The Project Gutenberg eBook, A British Rifle Man, by George Simmons, Edited by Willoughby Verner

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A BRITISH RIFLE MAN

A

BRITISH RIFLE MAN

THE JOURNALS AND CORRESPONDENCE OF MAJOR GEORGE SIMMONS, RIFLE BRIGADE, DURING THE PENINSULAR WAR AND THE CAMPAIGN OF WATERLOO

EDITED, WITH INTRODUCTION, BY

LIEUT.-COLONEL WILLOUGHBY VERNER

LATE RIFLE BRIGADE

AUTHOR OF 'SKETCHES IN THE SOUDAN,' ETC.

WITH THREE MAPS

LONDON
A. & C. BLACK, SOHO SQUARE
1899

All rights reserved

To

GENERAL HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS

THE DUKE OF CONNAUGHT AND STRATHEARN,

COLONEL-IN-CHIEF OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE,
FORMERLY (1803-1816) STYLED THE 95TH RIFLES AND
(1800-1802) THE RIFLE CORPS,

THIS VOLUME
IN WHICH A BRITISH RIFLE MAN RECOUNTS HIS PERSONAL
KNOWLEDGE OF MANY OF THE DEEDS THAT HAVE
MADE THE NAME OF THE REGIMENT
SO FAMOUS
IS (BY PERMISSION) DEDICATED
BY HIS MOST HUMBLE AND OBEDIENT SERVANT
WILLOUGHBY VERNER,
LIEUTENANT-COLONEL, LATE OF THE RIFLE BRIGADE.

SKETCH MAPS

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

George Simmons, the writer of the following letters and journals, was born on 2nd May 1785. His parents resided at Beverley, in Yorkshire. The family consisted of nine sons and three daughters.

Since some of their names constantly recur in Simmons's letters, a brief account of them will be useful. Maud, the second son, obtained a commission in the 34th Foot in 1809. The third, Joseph, after beginning life as an attorney's clerk, joined his eldest brother's corps, the 95th Rifles, as a Volunteer in 1812, and shortly afterwards was granted a commission in it. All three brothers served in the Peninsular War. The fourth brother, John, appears to have been a source of some trouble to his parents, and eventually ran away from home and entered the Mercantile Marine. His career at sea was a brief one. His ship was very soon attacked and captured by a French privateer, and he was killed in the engagement. The daughters, especially the second, Ann, "My dear Ann" of many a letter, were the object of constant solicitude to George, and of much good advice and many anxious forebodings. These details of the family are rendered necessary by the fact that for some cause or other the eldest brother appears to have constituted himself as the adviser and protector, and to some extent the supporter, of his parents. His father seems to have been in extremely straitened circumstances, and to have lacked the capability of looking after his family. George was evidently a very steady young fellow, and, realising that his father was unable to fight the battle of life, he set to work and studied medicine with a view to being able to support his parents. In 1805, when Napoleon's threatened invasion had caused all the manhood of England to enrol themselves for the defence of the country, George was given a commission as Assistant-Surgeon in the Royal South Lincolnshire Militia, commanded by Colonel Waldo-Sibthorp, M.P. In this corps he served for nearly four years, and during that time gained the friendship of his Colonel, who subsequently assisted him in various ways.

The Lincoln Militia were quartered in Hythe Barracks in the spring of 1809, as were both Battalions of the 95th Rifles. The latter were in a very shattered condition, having only recently returned from the disastrous campaign of Coruña. In order to fill up their depleted ranks, volunteers were called for from the Militia, and every Militia officer who could induce a hundred men to join the service was granted a commission. No difficulty, however, was experienced in obtaining recruits for "The Rifles," as they were styled. Although a very "young" regiment, having been raised only nine years previously, the peculiar nature of their arm—the rifle—and their exceptionally active employment, coupled with the fact that they had already made their name at Copenhagen under Lord Nelson, at Monte Video, and only recently at Roliça, Vimeiro, and Coruña, caused many more to volunteer for service in their ranks than could be taken.

In the words of Sir William Cope, the historian of the Rifle Brigade:—

The regiment had already became so famous and popular, that not only were the deficiencies filled up in a very short time, but more than a thousand volunteers presented themselves beyond the numbers required. It was therefore resolved by the Authorities to add a 3rd Battalion to the regiment.

George Simmons, partly for reasons already given, but no doubt also owing to strong military instincts and a true British desire to "fight the French," easily induced a number of his Militiamen to volunteer for the Rifles, and thereby became entitled to a second-lieutenant's commission himself—there were no "ensigns" in the Rifles in those days.

It was at this juncture that his friend and benefactor, Colonel Sibthorp, unwilling to lose his Assistant-Surgeon, and doubting the wisdom of his going out to Portugal amid the circumstances, made use of influence at the Horse Guards to cause the issue of the commission to be delayed, trusting that, with time for reflection, George might be induced to abandon his project.

Our history opens with a letter from George in May 1809 to his parents at Beverley, announcing that he is about to embark at Dover for Portugal with the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles, and recounting Colonel Sibthorp's well-meant but inopportune efforts to retain his services in the Militia.

It will be seen that one of his chief reasons for quitting the Militia and joining the Army was "the interests of his family," to whom he hoped to be of use; he wished "to assist the boys to go to school."

There is something very touching, albeit at the same time painfully incongruous, in worthy George Simmons's unceasing efforts thus to assist his family with small remittances from his hardly-won pay as a subaltern. To us soldiers of the end of the century the idea of a young man seeking a commission with a view to supporting his parents and assisting in the education of his brothers and sisters is so supremely absurd that at first one is inclined to look upon George as a well-meaning visionary. Facts, however, disprove the suspicion. Readers of these letters will learn how throughout the six campaigns in the Peninsula between 1809 and 1814, and also during and after the Waterloo campaign, Lieutenant Simmons, although thrice very severely wounded and put to much expense, managed constantly to remit a portion of his pay, and no inconsiderable portion of good advice as well, to his parents, who were sadly in need of both.

The letters in this volume are truthful accounts, written from many a bivouac and battlefield in Portugal, Spain, France, and Belgium, of the daily experiences of a young British officer taking his part in the great wars which were the main cause of Napoleon's downfall. Only now and then, where George Simmons has alluded to family matters of an entirely private nature, has it been considered desirable to excise the latter. But his views, correct or the reverse, of the military situation of the moment, his opinions of his chiefs and contemporaries, his anxieties about the welfare of his parents, brothers, and sisters, and his unceasing efforts to aid them, all forming as they do an integral part of his daily work, thoughts, and aspirations, have been left absolutely untouched.

To readers unacquainted with military matters it may be explained that these letters and journals claim to possess additional interest, since they are written by an officer who happened to belong to a regiment which saw more fighting in the Peninsula than any other in the British Army.

The Rifles formed part of the famous Light Division which was perpetually in the forefront of the battle, and they were the only regiment of British soldiers armed with the then newly introduced weapon—the rifle—in contradistinction to Brown Bess, the smooth-bore musket carried by the remainder of the Infantry. It is true that certain corps, notably the 5th Battalion of the 60th Royal American Regiment[1] and the Duke of Brunswick Oels' Corps, also were armed with rifles; but, as these were composed of Germans and other foreigners, and their companies at times distributed among various Brigades, the same interest did not attach to them, nor were they able to take such a leading part in the fighting as the three Battalions of the 95th Rifles, who were present in whole or in part at every great battle in the long and bloody struggle in the Peninsula, save Albuera only.

But although the regiment was composed of three battalions, it never mustered more than seventeen companies in the Peninsula, and at Waterloo only fourteen were present. It took its share not only in the general actions, sieges, and stormings in common with the other regiments, but also was constantly engaged in innumerable "affairs," as they are styled, which caused an unceasing drain on its strength—a drain from which regiments belonging to other Divisions were usually exempt. The reason for this was that the Light Brigade, or, as it was subsequently styled, the Light Division, was used during the campaigns in the Peninsula as a permanent covering or outpost force. Thus in 1810 it acted as a Corps of Observation on the Coa, far in advance of the rest of the army, and took part in the affairs of Barba del Puerco, Gallegos, etc., as well as in the severe fighting at the Combat of the Coa, at which no other troops were engaged. Again, in 1811, Craufurd's Brigade formed the advanced guard in the pursuit of Massena, and hence was constantly in collision with the enemy.

These events are well described by Simmons, and it will be seen that a similar condition of affairs prevailed in the subsequent campaigns of 1812-14. The normal strength of an infantry battalion in the Peninsula was ten companies, and whilst noting that the 95th Rifles had the great advantage of having three battalions in the field, which naturally gave them a greater chance than others of seeing fighting, it is only fair to remember that there were usually only from fifteen to seventeen companies, and not thirty, as is commonly supposed.

Several regiments had two battalions serving in the Peninsula, and hence were as strong numerically as the Rifles.

The "Baker" rifle, with which the regiment was armed, was in every sense an arm of precision up to 300 yards, and at ranges of 400 and 500 yards it was possible to hit a mark with it. This alone gave the Riflemen an immense advantage over their comrades armed with smooth-bore muskets, and, as proved by the experiments at Woolwich, it was greatly superior to the rifles of Continental and American manufacture in use at the time.

This rifle was invented by Ezekiel Baker, a London gunmaker, towards the close of the last century, and was the first rifle regularly adopted into the British service. It was tried at Woolwich in February 1800 by order of the Board of Ordnance, and was selected as the arm of the Rifle Corps, then in process of being raised. On this occasion eleven shots out of twelve were placed in a six-foot circular target at 300 yards' distance. The following is a description of the Baker rifle: Weight 9½ lbs., barrel seven-grooved and 30 inches in length, rifling one quarter turn in barrel, bullet spherical, 20 to the pound, charge of powder 84 grains, flint-lock. The ball was placed in the centre of a greased leather patch and rammed home, considerable force being necessary to effect this. At first, wooden mallets were issued to the Riflemen to facilitate the process of ramming home, but these were very shortly discontinued (circa 1803). A supply of greased patches was carried in a small box with spring brass lid in the side of the butt of the rifle.

As regards rapidity of fire, the maximum rate at which perfectly steady shots could be taken was reckoned to be one per minute.

This weapon was the one used by the Rifle Corps in their maiden action at Ferrol in 1800, and at the battle of Copenhagen in 1801, where the Riflemen fought under Lord Nelson and were distributed as sharp-shooters among various British ships of the line. It was further used in South America in 1807-8 and throughout the Peninsula campaigns of 1808-14, and also at Waterloo. In 1838 it was supplanted by the percussion-lock Brunswick rifle, having thus been in use in the service for a longer period than has any rifled firearm.

The smooth-bore musket, commonly known as "Brown Bess," was a much heavier and longer weapon, throwing a spherical ball of 14 to the pound, and the uncertainty of its fire is well evidenced by the expression "as random as a common musket," which is to be met with in treatises on rifle-shooting at the beginning of the century. This weapon was in use up to the year 1853. It would not carry straight for 100 yards, and its effective range was barely double that distance. Such was "the musket, that queen of weapons," as it has been styled, with which the British infantry won all its great victories from the time of Marlborough until the conquest of the Punjaub in 1849.

That even greater results were not obtained from the rifle during the Peninsular War is due to the fact that the 95th Riflemen were naturally often compelled to conform to the general movements of large bodies of troops armed with smooth-bores. Their utility was in consequence frequently unduly circumscribed by the exigencies of the moment.

It was, however, in the affairs of outposts and advanced guards, and on occasions when individual action was both permissible and practicable, that the value of the rifle became most apparent. Thus at the action of Tarbes on March 14, 1814, the three Battalions of the 95th attacked and ousted from an exceptionally strong position a French Division. George Simmons was severely wounded in this fight. An eye-witness belonging to another corps thus describes the attack, and in words which convey a good idea of the methods of Riflemen under such circumstances: "Our Rifles were immediately sent to dislodge the French from the hills on our left, and our Battalion was ordered to support them. Nothing could exceed the manner in which the 95th set about this business. Certainly I never saw such skirmishers as the 95th, now the Rifle Brigade. They could do the work much better and with infinitely less loss than any other of our best Light troops. They possessed an individual boldness, a mutual understanding, and a quickness of eye in taking advantage of the ground, which, taken altogether, I never saw equalled. They were, in fact, as much superior to the French Voltigeurs as the latter were to our skirmishers in general. As our regiment was often employed in supporting them, I think I am fairly qualified to speak of their merits."[2]

Unquestionably the most pressing military problem of the present day is how to conduct an attack on troops armed (as all infantry are now) with magazine rifles, which, owing to their flat trajectory and extraordinary rapidity and precision of fire, are overwhelming in their effects against favourable targets up to 2000 yards.

The object-lesson most recently before us is that of the fight at Khartoum, where the absolute impossibility of masses of men advancing under modern artillery and rifle fire, although known to students of war, was practically demonstrated again to the whole world. The unusually heavy losses experienced by our troops in the fighting on the Indian Frontier in 1897 were mostly due to the able manner in which the Afridis and other tribesmen took advantage of the ground and worked in unison (as did the Riflemen at Tarbes and on many another battlefield) to assist and support one another, and thus develop their fire so as to obtain the maximum value from it with the minimum exposure and loss to themselves. The accounts by officers who served in that campaign bear a striking resemblance to some of the instances narrated by George Simmons of the methods of fighting of the Riflemen during the Peninsular War. Thus the French captain's description in Chapter V. of the attack of the British Riflemen at Vimeiro, and the heavy losses he sustained, especially in officers, is almost an exact repetition of some of the accounts of the fights in the Tirah Campaign of 1897.

Sir John Kincaid, who served throughout the Peninsular War, and was adjutant of the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles at Waterloo, says truly that his corps, as "the Light regiment of the Light Division, fired the first and last shot in almost every battle, siege, or skirmish, in which the army was engaged during the war." But he hastens to add that he considered the 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry as a part of the Rifles, "for they bore a share in everything, and although the nature of our arm generally gave us more employment in the way of skirmishing, yet, whenever it came to a pinch, independent of a suitable mixture of them among us, we had only to look behind to see a line in which we might place a degree of confidence almost equal to our hopes in heaven; nor were we ever disappointed. There never was a corps of Riflemen in the hands of such supporters."

It is notoriously dangerous to prophesy, but I am presumptuous enough to believe that the difficult problem of the conduct of attacks in the future will in all probability be solved by adopting some system based on the methods originated and carried out so successfully by the first regiment of Riflemen in the British service during the Peninsular War, of which the account of their attack on the French position at Tarbes, given by the author of Twelve Years' Military Adventure, is a good example. It is, of course, an integral part of the system that the firing line should be intelligently and effectively supported, so as to give those committed to the forefront of the battle that superb confidence, both in themselves and in their comrades behind, so admirably described by Kincaid.

Such confidence can only come from careful training and fellowship in peace time, followed by experience on active service under fire, and this is precisely what the celebrated Light Division was fortunate enough to obtain. For it was largely due to the marvellous training of the Light Brigade, consisting of these same three regiments, under Sir John Moore at Shorncliffe during the years 1803 to 1805 that the gallant Craufurd was able to achieve the splendid results he did, first with the "Light Brigade," and later with his famous "Light Division."

But there was another element which should on no account be ignored, and which unquestionably had much to do with the successful training under Moore. On the Rifle Corps being first raised in 1800, the Colonel, Coote Manningham, set to work to train the officers and men thoroughly in the duties of Riflemen in the field. In that year he issued a small book entitled Regulations for the Rifle Corps. The most noticeable point in this is the great importance he attached to what is known as the "Company system." Starting with the axiom that "In a regiment of Riflemen, each company must be formed upon the principle of being separate from, and totally independent of, another," the whole of the book is permeated with the same ideas. Thus it is laid down that transfers of officers or men from one company to another are not to be made unless absolutely necessary, since "Riflemen, being liable to act very independently of each other, and in numerous small detachments in the field, will feel the comfort and utility of their own officer, non-commissioned officers, and comrades with them, and the service will be benefited by the tie of friendship."

Captains were held responsible for the whole training of their men, and were directed "to offer premiums" for those who became good rifle shots. These were to be styled "marksmen" and to wear "a green cockade!"

The Regulations are of especial interest nowadays, since they show that as early as the first year of this century there were soldiers, such as Coote Manningham and his second-in-command, Lieutenant-Colonel the Hon. William Stewart (to whom no small share of their compilation is most justly ascribed), who realised the importance of educating the soldier of that day and also in treating him with consideration.

Thus a regimental school was founded and a library provided, periodical examinations were held of the scholars, and lectures on military subjects were given to officers and men. An excellent series of lectures given by Coote Manningham to the 95th Rifles at Shorncliffe in 1803 is still extant.[3]

From the foregoing it will be gathered that the men of the 95th had a thoroughly sound training, based on the soundest of principles—that of the Company in peace and war. This company system was introduced into the 43rd Light Infantry and into the 52nd Light Infantry about 1803. Added to this came the excellent Brigade training under Moore at Shorncliffe. It is amusing to think that the system of "Company" and "Brigade" training has only of recent years been adopted at our chief military school—Aldershot.

It was the outcome of Moore's untiring efforts, on which was engrafted the fiery spirit of Craufurd's remarkable personality, that caused the troops of the Light Division, after the death of their leader at the storming of Ciudad Rodrigo, to maintain their high character as skilful and intrepid warriors. So long as the English language is spoken will Napier's heart-stirring description of the storming of Badajoz by the Light Division endure: "How deadly the strife was at this point may be gathered from this; the 43rd and 52nd Regiments of the Light Division lost more men than the seven regiments of the Third Division engaged at the castle!... Who shall do justice to the bravery of the British soldiers? to the noble emulation of the officers? Who shall measure out the glory of ... O'Hare of the Rifles, who perished on the breach at the head of the stormers, and with him nearly all the volunteers for that desperate service? Who shall describe ... the martial fury of that desperate Rifleman who, in his resolution to win, thrust himself beneath the chained sword-blades, and there suffered the enemy to dash his head to pieces with the ends of their muskets? Who can sufficiently honour ... the resolution of Ferguson of the 43rd, who, having at Rodrigo received two deep wounds, was here, with his hurts still open, leading the stormers of his regiment, the third time a volunteer, and the third time wounded?"

It is a significant fact, and not very complimentary to the intelligence of the military authorities of the period, that the 95th were not granted several so-called "Honours" (or names of battles) to wear on their appointments, albeit they were present and took an active share in them. Notable among these is "Pyrenees," in which region the Rifles lost 15 officers and 264 non-commissioned officers and men, killed and wounded. A full account of the heavy fighting at this time will be found in George Simmons's letters. In 1849, when the long-deferred medal for the great war was at last issued, no fewer than 294 men of the Rifle Brigade were granted the clasp for "Pyrenees," although to this day the regiment does not carry the "Honour" on its appointments.

The vast difference between a corps, for technical reasons (such, for example, as the Colonel having been granted the gold medal for having commanded his regiment in a fight), being given an "Honour," and its having been present and performed gallant service at the same engagement, is best illustrated by the remarkable fact that in 1849 no fewer than three thousand four hundred and sixty-nine clasps for Peninsula battles and sieges were issued to survivors of the 95th—a far greater number than were granted to any other regiment, and over twenty-four times as many as were issued to some which to this day carry more Peninsula Honours.

As regards the compilation of this volume, the original journals are contained in three small pocket-books, in paper covers, measuring only a few inches square and weighing ¾ oz., 1 oz., and 2 oz. respectively. These were carried by George Simmons in his head-dress throughout the wars, and hence he was always able to make notes from day to day of events as they occurred. These small books form the framework, so to speak, of the more voluminous journals, which were evidently written subsequently, when more time was available for such a purpose.

The journal which is now published is chiefly taken from the latter, but all dates, etc., have been verified from the smaller books. Concurrently with the journal, a series of letters to his parents from the seat of war, covering the whole period between May 1809 and September 1815, are here reproduced without alteration, save and except in the orthography of proper names and of Spanish and French towns, etc.

When possible, the signature of officers concerned, as given in the "Pay Lists and Muster Rolls" at the Record Office, has been adopted in rendering their names. Certain Spanish names, the spelling of which, although notoriously wrong, has been consecrated by usage, have been retained in the form most familiar to Englishmen.

No little difficulty was experienced in locating many of the places mentioned by Simmons, whose rendering of Spanish names was at times very erratic. This, however, is excusable when it is remembered that the whole British army, from the Duke downwards, habitually ignored the most elementary rules of orthography in the Spanish language. Sir William Napier himself was one of the greatest offenders in this way. To this day about half a dozen of the names of great battles in Spain and Portugal worn as "Honours" by regiments on their Colours are incorrectly spelt!

No two atlases agree as to Spanish spelling, but I was fortunate in obtaining a very fair Spanish map, entitled "Mapa Civil y Militar de España y Portugal," by Dauty and Malo, published in 1857, which I have taken as the basis of the rough sketch maps which illustrate these pages.

Even this, however, is at places difficult to follow nowadays, owing to changes in names of places. Thus the town at the junction of the rivers Tagus and Zezere known as "Punhete" in 1809, and shown as such in 1857, is marked as "Constançia" in more modern atlases.

A very clear map of the Peninsula, published in 1810 in London (which no doubt was largely used during the subsequent campaigns), is so utterly at variance with this Spanish map, not only in the spelling of names, but also in the position of towns and the course of rivers, that it is practically useless.

A word of explanation as to the title. When the Corps was first raised, Riflemen—being at the time a novelty—were styled Rifle Men. In one of the earliest "Clothing Warrants" of the regiment they are described as "the Regiment of Rifle Men."

George Simmons in his journals and letters adopted this form of spelling, and hence it has been retained as characteristic of the fashion of that period.

Willoughby Verner,
Lieut.-Colonel.

Royal Military College,
Sandhurst, March 1899.

A British Rifle Man

COMMENCEMENT OF THE PENINSULAR WAR
CAMPAIGN OF 1808

The Peninsular War commenced in the year 1808, on 1st August of which year Major-General Sir Arthur Wellesley disembarked at Mondego Bay and marched on Lisbon, at that time occupied by a French army under Marshal Junot. The latter sent General Laborde with a Division to oppose Wellesley's advance, and on 15th August the first skirmish took place at Obidos. On this occasion the 95th Rifles had an officer killed (Lieut. Bunbury), the first British officer who fell in the Peninsular War. On 17th August, Wellesley defeated Laborde at the battle of Roliça, and four days later he met and defeated Junot at the battle of Vimeiro. Then followed the Convention of Cintra, under the terms of which Junot was permitted to embark his army of 25,000 men at Lisbon and the French evacuated Portugal.

The British Government now sent out strong reinforcements to the Peninsula, and appointed Sir John Moore to the chief command. Moore's forces concentrated in the vicinity of Salamanca, and then advanced to engage Soult, who was holding the line of the Carrion river. Meanwhile the Spanish armies had been defeated at all points, and the French army, commanded by Napoleon in person and numbering over 100,000 men, was set at liberty to attack Moore, whose forces only amounted to 25,000 men. In spite of these appalling odds, Moore conducted an admirable retreat, and at Rueda, Sahagun, Benavente, and Mayorga his cavalry obtained brilliant successes over the French.

On 1st January 1809 Napoleon entered Astorga, only to find that he was too late to destroy the English army, which had evaded his blow and was in retreat on Vigo and Coruña. Leaving Soult to continue the pursuit, the Emperor now returned to France.

Moore carried out his retirement in a masterly manner; at Caçabelos, Constantin, and Lugo he checked his pursuers and inflicted heavy losses on their advancing columns. The retreat terminated with the battle of Coruña, fought on 16th January 1809, when the gallant Moore was killed, but not before he had heavily defeated the French and thus secured the embarkation of his forces.

CAMPAIGN OF 1809

The French army in Spain was ordered by Napoleon to reoccupy Portugal, and Marshal Soult was directed to march, via Oporto, on Lisbon, Marshal Ney to hold Galicia, and Marshal Victor to invade Portugal south of the Tagus.

The British Government sent out Sir Arthur Wellesley to Portugal with strong reinforcements. Wellesley marched on Oporto and seized the passage of the Douro on 12th May, and drove Soult back into Galicia. Victor meanwhile had reached Talavera de la Reyna on the Tagus, and was supported by King Joseph and Marshal Jourdan.

Wellesley now advanced and joined the Spanish General Cuesta near Talavera. Victor thereupon fell back, and, Cuesta following him up alone, was severely handled by King Joseph and driven back behind the Alberche river.

The French army, under King Joseph with Jourdan and Victor, now advanced and crossed the Alberche, and, after several sharp combats, the battle of Talavera was fought on 28th July. After a desperate struggle, the French were finally driven back at all points, and early on the following morning retired across the Alberche.

On the same day, the Light Division under General Craufurd, consisting of the 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry and the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles, reached the field and immediately took up the outposts. This Division, after a march of 20 miles, was in bivouac at Malpartida, when Craufurd received a report that the British were hard pressed at Talavera. He at once started "with a resolution not to halt until he reached the field of battle.... The troops pressed on with impetuous speed, and, leaving only seventeen stragglers behind, in twenty-six hours crossed the field of battle, a strong compact body, having during that time marched 62 English miles in the hottest season of the year, each man carrying from fifty to sixty pounds weight."[4]

Soult being joined by Ney, Mortier, and Kellermann, now moved against Wellesley's line of communications, and the latter, leaving Cuesta to watch King Joseph on the Alberche, marched to oppose him. Cuesta, however, abandoned his post and fell back on Wellesley, closely pursued by Victor. At the same time the English General learned that Soult, having received reinforcements, had now a force of over 53,000 as against his 17,000 British troops; and he was in consequence forced to recross the Tagus at Puente del Arzobispo and retire on Portugal.

Thus ended the campaign of 1809, during which the British losses amounted to over 3500; and, owing to the hopeless conduct of both the Spanish Government and the Spanish generals, all the advantages which should have accrued to the British, from the successful operations on the Douro in May and the victory of Talavera in July, were rendered nugatory, and the French, in the words of Napier, were left with "all the credit of the campaign."

CHAPTER I

Letter No. I

To his Parents, from Hythe and Dover, dated 21st May 1809

Announces the embarkation of the 1st Battalion 95th Rifles—Colonel Sibthorp endeavours to dissuade him from going out, but fails.

Journal—25th May-17th July 1809

Embarkation at Dover, the voyage out, landing at Lisbon—The Rifles are posted to Major-General Craufurd's Brigade, and march to join Sir Arthur Wellesley, who is moving against Marshal Victor on the line of the Tagus—Halt at Castello Branco.

Letter No. II

To his Parents, from Castello Branco, dated 18th July 1809

Describes landing at Lisbon—His opinion of Portuguese manners and morals—Account of the advance and nature of the country traversed—Conduct of the French to the Portuguese.

Letter No. I

Hythe, 21st May 1809.

My dear Parents—The long-wished-for day has come at last. I am this morning marching, with as fine a body of men as ever left England, for Dover, where we embark. I believe a very great army will accompany us. Our destination is a profound secret, and as I am not inquisitive, it gives me little concern; I daresay I shall soon enough see some diversion. The rumour goes, Austria or Portugal. Our men are in very high spirits, and we have a most excellent band of music and thirty bugle-horns, which through every country village strikes up the old tune, "Over the hills and far away." This, my dear parents, is the happiest moment of my life; and I hope, if I come where there is an opportunity of showing courage, your son will not disgrace the name of a British soldier.

Col. Sibthorp arrived here the other day, and directly sent to speak to me. I waited upon him, and told him it was impossible for me to recall what I had stated to the men who had done me the honour of preferring to be with me and the regiment I was pleased to sanction, to any others. When he found me inflexible, he then felt extremely hurt at frustrating my views; and, to make up for putting a stop to me being gazetted, he immediately wrote to the Commander-in-Chief and begged to recommend me as a very deserving young man, and stated exactly the reasons which induced him to endeavour to stop me entering the Line; he also hoped he would take into consideration the manner I had acted in procuring, entirely through my own exertions, the number of men for His Majesty's service, and have my commission antedated. He said I deserved great credit for my resolution in not being dissuaded from my project, as I had determined to follow the profession of a soldier; and my conduct in his regiment hurt him exceedingly to lose me, but he hoped I should meet with friends wherever I went, and his friendship he should always be proud of showing me at all times. He sent for me to breakfast with him, and before I came away presented me with twenty-five guineas, which just came at a time when I should have been obliged to borrow to equip myself for service. The Colonel recommended me very strongly to the notice of Colonel Beckwith, whom I now have the honour to serve under, and from whom I have received every mark of esteem, with a promise to do me every kindness in his power. I felt some anxiety at leaving my brother officers, who vied with each other in showing their friendship and kindness on all occasions. My Captain gave me an elegant sabre, and another gave me a large cloak—Rifle Men being generally obliged to sleep in the fields (on service), and their cloaks are their beds upon all occasions. I never shall experience more friendship from any set of men. Some will say, pray why do you leave them when you can be so happy (this was my late Colonel's observation), but my reasons I cannot explain to every one. I am confident there would have been little chance of promoting the interests of my family as I was situated; and as a soldier, with perseverance, I must in time have promotion, which will soon enable me to be of use to my family; and at all times it will be my greatest pleasure and pride to take care that the boys go regularly to a good school, and I have no doubt of seeing them one day men of some experience through my interposition.

I have left two large boxes in the stores of the 1st Battalion 95th Regiment at Hythe Barracks. One, which I brought out of Yorkshire with me, is filled with clothes and linen; the other with my bed and bedstead. If I should not return to England again, I think it would be worth your while to have them home, as they would pay the carriage and they could come by sea.

You would see by the newspapers, if you did not hear from me, you may always know where the Regiment was stationed. I deem it necessary to give this notice for fear of mistakes, as, if I happened to be popped off, in my last moments it would be a comfort to me to think I had left you all I was in possession of. Should you not procure my boxes by that means, write to Captain Platt of the Royal South Lincoln Regiment of Militia, there stationed, and you will at all times be enabled to find out; he will soon forward them to you. Do not laugh at my giving such strict injunctions, as I like to do everything concerning myself methodically, and then I have nothing to fear.

Maud,[5] I daresay, will be in this Expedition; if not it may be some time before we meet. As most likely you will have his address, write and tell him I am gone. As soon as I arrive at our destination I shall take the earliest opportunity of letting you have the particular occurrences which may befall me. Until then, farewell.

I have in the Navy a friend who, I expect, will soon be made Captain; and have, if that takes place, a chance to procure a berth for my brothers. Make them good scholars, I have not the least doubt of soon taking them off your hands. I hope you will obey this command, and read this part to Joseph and John, which, if they wish one day to shine in the world, they will now strive to pay every attention.

I have left in my box some letters from Colonel Sibthorp, which I shall feel pleasure another day to read to you, as it is impossible to express the fatherly and friendly manner he has at all times condescended to address me with. Being in such a hurry to embark, it is with some difficulty I have time to address you at all, and I had almost forgotten to mention my dear Ann, who, I hope, will forgive me, and not attribute it to my neglect. My blessing to the children; and, if it pleases God to spare my life, I hope on my return to see you all. My best wishes to uncle, aunt, and friends.—I am affectionately yours,

George Simmons.

Dover, May 25th

Do not mention my letters, I beg of you. It was a most beautiful sight to see us embark, and the lovely creatures cheering the men as they passed.

Journal—25th May-15th July 1809

1809 May 25th

The 1st Battalion 95th Regiment had been under orders to embark at a moment's notice for some days. The order arrived last night, and at two o'clock this morning the Battalion was formed in the Barrack Square, consisting of 1000 as fine young fellows as were ever collected to fight their country's battles. For my part, my heart was as light as a feather when we marched off; and, if I may judge from appearances, every person had the same feelings. We entered Dover about six o'clock and marched through it. The windows were crowded with inhabitants; some greeted us, but in general the women seemed sorry to see us depart, knowing well that numbers must never return to their native land again.

The Battalion embarked in three transports, Fortune, Malabar, and Laurel, and sailed immediately for the Downs, where we came to anchor. The 1st Battalion 43rd and 52nd Light Infantry joined us here, which with ourselves formed a Light Brigade, under the command of Major-General Robert Craufurd, who took post on board the Nymph frigate, 44 guns, commanded by the Honourable Captain Percy, and also the Kangaroo sloop of war under his command. Foul winds and sometimes very stormy until 3rd June.

The Commodore hoisted the signal for sailing at daylight. The fleet got under weigh towards evening and stood down the Channel.

1809 June 4th

Saw the Isle of Wight at daylight; we neared it and anchored at St. Helens.

5th

The weather very squally. The fleet weighed and moved close to Cowes, where we were detained by contrary winds for six days.

11th

The wind seeming to become favourable, the fleet was put once more into motion, but proving a false alarm, we brought up opposite Yarmouth, and were again detained with foul winds until the 18th.

18th

Yesterday a boat upset coming to our ship, the Fortune, from the Commodore's, and a young midshipman and one sailor met with a watery grave. The midshipman was coming to invite Captain Pakenham to dinner. Our fleet sailed now in good earnest with a fair wind, passed the Needles, and bid adieu to the shores of Old England.

24th

Saw land ahead at daybreak, which was found to be Cabo Prior, near Coruña in Spain; weathered Cape Finisterre. At noon the Commodore chased a strange sail; it proved to be a Spanish brig, and being a friend she was allowed to proceed.

25th

Sailed along the coast of Portugal, passed the mouth of the Douro at 4 P.M.

26th

The Kangaroo took her departure for England.

27th

Passed through the inner passage of the Berlengas, having previously taken on board a Portuguese pilot. The Berlengas are a cluster of small rocky islands; on the largest of them the Portuguese have established a battery.

28th

Saw the Rock of Lisbon at daybreak. It is a bold mountain, whose sombre front overhangs the sea. About noon we entered the Tagus, and our fleet came to anchor close to Lisbon, which from the sea appeared a most magnificent place indeed. On landing the charm ceased, as the streets are exceedingly filthy. The quays are built of stone, and very good along the river.

The Citadel is on a commanding eminence in the town, from whence in every direction you may observe churches, monasteries, convents, etc. The most magnificent church is that of S. Roche. The French, under Junot, robbed this church of many valuables, but the priests were fortunate enough to save some things by hiding them from the grasp of these rapacious plunderers. We remained on board for four days waiting for orders.

A number of Portuguese and transport boats came alongside each ship for the purpose of conveying us up the Tagus. The tide began to flow about midnight; we entered the boats and proceeded up the river. The boats were crowded with men and we rowed on slowly up the river, anxious for the approach of day, which at last arrived. The men were tugging at the oars all day, and occasionally the boats ran upon banks of sand.

1809 July 3rd

At dusk we arrived at the village of Vallada, where we halted, and for the first time in my life I was treated with a bivouac. Hungry, wet, and cold, and without any covering, we lay down by the side of the river. I put one hand in my pocket and the other in my bosom, and lay shivering and thinking of the glorious life of a soldier until I fell fast asleep.

4th

We fell in at daylight. I found the dew had wet me through, but the sun soon made his appearance and dried me.

Marched into the town of Santarem, and halted two days until the whole of the Brigade and the baggage animals purchased in Lisbon arrived. The town is surrounded with hills that are covered with innumerable olive-trees, a great source of wealth to the inhabitants. The place has a most respectable appearance, the ground very fertile, and plenty of wine, grapes, oranges, and vegetables of every description in the greatest abundance. I made my way immediately with many hungry fellows to a bodéga. Breakfast was instantly produced, but the quantity of each article did not at all agree with our ideas of a breakfast, so that we were continually calling out for more of this thing and the other in broken Portuguese, which bothered the landlord so much that he took to his heels and we saw no more of him. I got a billet upon a blacksmith, and found his family very kind. They brought me fruit, wine, and cakes, but, as I do not understand one word of the language properly, everything was done by signs.

5th

I went on guard as supernumerary with Lieutenant Macleod at a convent. At night I had lain down on a marble slab near the men, when a monk requested me to rise and follow him. He led me upstairs and into a large apartment, where a number of his brotherhood were assembled, and soon had the table filled with rich food, plenty of fruits, and good wines in abundance. I passed a few hours very agreeably with these hospitable monks, who all appeared, from their roundity of body, to pay more attention to feeding than praying.

7th

This morning at daylight I left the hospitable blacksmith, who filled my calabash with wine and my haversack with food. I slung these across my shoulder and marched to Golegão, which is a small town on the banks of the Tagus.

8th

Marched to Punhete and Tancos. The former town stands on the junction of the Zezere and Tagus, and the latter on the Tagus. In the river is an island with an old castle in ruins named Almorel; I paid it a visit.

A bridge of boats enabled us to pass the Zezere near Punhete.

9th

A short sultry march brought us to Abrantes, which being an hospital station, there was no room for us in the town. We crossed the river over a bridge of boats, and took up our bivouac.

Abrantes is a town of some importance, with a citadel and fortifications round it. Marshal Junot took his title as Duke of Abrantes from it.

11th

Marched to Gavião; weather exceedingly hot.

12th

Marched over an uninteresting and hilly country to Niza, which has a wall all round it in ruins, and the remains of an old Moorish castle in tolerable preservation. One observes on entering the town that several storks have built their nests near the gateway, which the inhabitants seem to be very careful of preserving, as they say that good luck attends those who are fortunate enough to be honoured by these birds building their nests in their grounds or upon their houses.

13th

Marched to Villa Velha, and crossed the Tagus over a bridge of boats, and bivouacked upon the opposite bank. The scenery at this place is very bold and romantic indeed, particularly by the pass. The country round has a barren appearance, except that portion covered with the gum cistus. The village is poor and miserable enough.

14th

Marched to Sarnadas, a miserable place.

15th

Marched to Castello Branco; halted two days in this town, which has many good houses in it. The Bishop's house and gardens are superior to any other. The small river Ocreza runs close to the town.

Letter No. II

Castello Branco, 18th July 1809.

My dear Parents—After experiencing a very favourable voyage, we came in sight of Lisbon on the 27th of June, and cast anchor before the town on the 28th. We received orders not to disembark the troops immediately. I therefore went on shore with a party of our officers. I must confess I felt much disappointed with the place, as a stranger seeing the town at a distance would conceive it a beautiful city; but on a nearer view you find out all its imperfections. Elegantly-built houses, without windows or curtains for them, and as dirty as possible; some few exceptions to this, I allow. The people in general are dirty in the extreme, their houses never whitewashed, and, stink worse than an English pig-sty. All the nastiness is thrown out of windows in the evening, and, having no scavengers to sweep the streets, you may judge the state of them in some measure; and in hot weather it is very offensive to the nose of an Englishman. I went to see several churches, which afforded me some amusement and excited my pity, to see a people, through ignorance and gross superstition, duped by a set of worthless priests under the plea of religion. I dined at an English hotel, and afterwards went to the opera. The dancing was too indelicate to give pleasure; at least I felt it so, and blessed my stars I was an Englishman. The Portuguese ladies seemed to enjoy the performance with great rapture, which must make a Briton turn from them with disgust, and awake in the soul those refined sentiments for delicacy and virtue which characterise our British dames; and at all public entertainments a man possessing any degree of feeling for the honour of the sex, must be disgusted with such immodest performances.

As I have very few moments to spare, I must endeavour to dedicate all my leisure time to recruiting myself for the next day's march. On the 30th of June our Regiment, the 43rd and 52nd, disembarked into flat-bottomed boats about nine o'clock in the evening and sailed up the Tagus. As the wind was not very favourable, we were obliged to be continually rowing; I frequently took a spell with them. We landed at Vallada, about 90 miles from Lisbon, on the evening of the 1st of July, and directly formed in divisions. Marched about 10 miles up the country; halted upon a common; each man took his greatcoat and contentedly lay down; and for the first time in my life I slept very comfortably upon the ground. After sleeping three hours, the bugles sounded. We again commenced our march to Santarem, a large town situated in the interior of Portugal. I was tired, but curiosity led me all over the town, and, wandering from one place to another, I found myself in a nunnery. The girls said I was a Portuguese, as I was very much tanned by the sun (the officers joke me frequently upon the same subject). After amusing myself at the gratings with the nuns, and receiving some little presents, I left them and went to a convent of friars. I supped with the grand priest; several monks were also present. I then went to the play, came home to my lodgings about half-past eleven o'clock, lay down till half-past one, and was upon the road marching at two. We continue marching every day in this manner, halting occasionally for half an hour, so that we manage to get to our destined place about eleven o'clock in the forenoon, which is generally upon a piece of ground shaded with trees. There we rest till one or two the next morning and start as before. I never enjoyed better health, and no difficulty appears a hardship; my feet never blister, and I am always ready to commence the march with the first, and sleep as well upon the ground with a stone for my pillow as upon a bed of down. The weather is intolerably hot, and some men have died from the heat of the sun when marching. Our men, generally speaking, are healthy.

This country in some parts which we have passed through abounds with grapes, peaches, oranges, lemons, and fruits of every kind. The country we are at present in yields very little, being a continued series of immense mountains, which are difficult in ascending. We are often troubled to procure water; I always make a practice of carrying a supply for myself, also provisions in my haversack for two or three days' support, so am very seldom at a loss. Wine is very cheap, but bad.

The French have carried away or eaten up all before them, and we often pass through villages entirely deserted by the poor unfortunate people. Sights of this kind will become habitual as we enter Spain; from the rapid progress we make, in a few days we shall pass the frontiers of Portugal.

The French in some towns in Spain have murdered numbers of the inhabitants, and plundered the rest of every movable that was worth their taking—in short, their conduct has been barbarous in the extreme. Sir Arthur Wellesley, we hear, is rapidly advancing towards Madrid, and we are endeavouring to join him as soon as possible. It will be a little time before we have a general engagement unless the French make an advance and meet us. At present their army occupies a very strong position about forty miles from Madrid and in our line of march. It is supposed we shall give them battle as soon as we come up with them. The army has great confidence in Sir Arthur Wellesley, and are exceedingly anxious for the day of battle. I am a young soldier, but hope I shall do my duty when put to the trial. My Colonel has ever treated me with every mark of respect, and has put me into a company under the patronage of an old warrior, whose bravery has often been shown to the regiment. I have not had an opportunity of writing to Maud. I expect he will soon be here. I hope he has managed to surmount all the difficulties he had to encounter. A few years will put us, I hope, above a repetition of the same, as, if I live, we will be together. Endeavour to give the boys at home a liberal education, and I can soon provide for them as gentlemen.

My love to my dear mother. I hope she will not make herself unhappy on my account. If I am fortunate in the service I have embarked in, my greatest earthly pleasure will be to let my family reap the benefits. I only pray my father will strain every nerve to educate them, and the rest, leave to me. My love to my dear sisters Ann and Betsy. I hope Ann is now a comfort to her mother. I do not forget her. Should I return, I will endeavour to come and spend a few months with you. My respects to Uncle and Aunt and friends.—I remain, with every good wish, your dutiful son,

Geo. Simmons.

As I am continually on the move I cannot inform you where to direct for me, but if you have nothing of moment to impart you need not write; or should you write, direct as follows: Lt. Simmons, 1st Batt. 95th or Rifle Regiment, Spain or elsewhere. I particularly charge my father not to expose my letters to any one.

CHAPTER II

Journal—18th July-10th December 1809

Advance of the Light Division—The forced march on Talavera—Arrival on the field of Talavera—Marshal Cuesta abandons his position at Talavera, and at same time Marshal Soult threatens the British line of retreat—Sir Arthur Wellesley is forced to retire—The retreat to Portugal—Simmons loses General Craufurd's private canteen cart—Wrath of General Craufurd—Cantoned at Campo Mayor—Simmons gets typhus fever—Great sickness amongst British troops.

Letter No. III

To his Parents, from Campo Mayor, dated September 1809

The forced march on Talavera—Scene on the battlefield—French dead and French prisoners—Kindness of French to English prisoners—Return to Portugal—Meeting with brother Maud—Forecasts as to his future military career—Messages to his family.

Letter No. IV

To his Parents, from Campo Mayor, dated 29th October 1809

Life in cantonments—Movements of the French—Vanity and incapacity of the Spanish officers—Opinion of the army of Lord Wellington—A letter from brother Maud—Advice to his parents and messages to his sister.

Journal—11th-31st December 1809

The Light Division ordered to form a Corps of Observation on the Coa—March from Campo Mayor to Coimbra en route for the Coa.

Journal—18th July-10th December 1809

1809 July 18th

Marched to Ladocir.

19th

Marched to Zibreira, a tolerable village close to the Spanish frontier. Country hilly.

20th

Entered Spain by crossing the river Herjas, which takes its name from the Castle of Herjas; it runs close to the walls, and is the boundary between Spain and Portugal for some considerable distance. Halted at Zarza la Mayor.

21st

Moraleja.

22nd

Marched to Coria, which is a nice little city surrounded by a wall, and stands upon a plain. The river Alagon runs close to it. The cathedral is a fine building. I went into it and heard some sacred music played upon the organ by a blind man. The people since we entered Spain are much cleaner in their persons and houses than the Portuguese, but the Portuguese are more hospitable and attentive to our wants.

24th

Marched to Galisteo, a town strongly situated and walled all round, upon the Alagon.

25th

Marched to Malpartida and saw at a distance the Gata mountains with their summits covered with snow.

26th

Marched to the river Tietar and crossed by a bridge of boats; the day exceedingly hot and the column much fatigued. Arrived at Venta de Bazagona.

27th

Marched to Navalmoral. Heat very oppressive.

28th

Marched very early to the town of Calzada, where an express arrived from Sir Arthur Wellesley directing the Brigade to make the least possible delay in joining the army. The Brigade, after a short rest, marched to Oropesa, where it halted four hours to cook, having marched under a scorching sun. We again commenced the march all night in very deep and sandy roads, and arrived early upon the field of battle at Talavera de la Reyna this morning,|29th| completing thirty miles during the night, having marched sixty-two English miles in twenty-six hours.[6] The Brigade was aware that the British army was engaged with the enemy. Every one amongst us was anxious to participate if possible in the glorious cause, but we only arrived in time enough to see the dead and the wounded, which was a novel sight to me, and affected me exceedingly. I almost wished myself well out of the scrape I had voluntarily entered into, but we had little time to reflect, as the Brigade was ordered to take up the chain of advance posts on the Alberche, which runs into the Tagus above Talavera. On the 27th the British and Spanish armies in position were attacked partially, but the French were obliged to retire back to their position. The Duke de Belluno, Marshal Victor, made a general attack with all his forces this morning (28th) upon the British, but Sir Arthur Wellesley repulsed the enemy at all points. King Joseph was with the French. The Spaniards under General Cuesta occupied the right of the position and the enclosures, but Johnny knew very well if he could dislodge John Bull, the Spaniards would soon leave him in possession of the field. During this sanguinary action numbers of the soldiers fell wounded amongst the long grass and fields of standing corn, which was set on fire from the bursting of shells. Many of these men were frightfully burnt, not being able to move away, and others literally burnt to death.

30th

We were employed all this day in collecting the dead bodies and putting them into large heaps mixed with faggots and burning them. The stench from so many dead bodies was volatile and offensive beyond conception, as the heat of the weather was very great. Some little firing took place between the outposts.

31st

Continued burning the dead as before. Talavera is a good-sized town upon the right bank of the Tagus, over which there is a well-built stone bridge. It is about fourteen leagues from Madrid.

In consequence of the Light Brigade having arrived, the enemy have not shown a disposition to repeat their attack.

1809 August 1st

At daybreak the enemy's piquets were gone, leaving a number of fires to deceive us. Patrols crossed the Alberche.

3rd

The British army fell back to Oropesa, as the Spanish general, Cuesta, had undertaken to keep the French in check at Talavera whilst Sir Arthur Wellesley made this movement to bring Marshal Soult to action, who had passed the Sierra de Gata, and had arrived at Plasencia with an army under his command.

4th

The Spanish general was menaced with an attack by Marshal Victor; the Spaniard, butt uppermost—that is, his musket carried in the opposite way from other folk's—making the best of his way in the most irregular and unsoldier-like manner out of the reach of the French army. Our astonishment and vexation were beyond conception, knowing that the sick and wounded Englishmen had fallen (through the cowardice of the Spaniards) into the hands of the enemy, and also that our army was now placed in a most critical situation between the two French armies. The only retreat open was by the bridge at Puente del Arzobispo; we passed it; the advanced guard of Soult's army, consisting of cavalry, was close to it.

The bridge was secured by a body of infantry, and we had now the river between us. The British army at the battle of Talavera numbered about 20,000, and lost 6000 killed, wounded, and prisoners. The French, who were 45,000 strong, had 10,000 killed, wounded, and prisoners, and lost twenty pieces of cannon. The Spanish army of about 30,000 lost nothing of consequence sufficient to comment upon.

The French army was supplied by the villagers with a number of articles, while our army was nearly starving, although there was no want of money in our camp, but our Spanish friends infested every road for miles and robbed the peasantry who were bringing bread and vegetables to us for sale, so that they were completely prevented from rendering us any assistance. I rode several miles from our camp in search of bread, and luckily bought some from a peasant who had plenty hidden in his house, and would have gladly brought to our camp but durst not, from the dread of being robbed by the Spanish soldiers. Colonel Donkin's Brigade, consisting of the 45th, 87th, 88th, and five companies of the 60th (5th Battalion) and our Brigade, formed the 3rd Division under Brig.-General Craufurd.

5th

Marched in the middle of the night, and continued marching for fourteen hours, the weather very hot and no water to be obtained, as the rivulets in our course were all dried up. The soldiers were very much fatigued. Bivouacked on a barren hill near no human habitation.

6th

A very tiresome march over a wild country to the village of Casas del Puerto and Romangordo. Colonel Donkin's Brigade in bivouac at the former, and ours at or near the latter village, posting piquets on the bank of the Tagus and at the broken bridge of Almaraz. Marshal Soult's advanced posts were on the opposite bank of the river. Our Brigade moved every evening after sunset near the river, and there remained all night with our arms ready in case the enemy should attempt to ford the river.

This was a nasty damp place, and the exhalations from the vegetable matter which was corrupting from the heat of the sun, and the half-dried swamps that were swarming with vermin, laid the foundation of disease amongst our men. We called the place we occupied by day Dough boy Hill; a more appropriate name for it would have been Starvation Hill, as a small quantity of goat's flesh and a little coarse pea-flour was all we obtained here daily. The flour was made up into little cakes by each individual and put upon a thin stone over a fire until sufficiently done.

20th

We marched from this abominable place of starvation and misery at midnight, passed through Deleitosa, and, some distance farther, bivouacked in a large forest of cork trees and on the banks of the Rio del Monte. The men in making fires, set fire to the long grass, which grows luxuriantly, and, from the dryness of the season, is a thing almost impossible to prevent. We fell in, in a great hurry. Some part of the forest trees took fire also, but the ground was cleared of the grass near us, and the danger ceased.

21st

At sunset we moved a short distance and bivouacked.

22nd

Marched over a plain country to near La Matilla. Bivouacked on the banks of the river Almonte. At a short distance passed Truxillo, celebrated as the birthplace of Pizarro.

23rd

Marched to Caceres. Halted in an olive grove until the evening, and then moved a short distance for the night. This place has the appearance of being wealthy. The inhabitants were more kind to the soldiers as we passed than I had witnessed since my arrival in Spain, the women offering bread and milk to them. We observed several large convents. One in particular attracted our notice, being perched on the top of a high rock.

24th

Marched to Arroyo del Puerco, the day being very hot indeed and the men exceedingly fatigued. Rested in the shade under the trees during the meridian heat; moved two leagues in the evening and bivouacked.

25th

Marched to Salorino, a very hot and harassing day's toil.

26th

Marched to Valencia de Alcantara, which is a frontier town (fortified as far as the citadel goes) and walled round.

27th

Halted.

28th

The Division moved to the banks of a river named Sever, and bivouacked.

29th

Passed the frontier between Spain and Portugal. General Craufurd put the provost-marshal under arrest and ordered him to be marched a prisoner with the provost guard. It was my duty on this occasion to be put in charge of this guard. I had several delinquents also in charge. I was ordered to pick up all stragglers and to take care that no baggage was left by me upon the road. The only baggage I found was the General's light cart filled with wine and eatables. I tried every means to make the mules draw this load, but without effect. A soldier of my party volunteered to mount the first mule, and with the slings of the rifles we laid on handsomely on both sides of the stubborn animals. We at last started them, but they set off with the greatest fury, away went my rifleman, and luckily he was not hurt. The road happened to be very steep, so that the animals could not avoid increasing their pace every moment. The cart was dashed to pieces, and the mules were also sadly injured. We passed a curious town situated on a very high rocky hill, called Marvão. It is the Portuguese barrier, and lies opposite Valencia de Alcantara. On entering Castello de Vide I proceeded first to lodge the prisoners in a secure place, and then to inform the General how well I had endeavoured to perform his orders. He had a party at dinner, and was expecting his light cart every moment with its contents in the best possible order. When I related the sad catastrophe he became nearly furious, and directed me to march up the prisoners to their respective regiments, to obtain drummers, and in the front of each regiment to flog the culprits—in fact, to become a provost-marshal for the occasion. I was highly indignant at such usage for having exerted myself zealously to serve him. I went with my party to Colonel Beckwith, and made him acquainted with the instructions I had received from the General. He admonished the stragglers for having left the line of march, and told them to go and join their regiments and not transgress again. He took the responsibility off my shoulders, and I went to my corps. I heard no more of this business, but this General Officer never forgave me.

We were bivouacked among large chestnut trees for three days, the weather extremely sultry; we then were indulged with quarters in the town for five days.

1809 Sept. 7th

The Division marched to Portalegre, in Alentejo. The town is large and populous. It has several convents in it. I visited them, but did not find the nuns either beautiful or great devotees; they seemed to like a good joke and nonsense as well as most folks. The regiments under General Lightburn passed us to join the army, viz. 2nd Battalion 5th Foot, 1st Battalion 11th, 2nd Battalion 34th, 39th, 42nd and 57th. My brother visited me here. I gave him my watch. He slept at my quarters.

10th

Marched to Arronches, a walled town near the rivers Alegrete and Caya.

11th

Marched into Campo Mayor, and remained there three months. Our General treated us occasionally with a field day. Numbers of the finest men in the Division were carried off by disease, typhus fever being alarmingly prevalent through the greater part of the British army. Headquarters at Badajoz. The cavalry in advance at Merida and Albuquerque. Estremoz and adjacent towns and villages were filled with our troops.

Sept.-Dec. 10th

The river Guadiana passes for a great way through a flat country, whose banks in the rainy season are overflowed; consequently when the river diminishes from dryness and the heat of the weather, its banks become impregnated with myriads of vermin and also with vegetable matter in a state of putrefaction. In every stagnant pool these exhalations poison the surrounding atmosphere with pestilential vapours. The people of the country leave it for some months at this season, and a common observation among them is that strangers who come here at this season seldom leave it again, i.e. they die. The town of Campo Mayor is fortified, and has also a citadel. It stands on a plain abounding with corn. At about the distance of a league a small river named the Caya flows. This river forms the boundary line between the two countries. Campo Mayor was besieged by the Spaniards in 1801, and fell in nineteen days. I got a bad typhus fever here, and the priest wanted to confess me and save me from everlasting perdition! I recovered very slowly until the order for leaving this part of the country arrived. In a few days, even on the line of march, I became well. My brother, in the 34th Regiment, also suffered from the effects of this contagion.

Badajoz is the frontier Spanish fortification, and is of much more importance, being very strong and upon the left bank of the Guadiana, over which is a fine strong Roman bridge in good preservation, 700 paces long and 14 wide. This place is the capital of Estremadura, and a Bishop's See. Fort San Christoval is an outwork upon the right bank of the river, and commands the town. Elvas is a fortified town of Portugal, of considerable importance, and about four leagues from Badajoz. It is placed upon a rising piece of ground about a league from the Guadiana, and has two outworks to support the town. Fort de Lippe is placed upon a high hill and justly called a masterpiece in fortification. The other fort, Santa Lucia, stands upon a smaller hill, and communicates with the town by a covered way. Elvas is supplied with water by an aqueduct. The water is brought a considerable distance. If the place was invested regularly the aqueduct might easily be destroyed, which would be a most serious inconvenience to the inhabitants. The general hospital was at this place. Above 4000 British soldiers were buried here during our stay in cantonments.

Albuquerque is a walled town of Spain, about three leagues from Campo Mayor. It has a fort situated upon a hill close to the town. This place gives the title to a Duke, who possesses many privileges and an extensive range of forests, in which are plenty of wild boars and wolves, hunted frequently by those who are fond of such amusement.

Letter No. III

Campo Mayor, Portugal,
September 1809.

Dear Parents—My last letter was written at Castello Branco, which I hope you received. I must now enter into a long detail of proceedings, the result of which has not proved of any service to England or Spain as yet, and I am afraid there is no likelihood our services in this quarter ever will, unless we have a sufficient disposable force to cope with the French, who are much more numerous than we expected. I will now bid adieu to the land of plenty, a land well according with the Scripture phrase—flowing with milk and honey.

We very soon passed the frontiers of Portugal and entered Spain by forced marches, generally of twenty English miles by day and sometimes much more, the weather extremely hot and sultry and the roads very bad. Sometimes we met with stupendous mountains, whose summits were enveloped in the clouds; the villages in general were deserted by the unfortunate inhabitants, and houses, churches, and everything they possessed were one entire scene of ruin; some towns were completely burnt to the ground, even the corn-fields (of this year's produce) were generally laid waste by fire wherever the French had been. We daily experienced great hardships from want of a proper supply of bread and food of every kind. Sometimes with difficulty we got a little, when every man endeavoured to get as much as possible for himself, and I generally was not backward in contriving to satisfy the cravings of a hungry stomach, as well as the oldest soldier among them. From such fatiguing marches, and often bad food and water, by day exposed to burning sun, and by night to the heavy dews, sleeping generally upon the ground, you will not wonder at the men becoming unhealthy, which daily obliged men to fall out on the march. Even the strongest in outward appearance would lie down, or rather fall down, and say positively they could not go any farther. The officers of our regiment—most of them rode on horses or mules—did not experience the fatigues so materially. As I had no money to spare, I was obliged to walk, and, God knows, if illness had intervened or I had not been able to march, my case would have been dismal; but, thank the Almighty, He has blessed me with an excellent constitution, and all the hardships I have met with have not made the least impression upon me. A little John Bull-like, when hunger stared me in the face I put on a sorrowful countenance, but by some means or other a sheep or pig came in my way and I soon turned butcher. No sooner dead than roasted or grilled. I assure you I have dined thus many times and felt much more real content and pleasure than at a sumptuous feast. We now and then met with fields of corn, and if the men were allowed to halt, they soon filled their haversacks with ears, and boiled it when they arrived at the end of the march.

An express arrived from Sir Arthur Wellesley desiring the Brigade would lose no time in making a speedy junction with the Grand Army, and the last twenty-four hours' march is almost unparalleled by any soldiers after the fatigues we had already experienced. I had only six ounces of mouldy bread and some bad water, which I got by the road occasionally in passing, to support me for twenty-four hours, in which time we marched fifty-two miles, resting three hours on the ground. We certainly should have found a much greater difficulty in accomplishing it had we not met several wounded British officers riding from the field of action, who told us what was passing when they left. Every man seemed anxious to push on, and all were in high spirits, hoping soon to be on the field of battle and to assist their brave countrymen. The cannons distinctly sounding on our ears as we came near. I forgot to say that the dastardly Spaniards were running in all directions, the field being covered with the panic-struck. They received many a hearty curse as they passed us. After all our efforts, we arrived on the field of battle just soon enough to be too late. The horrid sights were beyond anything I could have imagined. Thousands dead and dying in every direction, horses, men, French and English, in whole lines who had cut each other down, and, I am sorry to say, the Spaniards butchering the wounded Frenchmen at every opportunity, and stripping them naked, which gave admission to the attacks of myriads of pernicious flies and the heat of a burning sun. You may be sure everything was done on our part and the commanding officer's to put a stop to such horrid brutality and give assistance, but the ground being covered for at least five miles with dead and dying, and we expecting another attack, the army was drawn up in a line ready to receive the enemy. Our regiment was posted in front of the army, but the French thought proper to have no more of it at the present, and retreated about three miles and beyond a river, which secured their front.

The French are very fine tall men, well dressed and accoutred. I saw a colonel surrounded by his Grenadiers who had fallen by coming to the charge with an English regiment, whose desperate courage and strength of arm no troops in the world can cope with in that sort of warfare. I have not time or room to dwell longer upon this subject; some other time it possibly may be in my power to give a clearer account. The papers, I have no doubt, will explain the business, and also inform you how, from superior force, we were obliged to waive all advantage gained by the gallant action at Talavera. The French followed us, the wounded were all taken prisoners, and, I am happy to say, used very well. The French are a brave and generous enemy, and their humanity to the English prisoners is generous to the extreme.

We have once more arrived in Portugal, after a tedious march and under the continual expectation of having a battle with the French army, sometimes being only two miles distant from them, and frequently on piquet within gunshot of each other, though as yet I have never had the honour of being fired at.

I must not boast, we shall have enough of it before long, I daresay, as it is believed the French are concentrating their forces, and will come to see us shortly in a friendly way. The Spanish officers in general are traitors or cowards, and of course the men will not fight when their leaders set off. The Portuguese fight better.

I saw my brother some days back; he has not been out of Portugal. Of course the hardships experienced have been trivial. He is plump and hearty. I walked over a mountainous country above twenty miles to shake hands with him once again. Stayed two days. He marched one way. I returned, and had on my arrival to commence instantly another march. We again met at Portalegre on 17th September, and I gave him a good dinner, wine, grapes, etc. (having once more got into the land of plenty). He slept with me, and marched at three o'clock in the morning. He would change sashes with me. He is a fine spirited boy, enjoys good health and bears fatigue well. I gave him all the advice in my power, and it will give me pleasure if it is of service. He is now very economical. I believe his regiment will go to the East Indies from here. If I escape from Portugal with a whole skin I think of going to the West Indies for promotion. As I have commenced to soldier, I must fight for promotion as a soldier, and everything I have yet seen are trifles compared to what I have often experienced in England. Oh! father, when the mind is at ease, a fig for the body! Danger is merely ideal to a man of spirit.

I am sincerely the friend and well-wisher of your family. As this may not arrive, I have not written the regiment. Do not let this letter be seen or talked about as any of mine. Right or wrong, I have no time to read this epistle, and as it is the scrawl of a few moments, you must excuse the diction; we cannot write when we please. My love to my dear Ann. It is a lucky thing I did not fold the letter up in my hurry. My blessing for her.

Take care of the boys—I mean their learning. I had nearly bought my mother a snuff-box, but the difference of six shillings in the bargain occurs. I shall be able to bring or send one possibly, should things stand square with me, in a little time. God bless her. I never lie down on the ground to take my night's repose without praying for the welfare of my dear parents and family. Something strikes me in my reveries that I am yet to comfort and cherish them when age shall put it out of their power.

Letter No. IV

Campo Mayor, 29th October 1809.

My dear Parents—I hope by this time you will have received my letters. If so, the present state of affairs is not altogether foreign to you. The Brigade has been stationed here about six weeks, which has made my lank and sunburnt countenance return nearly to its pristine appearance. In my last letters I observed that from the commencement of campaigning I had not felt ill except from starvation. My good landlady and I being upon excellent terms, she indulges me to excess in dainty dishes and a good bed. I had forgotten that there was a great difference in being always exposed to the weather (I mean the sun) and now seldom. One day, being intolerably hot, I exposed myself as usual, and have had a very severe attack of ague, which has returned three times, and obliged me to put my medical skill to the test after the above severe battles. I drove my enemy from his intrenched position, and he has never since dared to resume the attack, so have proved the best general. I regularly rise with the sun, and go to exercise every morning. I pay that attention to my present profession which another day (if not suddenly stopped in my course) may be attended with success. I thought I merited it in the profession which necessity and great disappointments obliged me to relinquish. Col. Sibthorp's last words were, "Simmons, you give me much uneasiness at leaving my regiment, and I feel for your future welfare, and you may have greater hardships than it is possible to conceive." I instantly said, as I had pledged my honour to his men, I hope he could not for a moment entertain so mean an opinion of me or think me a weathercock. He then could say no more, but parted with me with as much affection as a near relation—I mean a parent. I hope you will not for a moment conceive I mean to feel regret at relinquishing the medical profession; far otherwise. I am as happy as my present situation will admit of, and, thank the Almighty, have no reason as yet to be to the contrary. A soldier thinks of nothing that has passed by; it is only the present time that concerns him; he is a careless and thoughtless being. I wish I could say he was a little more prepared for a speedy exit into a future state.

I will now endeavour to give you a slight sketch of the present state of affairs. Our men are exceedingly unhealthy, and the hospitals are crowded. Several officers of other regiments have died suddenly, and numbers of men also have died from the effects of fatigue in our march from Talavera.

The French, from the best reports I can learn, have 30,000 men at and near Almaraz and Puente del Arzobispo. Another French force of 100,000 men are concentrating and collecting near Madrid. The whole of our army is not more than 25,000 men, so some day shortly we shall have hard fighting and hard running. We laugh heartily at the bombast which you are gagged with, and seem to swallow, relating to the brave Spaniards. John Bull will soon be in another way of thinking. The Spaniards are as much afraid of the French as a child is of the rod. If you refer back to a paper giving an account of our unforeseen retreat over (using the words expressed in a French bulletin) an impassable mountain, you will see in how dastardly a manner the grand and illustrious Spaniards set off and left us no other resource than the above retreat. Otherwise we were in the highest spirits in expectation of breakfasting in a day or two with Marshal Soult at Plasencia. You can well conceive the consternation at the sight of General Cuesta's army. Our gallant commander, Lord Wellington, I am sorry to perceive, has already enemies at home; they are illiberal rascals that can think only of puffing forth such falsities. The old adage, "Great men have many enemies." I may confidently say that every soldier entertains the highest opinion of his Lordship, and if we face the French, where there is any possibility for a general to lead on his army with credit to himself, he certainly is the man to perform it.

I am sorry to find our army in Flushing has not succeeded in the grand attack intended upon Antwerp and carrying off the fleet. I some days back wrote to Maud; the Brigade he is attached to is stationed about five leagues from this place, Torre Mayor in Spain. He sings out bitterly at the scarcity of provisions. He is in good spirits, I am happy to say, much respected by his brother officers, and I am under no apprehension of him ever forfeiting their good opinion. I have put him upon an economical plan of paying for every article as he procures it, or go without it. He informs me he owes the tailor of the regiment he left £10. I have not the least doubt as soon as I return to England to be able to settle that business. The young rogue took a fancy to my watch (I forfeited to Joseph in town). I hope to purchase him a better some other day. He must forgive me. He gave me my knapsack for shirts and stockings. (I lost my own. I took it from the back of a Frenchman at Talavera who had paid the debt of nature by the bayonet, and it has proved very serviceable.) While writing this, I have this moment received a letter from him. He writes in high spirits and enjoys good health; he informs me of a shocking accident which happened to a poor boy. Being on guard, the boy attracted his notice, and was playing and amusing himself with his antic tricks when a man passed through the guard-room leading a mule (a restive one). He was carrying a loaded musket also, which, coming in contact with the horse's side, discharged its contents. Maud had the luck to escape, but the poor boy was shot, and expired instantly.

His words struck me rather forcibly on the occasion, which were to this effect: "The Spaniards came in numbers to the spot, and from the howling of the men and women, whose concord and discord, will give me the blue devils before the morning." I have written to-day and begged in his next he will explain the latter sentence. I expect him here soon to spend a day or two. I remain, with every good wish to my dear friends—with me my brother also joins in duty and love—yours sincerely,

G. & M. Simmons.

I beg you will answer this as soon as possible, as my brother is, as well as myself, anxious to hear from you. Do not show my letters.

My brother informs me Joseph is with an attorney at Hull. I hope, if he likes his situation, in a few years I shall be enabled to assist him. Pay great attention to all your children's learning; make them good scholars, and they will have little to apprehend. I hope Joseph is a good boy. My dear mother, I am sometimes afraid, thinks too much of her graceless boy. I know I am not deserving any better name. I hope yet at some future day to be a comfort to her. I assure you the welfare of my family is always uppermost in my mind. I hope my sister is well and happy. I beg she will ever be upon her guard in forming new friends or acquaintances, as we see every day the misfortunes young women are subject to by such connections. I have too high an opinion of my dear sister to think she will do so. I am convinced her prudence and good sense, with the advice of the best of mothers, will be her guard from forming connections with imprudent people. Give her this advice. I bought a shawl here for five dollars, rather a whimsical thing, which I hope to send you, at least when I return to England; we have some idea of coming back, you see.

Write soon. I am particularly anxious to hear from you, as is also my brother. Direct to me, Lieut. Simmons, 1st Battalion, 95th or Rifle Regiment, Grand Army, Portugal (or elsewhere).

Journal—11th December-31st December 1809