a soldier on the frontier reading a copy of the Alarm.’ Others then made speeches. Afterward Fielden again spoke at the same meeting in regard to the question asked him, what was the Socialist idea of the eight-hour movement. Fielden said: ‘We don’t object to but we don’t believe in it. Whether a man works eight hours a day or ten hours a day he is still a slave. We propose to abolish slavery altogether.’ That is all of that meeting. Fielden said, the 24th of January, at a meeting held at No. 106 Randolph street—”

“What is the name of that, Jung’s hall?”—“Yes, I believe it is Jung’s hall. Fielden said good results were sure to follow the abolishment of private property.”

“When did you quit this branch of your business?”—“The latter part of January last.”

“Did you know then of Pinkerton’s agency having any other men employed in the same line that you were employed in?”—“I knew there had been another man, but whether he was employed then I do not know.”

“Have you lately, within the last few days, ascertained, and do you know the fact, that you have seen any Pinkerton men in these meetings?”—“That is so.”

“But you did not know it at that time?”—“I did not know it at that time.”

“How often did you drill with the armed section?”—“Only twice.”

“How often did they drill?”—“Once a week.”

“Have you got any information from any other members of the organization? If they drilled after that?”

Objected to and withdrawn.

“Did you ascertain from any of the defendants if they drilled after that?”—“I did not.”

“Have you had any other talk with Parsons outside of these utterances?”—“I have.”

“Have you had any talk with Spies, Fielden, Parsons, and other defendants as to the purposes of their organization?”—“I have talked frequently with Parsons and Fielden at various times and at various places. I cannot recollect as to what was said at each place and when it was said.”

“Can you give me the substance or purport of what was said at any time?”

Captain Black objected, unless time and place were given.

“What was the object of the armed section as was expressed by the members?”—“At the first meeting of the armed section the discussion arose as to what the company should be called. Some one suggested that the company should be amalgamated with the German organization, and the company was to be called the Fourth Company of the Lehr und Wehr Verein. This idea was opposed, and finally it was decided that it should be called the International Rifles. It was further said and understood by all the members that in case of a conflict with the authorities the International Rifles were to act in concert with the Lehr und Wehr Verein, and obey the orders of the officers of that organization.”

“What was said at any time as to when this revolution was to take place—when was to be the culmination of the conflict?”—“The 1st of May was frequently mentioned as a good opportunity.”

“What 1st of May?”—“This present. As far as I remember it was at a meeting at Twelfth street Turner hall on one occasion in December, and it was the defendant Fielden that said the 1st of May would be the time to strike the blow. There would be so many strikes and there would be 50,000 men out of work—that is to say if the eight-hour movement was a failure.”

“Have you ever met any of them at the Arbeiter Zeitung office?”—“I have.”

“What conversation did you have?”—“I had a conversation with Parsons some time in March. The conversation took place in the Alarm office in the Arbeiter Zeitung building. This office is situated in the back of the building.”

“Well, state what you remember of the conversation.”—“I asked Parsons if he did not think it advisable to get some papers printed in the Scandinavian language, as I thought I could make use of them. I intended to distribute them among the Scandinavian people along Milwaukee avenue and that neighborhood. Parsons replied: ‘Yes, it is a good idea, and the best thing you can do is to bring the matter up in our next meeting. Bring it up before the meeting, and I will see that it is attended to. It is no use, we must have the Scandinavians with us.’”

“Did you have any talk with any of these defendants about the purposes and objects of the social revolution, so-called?”—“I have had numerous conversations with Fielden and Parsons but I cannot remember distinctly what was said.”

“What was Parsons’ relation to the Alarm?”—“He was the editor.”

“Did you ever see a book by Most called ‘The Modern Science of Revolutionary Warfare?’ Look at that book and state whether you have seen it before.”—“I have.”

“Where?”—“I have seen it at meetings at Twelfth street Turner hall; at No. 54 West Lake street, and also at No. 106 Randolph.”

“Who had charge of the distribution of it?”—“The Chairman.”

“Of the respective meetings?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Were they sold or given away?”—“They were sold.”

“Do you know whether or not any steps were taken to distribute the Alarm?”

“There were a number of those present at that particular meeting who bought a number of copies of the Alarm, and said that they would try their best to sell them and obtain new subscribers.”

“Do you know a man named Schneider and one Thomas Brown?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Did they belong to the American group?”—“Both of them.”

“Did they belong to the armed section?”—“Both of them.”

“Where usually did the American group meet before the time you ceased your connection with it?”

“During the last few meetings it met at No. 106 Randolph street.”

“Prior to that where did it meet?”—“It had met at No. 54 West Lake street, also at No. 45 North Clark street, and on the Lake front.”

“Did you ever meet with the American group at No. 107 Fifth avenue?”—“No, sir.”

“No. 636 Milwaukee avenue was the place mentioned as the proper place for drilling. Were you ever there?”—“I was there.”

“Did they meet more than once there?”—“I don’t know.”

“Do you know what the hall is called?”—“I do.”

“What is it?”—“Thalia hall.”

“When you joined this organization did it cost you anything?”—“Ten cents.”

“How often did you pay the contributions?”—“Once a month.”

“How much?”—“Ten cents.”

“When you joined the armed section did that require any special contribution?”—“No, sir.”

“What was Fielden’s office in the group of the armed section?”

“He was Treasurer and Secretary of the organization—of the group.”

“Did he hold any office, or was he simply a private in the armed section?”

“He held no office while I attended there.”

CROSS-EXAMINED.

Cross-examined by Mr. Foster:—“Where were you before you came here?”

“I was a police officer in England eight years.”

“In uniform?”—“Part of the time.”

“How long did you do detective service there?”—“Three years.”

“At what place?”—“In Lancashire.”

“How long have you been with Pinkerton?”—“Three years.”

“What did you do before you became a detective here? Were you ever in any legitimate business?”

Mr. Grinnell—“In any other legitimate business?”

Witness—“I was storekeeper at the Windsor hotel.”

“Was that meeting at Baum’s hall a public one?”—“It was.”

“March 1 you became a member?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Were your antecedents inquired into?“—“No, sir.”

“You just paid your ten cents and were received?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Is not that your experience, that anybody who could pay 10 cents could be received?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Did you ever see anybody excluded?”—“No, sir, except reporters. I have seen reporters excluded sometimes.”

“Were not reporters generally freely admitted?”—“Not very often.”

“They had seats for them and a table?”—“I don’t know. I never saw more than one at a time there.”

“Did you ever see anybody excluded by the doorkeeper?”

“No, sir.”

“Did you ever have any ushers—anybody who got seats for strangers.”

“No, sir; but I saw some of the old members get up and give their seats when strangers came in.”

“You stated that Mr. Spies introduced resolutions in sympathy with a girl?”

“Somebody else introduced them but Spies opposed it. He said there was no use making resolutions.”

“That is, the girl had had her day in court and it was no use passing resolutions?”

“He said it would be a good opportunity for some one to take a pistol and go and shoot Wight.”

“You are sure Spies said that?”—“Yes, sir.”

“You wrote out your report immediately with all the facts fresh in your mind.”—“Yes, I wrote it that night.”

“Didn’t you write in your report [reading from it] that Keegan said that after Spies got through with his remarks?”—“Yes, but Mr. Spies said it also.”

“You are sure of that?”—“Yes, sir.”

“Will you show me the place in your report where this is said?“—“I don’t find it.”

“Then your memory is better now than it was immediately after the meeting?”

“It is considerably better now that I have refreshed it.”

“A detective’s memory gets better as the time goes on, does it?”

Mr. Grinnell objected to this kind of cross-examination.

Referring to the charges against Sergt. Patton, Mr. Foster asked: “Were the circumstances stated that the girl had been grossly abused, but his brother officers stood round and swore him out?”

“It may have been.”

“And was it not stated as a general expression that such a man ought to be shot?”

“It may have been.”