SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
UNITED STATES NATIONAL MUSEUM

BULLETIN 235
WASHINGTON, D.C.
1963

Publications of the United States National Museum

The scholarly publications of the United States National Museum include two series, Proceedings of the United States National Museum and United States National Museum Bulletin.

In these series are published original articles and monographs dealing with the collections and work of the Museum and setting forth newly acquired facts in the fields of Anthropology, Biology, History, Geology, and Technology. Copies of each publication are distributed to libraries and scientific organizations and to specialists and others interested in the different subjects.

The Proceedings, begun in 1878, are intended for the publication, in separate form, of shorter papers. These are gathered in volumes, octavo in size, with the publication date of each paper recorded in the table of contents in the volume.

In the Bulletin series, the first of which was issued in 1875, appear longer, separate publications consisting of monographs (occasionally in several parts) and volumes in which are collected works on related subjects. Bulletins are either octavo or quarto in size, depending on the needs of the presentation. Since 1902 papers relating to the botanical collections of the Museum have been published in the Bulletin series under the heading Contributions from the United States National Herbarium.

This work is number 235 of the Bulletin series.

Frank A. Taylor
Director, United States National Museum

For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D.C.—Price $2

Shoulder-belt plate of Vermont Militia, attributed to Ethan Allen, about 1785. In collection of Dr. John Lattimer.

MUSEUM OF HISTORY AND TECHNOLOGY

American Military Insignia
1800-1851

J. Duncan Campbell and Edgar M. Howell

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, WASHINGTON, D.C.
1963

Contents

  • Page
  • Preface [ix]
  • Bibliography [xiv]
  • Introduction [3]
  • Organization of the Regular Army [3]
  • Organization of the Militia [6]
  • Insignia of the Regular Army [7]
  • Cap and Helmet Devices [7]
  • Shoulder-Belt and Waist-Belt Plates [31]
  • Insignia of the Uniformed Militia [51]
  • Cap and Helmet Devices [51]
  • Shoulder-Belt and Waist-Belt Plates [88]

Preface

This catalog is a descriptive and interpretive listing of the insignia of the Army of the United States—other than buttons, epaulets, and horse furniture—in the National Collections that were prescribed or worn during the period 1800-1851. The subject of early American military buttons has been covered by L. F. Emilio in The Emilio Collection of Military Buttons (Salem, Massachusetts: Essex Institute, 1911), W. L. Calver and R. P. Bolton in History Written with Pick and Shovel (New York: New York Historical Society, 1950), and David F. Johnson in Uniform Buttons, American Armed Forces, 1784-1948. (Watkins Glen, New York: Century House, 1948, 2 vols.). For epaulets, see Mendel L. Peterson, "American Army Epaulets, 1814-1872," Military Collector and Historian (March 1961, vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 1-14).

Most of the specimens described here are from the huge W. Stokes Kirk Collection acquired in 1959, supplemented by the War Department Collection and the numerous biographical collections of the United States National Museum; in addition, a few insignia in the collections of J. Duncan Campbell and others are included.

The unique W. Stokes Kirk Collection, unmatched in scope, volume, and rarity, is worthy of special note. It was begun in 1878 by W. Stokes Kirk, Sr., of Philadelphia, a dealer in U.S. Government surplus. Struck by the beautiful design and delicate art work in some of the early insignia, Mr. Kirk put aside all old and unusual devices for his personal collection. As his business expanded, so did his interest in military rarities and curios. After each bulk purchase from government sources, he would have all the odd and unusual items sorted out for his examination. The best of such items went into his personal collection, which included rare firearms, powder flasks, insignia, epaulets, military caps, and the like. W. Stokes Kirk, Jr., who succeeded his father and expanded the business nationally until it became almost as well known as Bannerman's Military Store in New York City, maintained and enlarged the collection. After his death, in 1946, the collection was continued by his widow, Mrs. Linnie A. Kirk Mosler. Items in this catalog from the W. Stokes Kirk Collection are indicated by the letters "S-K" in parentheses following the United States National Museum number.

Although this catalog is, in more than one sense, a developmental history of American military insignia, it is not, and is not intended to be, a definitive study. The picture is far too incomplete. Whereas the record of Regular Army devices after 1821 is fairly clear—despite the fact that the uniform regulations continued sometimes to use the tantalizing phrase "according to pattern"—there remain serious gaps in the pre-1821 period when regulations were exceedingly vague and fragmentary at best; for example, the badges of the Regiment of Light Artillery (1812-1821). These gaps will be filled only by excavating at sites known to have been occupied by specific Regular units during particular periods. Indeed, since this study was begun, four unique and significant insignia were excavated at the site of a War of 1812 cantonment, and these greatly enrich our knowledge of the period.

The record of insignia of the veritable multitude of independent uniformed Militia companies in existence during the period under consideration may never be complete. The selection presented here, however, is an excellent representative chronological cross section of typical designs and variations of insignia worn by the uniformed or "volunteer" Militia, as opposed to the "common" or "standing" Militia.

The best sources of documentation and dating for Regular Army devices are the uniform regulations and ordnance regulations; these are supplemented by pertinent records in the National Archives, notably the letter files of the Purveyor of Public Supplies and of the Commissary General of Purchases. The letter files are voluminous, but in some cases badly mixed and in many cases incomplete. We have conjectured a reason for this incompleteness. The two prime contractors for military insignia during the period 1812-1821 were George Armitage and William Crumpton, both of whom had their small factories in Philadelphia within a mile of the office of Callendar Irvine, Commissary General of Purchases. The paucity of written transactions in the records in the National Archives between these gentlemen and Irvine tends to bear out our assumption that most of their dealings were conducted verbally in Irvine's office. This would account for the lack of sketches and drawings of cap plates and belt plates in files of the National Archives. In cases where no specific documentary evidence is available, dating has been based on a careful evaluation of design development and comparison with biographical specimens that can be more fairly dated through knowledge of the former owner's career. Excavated insignia from datable sites have also reduced the problem considerably.

For Militia insignia worn about 1835, the best documentation is to be found in U.S. Military Magazine, published between 1839 and 1842 by Huddy and Duval of Philadelphia, and in New York Military Magazine, published by Labree and Stockton of New York during 1841. In 1939, Frederick P. Todd described the Huddy and Duval prints in detail (Journal of the American Military Institute, 1939, vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 166-176). However, evaluation and consideration of over-all design development and comparison with dated biographical specimens of the earlier period, before 1835, are difficult and must be done cautiously, as there is no orderly pattern. One generalization does seem clear: during the decade after 1821, when the Regulars discarded large cap plates, the Militia almost universally adopted them and continued to wear them well into the 1840's. Very few insignia include the maker's name or initials, but when they do, bracketing within a definite period is relatively easy. Similarly, when a cap plate appears to be original to a cap, the design of the cap and its maker's label, if included, are of great help. Finally, when there is nothing else to rely on, the "feel" of the specimen, gained through the experience of studying several thousand, has been used, although with reluctance.

The year 1800 was selected as the opening date of the study because it was in that year that the first metal ornament was prescribed to designate a particular branch of service. The closing date of 1851 was chosen because Regular Army devices for that year and thereafter are well documented in uniform regulations, manuals, and catalogs of manufacturers such as William Horstmann and Sons. Militia dress after that general date becomes so increasingly complex that it should be attempted only as a separate study.

Most of the specimens described in this study were struck from steel dies; however—despite the relative wealth of knowledge on the striking of coins—little is known of the exact process, especially prior to the appearance of the punch press in the 1830's. Several insignia dies dating as early as the War of 1812 period and a number dating in the 1840's do exist, however. All of these examined were found to be female dies, with the design in intaglio rather than in relief. The design was worked into the die—the art generally termed "die-sinking"—in the same basic manner as in coin dies. The die sinker first softened the steel to suit his particular taste and then incised the design, using a succession of small chisels. The steel was then retempered to withstand high impact pressures. Although there is no documentation on the subject, manufacturing techniques of the period indicate that the following process was probably employed: the die was locked in place at the base of a drop press, similar to a guillotine, so that it could be struck accurately from above; a piece of pure lead was then affixed to the bottom of the weighted drop and allowed to strike the die a sufficient number of times to completely receive the impression of the die and become, in effect, a male counterpart; lastly, a thin sheet of brass, copper, or pewter was placed on the female die and struck with the weighted lead male, receiving the desired impression but without the excessive stretching and resultant cracking that a steel-on-steel strike might have produced. Examination of finished products in the national collections bears out this theory of production; few if any of the specimens show evidence of having been struck with a steel male die.

With only a few exceptions, all specimens have been photographed on a 1-inch grid. All references to right and left are made according to heraldic usage; the heraldic right is always on the left as viewed.

During the months this work has been in progress, many people and institutions have generously assisted in many ways. It is a pleasure to thank them for their help.

Mr. Detmar Finke of the Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, reviewed the Regular Army portions of the manuscript and made many valuable suggestions. Mr. Frederick P. Todd, director of The West Point Museum, graciously answered many questions relative to both Regular Army and Militia insignia. Through the courtesy of Mr. James Koping and Miss Elizabeth Ulrich of the Pennsylvania State Library, The U.S. Military Magazine of Huddy and Duval was made available for unlimited use.

Thanks are also given to the following, who furnished photographs of specimens in their collections: Mr. Waverly P. Lewis, Devon, Connecticut; Mr. William E. Codd, Monkton, Maryland; The Filson Club, Louisville, Kentucky; The West Point Museum; The Fort Sill Museum; Old Fort Erie Museum, Ontario, Canada; The Niagara Historical Society Museum, Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, Canada; The Washington County Historical Society Museum, Fort Calhoun, Nebraska; the Valley Forge Chapel Museum, and Dr. John Lattimer, New York City.

Mr. Michael Arpad of Washington, D.C., was especially helpful in matters pertaining to the techniques of chasing and die sinking.

J. Duncan Campbell
Edgar M. Howell

March 1, 1963.

Bibliography

The following works have been used in gathering the material for this book. They are frequently referred to in the text in shortened form.

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  • Barnes, R. M. Military uniforms of Britain and the Empire. London: Seeley Service and Co., 1960.
  • Belote, Theodore T. American and European swords in the historical collections of the United States National Museum. (U.S. National Museum Bulletin 163.) Washington, 1932.
  • A bit of U.S. Mint history. American Journal of Numismatics (1908), vol. 43, no. 2, pp. 45-50.
  • Calver, W. L., and Bolton, R. P. History written with pick and shovel. New York: New York Historical Society, 1950.
  • Chamberlain, Georgia S. Moritz Furst, die-sinker and artist. The Numismatist. (June 1954), vol. 67, no. 6, pp. 588-592.
  • Davis, Gherardi. The colors of the United States Army, 1789-1912. New York: Privately printed, 1912.
  • Emilio, L. F. The Emilio collection of military buttons. Salem, Massachusetts: Essex Institute, 1911.
  • Finke, Detmar H. Insignia of rank in the Continental Army, 1775-1783. Military Collector and Historian (fall 1956), vol. 8, no. 3, pp. 71-73.
  • General regulations for the Army. Philadelphia: M. Carey and Sons, 1821.
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  • General regulations for the Army of the United States, 1847. Washington: J. and G. S. Gideon, 1847.
  • Gronert, T. G. The first national pastime in the Middle West. Indiana Magazine of History (September 1933), vol. 29, no. 3, pp. 171-186.
  • History of the organization of the United States cavalry. MS, Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, Washington, D.C.
  • Hopkins, Alfred F. Volunteer corps hat of 1814. Military Affairs (winter 1941), vol. 5, no. 4, pp. 271-272.
  • Johnson, David F. Uniform buttons, American armed forces, 1784-1948. 2 vols. Watkins Glen, New York: Century House, 1948.
  • Jones, Willard L. History of the organization of the United States Field Artillery. MS, Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, Washington, D.C.
  • Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789. Edit. Worthington Chauncey Ford and others. 34 vols. Washington: Carnegie Foundation, 1904-1937.
  • Kivett, Marvin F. Excavations at Fort Atkinson, Nebraska, a preliminary report. Nebraska History (March 1959), vol. 40, no. 1, pp. 39-66.
  • Knox papers. MSS Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.
  • Kuhn, Edward C. U.S. Army colors and standards of 1808. Military Affairs (winter 1941), vol. 5, no. 4, pp. 263-267.
  • Lefferts, Charles W. Uniforms of the American, British, French, and German Armies in the War of the American Revolution. New York: New York Historical Society, 1926.
  • Lewis, Waverly P. U.S. military headgear, 1770-1880. Devon, Connecticut: Privately printed, 1960.
  • Lundeberg, Philip K. A history of the North Carolina Militia, 1784-1848. Master's dissertation, Duke University, 1947.
  • Mahon, John K. The citizen soldier in national defense, 1789-1815. Doctor's dissertation, University of California at Los Angeles, 1950.
  • ——. History of the organization of the United States Infantry. (Pp. 1-61 in vol. 2 of The Army lineage book, Washington: Department of the Army, 1953.)
  • McBarron, H. Charles. Regiment of Riflemen, winter uniform, 1812-1815. Military Collector and Historian (December 1954), vol. 6, no. 4, p. 100.
  • ——. The 18th U.S. Infantry Regiment, 1814-1815. Military Collector and Historian (summer 1955), vol. 7, no. 2, pp. 48-49.
  • McClellan, E. N. Uniforms of the American Marines, 1775 to 1827. Mimeographed in 1932 by Marine Corps Historical Section, Department of the Navy, Washington, D.C.
  • The military laws of the United States. Edit. John F. Callan. Philadelphia: George W. Childes, 1863.
  • New York Military Magazine (1841).
  • Official Army register, corrected to October 31, 1848. Washington, 1848.
  • Official drawings for the U.S. Army uniform regulations of 1851. Military Collector and Historian, vol. 10, no. 1 (spring 1958), pp. 17-19; vol. 10, no. 2 (summer 1958), pp. 43-45.
  • Old Print Shop Portfolio (May 1961), vol. 20, no. 9.
  • Parkyn, Maj. H. G. Shoulder-belt plates and buttons. Aldershot, Hants, England: Gale and Polden, Ltd., 1956.
  • Patterson, C. Meade. The military rifle flasks of 1832 and 1837. Military Collector and Historian (March 1953), vol. 5, no. 1, pp. 7-12.
  • Peterson, Harold L. The American sword, New Hope, Pennsylvania: The River House, 1954.
  • Peterson, Mendel L. American Army epaulets, 1841-1872. Military Collector and Historian (March 1951), vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 1-14.
  • Preble, George Henry. History of the flag of the United States of America. Boston: A. Williams and Co., 1880.
  • Records of the Adjutant General's Office. Record Group 94, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
  • Regulations for the government of the Ordnance Department. Washington: Francis P. Blair, 1834.
  • Regulations for the uniform and dress of the Army of the United States, June 1851. Philadelphia: William H. Horstmann and Sons, 1851.
  • Riker, William H. Soldiers of the States. Washington: Public Affairs Press, 1957.
  • Standing Order Book, 1st Infantry, Detroit. MSS Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
  • Swanson, Neil H. The perilous flight. New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1945.
  • Todd, Frederick P. The Huddy and Duval prints. Journal of the American Military Institute (1939), vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 166-176.
  • ——. Notes on the dress of the Regiment of Light Artillery, U.S.A. Military Collector and Historian (March 1950), vol. 2, no. 1, p. 10.
  • ——. Our National Guard: An introduction to its history. Military Affairs, vol. 5, no. 2 (summer 1941), pp. 73-86; vol. 5, no. 3 (fall 1941), pp. 152-170.
  • ——. The curious case of the Voltigeur uniform. Military Collector and Historian (June 1952), vol. 4, no. 2, pp. 44-45.
  • ——. Notes on the organization and uniforms of South Carolina military forces, 1860-1861. Military Collector and Historian (September 1951), vol. 3, no. 3, pp. 53-62.
  • ——. Three leather cockades. Military Collector and Historian (spring 1956), vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 24-25.
  • Townsend, F. C., and Todd, Frederick P. Branch insignia of the Regular cavalry, 1833-1872. Military Collector and Historian (spring 1956), vol. 8, no. 1, pp. 1-5.
  • Upton, Emory. The military policy of the United States. Senate Document No. 379, 64th Congress, 1st Session. Washington: 1916.
  • U.S. Military Magazine (1839-1842), vols. 1-3.
  • Wall, Alexander J. The flag with an eagle in the canton. New York Historical Society Quarterly Bulletin (October 1933), vol. 17, no. 3, pp. 51-67.
  • Wike, John W. Untitled MS, Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, Washington, D.C.
  • Writings of George Washington. Edit. John G. Fitzpatrick. Washington: 1944.
  • Zieber, Eugene. Heraldry in America. Philadelphia: Bailey, Banks, and Biddle, 1909.

American
Military Insignia
1800-1851

Introduction

In almost all armies it long has been standard practice to use distinctive devices of cloth and metal to distinguish between arms and services, and between individual units of each arm, to enhance morale and develop esprit de corps. Colors of units of the British Army have had ancient badges emblazoned on them since before the establishment of the present standing army in 1661. By the end of the first half of the 18th century some of these badges had been authorized for placement on horse furniture or for wear on grenadier caps. This was especially true of the regiments of horse and a few of the older regiments of foot. The infantry regiments received numerical designations in 1751, and these numbers were worn on waist belts, shoulder belts, and cartridge-box plates. When the infantry units acquired county titles in 1782, these names often were added to the plates. In 1767 regimental numbers were ordered placed on the buttons of officers and other ranks; in practice these numbers were often combined with other devices.[1]

In the American Army such devices have taken many forms, ranging from distinctive buttons, plumes, cockades, cap plates, shoulder-belt plates, and waist-belt and cartridge-box plates to the well-known shoulder sleeve insignia and distinctive unit insignia of the present day. The origin of much of this insignia and many of the changes in its design can be tied more or less directly to the organization of the Regular Army—its contractions and expansions and its changes in arm and service designations—and to the peculiar circumstances surrounding the origin and growth of the volunteer or uniformed Militia. Thus, a short discussion of the organization of each is in order.[2]

Organization of the Regular Army

Two months after the War of the Revolution officially ended with the signing of a peace treaty on September 3, 1783, General Washington directed the Army to turn in its arms and disband.[3] Since the Continental Congress had made no provision for a permanent establishment, Washington retained in service one infantry regiment and a battalion of artillery to guard military stores and take over posts to be evacuated by the British.[4] Early in June 1784 Congress ordered these units disbanded except for detachments to guard stores at Fort Pitt and West Point; then, in order to secure the frontier against Indian unrest, it immediately authorized a regiment to be raised from the militia of four of the States to comprise eight companies of infantry and two of artillery.[5] This unit, called the First American Regiment, gradually turned into a regular organization.

The failure of an expedition commanded by Col. Josiah Harmar of the First American Regiment against the Indians in 1790 awakened the Congress somewhat to the threat in the Northwest and resulted in the organization of another infantry regiment, which was designated the 2d Infantry Regiment; the First American Regiment was redesignated the "1st".[6] Trouble with the Indians continued, and after another severe reverse Congress authorized the raising of three additional infantry regiments and, at the same time, empowered the President to organize the Army as he might see fit.[7]

Under this discretionary power, the Army was reorganized into the Legion of the United States. This was a field army in which the three combat branches—infantry, cavalry, and artillery—were combined. The Legion was in turn broken down into four sublegions, with each containing infantry, cavalry, artillery, and riflemen; thus, the sublegions were the fore-runners of the modern combined arms team. The 1st and 2d Infantries became the 1st and 2d Sublegions. Of the three additional infantry regiments authorized, only two were organized, these becoming the 3d and 4th Sublegions.[8] Under the forceful leadership of Gen. Anthony Wayne the Legion reversed the record on the frontier and decisively defeated the Indians at the Battle of Fallen Timbers. The temporary peace which followed turned attention to the problem of protecting the Atlantic seaboard, and in 1794 Congress authorized a large increase in the artillery, assigned engineer officers, and designated the new organization the Corps of Artillerists and Engineers.[9] The Legion was continued until it was replaced in 1796 by the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th Infantry Regiments, which were constituted from the four sublegions, two troops of light dragoons, and the above-mentioned Corps.[10]

The threat of war with France in 1798 brought further expansions. In April of that year an "additional regiment" of artillerists and engineers was authorized, with the Corps created in 1794 becoming the 1st and the new unit being designated the 2d Regiment of Artillerists and Engineers.[11] In the following July, 12 more regiments of infantry and 6 troops of light dragoons—to be combined with the two troops in existence to form a regiment—were authorized; an additional 24 regiments of infantry, plus units of other arms, authorized the following winter made a total of 40 regiments of infantry.[12] Actually, the greatest part of this force remained on paper. Only the 1st and 2d Infantries ever attained their required strength, and only 3,400 men were enlisted for the 5th through the 16th. There were no enlistments at all for the other regiments. Officers were assigned to the six troops of light dragoons, but no enlisted personnel were raised and no horses were bought.[13]

More quickly than it had arisen, the threat of a war with France abated. Early in 1800 action was suspended under the two acts creating the paper regiments, and the Army was reduced to the regular establishment of four regiments of infantry, two regiments of artillerists and engineers, and two troops of light dragoons.[14] Two years later the antipathy of the new Jefferson administration to a standing army further reduced this establishment to two regiments of infantry and one of artillery. The Corps of Artillerists and Engineers was abolished; a Corps of Engineers was organized to be stationed at West Point and "constitute a military academy"; and the light dragoons were disbanded.[15]

The Jeffersonian theories regarding a strong militia and a small professional army were rudely shaken in 1807 by the Chesapeake-Leopard affair. With war seeming imminent, Congress added to the Regular Establishment, though cautiously "for a limited time," five regiments of infantry, one regiment of riflemen, one of light artillery, and one of light dragoons. The new regiments of infantry were numbered the 3d through the 7th.[16] There was no further preparation for a fight with England until just before war was actually declared. In January 1812, 10 regiments of infantry, two of artillery, and one regiment of light dragoons were added; three months later a Corps of Artificers was organized; and in June provision was made for eight more infantry regiments, making a total of 25.[17] In January 1813, following the discouragements of the early campaigns in the Northwest, Congress constituted 20 more infantry regiments, bringing the total to 45, the largest number in the Regular Establishment until the 20th century.[18] A year later three more regiments of riflemen, designated the 2d through the 4th, were formed.[19]

In March 1814 Congress reorganized both the artillery and the dragoons. The three artillery regiments, which had never operated as such, but rather by company or detachment, were consolidated into the Corps of Artillery; and the two regiments of dragoons, which had never been adequately trained and generally had given a poor account of themselves, were merged into one.[20] The Regiment of Light Artillery remained untouched.

Almost as soon as the war ended, Congress moved to reduce the Army[21] by limiting the peacetime establishment to 10,000 men, to be divided among infantry, artillery, and riflemen, plus the Corps of Engineers. The number of wartime infantry units was reduced to eight, and the rifle units to one. The Corps of Artillery and the Regiment of Light Artillery were retained, but dragoons were eliminated.[22]

By 1821 the prospects of a prolonged peace appeared so good that Congress felt safe in further reducing the Army. Consequently, in that year the number of infantry regiments was cut to seven; the Rifle Regiment was disbanded; the Corps of Artillery and the Regiment of Light Artillery were disbanded, with four artillery regiments being organized in their stead; and the Ordnance Department was merged with the artillery,[23] an arrangement that continued until 1832.

The opening of the West in the decades following the War of 1812 brought an important change in the organization of the Army. Experience having shown that infantry were at a distinct disadvantage when pitted against the fleetly mounted Indians, in 1832 a battalion of mounted rangers was organized to quell disturbances on the northwest frontier,[24] but this loosely knit force was replaced by a regiment of dragoons the following year.[25] The mounted arm had come to stay in the Army.

When the second Seminole War broke out in 1836, a second regiment of dragoons was organized.[26] And, as the war dragged through another inconclusive year, a reluctant Congress was forced to increase the size of existing line units and to authorize an additional regiment of infantry, the 8th. Meanwhile, increasing demands for surveying and mapping services resulted in the creation of the Corps of Topographical Engineers as a separate entity.[27]

Meanwhile, the responsibilities of the Army in the opening of the West continued to increase, and in 1846 the Regiment of Mounted Riflemen was organized to consolidate the northern route to the Pacific by establishing and manning a series of posts along the Oregon Trail.[28] However, the outbreak of the War with Mexico postponed this mission.

At the start of the War with Mexico Congress leaned heavily on volunteer units, with the hard core of the Regulars remaining unchanged. But early in 1847 it was found necessary to add nine regiments of infantry and one regiment of dragoons.[29] Of the infantry unit's, eight were of the conventional type; the ninth was formed as the Regiment of Voltigeurs and Foot Riflemen. Theoretically, only half of this latter regiment was to be mounted. Each horseman was to be paired with a foot soldier who was to get up behind and ride double when speed was needed. In practice, however, none of the Voltigeurs were mounted; the entire unit fought as foot riflemen.[30]

All of these new units proved merely creatures of the war, and the coming of peace saw a reduction to the old establishment of eight regiments of infantry, four of artillery, two of dragoons, and one regiment of mounted riflemen.[31] This organization remained substantially unchanged until 1855.[32]

Organization of the Militia

The "common" Militia was first established by the various colonies of all able-bodied men between roughly the ages of 16 and 60 for protection against Indian attack. These militiamen were required by law to be enrolled in the unit of their township or county, furnish their own arms and equipment, and appear periodically for training. They were civilian soldiers who had little or no taste for things military, as their performance in both peace and war almost invariably demonstrated. They were not uniformed and contributed little or nothing to the field of military dress.

The "volunteer" or "independent" Militia companies, on the other hand, were something else again. These units, composed of men who enjoyed military life, or rather certain aspects of it, appeared rather early in the Nation's history. The first of these, formed in 1638, was The Military Company of the Massachusetts, later and better known as the Ancient and Honorable Artillery Company of Massachusetts. By 1750 there were a number of independent companies in existence—many of them chartered—and membership in them had become a recognized part of the social life of the larger urban centers.

The concept of volunteer Militia units was confirmed in the Uniform Militia Act of 1792, which prescribed flank companies of grenadiers, light infantry, or riflemen for the "common" Militia battalions and a company of artillery and a troop of horse for each division, to be formed of volunteers from the Militia at large and to be uniformed and equipped at the individual volunteer's expense. Thus, from within the national Militia structure emerged an elite corps of amateur—as opposed to civilian—soldiers who enjoyed military exercise, and the pomp and circumstance accompanying it, and who were willing to sacrifice both the time and the money necessary to enjoy it. Since the members were volunteers, they were ready to submit to discipline up to a point; they trained rather frequently; many of the officers made an effort to educate themselves militarily; they chose their own officers; and their relative permanency gave rise to an excellent esprit de corps. In actuality, these organizations became private military clubs, and differed from other male social and fraternal groups only in externals.

The great urban growth of the Nation during the period 1825-1860 was the golden age of the volunteer companies, and by 1845 these units had all but supplanted the common Militia. It would be difficult to even estimate the number of volunteer companies during this period. They sprang up almost everywhere, more in answer to a demand by the younger men of the Nation for a recreation that would meet a social and physical need and by emigrant minorities for a group expression than for reasons military. It was a "gay and gaudy" Militia, with each unit in its own distinctive and generally resplendent uniform. If the "Raleigh Cossacks," the "Hibernia Greens," the "Velvet Light Infantry Company," or the "Teutonic Rifles" were more "invincible in peace" than visible in war, they were a spectacular, colorful, and exciting integral of the social and military life of the first half of the 19th century.

Insignia of the Regular Army

Uniform regulations prior to 1821 were loosely and vaguely worded, and this was especially true in regard to officers' insignia. For example General Orders of March 30, 1800, stated: "... the swords of all officers, except the generals, to be attached by a white shoulder belt three inches wide, with an oval plate three inches by two and a half ornamented with an eagle."[33] In 1801 the 1st Infantry Regiment directed that "the sword ... for platoon officers ... be worn with a white belt over the coat with a breast plate such as have been by the Colonel established,"[34] and in 1810 a regulation stated that "those gentlemen who have white sword belts and plates [are] to consider them as uniform, but those not so provided will be permitted to wear their waist belts."[35] As a result, the officers generally wore what they wished, and there was a wide variation in design. Most officer insignia were the product of local jewelers and silversmiths, although some known specimens are obviously the work of master craftsmen. Quality varied as well as design, depending on the affluence of the officer concerned. Some of the plainer plates appear to have been made by rolling silver dollars into an oval shape.

In regard to enlisted men's insignia, only the descriptions of the 1800 dragoon helmet plate and the 1814 and 1817 riflemen's cap plates give us anything approaching a clear picture. "Oblong silver plates ... bearing the name of the corps and the number of the regiment" for the infantry in 1812, "plates in front" for the 1812 dragoons, and "gilt plate in front" for the 1812 light artillery are typical examples. As a result, the establishment of a proper chronology for these devices has depended on the careful consideration of specimens excavated at posts where specific units are known to have served at specific times, combined with research in pertinent records of the period in the National Archives.

Cap and Helmet Devices

DRAGOON HELMET PLATE, 1800

USNM 66330-M (S-K 86). Figure 1.

Figure 1

The first known distinctive metal branch insignia authorized for the Army was this helmet plate. General Order, U.S. Army, dated March 30, 1800, prescribed for "Cavalry ... a helmet of leather crowned with black horse hair and having a brass front, with a mounted dragoon in the act of charging."[36] This oval plate, struck in thin brass with lead-filled back, has a raised rim, within which is a mounted, helmeted horseman in the act of charging; overhead is an eagle with a wreath in its beak. A double-wire fastener soldered to the back is not contemporary.

DRAGOON HELMET PLATE, 1800, DIE SAMPLE

USNM 60283-M (S-K 41). Figure 2.

Figure 2

Although from a different die, this plate, struck in thin brass, appears to be a die sample of the plate described above. It is also possible that it is a sample of the dragoon plate authorized in 1812.

¶ The 1813 uniform regulations specified for enlisted men of the artillery a "black leather cockade, with points 4 inches in diameter, a yellow button and eagle in the center, the button in uniform with the coat button."[37] This specification gives some validity to the belief that a cockade with an approximation of the artillery button tooled on it may also have been worn.

LEATHER COCKADE, ARTILLERY, C. 1808-1812

USNM 60256-M (S-K 14). Figure 3.

Figure 3

This cockade is of black leather of the size prescribed by the 1813 regulations. Tooled into the upper fan is an eagle-on-cannon device with a stack of 6 cannon balls under the trail; an arc of 15 stars partially surrounds the eagle device. It is believed to have been worn on artillery chapeaux de bras as early as 1808.

The specimen is unmarked as to maker, but from correspondence of Callendar Irvine, Commissary General of Purchases from 1812 to 1841, it seems very possible that cockades similar to this one were made by Robert Dingee of New York City. Dingee is first listed in New York directories as a "saddler" (1812); he is listed later as "city weigher" (1828) and "inspector of green hides" (1831). The eagle-on-cannon design is similar to that of several Regular artillery buttons worn between 1802 and 1821, but it most closely approximates a button Johnson assigns to the period 1794-1810.[38]

¶ The question has been raised as to whether the Regulars ever wore a cockade with such a device. The 1813 and 1814 uniform regulations merely specified black leather cockades of 4 inches and 4-1/2 inches in diameter respectively. However, since the Militia generally did not start adopting Regular Army devices until the 1820's it seems probable that this cockade was an item of Regular Army issue, despite the lack of evidence of specific authorization.

As early as January 1799 War Office orders specified: "All persons belonging to the Army, to wear a black cockade, with a small white eagle in the center. The cockade of noncommissioned officers, musicians, and privates to be of leather with Eagles of tin."[39] This regulation was repeated in 1800.[40] By 1802 these cockade eagles had taken the colors used for the buttons and lace of the different arms. The Purveyor of Public Supplies in that year purchased cockade eagles in tin (white) for infantry and in brass (yellow) for artillery enlisted men at a cost of one and two cents, respectively.[41] The cockade eagles of infantry officers were to be of silver and those of artillery officers of gold. Cockades for company officers and enlisted personnel were to be of leather. The loosely worded regulation of 1813 infers that field officers' cockades might be of silk similar to the "black Ribbon" binding specified for their hats.[42]

It is extremely difficult to determine whether cockade eagles are of Regular Army or Militia origin, and to date them if the latter. They have been found in a wide variety of design and size, ranging from the rather plain example (fig. [6]) to the highly refined one on the general officer's chapeau de bras (fig. [4]). Examination of hats worn by both Regulars and Militia prior to 1821 reveals that there is little to choose between the eagles worn by the two components. After 1821, however, when Militia insignia tended to become more ornate and Regular devices more uniform, some of the Militia specimens emerge as distinct types because they have no Regular counterparts. Origin of the specimen, including excavations of military cantonment sites where the make-up of the garrison can be determined, has been the primary criterion used in assignment to either Regular Army or Militia, and to a lesser extent in dating. Over-all design and method of manufacture have also been considered in dating.

COCKADE EAGLE, GENERAL OFFICER, 1800-1812

USNM 12813. Figure 4.

Figure 4

Unusually refined in design, the eagle is of gold, with head to right, federal shield on breast, and olive branch in right talon. Three arrows, with points outward, are held in left talon.

This cockade eagle is on a chapeau de bras formerly belonging to Peter Gansevoort, brigadier general of the New York State Militia and brigadier general, U.S. Army, 1809-1812. Although Gansevoort wore this chapeau while serving as a Militia officer, as evidenced by a New York State button attached to it, this eagle is included with Regular Army devices because it is typical of those probably worn by high-ranking officers of both components.

COCKADE EAGLE, C. 1800-1821

USNM 60362-M (S-K 118). Figure 5.

Figure 5

Cast in pewter and gold-finished, this eagle looks to the right, stands on clouds, and holds three arrows (facing inward) in the right talon and an upright olive branch in the left.

The eagle-on-clouds design is first seen on coins on the 1795 silver dollar.[43] It was popular during the War of 1812 period, and was not used in new designs by the Regular Army after 1821. Eagles of identical design and size are also known in pewter without finish. Such an eagle could have been worn by Militia as well as Regulars. Similar specimens have been excavated at Regular Army cantonment sites of the period.

COCKADE EAGLE, OFFICERS, 1800-1821

USNM 66352-M. Figure 6.

Figure 6

This cockade eagle, which is struck in thin brass and silvered, was excavated on the site of a War of 1812 cantonment. Comparison with similar specimens in other collections indicates that the missing head was turned to the right. This eagle is classed as an officer's device because of its silvered brass composition. The elements comprising the arc on which the eagle stands cannot be identified because of the lightness of the strike.

¶ When the dragoons were disbanded in the 1802 reduction following the dissipation of the French scare, distinctive hat devices other than cockades disappeared from the service. In 1808, when the Army was increased, the newly constituted regiments of light dragoons, light artillery, and riflemen were authorized to wear leather caps. The cap devices for these units were prescribed as Roman letters, "U.S.L.D.," "U.S.L.A.," and "U.S.R.R.," rather than plates. The letters were to be of brass, 1-1/2 inches "in length."[44]

Figure 7.—Specimens in Campbell collection.

Illustrated in figure 7 are the letters "U" and "L", of brass, slightly more than 1 inch "in length" and a letter d, of pewter, 1 inch "in length." The latter was excavated at Sackets Harbor, New York, where elements of the light artillery dragoons and riflemen are known to have served during 1813 and 1814. It seems obvious that pewter letters were worn by the dragoons as consonant with their other trimmings, for in July 1812 Col. James Burn of the 2d Light Dragoons requested official permission to issue such.[45]

With the large increase in the Army in 1812 came a change in the headgear of some corps and also a change in insignia. The light artillery was to wear a yoeman-crowned (i.e., wider at the crown than at the base) black cap with "gilt plate in front," and the infantry platoon officers and enlisted men were finally to have the black cylindrical caps (first prescribed in 1810) with "an oblong silver plate in front of the cap bearing the name of the corps and number of the regiment."[46] The rifle platoon officers and enlisted men were also to wear infantry caps, but with yellow trimmings.[47] The dragoons were authorized "helmets" with "plates" in 1812, and the foot artillery regiments in the fall of the same year were ordered to wear caps like the light artillery instead of the chapeaux de bras previously worn, which would have necessitated the use of plates.

The foot units received their new insignia almost immediately, the cap plates having been designed, contracted for, and delivered by late February 1812 for the 5th, 6th, 12th, and 15th Infantry Regiments[48] (the latter two were new units). This rapid action in regard to the infantry plates appears to be strong witness to the emphasis placed on distinctive insignia as morale factors and aids to enlistment, for active recruiting for the 10 new regiments did not begin until several months later. There were three different patterns of this infantry plate manufactured and issued, two of which are described below.

All arms were wearing cap plates by the middle of 1813, for there is record of such issue to the dragoons as well as record of rejection of ill-struck specimens for infantry, artillery, and rifles.[49] These plates were made variously by William Crumpton and George Armitage of Philadelphia, and Aaron M. Peasley of Boston.[50] Philadelphia directories list Crumpton as a button maker and silversmith between 1811 and 1822. Armitage is first listed in Philadelphia directories, in 1800, as a "silver plate worker"; in 1801 he is listed as "silverplater," and in 1820 as a "silverplater and military ornament maker." Peasley was an ornament and insignia maker in Boston during the same period.[51]

¶ The three types of infantry cap plates issued between 1812 and 1814 are somewhat similar, and all carry the prescribed "name of the corps and number of the regiment." All three specimens of these types are ground finds, two having been excavated after this work was in draft. The first pictured specimen (fig. [8], left) is believed to be the earliest pattern issued. Infantry plates as specified in the regulations were contracted for with William Crumpton late in 1811 or early 1812 by Tench Coxe, Purveyor of Public Supplies, and issued to troop units not later than the early summer.[52] They had been in use but a few months when their generally poor quality of composition forced several regimental commanders to complain to the new Commissary General of Purchases, Callendar Irvine, who had just superseded Coxe, and to request something better. Irvine approved, and he let a contract for new plates with George Armitage of Philadelphia.[53] Irvine's reaction to the matter of the plates is an example of his opinion of his predecessor, Coxe, and Coxe's work in general, which he had observed while serving as Superintendent of Military Stores in Philadelphia. In replying to the complaint of Colonel Simonds, commanding officer of the 6th Infantry, Irvine wrote: "The plates are mere tin, in some respects like the man who designed and contracted for them, differing to him only as to durability ... I am contracting for a plate of decent composition to issue with your next year's clothing."[54]

The first pattern carries the "name of the corps and the number of the regiment," the 15th Infantry, commanded by Col. Zebulon Pike who was one of the officers who complained to Irvine about the poor quality of cap plates. The specimen is of tinned iron and the letters and numerals have been struck with individual hand dies.

The two Armitage plates, very similar in over-all design (figures 8, right, and 9), have been designated the second and third patterns. At least one of these—perhaps both—apparently was designed by, and its die sunk by, Moritz Furst, well-known die sinker and designer of Philadelphia. On March 6, 1813, Irvine wrote the Secretary of War: "Mr. Furst executed a die for this office for striking infantry cap plates, designed by him, which has been admitted by judges to be equal, if not superior, to anything of the kind ever produced in this country."[55] Furst was Hungarian by birth. He studied design and die sinking at the mint in Vienna and came to the United States in 1807 with the expectation of becoming Chief Engraver at the Philadelphia Mint, an appointment which he did not receive. He sank the dies for many of the medals voted to War of 1812 leaders, did the obverse die work for a number of Indian peace medals, and is believed to have designed the swords given by the State of New York to Generals Brown, Scott, Gaines, and Macomb.[56]

CAP PLATE, INFANTRY, 1812

USNM 66456-M. Figure 8, right.

Figure 8, left.

Figure 8, right.

This is the second pattern of the infantry cap plate described in the 1812 regulations as an "oblong silver plate ... bearing the name of the corps and the number of the regiment." The specimen was excavated on the site of Smith's Cantonment at Sackets Harbor, New York, known to have been occupied by Regular infantry during the 1812-1815 period. The piece is struck in "white metal" and tinned [the term "silver" in the regulation referred only to color]. It is rectangular, with clipped corners, and is dominated by an eagle, with wings outspread, grasping lightning bolts in the right talon and an olive branch in the left talon. Below is a panoply of stacked arms, flags with 6-pointed stars, two drums, and a cartridge box marked "U.S." The corps designation "U.S. INFANTRY" is above; the unit designation is blank with the letters "REGT." on the left. The plate is pierced with four pairs of holes on each side for attachment.

Another example of this second pattern is known; it is attached to an original cap and bears the unit designation "12 REGT."

CAP PLATE, INFANTRY, 1812 (REPRODUCTION)

USNM 60249 (S-K 7). Figure 9.

Figure 9

This is the third pattern of the infantry cap plate prescribed in the 1812 regulations. Like the preceding plate, of the second pattern, the original plate from which this reproduction was made was excavated on the site of Smith's Cantonment at Sackets Harbor, New York. Made of tin-alloy, as is the original, and rectangular with clipped corners, the piece is dominated by an unusually fierce looking eagle that first appeared on one of the 1807 half-dollars struck at the Philadelphia Mint. The eagle has an out-sized, curved upper beak and is grasping lightning bolts in the right talon and an olive branch in the left. Below is a panoply of flags and muskets with drum, saber, and cartridge box. The corps designation "US INFANY." is above, and the unit designation "16 REGT" is below. The "16" appears to have been added with separate die strikes. The specimen is pierced with two pairs of holes on each side for attachment.

This third pattern was also struck in brass and silvered for wear by officers. Several fragments of such a plate were excavated at Sackets Harbor; these, although of the third pattern, are the product of a die different from that used in striking the piece described above.

DRAGOON CAP PLATE, 1812

USNM 62054-M (S-K 1807). Figure 10.

Figure 10

This is an almost exact duplicate of the 1800 dragoon plate except that it is struck in pewter, "white metal," the color used by the infantry and dragoons. It is rectangular with clipped corners that are pierced for attachment. No detailed description of the 1812 plate has ever been found, but several identical specimens are known attached to dragoon helmets made by a contractor named Henry Cressman. The name "Cressman" is stamped on the lower side of the visor alongside the initials of an inspector named George Flomerfelt, who is known to have been employed by the Army as an inspector in Philadelphia during the period. Henry Cressman is listed in the Philadelphia directories from 1807 through 1817 as a shoemaker. From 1825 to 1839 he is listed as a military cap maker.

¶ On January 12, 1814, Irvine wrote to the Secretary of War as follows: "I send herewith an infantry cap plate which, with your permission, I will substitute for that now in use. The advantages of the former over the latter are that it is lighter, neater, and will not cost half [the] price. The present plate covers the greater part of the front of the cap, is heavy in its appearance, and adds much to the weight of the cap ...[57]" This proposal was approved on January 18.[58]

Figure 11.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

Figure 12.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

But here we enter an area of some confusion and controversy. Were these new plates to carry the name of the corps and/or the number of the regiment? Irvine's correspondence gives us no clue, but on the following March 28 he wrote at least two of his deputy commissary generals that he was forwarding 8,752 plates for distribution to 14 specifically named infantry regiments plus 851 "blank" plates.[59] From the total of 8,752 forwarded for specific units, it would seem that these were probably plates of the new design, but then the variance in the number sent for individual regiments—from a low of 152 for the 5th Infantry to highs of 1,016 and 1,050 for the 19th and 25th, respectively—appears odd. Specimens of the 1812 pattern are known both with and without the regimental number, while no examples of the 1814 pattern have been found with unit designation. Two extant examples of the 1814 pattern, representing two very similar but distinct designs (figs. 11, 12), were excavated at Sackets Harbor, New York, and Fort Atkinson, Nebraska, where Regular infantry served during 1813-1816 and 1819-1821, respectively. Both plates are "blank," and there is no appropriate place on either for the addition of the number of the unit, as in the case of the 1812 pattern.

Another example of the 1814 pattern is known; it is attached to a bell-crowned cap of Militia origin, which indicates that the plate was adopted by the Militia after being discarded by the Regular Establishment. A plate of the same design, but struck in pewter and cut in the diamond shape popular in the 1820's and 1830's, is also known; it is obviously a Militia item.

INFANTRY CAP PLATE, 1814-1821, DIE SAMPLE

USNM 60284-M (S-K 42). Figure 13.

Figure 13

Like practically all die samples, this one is struck in brass. It is rectangular with unclipped corners, but is marked for clipping. Within a raised oval an eagle, very similar to that on the 1812 plate, carries an olive branch in its beak, three arrows in its right talon, and thunder bolts and lightning in its left talon; below, there is a trophy of stacked muskets, drum, flag, and shield. Although this specimen is struck in brass, the plate in used specimens is known only in silver on copper, despite the fact that there was considerable talk of issuing it in brass.[60]

CAP PLATE, INFANTRY OFFICER, 1814-1821

USNM 604747 (S-K 892). Figure 14.

Figure 14

This plate, which is original to the hat to which it is affixed, may well have been worn by a regular infantry officer during the period 1814-1821. The cap is of the style first issued in October 1813, with the front rising above the crown.[61]

The plate, of silver on copper, is rectangular with four scallops top and bottom. A floral border, 3/16 of an inch wide, that surrounds the whole, strongly suggests that it was an officer's plate. Within a central oval an eagle, with wings outspread, is superimposed upon a trophy of arms and flags; above, on a ribbon, are "E PLURIBUS UNUM" and 15 5-pointed stars. It is possible that this plate is a Militia item, but the fact that it appears to be original on a leather cap of the type worn by Regulars makes it more likely that it is another example of officers' license in the matter of insignia during this period. Its attachment to the cap is a variant method: two hasp-like metal loops, affixed to the plate, have been run through holes in the hat and a leather thong threaded through them. Most cap plates of this period were pierced at the corners for attachment by threads.

Figure 15.—Specimen in Fort Erie Museum, Ontario, Canada.

Figure 16.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

¶ The cap plates issued to the artillery regiments (less the Regiment of Light Artillery) and the riflemen during the period 1812-1821 are known, but only a fragment of one is represented in the national collections. Illustrations of all extant are included to complete the picture. Two of the 1812 plates issued the 2d Regiment of Artillery (fig. [15]) have been excavated at Fort Erie, Ontario, and are in the collections of the museum there. A plate of the 3d Regiment (fig. [16]) excavated at Sackets Harbor, New York, is of an entirely different design. The lower third of a plate of the 1st Regiment (fig. [17]), again of a different design, was excavated by the authors in 1961. In 1814, when the three regiments were consolidated into the Corps of Artillery, these plates were superseded by one bearing the eagle-on-cannon device closely resembling the button of the artillery for the period 1814-1821, which has the word "Corps" inscribed.[62] Specimens of this latter plate representing two distinct though similar designs have been excavated at posts known to have been manned by Regular artillery in 1814 and later (figs. 18, 19). The same general design appears also on cross-belt plates and waist-belt plates (see below pp. [34]-35).

CAP PLATE, 1ST REGIMENT ARTILLERY, 1812

USNM 67240-M. Figure 17.

Figure 17

The over-all design of the plate of which this brass-struck fragment represents approximately one-third can be rather accurately surmised by comparing it with several of the ornamented buttons issued to the infantry in 1812-1815. It is probably the work of the same designer.[63] The plate is rectangular with clipped corners. Within a raised border is an oval surrounded by cannon, cannon balls, and a drum, with the unit designation "1 RT ARTY". At the top of the oval can be seen grasping claws, obviously those of an eagle (as sketched in by the artist) and similar to those on the buttons referred to above. Single holes at the clipped corners provided means of attachment. It seems probable that the design of the missing portion also include flags and additional arms and accoutrements.

¶ The design of the "yellow front plate" authorized and issued to the Regiment of Light Artillery[64] in 1812 was unknown for many years. In May 1961 one of the authors fortunately located this plate (fig. [20]) in the collections of the Niagara Historical Society Museum at Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, included in a group of British badges of the War of 1812 period. There can be no doubt that the specimen is American: the eagle's head is of the same design as that on the third pattern 1812 infantry cap plate (fig. [9]); the wreath of laurel appears on both the 1800 and 1812 dragoon helmet plates; and the thunderbolts in the eagle's right talon are wholly American, as opposed to British, and are of the period. In the Fort Ticonderoga Museum collections there is a gold signet ring (original owner unknown) that has an almost identical design.

Figure 18.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

This is one of the largest plates ever worn by the Regular Establishment. It measures 4-1/4 by 5-1/4 inches, and it is not surprising that it was replaced because of its size. On May 19, 1814, the Commissary General of Purchases wrote Lt. Col. J. R. Fenwick, second-in-command of the light artillery, asking his opinion of a new design and stating flatly: "The present light artillery plate is too large by one-half."[65] The plate illustrated as figure 21 is offered as a possible example of the 1814 design. A matching waist-belt plate is described below (p. 34).

Figure 19.—Specimen in U.S. Army Artillery and Missile Center Museum, Fort Sill, Oklahoma.

Figure 20.—Specimen in Niagara Historical Society Museum, Niagara-on-the-Lake, Ontario, Canada.

Figure 21.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

Figure 22.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

Figure 23.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

There are four different patterns of riflemen's cap plates that can be fairly bracketed in three periods. The large (6-1/4 by 5 inches) diamond-shaped brass plate with the letters "R.R." (fig. [22]) was adopted for wear in the spring of 1812 as replacement for the letters "USRR" that had been worn on the cap since the organization of the Regiment of Riflemen in 1808. It was excavated in the interior of one of the barracks comprising Smith's Cantonment at Sackets Harbor, New York, where riflemen were stationed as early as August 1812. The style of the "R" is very similar to that on the 1812 Artillery cap plate, and the "R.R." designation conforms to that on the button authorized for the riflemen in 1808. The pattern of the second diamond-shaped plate (fig. [23]), also in brass and almost identical in size, although a ground find, is more difficult to account for, despite the fact that it most certainly falls in the same period. The most logical explanation seems that the riflemen, who considered themselves a cut above the common infantry, became disgruntled with the utter plainness of their plates when compared with those just issued the infantry, and asked for and received, possibly late in 1812, the plate with the eagle and the designation "U.S. Rifle Men." The fact that the plate bears the designation "1 REGT"—although there were no other rifle regiments from 1812 to 1814—can be explained by reference to the "national color" of the Rifle Regiment completed in 1808, which bore the inscription "1st Rifle Regt.—U.S." and the standard and national color of the light artillery which were inscribed "The First Regiment of Light Artillery" when there was never more than one light artillery unit in the Army.[66] In any case, accurate dating of the third and fourth patterns definitely places the second pattern in the 1812-1813 period by process of elimination. It was superseded in 1814[67] very possibly for the same reason that the infantry plate was changed—heaviness in both appearance and weight—and replaced by a plate with a "design similar to that of the button ... flat yellow buttons which shall exhibit a bugle surrounded by stars with the number of the regiment within the curve of the bugle."[68] At least three specimens of this third-pattern plate are known. They all are 3-1/4 inches in diameter, and thus are large enough for a hat frontpiece and too large to be a cockade device. One of these plates is without a numeral (fig. [24]); one has the numeral "1," and one has the numeral "4" (fig. [25]). The first and second of these were found at Fort Atkinson, but very probably were not worn as late as 1819-1821. Portions of specimens of this 1814 plate have also been recovered from an early Pawnee village site in Webster County, Nebraska, indicating their possible use as trade goods after the rifle regiment changed its plates in 1817.[69] The fourth pattern, with an eagle over a horn (fig. [26]) was authorized[70] in 1817. Apparently it was worn until 1821, since several examples of it have been found at Atkinson; other examples also are known.

Figure 24.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

Figure 25

Figure 26.—Specimen in Campbell collection.

Figure 27.—Specimen in collection of Waverly P. Lewis, Devon, Connecticut.

The cap plate for the U.S. Military Academy, c. 1815, is illustrated (fig. [27]) because it completes the cycle for insignia of the Regular Establishment for the period. Apparently it is the work of the same designer as most of the insignia of the period 1812-1815. Scratched on its reverse side is the name George W. Frost, a Virginian who entered the Military Academy as a cadet in 1814 and resigned on March 8, 1816.

The two plates of the U.S. Marine Corps, despite the fact that they are naval rather than military, are included because they fit very precisely into the device design pattern of the strictly army items of the period and because they are unique in their rarity.

CAP PLATE, U.S. MARINE CORPS, C. 1807, DIE SAMPLE

USNM 58671-N-(1). Figure 28.

Figure 28

This specimen was extremely puzzling for many years. The design is obviously that of the War of 1812 period, bearing strong similarity to both the 1812 and 1814 infantry plates and the 1814 Artillery Corps plate, possibly the work of the same die sinker. The 1804 Marine Corps uniform regulations specified merely a "Brass Eagle and Plate," but the 1807 regulations called for "Octagon plates."[71] Thus there was considerable reluctance to accept this die sample as the authentic design. In the summer of 1959, however, the authors, excavating at Fort Tomkins, New York, which was known to have had a small barracks for the use of naval personnel ashore, recovered parts of two brass plates of this identical design, and in the octagon shape—that is, rectangular with clipped corners (fig. [29]). The design may thus be precisely dated.

Figure 29

The specimen is struck in rectangular brass with a raised edge. The whole is dominated by an eagle that is very similar to the eagles on the infantry and artillery corps plates described above. The talons grasp the shank of a large fouled anchor; a ribbon, held in the beak and streaming overhead, is embossed with the motto "FORTITUDINE." The whole is on a trophy of arms and flags, and below the lower raised edge is embossed the word "MARINES." The excavated specimens vary slightly in size, but average 3-3/8 by 4-3/4 inches. Reproductions of this die strike were made prior to its acquisition by the National Museum, and specimens outside the national collections should be considered with caution.

CAP OR SHOULDER-BELT PLATE, U.S. MARINE CORPS, 1815-1825(?)

USNM 58671-N-(2). Figure 30.

Figure 30

This specimen is known only in die samples. Because of its similarity in design to the 1814 infantry plates, it cannot be dated later than 1825. Since no naval uniformed Militia units are known for the period 1815-1825, and since the plate is obviously not a device of the regular Navy, it must be assigned to the Marine Corps. In studying this plate, however, we must recognize the possibility that the maker may have been designing and sinking dies in the hope of having a sample accepted and approved for issue rather than actually executing a contract. The plate is struck in rectangular brass, and the corners are marked for clipping. The design, within a wide oval with raised edge, consists of an eagle above a trophy of arms, flags, and a shield. The right talon grasps a fluke of a fouled anchor, and the left talon holds the pike of a stand of colors. Reproductions of this die strike were made prior to its acquisition by the National Museum, and specimens outside the national collections should be considered with caution.

¶ The 1821 uniform regulations were significant in several respects: cap plates were eliminated as distinctive insignia of the various arms; the color of certain items of dress and equipment remained the sole distinction; and the rules regarding nonregulation dress were more precisely stated than before. The cap plates were replaced by eagles, measuring 3 inches between wing tips, and the number of the regiment was cut in the shield. Regulations tersely stated that "all articles of uniform or equipment, more or less, than those prescribed, or in any manner differing from them, are prohibited."[72] General and staff officers were to wear black sword belts with "yellow plates"; artillery officers were to wear white waist belts with a yellow oval plate 1-1/2 inches wide and with an eagle in the center; infantry officers were to wear a similar plate that was white instead of yellow. Cockade eagles for chapeau de bras were to be gold and measure 1-1/2 inches between wing tips. Since enlisted men were no longer authorized to wear swords, they had no waist belts.

CAP AND PLATE, THIRD ARTILLERY, 1821

USNM 66603-M. Figure 31.

Figure 31

Although several "yellow" eagles that can be attributed to the 1821-1832 period are known, this brass specimen on the bell-crowned cap is the only one known to the authors that has the prescribed regimental number cut out of the shield. The button on the pompon rosette—which appears to be definitely original to the cap, as does the eagle—carries the artillery "A," thus the assignment to that branch of the service. The eagle bears a close similarity to the eagles on the 1812 and 1814 infantry cap plates and the 1807 Marine Corps cap plate, and is possibly the work of the same designer.

CAP INSIGNIA, INFANTRY, 1822

USNM 60364-M (SK-120). Figure 32.

Figure 32

Early in 1822, the Secretary of War, acting on a suggestion of Callendar Irvine, ordered that all metal equipment of the infantry be of "white metal" in keeping with its pompons, tassels, and lace.[73] This specimen, struck in copper and silvered, is believed to have been issued as a result of that order.

¶ The 1821 regulations stated that cockade eagles should measure 1-1/2 inches between wing tips. In 1832 this wingspread was increased to 2-1/2 inches. Thus, specimens of a relatively uniform pattern and measuring approximately 1-1/2 inches in wingspread will be considered as of the Regular Army, 1821-1832. Similarly, those of a relatively uniform pattern and measuring approximately 2-1/2 inches in wingspread are dated 1832-1851.

COCKADE EAGLE, C. 1821

USNM 60371-M (S-K 127). Figure 33.

Figure 33

This eagle, struck in brass, has wings extended, head to the right, federal shield on breast with no stars, olive branch in right talon, and three arrows in left talon.

COCKADE EAGLE, INFANTRY, C. 1821

USNM 60372-M (S-K 128). Not illustrated.

This eagle is struck from the same die as the preceding specimen, but it is in white metal rather than brass.

COCKADE EAGLE, C. 1821

USNM 60367-M (S-K 123). Figure 34.

Figure 34

Of silver on copper, this eagle is similar to the two preceding specimens, but is struck from a variant die. It possibly was worn by the Militia.

COCKADE EAGLE, INFANTRY, C. 1821

USNM 60373-M (S-K 130). Figure 35.

Figure 35

This specimen is very similar to those above, but it has 13 stars in the shield on the eagle's breast.

¶ Despite the fact that it was found attached to a shako of distinct Militia origin, the cap plate shown in figure 36 is believed to be that prescribed for the cadets of the Military Academy in the 1821 uniform regulations and described as "yellow plate, diamond shape." The letters "U S M A" in the angles of the diamond, the word "CADET" at the top of the oval, what appears to be the designation "W POINT" at the left top of the map, and the tools of instruction (so similar to those embellishing the cadet diploma, although totally different in rendering), make it difficult to assign this plate to any source other than the Academy. It is possible, of course, that this was a manufacturer's sample which was never actually adopted for wear at West Point. The apparent maker's name, "CASAD," at the bottom of the oval, does not appear in the city directories of any of the larger manufacturing centers of the period.

Figure 36.—Specimen in West Point Museum, West Point, New York.

CAP INSIGNIA, 1832(?)

USNM 60365-M (S-K 121). Figure 37.

Figure 37

Despite the facts that there was no change in cap insignia authorized in the 1832 uniform regulations and that this specimen is similar in most respects to the 1821 eagle, its refinement of design and manufacture indicates that it possibly belongs to the period of the 1830's and 1840's. It is struck in thin brass and has three plain wire fasteners soldered to the reverse.

CAP INSIGNIA, 1832(?)

USNM 60366-M (S-K 122). Not illustrated.

Although similar to the preceding plate, this specimen measures 3-1/4 by 2-1/4 inches, is struck from a different die, and has a much wider breast shield. Of somewhat heavier brass than most such similar eagles and exhibiting a well-developed patina, it may have been an officer's device.

CAP PLATE, DRAGOONS, 1833

USNM 60276-M (S-K 34). Figure 38.

Figure 38

When the dragoons returned to the Army in 1833, their cap device was described as "a gilt star, silver eagle ... the star to be worn in front."[74] An 8-pointed, sunburst-type star, this plate is struck in brass and has a superimposed eagle that is struck in brass and silvered. The eagle is basically the Napoleonic type adopted by the British after the Battle of Waterloo and altered by omitting the lightning in the talons and adding a wreath to the breast. Plain wire fasteners are soldered to the back.

¶ In 1834, possibly as a result of the newly organized dragoons receiving distinctive branch insignia, the infantry and artillery once again were authorized devices on the dress cap designating their particular arm. The gilt eagle was retained. Below the eagle was an open horn with cords and tassels in silver for infantry, and cross cannons in "gilt" for artillery. The number of the regiment was added over the cannon or within the curve of the horn. These devices remained in use until the change in headgear in 1851.

CAP INSIGNIA, INFANTRY, 1834-1851

USNM 62055-M, 62056-M (SK-1808, 1809). Figure 39.

Figure 39

This eagle is similar to the 1821 pattern, although somewhat more compact in design. It is struck in brass, has wings upraised, head to the right, shield on breast, olive branch in right talon, and three arrows in left talon. The open horn, struck in brass and silvered, is suspended, with bell to the right, by four twisted cords tied in a 3-leaf-clover knot; the tassels on the four cord-ends hang below.

CAP INSIGNIA, ARTILLERY, 1834-1851

USNM 60426-M (S-K 182). Figure 40.

Figure 40

This is the "gilt ... cross cannons" device prescribed for artillery in the 1834 regulations. Struck in sheet brass of medium thickness, the superimposed cannon has trunnions and dolphins.

FORAGE CAP STAR, DRAGOON OFFICER, C. 1840