Transcriber’s Note: For the most part, we must assume that what was printed is a verbatim transcript of Fowler’s appalling spelling, but a few corrections for what appeared to be certain printing errors are detailed at the end.

I.

AMERICAN EXPLORERS SERIES.

Fowler’s Journal.

You can click the image for a larger version, if the device you’re reading this on supports that.

REPRODUCTION OF A PAGE OF JACOB FOWLER’S ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT. THE ABOVE INCLUDES FACSIMILE OF THE ONLY AUTOGRAPH SIGNATURE OF MAJOR FOWLER, THE NAMES OF HIS PARTY, ETC., ETC.

THE JOURNAL
OF
JACOB FOWLER

NARRATING AN ADVENTURE
FROM
ARKANSAS THROUGH THE INDIAN TERRITORY,
OKLAHOMA, KANSAS, COLORADO,
AND NEW MEXICO,
TO THE
SOURCES OF RIO GRANDE DEL NORTE,
1821-22

EDITED, WITH NOTES
BY
ELLIOTT COUES

NEW YORK
FRANCIS P. HARPER
1898

Copyright, 1898,
by
FRANCIS P. HARPER

DEDICATED
TO
REUBEN T. DURRETT, A. M., LL. D.,
NESTOR OF KENTUCKY HISTORIANS
AND
PRESIDENT OF THE FILSON CLUB,
IN ADMIRATION OF HIS PERSONAL CHARACTER AND IN
REMEMBRANCE OF PLEASANT HOURS PASSED
IN HIS HOSPITABLE HOME.

INTRODUCTION.

Jacob Fowler is an unknown author whose work has never before been heralded beyond the private circles of his friends, relatives, and descendants. The editor of his Journal has therefore a man as well as a book to introduce to the public. Being responsible for the appearance of the latter in print, he will presently say something on that score. But first let us hear from Colonel R. T. Durrett, of Louisville, Ky., the owner of the manuscript now published, who will speak for its author:

Louisville, Ky., Dec. 4, 1897.

Dr. Elliott Coues, Washington, D. C.

I have your letter, My Dear Doctor, in which you request me to tell what I may know about the Journal you found among my manuscripts when you were my guest last year, and which you have determined to include in your admirable series of Western Americana. I am sorry to have to say that I do not know much of this manuscript or its author. The little I know, however, will be cheerfully contributed to an undertaking which is to place a Kentucky manuscript from my collection among the publications which, under your editorship, have added so much to our literature of discovery, exploration, and adventure.

The author of this Journal is Major Jacob Fowler. His name is not attached to the Journal, and does not appear on any of its pages in such a way as to indicate authorship. Yet it is well understood among his numerous descendants now living in Kentucky and other States that he is the author. I obtained the manuscript some years ago from Mrs. Ida Symmes Coates, daughter of the late Americus Symmes, now residing at her country seat near Louisville. Mrs. Coates is a great-granddaughter, on the maternal side, of Jacob Fowler. The manuscript descended to her in a direct line from her mother, Frances Scott, who was a granddaughter of Jacob Fowler, and who had obtained it in the same way from her mother, Abigail Fowler, the only daughter of Jacob Fowler. The manuscript has thus come down to us in a direct line, and is the unquestionable work of Major Jacob Fowler.

When Mrs. Coates gave me this manuscript she remarked that although her great-grandsire was a very well educated man, he wrote a very bad hand, and that I might be puzzled now and then in getting at his meaning. I found this to be true, and would not like to say that I succeeded in interpreting all of his modern hieroglyphics. When I placed the manuscript in your hands I felt sure that Lewis and Clark, Pike, and Henry and Thompson, as well as other explorers, had made you so familiar with the country gone over by Major Fowler, that you could with comparative ease master its chirographic difficulties. In this I was right; but I do remember how, with your constantly replenished pipe, you sat in my library, and smoked and puzzled over this manuscript. A distinguished host once assured his guest that the more raw turnips he ate, the more water he would drink, and that the more water he drank, the more turnips he would eat. With a touch of similarity, you smoked and read, and read and smoked, with manifest indications of successful or unsuccessful interpretations of the text, as your puffs were rapid or slow. It might be hard to say whether you smoked most or read most, but you finally mastered the manuscript; and whether you did so by smoking out the uninterpretable hieroglyphics, or got rid of them by other means, does not matter. While a cloud of smoke may not seem to be the best means of clearing up the obscurity of a manuscript, it is the known result here considered, if not the philosophy of its action.

Pioneers by the name of Fowler were early in Kentucky, and some of them were the owners of large bodies of land. In 1783, Alexander Fowler entered 10,000 acres on the Little Kentucky river; and in 1784, John Fowler, who was the first member of Congress from Ashland District, located 1536 acres on Brush creek and on the dividing ridge between Pitman’s creek and Robertson’s run. I do not know whether Jacob Fowler was of the family of these Fowlers, but he was certainly akin to them in so far as the love and ownership of lands were concerned. Besides other possessions, he owned 2000 acres of the site of the present city of Covington, Kenton Co., Ky. He was one of the pioneers of what afterward became the county of Kenton, before the city of Covington was incorporated. A census of the male inhabitants of this locality shows him to have been residing here in 1810, with his sons Edward and Benjamin. Had he been permitted to retain these Covington lands, he might have become a multi-millionaire. His kind heart, however, led him to become the indorser of those who made a clean sweep of his fine estate. A large double brick dwelling house, handsomely furnished, in the midst of ample grounds, planted with trees and shrubbery, flowers and blue-grass, went with his lands to pay the debts of others. Had he written his name as indorser as illegibly as he wrote the names of others in his Journal, there might have been some ground for what lawyers call the plea of non est factum, to clear him of liability. But such was not the case, and his security for others swept away his large estate.

Major Fowler was born in New York, in 1765, and came to Kentucky in early life, a fine specimen of physical manhood, fully equipped for the office and duties of a surveyor. His surveying instruments were the best of their day, and elicited no little envy from those who used the common Jacob’s staff and compass, and chain of the times. He had the reputation of being an accomplished surveyor, and did much in this line for the United States government. His surveying extended to the great plains and mountains of the far West, before civilization had reached these distant wilds. He was there when wild animals and wilder savages were the only tenants of the wilderness.

Major Fowler married the widow Esther Sanders, née de Vie, of Newport, Ky. She was of French descent, and a lady of great beauty and accomplishments. She made his home one of happiness and hospitality. She sometimes accompanied him on his surveying expeditions and bore domestic charms to the tent in which they lived, as she did to the palatial mansion at home. She was a woman of fine business capacity, who, when her husband was not at home, attended to his affairs, and especially to his farm in the suburbs of Covington. Here fine stock and abundant crops owed much to her constant care and supervision. The grapes that grew on the place were made into wine and the apples into cider, in accordance with the knowledge she had inherited from her French ancestors. Her great-grandchildren of to-day tell of the life of the camp, when she was with her husband in his surveying expeditions. The tent floor was nicely carpeted; a comfortable bed invited repose after the toil of the day; dainty china, bright cut glass, and shining silverware, handsome enough to be preserved as family heirlooms by their descendants, were used on the camp table. It was something of Parisian life in the dreary wilderness.

Major Fowler died in Covington in the year 1850. His life as a surveyor and explorer in the West subjected him to many hardships, but a constitution naturally vigorous was preserved with care until he reached his eighty-sixth year. He has numerous descendants in Kentucky, Ohio, and other States, some of whom occupy high social positions. Mrs. Coates, to whom I am indebted for this manuscript Journal, is, in the paternal line, the granddaughter of Captain John Cleve Symmes, author of the “Theory of Concentric Spheres,” 12mo. Cincinnati, 1826, and great-grandniece of Hon. John Cleve Symmes, a member of Congress from New Jersey, who purchased of the United States government that vast body of land in the State of Ohio, lying on the north bank of the Ohio river between the two Miamis. With the knowledge and consent of her father, the late Americus Symmes, she gave me the manuscript in the belief that I would make some good use of it. After thinking for a time that I would place it among the Filson Club Publications, I changed my mind and turned it over to you to be published. I think this is the best use I could have made of the manuscript, and I shall now wait with impatience until I see your work published in the best style of Francis P. Harper, and read your ample notes and comments, which I doubt not will be after the inimitable manner of your Lewis and Clark, your Pike, and your Henry and Thompson.

Truly,

R. T. Durrett.

The MS. which I received from Colonel Durrett is entitled: “memorandom of the voige by land from fort Smith to the Rockey mountains”—and is the most like those mountains of any I have ever undertaken to overcome. My eminent friend does not exaggerate the difficulty of deciphering the characters which he aptly styles “hieroglyphics,” and which have hitherto kept this writing a sealed book. The text begins verso of the title, and ostensibly runs pp. 1-264, but pagination is once skipped and twice duplicated. The folios may be called of square note-paper size, nearly that of a small quarto book—8 × 6½ inches for pp. 1-180, but larger, nearly 9 × 7, for the rest. The ragged edges make exact measurements impracticable, Father Time’s paper-mill having turned out a deckel-edged product, so fashionable nowadays. The sheets, of four pages or two folios each, are gathered in 16-page packets, the outsides of which are now much soiled—indeed, the rough, unruled surfaces are all darkened with the dust of three-quarters of a century, and the ink is faded to match the same subdued monotone, except in places where it recedes to the vanishing point. The writing is upon both sides of the paper; and the whole effect, if it could be facsimiled, would be a bibliomaniac’s dream of delight.

At first sight, this manuscript appears illegible; no one can read it off-hand. Nevertheless, this writing proves readable upon sufficient study of the alphabetic characters which Fowler invented to suit himself, like that classic old Theban Cadmus, or his modern imitator, Cherokee Sequoiah. I managed to master it under the agreeable circumstances of my visit to Louisville, to which my host on that occasion has so pleasantly alluded in the letter printed above; and after that my secretary also proved herself equal to the task when she took the matter in hand to copy for the press. There are hardly a dozen words in which doubt attaches to a single letter, and probably not half as many have proven altogether illegible.

Fowler wrote a large sprawling hand, as may be judged by the fact that only 174 of these small open pages are required to print his 264 folios, with my 176 notes. He commonly conforms to the requirements of dotted i and crossed t, but otherwise strikes out for himself in the formation of letters. His most original invention is an r which would puzzle Œdipus, as it is always a careful n; most of his short-stroke characters look alike in their resemblance to bends of the Arkansaw river on a map, and his long strokes seem as if they had been struck by lightning. The incessant capitals are flourished elaborately, and not confined to initial letters. Fowler is also fond of capping little words, as if he thought they needed such help to hold up their heads with big ones, and equally apt to begin proper names, sentences, and paragraphs with lower-case letters. This style of composition appears on the printed page, which faithfully imitates every peculiarity of the original which can be set with an ordinary font of type. The syntax is the sort which has been happily called “dash dialect”—Fowler has no other punctuation than the dash, excepting a sporadic period here and there, usually misplaced, and an occasional stab at the paper which is neither one thing nor another, and may therefore be overlooked. His spelling speaks so well for itself in print that little need be said on that score. Its entire originality, its effusive spontaneity, its infinite variety, will charm the reader while it puzzles him, and make the modern manufacturer of Dialect despair of his most ingenious craft. Aside from sheer slips of the pen, by which Fowler often misses letters, as in writing “campe,” “caped,” “capped,” or “capted” for camped, there is a particular point to which I may call attention as the most characteristic—in fact, the diagnostic—feature of his composition. It is that habitual omission of final y which makes the definite article do duty for the third personal pronoun nominative; and when this is followed by a misspelled verb simulating a noun, some curious locutions result. Thus, “the Road” stands for they rode; “the Ware,” for they were; “the Cold,” for they could; “the Head,” for they had; “the Maid,” for they made—and so on, to the end of the book.

But it is needless to pursue this alluring theme; the reader may turn to the text which follows this feeble preface so strenuously, and see for himself with what a tour de force our ingenious author managed to evade what we now call good grammar. I have found more than one reason for transferring this curious copy to type with the utmost verbality, literality, and punctuality of which the compositor is capable. In the first place, it tickled my fancy so that I wished others to enjoy the same sensation—for is it not said that our joys are doubled by sharing them, as our sorrows are halved by the same process? Again, to prolong these pleasantries, I may say that I thought this would be a good way to show that awesome deference which I ought to feel for certain captious critics of former works with which my name is associated, whose green-eyed strabismus has seen me in the light of entirely too good an editor—that is to say, who have complimented me by their censure for making my authors too intelligible, too attractive, and altogether too readable, by the way I dressed them for the press.

So I determined to submit the pure text of Fowler’s Journal to the discernment of competent critics of literary wares, as well as to the lack of that quality in fussy fault-finders, and let everybody see how some manuscript looks when it is printed just as it is written. I do not vaunt this specimen as unique in any respect except the handwriting, a sample of which is reproduced. The article is much like others of Fowler’s times and circumstances; it is only a little off the average syntax and orthography of that period, with a few more capitals and dashes than were then usual. I know authors of our own day whose copy would turn out a good deal like Fowler’s if the printer did not fix it up for them. They are mostly the ones who damn instead of blessing the artists of the art preservative of arts. Few women, for example, can spell quite like the dictionaries; fewer still can punctuate properly; and fewest of all persons of either sex in the world are those authors, even among professional literarians, who would like or could afford to see themselves set up in print exactly as they write themselves down. There is said to be a day coming when the secrets of all hearts shall be revealed, the wicked shall tremble, and they shall say to the mountains, “fall on us”—or words to that effect. I cite the passage from early memory, not having the author in hand, and have not verified the quotation; but I will risk anything of that sort, provided the day never comes when the secrets of the printing office shall be revealed. I am at peace with my God, my neighbor, and myself; but—I am an author.

If we turn from the form to the substance of Fowler’s Journal, and ask to see the bill of lading, curious to know what useful or valuable information is contained in so singular a vehicle of conveyance, it may be confidently said that this “prairie schooner” is well freighted for a “voige” on the highway of Americana; for the cargo is a novel and notable contribution to our knowledge of early commercial venture and pioneering adventure in the Great West. It is simply a story of the trader and trapper, unsupported by the soldier, unimpeded by the priest, and in no danger from the politician. The scene is set in the wilderness; the time is when pack-animals are driven across the stage, before the first wheels rolled over the plains from the States to Santa Fé; and the actors have very real parts to perform.

From the respective dates of Pursley, of Lalande, and of Pike, whose several travels were among the first if not the earliest overland from the United States to the Spanish settlements, on the part of American citizens—from the opening years of the century to the 1821-22 of Fowler—various parties were on the Arkansaw in what are now Kansas and Colorado. But the records of where they went or what they did? That is the question. Ezekiel Williams, James Workman, Samuel Spencer, sole and shadowy survivors of Coyner’s “Lost Trappers,” are only uneasy spirits flitting from the Missouri to Mexico and California in an apocryphal book, never materializing out of fable-land into historical environment. Wherever other American trappers or traders may have gone on the Arkansaw or even the Rio Grande in those days, and whatever they may have done, Fowler was first to forge another sound link in the chain which already reached from Pike to Long. The latter’s justly celebrated expedition came down the Arkansaw and the Canadian in 1820. Pike ascended the main river from its great bend to its sources in 1806, the same year that his lieutenant, Wilkinson, descended this stream from the point where he parted from his captain. For the lower reaches of the river we have Thomas Nuttall’s Journal of Travels into the Arkansa Territory, during the year 1819, and various other accounts. But I know of no record, earlier in date than Fowler’s, of continuous ascent of the river from Fort Smith to the present position of Pueblo in Colorado. He meandered the whole course of the Arkansaw between the points named, except his cut-off of a small portion by the Verdigris trail. One of his men, Lewis Dawson, who was killed by a grizzly bear at the mouth of the Purgatory—and who, let us hope, left that place for happier hunting-grounds—may not have been the first white American buried in Colorado soil; but the record of a prior funeral would be far to seek. Whose was the first habitable and inhabited house on the spot where Pueblo now stands? Fowler’s, probably; for Pike’s stockade was hardly a house, and Jim Beckwourth came twenty years after Fowler. The Taos Trail from Santa Fé through the Sangre de Cristo Pass to the Arkansaw at Pueblo was well known to the Spaniards when Fowler’s party traversed it in the opposite direction; but we have no American itinerary of that passage at an earlier date than his. When Fowler ascended the Rio Grande to Hot Spring creek in the San Juan range, he followed a Spanish road; but never before had an American expedition been so near the sources of that great river Del Norte, and not till many years afterward did any such prolong Fowler’s traces upward. The greater part of Fowler’s homeward journey from Taos to Fort Osage will doubtless prove as novel to his readers as it was unexpected by his editor. South of the Arkansaw, his trail was neither by the way he had gone before, nor by either of those roads which were soon be established and become well known; for he came neither by the Cimarron nor the Raton route, but took a straighter course than either, between the two, over Chico Rico Mesa and thence along Two Butte creek to the Arkansaw on the Kansan-Coloradan border. Again, when Fowler left the Arkansaw to strike across Kansas, he did not take up the direct route which caravans were about to blaze as the Santa Fé Trail from Missouri through Council Grove to Great Bend; but went a roundabout way, looping far south to heads of the Whitewater and Verdigris rivers before he crossed the Neosho to make for the Missouri below the mouth of the Kansas.

This bare outline of the way Fowler went in twice crossing the Plains, to and from the Rocky mountains, suffices to show that, taken as a whole, it was not only the first but also the last such itinerary of which we have any knowledge; for if this route has since been retraversed in its entirety, time has obliterated all sign of such an adventure.

Another point is to be scored in connection with Fowler’s unique performance. The date is a critical one in the history of the whole subject. That elusive “Red river” which Pike sought in vain in 1806 was only the year before Fowler found by Long to be the Canadian fork of the Arkansaw, instead of that separate tributary of the Mississippi which Long imagined he was descending till he reached its confluence with the same stream which the other detachment of his party followed down. Just at the time when Long had finished his exploration, and Fowler was leading his people home from their wide wandering, the Santa Fé trade was taking definite shape. Like every other such enterprise, this one went through its tentative stages of hesitancy and disconcert, before its final organization as a regular industry; and if any year can be named as that of complete equipment for the business, it is that of 1822. Fowler was thus a factor in the beginnings of a commerce which grew by what it fed upon to the immense proportions it had acquired when it was checked by the troubles of 1846.

Whatever be deemed the merit or demerit of Fowler’s work as a whole, viewed in the light of a contribution to the history of Western adventure in connection with the fur trade, I can attest the coherency and consequence of the narrative now before us. The author tells a plain, straightforward story, and never fails to make it intelligible. He never loses the thread of his discourse, never tangles it into an irrelevant skein, and holds himself well in hand through all the asperities he experienced. He is a reasonable sort of a writer, if not a very ready one. I have had little trouble in trailing him from start to finish, for all that compass-points uncorrected for magnetic variation, and distances chained only in the sensations of a tired traveler, are not among the “constants of nature”—especially in the mountains; and I am satisfied that his route is laid down correctly in my notes. The sign is a little dim here and there, in some of the cross-country laps, but we never lose it. Fowler had the good eye for topography to be expected of a professional surveyor, and I only wish that some other persons whose peregrinations I have had occasion to follow had exercised powers of observation equal to those which Fowler displayed under arduous exigencies of trade and travel.

Thus far by way of introducing to the public the hitherto unknown author of a new contribution to Americana, which I hope may find that favor which I believe it deserves.

The task of copying Fowler’s Journal v. l. p. was intrusted to an expert, Mrs. Mary B. Anderson, to whom acknowledgments are due for the result. The copy was made in my absence from home last summer, during which the lady was left entirely to her own resources in making out the manuscript; and subsequent critical comparison of the transcription with the original served mainly to show its beauty as well as accuracy. The Index is also her careful handiwork.

E. C.

1726 N Street, Washington, D. C., January 1, 1898.

MEMORANDOM OF THE VOIGE BY LAND FROM FORT SMITH TO THE ROCKEY MOUNTAINS.

thorsday 6th Sept 1821

We Set out from fort Smith[1] on the arkensaw and Crossing that River pased threw a bottom of Rich Land Well timbered and much Kaine[2]—thence over Low Ridges the land poor and in some places Rockey—at 30 miles crosed the tallecaw[3] a Crick about 150 feet Wid Large bottoms on bothe Sides and at ten miles farther Crosed the Illinios[4] River about 80 yds Wide and about one mile farther Stoped for the night at Beens[5] Salt Workes—this is the Second night Since We left the fort—the Workes one Small Well With a few kittles about 55 gallons of Watter make a bushil of Salt and the Well afords Watter to boil the kittles about three days in the Weake Been and Sanders Has permission of the govem [government] to Worke the Salt Spring—the Sell the Salt at one dollar per Bushil—from Heare We pased over Some High poor Hills Some valleys and Some pirarie lands about twenty miles to a large bottom Well Covered in parts With Caine and Well timbered—threw Which We pased about Eight miles to grand River or Six bull.[6] this is fine bold Streem of Clear Watter about 150 yd Wide Which We forded but not Without Some doupts—the Watter Runing With great force—about one mile above the mouth of this River is the mouth of the virdegree[7] a River of about one Hundred yds Wide deep and muddy at the mouth and up it to the Rapids about four miles Wheare there is a trading House. but we Stoped at the trading Hous of Conl Hugh glann[8] about mile up the VII degree Wheare We Remained till the 25th Sept makeing a Raingment for our gurney to the mountains—Heare five of our Hunters Left us and Went Home this Sircumstance much dispereted more of our men—tho We Still determined to purced—and on the 25th of Sept 1821 We found our Selves 20 men in all[9] and under the Command of Conl Hugh glann With mager Jacob Fowler Robert Fowler Battis Roy Battis Peno george Duglas Nat Pryer Bono Barbo Lewis Dauson Taylor Richard Walters Ward Jesey vanbeber Slover Simpson Maxwill Findley Battis moran and Pall a black man the property of mager Fowler we Head thirty Horses and mules Seventen of Which traps and goods for the Indean traid—and Each man mounted on Horsback—We Left the traiding House in the afternoon—North 50 West about five miles to a Small Crick Which Runs West in to the virdegree—the Bottom between the Six bull and verdegree is High and Rich Well timbered With Some Caine and is about one and a Half miles Wide to the Hills—from What We Cold Learn there is no Caine above this on the arkensaw—We pased to day Some Pirarie Cirted With Wood land Some timber on the Crick it Rained Hard We Packed up our goods and Covered them With Skins to keep them dry and Piched our tents for the night—Conl Hugh glann Haveing Left us and gon by the mishenerys,[10] and to meet us Some Wheare a Head—

26th

We Set out Early along the Road Leading to the osage vilege[11] threw fine Pirarie Lands a little Rolling and Scirted With timber the ground is Black and Rich and the vew the most delightfull We this day maid 20 miles threw the Rain Which Continued all day at night Camped on a Crick about 50 feet Wid Runs West With an Extensive Beed of Stone Coal in its bottom there is Some Wood along the Crick but the Cuntry is mostly Pirarie a little Rolling Scirted With groves of timber Heare the Rain Continued all night—Heare one of our Hunters—Slover Lay out all night but Came in in the morning

27th

We Set out Early along the path threw the Pirarie—timber still to be seen in groves and along the Branches—We maid 20 miles and Camped on a Small Crick Well timbered—Heare we found Findley He Left us 2 days ago—and was Heare waiting for us this day was Clear and pleesent Robert Fowler killed a Large Buck—one Hors gave out was left

28th Sept 1821

Rained all day we Remained in Camp—

29th

the Weather Clear We Set out Early and was Soon over taken By Conl glann and soon after in Sight of the osage vilege. Heare We Ware delited With a vew of a nomber of Hills or mounds[12] nearely of the Same Hight. from 70 to 80 feet but of diferent Shapes Some Round and pointed like a Stack others squair and flat. and the top of one neare the vilege Contains about 15 acres of Rich Black land—and great part of the Bluff faced With a parpendickler Rock—so that with but little labour a few men might keep off a large armey—Heare is one of the most delight full peace of Cuntry I Have Ever Seen—of Rich lime stone land mixed With Wood lands the Pirarie is more Exstensive than Woods—

Heare We find not one sole in or about the vilege the Indeans are all gon a buffelow Hunting and are not Exspected to return till in the Winter. We find our Jurney to this place one Continued Corse North 50 W Heare we Crosed the virdegree and got on Higher grounds and Nearly Covered With Rocks in Some places and Steered North 70 West 10 miles to a small Crick[13] Runing South and Well timbered—Heare We Camped for the night—We Seen this day Some Wild Horses. game is scars We this day find our Horses two Heavey loaded and Concluded to leave part [of their loads]

30th Sept 1821

We this morning Berryed or Cashed [cached] as the french Call it 32 Bever traps 2 Cases of tobaco and fifty pounds of Brass Wier on the West Bant of the Creek 200 yds above the large Road and 50 below the small path on Which is a Connu [canoe] marked on an oack

october 1th 1821

We Set out Early and Stered North 50 West to the little virdegree[14] Wheare a large Indean Road Crosse it this River is about 30 yds Wide With Clear Watter and High Banks—and large inCampment on the East Side. Heare we Crossed to the West Side and followed the North forke of the Road about one mile to another Branch of the Same River but Not more than ten Steps Wide both Streems Running South With Rich timbered bottom be tween the boath—after pasing this forke We Stered the Same Corse threw Roling Pirarie ten miles to a mound. to the North and East the Cuntry is a little Rolling mostly Pirarie With timber along the Branches on our left the mountains or High Hills appeer at from four to five miles distance Heare to avoid the Hills Which Continu on our left We Steered N 30 West six mill [miles] and Camped on the little virdegree—Peno Went off to Hunt in the fore part of this day and did not Return—

2nd
october
1821

We set out Early and pased over High Leavel Pirarie lands North 45 West three miles to the High Hills Crossing a small Bransh Runing North at the futt of them—We after Some time gained the top of the Hills and found the Cuntry Rolling and partly timbered and partly Pirarie at twelve miles farthe We Crossed the little virdegree again and Camped on the North Bank Heare Duglass got lost in the Evenings Hunt and lay out all night

3rd
october
1821

this morning our Horses Ware much Scattered and took us till a late our to Collect them—Duglass found the Way to Camp—and Peno Came in With Some veneson Haveing Killed three deer—Heare we found a large Indean Road going up the Crick and Crossing some of its Branches South 30 West and the Hills being High We followed the Road. the lands poor With Short oack and Hickory for about fifteen miles Wheare the Cuntry begins to appear With fine Rich Piraries Well bordered With Wood lands of a good quality We this day got one deer and Some turkeys game is getting more plenty—We maid 20 miles and Camped on a Small Crick Running South—[15]

4th october 1821

We Set out Early and at three miles Crossed a Crick 50 feet Wide Running No 45 West—and at about three miles farther in an open Pirarie We found a large Buffelow Bull lying dead Soposed to be killed by the Indeans We now begin to Hope Soon to kill Some Buffelow our Selves as we Have nothing With us but Salt only What We kill our Selves. Heare We find our Selves in an oppen and Exstensive Pirarie Scarsly a tree to be Seen but as We prograss We find Sign of Buffelow We See some deed and Some Caberey[16]—in the Evening on our left We Seen Ward one of our men on Hors back Running a buffelow Some of [us] put off to asist Him but He killed the large Buffelow Bull before We over took Him—after takeing What meet We Wanted—We Went on makeing 23 miles and Camped on a River about 50 yds Wide Running West Soposed to be the Bad Salean[17]—the Watter is Clear and deep at this place Some Sign of Bever our Corse this day is North 60 West—

the Pirarie threw Which We passed this day is nearly leavel With a Rich Black Sandey Soil there is no other Rock Except that of limestone Which only appeer in Spott on the Sides of Branches and on the top of Some of the Highest ground—for there is no Hills Heare there is Some timber along the branches

5th
october
1821

We Set out Early Crossing the River a little below our Camp Wheare there is a good ford and at about two miles Crossed a large Crick 100 feet Wide it Corse South East and about 10 miles Crosed a Crick 50 feet Wide all So Running South East Heare the Pirarie is a little more Roleing—and at 18 miles Crosed a crick—and 19 miles inCamped[18] on a Crick the West forke of the Same the meet Below Wheare We Crosed—Heare the Cuntry Still Continues to be a little Roleing the land Rich the limestone appeers in some places along the Bluffs Which are not High or Steep Hear We seen great nombers of Poor Buffelow Bulls and Blame our Hunters for not killing fat Cowes When there is not one to be seen

5th october 1821 [continued]

for We Cold not tell them apart at So great a distance and it Was in vain for our Hunters to tell us there Was no Cows among So many Buffelow as We Cold See at all most any time Corse this No 50 West 19 miles—

6th october 1821

We set out Early over Butifull High Pirarie leavel and Rich and at Eight miles West We fell on the arkensaw River[19] Heare there is plenty of timber all a long the River on both Sides as far as We Cold See We are now out of meet and Blameing our Hunters for not finding Buffelow Cows the Have neglected to kill the Bulls When the Cold and the are not so plenty as the Ware and We beleve Have been latly drove off by the Indeans as the are now shy.

6th octor 1821 [continued]

We now steered north leaveing the [Arkansaw] River on our lefft Hand Beleveing the High Hill and Bluffs Near the River Wold be difequal to pass With loaded pack Horses—at 6 miles over High Rich lime stone Pirarie We Camped on a Crick[20] 60 feet Wide Wheare We killed Some turkeys in the Evening—We Ware all So informed by Some of the party that Indeans Ware Camped at no great distance—

7th october 1821

We moved West up along neare the [Arkansaw] River over Some High Rockey Bluffs and threw a large Sandy bottom to the bank of the River makeing five miles and Camped near the Indeans from them got Some dryed meet Corn Beens and dryed Pumkins for [which] We paid them In Such artickels as the wanted—these are the osage Indeans and the first We met With on our Route the [they are] frendly the Weather is now giting Cold With High Winds Cloudey and Rained threw the night—the timber in the bottoms and Hill Sides is a king [kind] of Jack oak and very low Cotten Wood and Willow groes along the River—we stoped at this place for the purpose of purchasing Horses Haveing left two be Hind and three more unfitt for Survice makes us bad of for Horses and the prospect of provetions is not promesing as We Heare the Indeans are Camped for alonge Way a Head of us threw Wheare We must pass let [left] one Horse With an Indean—

8the october 1821

We moved up the River N 45 West two miles and Camped the Rain Still Continues Heare Conl glann purchased one Poor Hors at a High price and Highered one Indean to go along With us Some of the Hands killed 10 turkeys

9th octr 1821—

We Set out Early and Steered north leaveing the River at Right angles over Riseing butifull Pirarie three miles to White[21] River about 70 yᵈˢ Wide Running West into the arkensaw this River Has a Continued grove of timber all alonge its Cores [course] as far as We Cold see and the land Rich—We Crosed this River leaveing it on our Right and up it at Eight miles Camped on the South West Side for the purpos of purchasing Horses Sucseeded in Swoing [swapping] two and purchasing two at a High price—the Indeans advise us to Cross the arkensaw and Steer West Corse and strike the arkensaw at the big timber Near the mountains but the Season is late and Want of Wood and Watter Renders it a Hazous undertakeing—the Indeans Say it is about two days travel to the little arkensaw—the Hunters Brought in four deer one very fine Buck the first good meet We Have Head the land on this Creek is Rich and Well timbered along the bottoms the Bluffs furnis abundance of lime Stone for all purposes of Building and fenceing—and is Capeable of makeing one of the finest Settlements in the united States—there being a nomber of the best of Springs

10th octr 1821

We purchased yesterday one small Hors and one to day—But when We gethered up our Horses to move off Robert Fowlers Horse Was mising—all tho He Was With the Rest in the morning—We Conclude the Indeans Have Hiden Him in the Woods and leave Peno to Sarch for Him and to fetch up Barbo left Sick With Him—all so left a Blanket to give the Indean that find or Return the Horse

11th octr 1821

We Set out Early leaveing [Walnut Creek] on the Wright and Steering N 25 West fifteen miles over High Pirarie to a small Crick and Camped[22] Near its mouth yesterday Peno Returned With the Sick man but With out the lost Hors the Hors is no doupt Stolen and With the knoledge of the Chiefs. these last Indeans appeer more unfriendly and talk Sasy and bad to us but this Is to be Exspected as the Come from the upper vilege and are Said to be a Collection of the Raskals from the other vileges

12th october 1821

Cloudey and Rains a little We Set out Early North 60 West fifteen miles over a Rich low Ridge there is Scarcly a tree or a Stone to be Seen and Hole land Covered With tall grass there is all along Whight River and on this Ridge much sign of Buffelow but the Indeans Have drove them off—We Camped on Small Branch[23] Near the arkensaw River

13th octor 1821

We Set out Early up the River Leaveing it on our left at a Bout 14 miles Crossed a Small Crick on which is a large Beed of the Plaster of Paris at 20 miles We Camped on the Bank of the little arkensaw[24]—one Indean Cheef and two young me[n] viseted us at Camp and stated the Ware [they were] glad to see us Whitemen and frends—as they Had Seen or Heared Some of our men Last Evening and Soposed them be Paneys [Pawnees] and their Enemies on which acoumpt the Head [they had] all left their Camp and Hid them Selves in the timberd lands on the River—

14th oct 1821

We Set out Early Crossing the little arkensaw and steering West at 12 miles Came to the Banks of the arkensaw thence up the River North 70 West We Camped on the [left] Bank[25] With out trees—We yester left one Horse He gave out—and this morning discharged the Hiered Indean—the Cuntry Continues fine the land leavel and Rich the timber is plenty on the little arkensaw and Some for a few miles up the main River but Heare there is no timber or Willowes on the River Buffelow Bulls still appeer But no Cows and we are now Satisfyed of the Caus of the Hunters not killing any of that Speces no Sign of deer. tho We seen some turkeys last Evening

15the octobr 1821

We set out at our ushal time up the River No 80 West and Stoped at the mouth of a bold sreem of Watter 70 feet Wide[26]—but We Ware Soon alarmed by the Hunters Comming and Haveing Some Indeans on Hors Back and soposed to be in pursute of them—We Emedetly move up the River Crossing the Crick to some Sand Knobs on the River Bank about 400 yds above the mouth of the Crick—there being no timber We maid a Brest Worke of our Bagage and Remained the balence of the [day] Waiting the arivel of the Indeans—but none appeered—Some Buffelow Bulls Ware killed to day We kept the Horses tyed up all night—yesterday the Sand Knobs appeer at about ten miles distance on our Right Hand and run Perellel With the River

Some Scatering trees appeer on the Knobs—

16th october 1821

We Set out Early and maid ten miles up the River the Sand Knobs still on the Right We Sent out Some Hunters to kill a Cow but the Remained out all night We Ware much alarmed for their safety—no mee meet for Suppe or Brackfest—our Corse No 70 West and Camped on the River[27]

17th octr 1821

We Continued up the River North 65 West 15 miles and Camped on the Bank Scarcly a tree to be Seen—We this day pased the Head Spring[28] of the Crick at the mouth of Which We Camped on the 15th this [is] a large butifull Spring about three miles from the River on the north Side and in a leavel Rich Pirarie the Sand Hills appeer all a long on the South Side and near the River—the are not more then 60 or 70 feet High and the Cuntry leavel beyound them to a great distance those on the north about the Same Hight and Several miles from the River[29]—Which is from two to 400 yds Wide—With large Sand bars and low Islands this is its general Carecter as fare as We Have seen it

18th octr 1821

We Set out at our ushal time at ten miles pased a point of Rocks and a Hoop wood tree on them—to our Right and almost one mile from the River—and at [illegible] there is Some Cotten Wood trees along the River—at 18 miles We Camped[30] on the Bank Without trees—Some Islands in the River the Higher grounds aproch nigher the River but Loos the appeeren of Sand Hills on the north

19th octr 1821

We set out at the ushal time and at 8 miles West We pased a point of Red Rocks about 600 yds from the River and at Eleven miles Crosed the paney[31] River about one and a Half miles above its mouth this is a deep bold Streem 50 feet Wide of Running Watter Banks High and about 80 feet Wide at the top Heare is ash Walnut Elm and Cottenwood over to this place Was West—this is the Second Streem We Have Crosed Since pasing the little arkensaw—We found a good ford [across Walnut Creek] and Steered South 50 West Six miles to the Bank of the River—the land leavel as fare as the Eye Can see. Some Cottenwood on the Banks and Some Bushis. the Red Rock is evidently a volcanic production is porous like pomestone but heavier than common Sand stone—Back from the river 5 miles the Hunters reports very Large quantities of pomestone on the side of a hill which appears to them to be half blown off (Hill) by some cause—The sand and gravel thrown up by the Prarie Squarrels [Cynomys ludovicianus] is precisely the same of that in the river for 5 or 8 miles distance from the river See great nombers of buffelow and Elks one of the Hunters killed three Cows but Haveing no Horse With Him the meet Was left out and lost Except a few pounds He Carryed in on His back—

20th octobr 1821

We Steered South 40 West and at nine miles Crosed a Crick[32] 40 feet Wide a bold Running streem about one futt deep and a few trees up it In sight. at ten miles We Camped on the River Bank in a low Bottom—at about three miles the ground Rises a little So as to form low Hills large Hords of Buffelow In Sight the Sand Hills Still appeer on the South Side of the River and to appeerence distetute of vigetation as the are Bald While those on the north are a Hard Black Soil With Some progecting Rocks and Covered With vigetation mostly a Short grass Something like Blew grass—on the morning of the 18th Findley mounted his [horse] took With Him His Blankets and Crossed the River to the South Side for the purpose of killing a Boffelow Cow Since Which time We Have Heard nothing of Him—yesterday morning Sent Back two men to look for Him—the Have not Returned—We are afraid Findley is lost by going two fare out in the Sand Hills We Exspect to Stop in about two days to Rest our Horses and Wait for Findley to Come up—

21st Octr 1821

We set out at the ushal Hour and at Seven miles pased a point of Rocks on Which stands two trees about 600 yds from the River—and seven and a Half miles Came to a deep and mudey Crick[33] 100 feet Wide Heare Some of our Horses Run to drink and Ware Swomped With their loads and Ware forsed to be pulled out—We Went [up] it about Half a mile and Crossed over and Camped about three miles up it—Findley[’s] mair gave out this day and Was left We maid We maid ten miles this day South 50 West—this is a butifull Running Streem With many fine Springs along its Banks—the Hunters killed two Fatt Cows We Have now plenty of good meet—the two men Returned but no word of Findley—a point of Hills or Rocks appeers at seven miles distance near the River Bareing South 35 W—We gave this the name of Buffelow Crick[34] from one of our Horses Being Swomped With the meet of a Buffelow on Him and these anemels Being very plenty Heare

22nd octr 1821 monday

We Set out Early and at 7 miles pased the point mentioned yester day a bout one from the River at fifteen miles Camped on the Bank of the River about three miles to the left of our line of march about 4 miles Back of our Camp We Crossed a Branch[35] of Bold Running Watter 30 feet Wide—no timber Wheare We lay the men Waided over and geathered drift Wood for the night the Hunters killed one fatt Buffelow Some Cotten Wood on the South Side of the River above and below the Camp—the Sand Hills Still appeer on that Side the sand Hills aproch nier the River With Some Cotten Wood trees on them—Findley Returned

23rd octr 1821 tusday

We Set [out] at the ushal Hour South 10 West up the River maid ten miles and Camped in a low Bottom the Sand Hills Continue on the South—very leavel on the north for a great distance Back no timber on the north Side for the last two days march Emence Hords of Buffelow all traveling to the north While those we pased a few days ago Ware traveling to the South—We see maney Wild Horses—we Exspect [Indians are?] near us to the South Which moves the Buffelow to the north the Islands and sand bars still Continue But no bever We Head a fine feast last night on four fatt Buffelow Cowes

24th octr 1821 Wensday—

We Set out Early and at Seven miles the River Was 2½ miles to the left and at Eleven miles We maid the lower Eand of an Island on Which there is timber but none on Ither Side—the main Chanel is on the South Side Hear the High land aproch the River on both Sides—on the north Side there apperes a Whightis [whitish] Rock of Considerable Exstent the River makes Hear a Short Bend to the Right—the Cuntry Heare is a little Rolling But the land Rich and Butifull—no Wheare two steep for the Waggon or the plow. Heare at the uppe Eand of this Island the Bluff aproches the River and is the first above the little arkensaw—that that Shews it Rocky—on this Island there is good food for the Horses—and We Con Cluded to lay By one day to mend our mogesons and Rest our Horses as many of there Backs Ware Sore oing to the carelesness of the men the Horses are Poor and We Exspect that [some] of them Will not be able to Rech the mountains

25th octobr 1821

We Exspored the Cuntry for a few miles Round and on an Island about three miles above us found an Indean fort Which might Contain about 60 men this fort Is maid nearly Round and Built of logs layed on Each other—and is about two years old and must Have been built By a War party Which did not occupy it long—tho it Has been Inhabetid not more than two or three Weaks ago by Some People—the Haveing used fyer and left the Spit on Which the Head [they had] Roasted meet—above this Island a streem[36] of Bold Running Watter one Hundred and fity feet Wid puts in on the South Side—no timber at its mouth but timber appeers about two miles up it—its Cors is South 25 West—the Sand Hills Conting above this Crick but appers in a long Continued Ridge

26th october 1821 Friday

We Set out Early and Crossing the River to the South Side Steered our Corse West and Crossing the [Mulberry] Crick mentioned yesterday at six miles and Crossing a point of low land leaveing the River a bout 3 miles to the Right in the Bend and at twenty miles[37] Stoped on an Island Well Clothed With timber Heare Was all so an old Indean Fort Smaller than the other and Had been used by the Same pursons that Head lately been at the other We Heare Con Clude them to be White men there Horses being Shod—We Have as yet Head but three nights of frost and no Ice—We Have not Seen one tree on Ither Side of the River the only apper on the Islands and nothing there but Cotten Wood—at this Island the main Chanel Is on the north Side

Satterday 27th octr 1821

We Set out Early Steering West on the South Side of the River—fifteen miles[38] to an Island the main Channel on the north Side—the River as ushal is full of Islands With more or Less Cotten[wood] on them but none on Ither Side of the River—We this day left Findley With two Horses and one mule With Instruction to Remain on the Island five days and then to follow us as the Horses Wold be Rested by that time

28th octr 1821

We Set out at our ushal Hour and keeping up the River West ten miles[39] to a point of timber on the South Side the Rockey [hills] frequently appeer on the north Side and the Sand Hills on the South Some Scattering Cotten Wood trees gro on the Sand Hills one othe Hors gave out this day and Was left

monday 29th octr 1821

We Set out at our ushal Hour Steering N 70 West up the River at fifteen miles Crossed a Spring branch to a few Cotten Wood trees on the River Bank in low Bottom Where We Camped[40] for the night Heare the Hunters killed one deer and See Several more—this the first We Have Seen Since We left the Paney River but the Buffelow and Elk are In great a bondance all the Way So that the Hunters kill [all] the[y] Wish We all So got two Cows to day—and See a great many Elk——

30th octobr 1821

We set out as ushal and Steered North 75 West ten miles to a low point of greavel and Sand Washed by the River the land Rises gently to the left for about one and a Half miles both above and below this point the Bottoms on the River are low—at fifteen miles We Camped[41] on an Island Clothed With tall grass and Cotten Wood trees—the main Chanel on the north Some Small Islands on the South With out trees

31st octr 1821 Wensday

We Continued our Rout on the South Side our Corse South[42] Sixty five West fifteen miles to a point of Woods on the River Bank Heare is fine tall grass for our Horses and young Cotten Wood and Willowes are very plenty—a great many trees appeer to Have [been] Cut down by White men and a french trading Camp Have been latly burned down Soposed to [be] Shotoes[43] the Hunters killed this day three of the fatest Buffelows that Have yet Been Braught to Camp—Buffelow Elk deer Caberey and Wild Horses are in great nombers—High Wind all day—

1st november 1821

Lay by to Rest Horses and dress Skins and prepare for Winter—this morning the first Ice We Seen frose in the Kittle about as thick as the Blaid of a knife and Ice floted down the River—the Bluffs or Hills on the north Sid aproch the River and those on the South are at about 3 miles distance—

2nd Remained In Camp all day fine Weather—Some frost last night With Ice—

3rd November 1821

We Steered Sᵒ 65 W five miles to a low point of land With Rocks Washed By the River on thes Rocks are some Small Hoop Wood trees the first We Have Seen for a long time and those are the first Rocks We Have pased on the South Side of the River—Heare the [river] bends a little to the Right[44] We proceded ten miles further pasing Some fine Springs to the point of an Island on the South Side of the River Haveing pased over a point [of] bald Sand Hills Washed by the River about Half a mile below our Camp for We Camped on the lower Eand of the Island—Which is large and Well timbered With Cotten Wood—Heare We find the first fresh Sign of bever our Corse from the Hoop Wood trees to this place is Nᵒ 80 West—two of our Horses gave out this day and Ware left—on this Island the Hunters killed Some turkeys and Seen Some more. the first We Have Seen above the little arkensaw—the Wind Hard all day from the N—W—

4th Novr 1821 Sunday—

We Steered No 75 W four miles to [45]—and pased over one point of Sand Hills and one of gravle both Washed by the River Buffelow Scarce—two turkeys this day—our last nights In Campment appers the first Wintering ground We Have meet With. We pass Some old Camps and Some old tent poles—this day left the mule the [that] gave out a few days ago and Was braught up—

5th novr 1821 Monday

We set out Early and Steered West five miles to a low point of land Washed by the River thence South 80 West and at foure miles [further] pased the beed of a large Crick[46] but no Watter or timber in sight the great quantitys of drift Wood all along its Banks and the Hunters [tell] us the See timber a few miles up it—at three miles farther makeing twelve miles this day We Camped on an Island in the middle of the River—this Island is better Cloathed With timber Brush green grass for the Horses and grape vines than any We Have Seen Heare We found plenty of grapes that are good the first We Have met With in [this] part of the Cuntry the River Continu full of [islands] the one We are on is long and is a good Wintering ground Some Small Connues [canoes] may be maid Heare

6th novr 1821

determined to lay by on act of Wood and the Poor State of our Horses—We Have all Readey lost 13 Horses and two mules and the Remainder Hardly fitt for use We are Camped in a pawnee fort Which appeers to Have been used about two Weakes Since—We Counted 11 tracks of Indians Barfooded in the Sand and found a Woolf that Head been Shott lying on the Sand Bare—

7th Novr 1821

We Set out as ushul and Steerd Nᵒ 80 West twelve miles[47] to a Small Island near the middle of the River We find this day that there is more gravle and less Sand in the River than below theres much more Watter and Cleareer than any Wheare below—the River is still full of Islands—vast Hords of Buffelow In Sight—no bever We See old Sign of Indeans a great many Buffelow being killed in the Summer—We again See the Sign of White men a Head of us—

8th november 1821 thorsday

We Set out as ushul our Corse N 85 W Crossing to the north Side of the River at three miles pased the Beed of a dry Crick[48] 75 yds Wide Corse [from the] north and only a few Scatering trees In Sight on it—at Six miles We Crossed the River on act of a Snow Storm to a grove of trees on an Island in the South Side and Camped for the night—this Island is formed by a large Crick[49] 80 yds Wide puting In on the South Side and a Slew of Watter Runing out of the River in to this Crick forming a large Island—there is timber In Sight up this Crick and large quantitey of drift Wood alonge it Banks—and from seeing the Same appeerence of drift Wood on other Cricks below Comeing from the South We Sopose there must [be] timber up those Streem as there is no drift Wood from the north—the River Banks are from 6 to 8 fitt High and the Watter much [more] plenty than below Buffelow Plenty and all traveling fast to the north—

9th novr 1821 Friday

Remained in Camp on acounpt of the Cold the Snow about ankel deep Sent out the Hunters the killed 2 Buffelow Cows—the River is Heare deeper and Cruked and Points of [timber] in the bends more plenty—

10th Novr 1821

We Steered Sᵒ 65 West five miles to a point of timber on the South Side of the River Which is still narrow deep and Cruked it Bredth is from 150 to 200 yds Wide and deep a knof for Small Boats to asend—

11th novr 1821 Sunday

our Corse South 65 West at four miles pased a point of High Rocks about Half a mile South from the River from this Rock the Bluffs or Hills Continu to our left—and at Eight miles Camped at the mouth of a deep muddey Crick[50] Heare the Bluffs aproch the River on both Sides and are much Higher and Steep as Well as more Rockey than below—Heare is much old Sign of Indeans many Piles of Rock are Raised by them on the bluffs—one fatt Buck killed this day—there are some Bever Heare—

12th Novr 1821 monday

We set out Early and to Enable us to Cross the [Mud] Crick With the Horses We maid a Bridge of Brush and flags Which bore them over With Safty and Steered South 65 West Eight miles to the Point of a Ridge Bound With Rocks and Washed by the River—there is two mounds Covered With Rocks about 300 yds to the South of Camp and about Half a mile a part[51] We this day Crossed a Small [Caddoa] Crick at about four miles back from Camp—and pased over Several Ridges the points of Which Butted a gainst the River With progecting Rocks of the Sand Stone kind—the[re] We Seen Some Peaces of marble—the River Bottoms are about Half a mile Wide and is offen Crosed from one Side to the other by the River Which is very Cruked and both Sides of the bottom or valley bound With the Bluffs and Rocks Buffelow plenty killed 3 Cows and one deer this day—

We this day Sopose We Seen the mountains for the first time tho We Have long looked for them the Hills or Bluffs on the North Side are High Being two bluffs one on the top of the other and about five miles apart[52]

13th novr 1821 tusday

Went to the Highest of the mounds near our Camp and took the bareing of the Soposed mountain Which Stud at north 80 West all So of the River Which is West We then proceded on 2½ miles to a Small Crick[53] Crosed it and asended a gradual Rise for about three miles to the Highest ground in the nibourhood—Wheare We Head a full vew of the mountains this must be the place Whare Pike first discovered the mountains Heare I took the bareing of two that Ware the Highest[54] the longest South 71 W—the other Which appeered like a point South 75 West—nither of those are the mountain Seen this morning—on looking forward We Seen a Branch Puting in from the South Side Which We Sopose to be Pikes first forke[55] and make for it—Crossed and Camped in a grove of Bushes and timber about two miles up it from the River We maid Eleven miles West this day—We Stoped Heare about one oclock and Sent back for one Hors that Was not able to keep up—We Heare found some grapes among the brush—While Some Ware Hunting and others Cooking Some Picking grapes a gun Was fyered off and the Cry of a White Bare[56] Was Raised We Ware all armed in an Instent and Each man Run His own Cors to look for the desperet anemel—the Brush in Which We Camped Contained from 10 to 20 acors Into Which the Bare Head [bear had] Run for Shelter find[ing] Him Self Surrounded on all Sides—threw this Conl glann With four others atemted to Run But the Bare being In their Way and lay Close in the brush undiscovered till the Ware With in a few feet of it—When it Sprung up and Caught Lewis doson and Pulled Him down In an Instent Conl glanns gun mised fyer or He Wold Have Releved the man But a large Slut Which belongs to the Party atacted the Bare With such fury that it left the man and persued Her a few steps in Which time the man got up and Run a few steps but Was overtaken by the bare When the Conl maid a second atempt to shoot but His [gun] mised fyer again and the Slut as before Releved the man Who Run as before—but Was Son again in the grasp of the Bare Who Semed Intent on His distruction—the Conl again Run Close up and as before His gun Wold not go off the Slut makeing an other atack and Releveing the man—the Conl now be Came alarmed lest the Bare Wold pusue Him and Run up Stooping tree—and after Him the Wounded man and Was followed by the Bare and thus the Ware all three up one tree—but a tree standing in Rich [reach] the Conl steped on that and let the man and Bare pas till the Bare Caught Him [Dawson] by one leg and drew Him back wards down the tree. While this Was doing the Conl Sharpened His flint Primed His gun and Shot the Bare down While pulling the man by the leg be fore any of the party arived to Releve Him—but the Bare Soon Rose again but Was Shot by several other [men] Wo Head [who had] got up to the place of action—it Is to be Remarked that the other three men With Him Run off—and the Brush Was so thick that those on the out Side Ware Som time geting threw—

I Was my Self down the Crick below the brush and Heard the dredfull Screems of man in the Clutches of the Bare—the yelping of the Slut and the Hollowing of the men to Run in Run in the man Will be killed and noing the distance So grate that I Cold not get there in time to Save the man So that it Is much Easeer to Emagen my feellings than discribe them but before I got to the place of action the Bare Was killed and [I] met the Wounded man with Robert Fowler and one or two more asisting Him to Camp Where His Wounds Ware Examined—it appeers His Head Was In the Bares mouth at least twice—and that When the monster give the Crush that Was to mash the mans Head it being two large for the Span of His mouth the Head Sliped out only the teeth Cutting the Skin to the bone Where Ever the tuched it—so that the Skin of the Head Was Cut from about the Ears to the top in Several derections—all of Which Wounds Ware Sewed up as Well as Cold be don by men In our Situation Haveing no Surgen nor Surgical Instruments—the man Still Retained His under Standing but Said I am killed that I Heard my Skull Brake—but We Ware Willing to beleve He Was mistaken—as He Spoke Chearfully on the Subgect till In the after noon of the second day When He began to be Restless and Some What delereous—and on examening a Hole in the upper part of His Wright temple Which We beleved only Skin deep We found the Brains Workeing out—We then Soposed that He did Heare His Scull Brake He lived till a little before day on the third day after being Wounded—all Which time We lay at Camp and Buried Him as Well as our meens Wold admit Emedetely after the fattal axcident and Haveing done all We Cold for the Wounded man We turned our atention [to] the Bare and found Him a large fatt anemel We Skined Him but found the Smell of a polcat so Strong that We Cold not Eat the meat—on examening His mouth We found that three of His teeth Ware broken off near the gums Which We Sopose Was the Caus of His not killing the man at the first Bite—and the one not Broke to be the Caus of the Hole in the Right [temple] Which killed the man at last—the Hunters killed two deer Cased the Skins for Baggs We dryed out the Bares oil and Caryed it with us the Skin Was all so taken Care of—

14th novembr 1821

We lay in Camp takeing Care of the Wounded man and takeing the Bareing of the three principle points of the mountains[57] as the appeer—

the first mountain or grand Peek Bares N 75 W—

the Second South 75 No W

South Eand of same Sᵒ 75 W

3ʳᵈ mountain Sᵒ 70 W—

South Eand Sᵒ 69 W—

there is on this forke a Continuation of timber and Brush the princeple trees are Cotten Wood With Some Boxelder and Some Small Black locust

15th

all posible Care Was taken of the Wounded man for Which purpose We lay in Camp

16th

the unfortnet man died at day Brake—and Was Berred near the Bank With a Strong Pen of logs over Him to prevent the Bares or Wolves from Scraching Him up—this Is the [first] anemel of the kind We Have met With—

Heare Conl glann Haveing the Command of the party acted as the adminestrater and ordered the dead mans property Sold to the Highest bidder—and Was Sold as followes

the Hole amting thirty three dollrs Which Each man Has to act [account] With Conl glann for What He purchased—

the timber on this fork is mostly Cotten Wood Some Boxelder and Some Small Black locust—the Bottoms are fine and large—With great droves of Elk and Buffelow and Sign of more of the White Bare—there are all So Wild Horses deer and Caberey the trees on the main River are Small but Some of those on the fork are large Enof to mak a Connue—the Watter In the fork is Sofecient to turn a large Sett [of] mills at this dry Season and Heare is timber for a Small Settlement—Stone In the Bluffs are In abondance for Building and fenceing—after Settleing all things We moved up the River South 73 West 12 miles[58] to a Small Bottom Covered With trees—on the South Side of the River—Haveing pased one Branch[59] at Six miles and one[59] at nine miles boath on the north Side of the River—and opeset the first the River bore about Six miles to our Right—from our Camp Heare We took the bareing of the mountains—1st Nᵒ 72 W—2nd S 76 W 3rd Sᵒ 70 W—at this Camp on the Bluffs Was the appeerance of lead But We Head no time to Examen

17th novr 1821 Satterday

I Went on South 5 miles to a High mound and took the Bareing of the mountains as followes 1st the grand Peek north 70 W—2nd not to be Seen 3rd Sᵒ 71 W 4th Sᵒ 49 W—our Corse from Camp up the River Was South 50 West twelve miles[60] to Whare the River Bends more to the West and Some deep gutters Washed down the Bank and the Hills aproch the River—thence Sᵒ 72 W. three miles to Wheare the River aproch the Hills again We pased one Small Crick at about 2 miles be low Camp and the other about Half mile the last about 30 yds Wide but no Watter Running and no timber In Sight—the River Bottoms are more narrow than for two days past—no Buffelow or turkeys there is Some deer and Sign of the White Bare one Hors gave out this day and Was left—the timber is more plenty in the Bottoms.

Sunday 18th Novr 1821

Continued up on the South Side of the River and at about two miles Crossed a dry Branch[61] and at foure miles a deep Branch[62] with Running Watter on Which there Ware several Bever dams With fresh sign of Bever the Branch about Eight Steps Wide at ten miles pased Close to a bend of the River and at Eighteen miles Camped[63] in a low Bottom and drove the Horses aCross the River for grass there being none on Wheare We Camped We find the Bottoms Widen from 4 to 8 miles the Hills much lower and the [ground] more leavle than for Several days past the Buffelow appers to Have left this section of the Cuntry as We Seen but one this day an old Bull With one leg Broken We Soposed by the Indeans—and that the Have drove the Buffelow all off—as their Sign is going to the South

19th nov 1821 monday

took the Bareing of the mountains from Camp this morning 1st north 67 W 2nd north Eand S 88 W South Eand Sᵒ 72 W 3rd Sᵒ 60 W—4th Sᵒ 39 W to the Highest Peek ther appeers a longe Ridge to Contnue from the South and a Ridge Runs north from the High Peeke—We Steered West up the River and at 10 miles Crosed a dry forke[64] of the River 80 yds Wide but dry at present at fifteen miles Camped in lott of woods on the River Bank Haveing at about 11 oclock Seen a large Smoke ahead and believing it proceded from the Indeans fyer We Halted to look out for them—and in a few minets two of our men Came in Company With one Indean—and in about Half an Hour there Was between 30 and 50 Came Rideing at full Speed With all their Weapens of [up] in a florish as tho the Ware Chargeing uppon an Enemey but on their near aproch the most frendly disposition appereed in all their actions as Well [as] gusters—by this time We Hed Some meat Cooked of Which the Willingly purtuck but Spareingly—as it after Wards appeered the Head plenty at their Camp and Eat With [us] out of pure frendship—amongst party Was the princeple Cheef of the Kiaways for these Ware of that nation—the Cheef With three others Stayed With us all night the others Returned to their Camp about Sundown

20th novmbr 1821 tusday

Collected our Horses Early—by Which time a great nomber of the Indeans arived from Camp and moved up with [us] and crossed over the River Which Was fordable but the Watter Cold and the Ice Runing a little—our Horses Ware so loded that our men Ware all on futt but the Indeans took them behind them on their Horses and Carryed them over the River—from our Camp to the Indeans was about three miles West—[65]

Heare the Cheef gave up one of His lodges for the purpose of Store[ing] the goods—and took posesion and Charge of all our Horses threw the Hole of this day the Indeans Continu to arive and Set up their lodges—So that by night We Ware a large town Containing up Wards two Honderd Houses Well filled With men Wemon and Children—With a great nombr of dogs and Horses So that the Hole Cuntry to a great distance Was Coverd—this Scenes Was new to us and the more So after our long Jurney Seeing no persons but our Selves—the Indeans Ware frendly takeing us to the lodges of their great men and all Ways Seting Some meat for us to Eat. tho Some times Boiled Corn Beens or mush Which arteckels the precured from the Spanyards

Wensday 21st nov 1821

lay in Camp all day Eating and Smokeing With the Indeans—and took the Bareing of the mountains from a point one Half mile north of our Camp—High Peak N 61 W South Eand of Same mountain N 82 W Heare a new mountain appeers or is a Ridge in the forkes of the River North Eand Nᵒ 84 W South Eand N 87 W—Nᵒ 2 of the first mountains North Eand Sᵒ 87 W Highest Point Sᵒ 45 W—Heare the mountain takes a more Westwardly Corse and Continues a broken Ridge to a High point or Ridge and Stands Sᵒ 42 W—and falling a little lower and Continues to the forth mountains or double Peekes—Which Stands thus 4th Sᵒ 27 W 5th Sᵒ 25 West from this point We See no more of the mountains to the South We See large parteys of Indeans Comeing in threw the day and Seting up their Houses or lodges—

22nd nov 1821—

Remained in Camp all day Holding Counsels Eating and Smokeing and traiding a little With Indans—

the snow Has now Increeced to about 10 Inches deep and the Wind Extreemly Cold the River frosen up Close the Ice to a great thickness—and Heare in the Coldest mornings you might see Several Hundred Children Naked—Running and playin on the Ice—Without the least appeerence of Suffering from the Cold—the Highatans[66] amounting to about 350 lodges arived this day and Camped With the others We are now Incresed to a cettey—

friday 23rd nov 1821—

this morning a Councel Was hild amongst the Cheefs of both the nations and Conl glann With his Interpreter Was Sent for—and Was told by the Ietan Cheef that the Ware Readey to Receve the goods in His Posesion that His father the Presedent Had Sent them—But When He Was told that there Was no Such goods He Became in a great Pashion and told the Conl that He Was a lyer and a theef and that He Head Stolen the goods from His farther[67] and that He the Cheef—Wold take the goods and Segnefyed that He Wold kill the Conl and His men too upon Which the Conl and His Inturpreter With drew—the Cheefs of both nations Remaned in Counsel all day—and our Setuation Was not of the most plesent nature. the Kiaways Ware our frends But the others Ware the most numerous—the former Clames us their property and frens But the later We aprehend intend to use force and in this Setuation We Remained all day—the young Warriors Crouded Round us so that We Cold Scarcly Stir—about Sun down a tall Indean Came Runing threw the Camp Calling out—me arapaho Cheef White mans mine and Shakeing Hands With us as fast as poseble asked for the White man Captain and on being Shoon In a lodge Wheare Conl glann With the Inturpreter Was—He Rushed in—but Was out In an Instant thumping His brest With His fist saying White man mine arapoho Plenty Pointing the Way He Came—from [which] We soon understood that the Hole nation Ware at Hand and that We Head nothing to dred from the Highatans—Who began to disappeer from about us—and from that time We felt In Purfect Securety Haveing two out of three of the nation In our favour and part of the 3rd our frends—but the are all Sobordenet to their Cheefs—

Satterday 24th november 1821

a nomber of Cheefs of other nations arive In Camp—thing Ware [things wore] a better appeerence—We Sopose there Is now about 350 lodges—Some little traid for Buffelow Roabs for the benefit of the Hands on our arivel at this Camp there Was about forty lodges of Indeans—Kiawas and Padducas the Continu to Increes and last night on Counting them over find now four Hunderd of the following nations—Ietans—Arrapohoes—Kiawa Padduce—Cheans—Snakes—the Ietan the most numerous and the most Disperete the Arrapohoes the Best and most Sivvel to the White men Habits—but Heare We find some diffeculty in Councl With So many Indeans—and no Inturpreter But Mr Roy—He Spoke Some Pane and [in] that language our Councils Ware Held—the Indeans are Sartainly Ignorent of the Ways or Customs of the White man and Have less Capasety to larn then any Indeans I Have yet Seen—the Have many Wants but no meens of Supplying them—Haveing nothing to traid but Horses and them We do not Want—We have found amongest them about 20 Bever only the Early Habits of those Indeans Precludes them from makeing Bever Hunters as the Cuntry Which the In Habet Contains but few—and the Indeans Hunt the Buffelow

Sunday 25th novem 1821

We found Withe the Ietans a Spanish Prisnor Whome With great difeculty We purchased yesterday With $150 in goods and He In Joyed one night of liberty a Hapey Chaing from that of a Slave to an Indean—but unfortnetly—at day light this morning the goods Ware Returned and the Prisnor taken back to His formor master again—but We Will Spair no means in our power [to] Releve Him again and Send Him out of their Reech this man is from the Southern Provence near St Antoni[68] With Which the Indeans are at War—tho at Peece With new maxeco and the Spanish in Habetance there—We Have been viseted by Some of the Spanish Indeans from maxeco the live in the vilege of Tows[69]—its Six days Easey travel from Heare—the are all Catholicks the Indeans Inform us that there are White men near the great [Pike’s] Peak of the mountain on the River Platt—and three days Hard travel from this place—

on the night of the 23rd a Snow fell about one foot deep and the Weather is now Cold the River frosen up the Ice a great thickness and the Indean Children that is able to walk and up to tall boys are out on the Ice by day light and all as naked as the Came to the World Heare the are at all kinds of Sport Which their Setuation Will admit and all tho the frost is very seveer the apper quite Warm and a lively as I Heave Ever Seen Children In mid Summer I am shure that We Have Seen more than one thousand of these Children on the Ice at one time and Some that Ware too young to Walk Ware taken by the larger ones and Soot on a pece of skin on the Ice and In this Setuation kick its [legs] Round and Hollow and laff at those Round it at play—I have no doupt but that to take one of our White Children and Put it In Such Cold Weather in that Setuation it Cold not live Half an Hour on the 23rd four Ietan Indeans arrive With the news of Peace being maid With the osages by the Big Cheefs below—

five days before our arival at this place a battle Was faught Near the mountains betwen those Indeans and the Crows in which the formor lost nine men and the latter fifteen—amongest the arrapohoes In this Ingagement there Was one young Warear that about two years ago Was Shot threw the boddey and all the Skin taken off His Head down to His Ears for a scelp—and in the last battle Was Shot threw one of His feet Which Is now getting Well—and on this [occasion] an alarm Was Raised of a War party apoching Camp When this man With His father Was amongst the foremost on Hors back to meet danger—but the alarm Was With[out] foundation and all Returned to Camp With[out] a fight

the Kiawa Cheef Reported to us that He Head ben In Council all day on the 23rd With the Ietan Who proposed to Him to Join In a War against osages and the White men—to Which He disagread—dureing the Hole of that day the Ietan manefested a very unfriendly dispsetion to Wards us—and the Princeple Cheefs Informed us that When mager longe[70] Was there He told them that the Predesent Wold Send them plenty of goods and that the goods We Head Ware Sent to Him and that We Head no Wright to traid them but When He discovered that His demands Wold not be Complyed With Chainged His disposetion and Seems very frendly and this night offered Conl glann and Mr Roy Each one of His Wifes—the greates token of frendship those Indeans Can offer—but the offer Was de Clined telling Him that it Was not the White mans Habits

26th nov 1821

We moved one mile down the River to take a better Camp and Build a house and git of of being so Crouded—the Ietan and Some of the Kiawa threatned to stop us but maid no atempt When We Started. We maid our Camp With the old Kiawa Cheef Who moved along With us Heare We Have plenty of young Cotten Wood trees to Cut for the Horses—With good Setuation for our Camp—

27th nov 1821

Early this morning Was advised of thretned atack from the Ietan and the Kiawa and Padduce Indeans in Consequnce of our moveing from their nibor Hood Set the hands at Work Cutting logs to build a House—a Report Came that the Ietans Had mounted Horses to atack us—We Continued at Work on a House—and Was Informed that a party to Protect us Head met the others and turned them back—the Arrapohos about day light this morning Commenced moveing to us and by night from two to three Hunderd lodges Ware Round us as Close as the Cold Set up their lodges Which Seemed to afford ample protection from the others

between 12 & 1 oclock We Received a veset from the Ietan Cheef the first time He Came near us Since We moved He Was very frendly and Efected to know nothing of the difecuealty that had Existed—We Have Heare now about seven Hunderd lodges of the nations mentioned on the 25th With the addicion of the Cheans—about two Hunderd lodges—We Sopose those Lodges to Contain from twelve to twenty pursons of all Sises—Some Horses Have been Stollen Every night Since We arived amongst them Seven of our own are amongst the mising a party of one Hunderd and fifty men Went In pursute of the theefs but Returned Without overtakeing them—We Ware this day much afected by the arivel of Findley Who Head been absent from us 30 days alone and on foot He informed us that Ware parteys of Pannees Ware both behind and before Him tho He seen none—

28th nov 1821

about 10 oClock a party of 200 men Started the diferent nations to Reinforce a party gon before them In pursute of Stolen Horses With orders to Pursu till the Caught them—the Indeans manefest a more frendly disposion and Intimate an Intention of moveing down the River In Consequance of the many Horses Stolen from them Heare—betwen 4 and 500 Horses Have [been] Stolen from them Since We arived and mostly from the Pens in the Center of the vilege surrounded by upwards of seven Hunderd lodges of Wachfull Indeans—the Ware Parties Returned Without Efecting any thing Except those on foot Wore the Soles off their mockesons—

29th nov 1821

the Snow Has Intirely disappeered and the ground dry as dust—

the Remainder of the War partey Have all Returned

on our Way up the River before our arivel at the Indeans Camp I broke one of the glasses out of my Specks—and on puting them on one day I soon felt the Hand of an Indean grasp them from my face He maid off as fast as poseble I gave up the Specks for lost but Head no moad of Replaceing them—In a Short time I Heard great Shouting and laffing and looking to See What Was the Caus I discovered the Indean that Head taken my Specks Leading an other With the Specks on His face the felow Was Led up to me and I was shoon that He Head but on Eye—and that the Specks Wold Sute Him better [than] me as the Head but one glass Heare Eanded the Joack the Returned the Specks in much good Humor amongst all the Ware present

30th november 1821

Pased this day With out any diffigualty Prepareing Some Hunters to trap in the mountains.

1st Decembr 1821

fine Weather nothing new—

2nd norr [Dec.] 1821

an alarm of the Enemy found two of the Horses Soposed to be stolen—the Ietan braught them In—the Hunters detained on act of an alarm—

3rd Decmbr 1821

Started the trappers under the Command of Slover—and With Him Simpson—maxwell—Pryer Findley and Taylor

4th Decmbr 1821

Fine Weather for the Season this day termenated Without any difegualty—the Ietan Cheef Sick Sent for Conl glann to give Some medeson but declined In consequance of His former bad Conduct

6th Decm 1821

Fine Weather the Indeans talk of moveing the Buffelow are now drove to Some distance and this I [is] not to [be] thought Straing as about one Hunderd of them are Eaten In Camp Each day Sinc our aRivel

7th Decm 1821

Fine Weather—nothing new to day

8th Decm 1821

the morning fine Weather the Indeans Still talk of moving but as yet Remain Heare—the furnish [us] With Plenty of the best of buffelow meet at a low Rate bu do not Wish us to Hunt them our Selves—aledgeing We Wold drive the Buffelow all off the Ietan Cheef Calling fore Some medecon a day or two back and find[ing] His Complaint Was not dangerous Conl glann gave Him Some Rice and Black Pepper With derections to boil and make soop of it—to day He paid us a viset Pufed up and Well as Ever the Arrapoho Cheef Says He Was Restored to Health by the Same medeson—

9th Decmbr 1821

Fine Weather Continues—yesterday gave notice that Some Horses Wold be purchased but none Has maid their appeerence—

10th Decm 1821

yesterday purchased one very fine Hors from an Ietan at a High Price—the Weather fine this morning but the Wind from N W no more Horses offered this day—

11th

last night Was Clouday the River is now oppen Haveing thad [thawed] in the those last Warm days—the Weather is now Colder

12th Decm 1821

the Cold Weather Still Continues but the River is not frosen up yesterday a War partey Returned the Ware of the Ietans—With 28 Horses taken from the Crows on the River Platt below the mountains—the Ware five nights Returning the Ietans this day moved up the River We Ware unable to by any more Horses tho We offered High Prices

13th Decm 1821

last night the River frose up the Weather is very Cold the Indeans determen to move up the River for Wood and meet We offerd to go With them on the 15th Which Satisfyed them very much and they offered us Horses to Carry our goods but unable to make any more purchases for feer We leave them a the [as they] appeer much atached to us

14th Decmbr 1821

the Indeans Exspect to meet the Spanyerds on the River above this place to traid With them this morning We Commenced packing up to move—

15th Decm 1821

the Indeans furnished us With Some Horses Which Inabled us to move With them up the River about five miles[71] West from our Camp and Heare Camped on the South Side of the River—but about one mile below Wheare We Camped the Kiawa Cheef With His nation Had Stoped and Intended We Shold Stop With them but the Arropoho Cheef told us We Shold go to His Camp Which We Intend to do but Heare a new diffqualty arises as the Clame us as their frends—Which may lead to a Ware With them and destruction to our Selves but this Was Soon got over as two of our men Stoped with the Kiawa Cheef till He got in a good Hummor and telling Him that He aught to go With us—that it Was Him that left us and not We that left Him—With this He Was Satisfyed and one of the [men] Remained With Him all night and frend Ship Was Restored the Kiawas Came to our Camp as ushal—

16th Decm 1821

the man and load left With the Kiawas Was braught up and no difequality than the Refuse to Sell us Horses Still feering We Will leave them—but to day purchased 2 mules and three Horses from the Arrapohos

17th Decm 1821

the Weather verry much moderated Haveing much the appeerence of the Indean Sommer

more Sevelity Exsists amongst those Indeans than anny I have Ever knone it is de[si]rable on that accoumpt not to Camp Seperate from any of the Bands—but on the other Hand you are Continuly Crouded With young men and old begers—We yet Want about ten Horses—and all tho there is about 20,000 in our inCampment and the [Indians are] distetute of Every thing—We are afraid We Will not be able to obtain them the Arrapohoes Have but few in Compareson With the others owing to their Haveing last Sommer traided With Chians of the mesurey [Missouri]—the Ietan and Kiawa Have great nombers of very fine Horses—and Equal to any I have Ever knone—

18th Decm 1821

about ten oclock last night the Wind Chainged to the West and the Weather Exstreemly Cold So that We Cold not do any thing—We yesterday traided for two Horses and one mule—the Kiawas paid us a viset and Invited us to a feest So We are frends again—

19th Decm 1821

the Cold In Creces So that it Is Imposeble to travel on the Pirarie—the Children Have now fine Sport on the Ice

20 Decm 1821

at day light We Ware alarmed by the Sound of Heavey bloes Struck by one Indean uppon an other Who Run towards our lodge and Was persued with the tamehak at about one Rod distance a blo Was Struck but the Indean Run Round our lodge—but Was overtaken and Receved a Heavey blow on the Back of the neck Which felled Him to the ground apperently dead—but a nomber of Squas Interfeered and Carryed off the Soposed dead Indean and Saved His life—We find Him to be the Son of the Kiawa Cheef and first frend amongst the Indeans His murdorer Was the brother of the great Arrapoho Cheef and our frend and protecter We are now feerful of the most Seerous Consequences as We are not able to Say What may Happen betwen the two nations—as War betwen them Wold be fatel for us

21st Decm 1821

the man Wounded yesterday is not dead and is likely to recover—the Case of the atack on His Was the Steeling the medecen bagg of the other Who Was a Cheef no other difequelty is apprehended as the bagg is Returned and axepted—We have Sucseeded in purchasing as many Horses as Will answer our Purposese of moveing—at night the Snow began to fall—

22nd Decm 1821

the Ietan Cheef Has not viseted us Since He moved up the River in Consequence of not Receveing Some presents He demanded on the day He moved but the Braves appeer friendly this four days We Calcolate on moveing on Crismus day to the mountains no Inter Corse betwen the arrapoho and the Kiawa for two days

23rd Decm 1821

We Informed the Indeans that on the 25th We Wold move to the mountains—at night Indeans Inform us of their detirmenation to move With us—

24th Decm 1821

promising to move the arrapoho determened to acCompany us to night Conl glann Sent for the Kiawa Cheef and paid for the use of His lodge allso gave a meddle the likeness of genl Jacson Informed Him it Was not the medle of His great father but it Was given Him as a token of a great man and as the frend of the White men and Charged Him at the Same time that When Ever He meet the White man to treat Him frendly to Which He agread With great Satisfaction

25th Decm 1821

this morning the Conl gave the Ietan Cheef a shirt medle and Small presents With the Same Cerymones and promeses as the Kiawa yesterday last Evening We Sent for Him but being un Well and unable to Come He Sent His brother by Home [whom] We Sent [word] We Wold viset Him in the morning We found Him very un Well and discovered the Indisposion Was the Caus of His not viseting us Since He moved up the River He Exspresed much frendship and Satisfaction—

the arrapoho move with us this morning.

It is but Justice to Say We find the Kiawa the best Indeans possing more firmness and manly deportment than the arrapoho and less arogance and Hatey Pride than the Ietan—we Ware In vited this day to Eat With one of the arrapoho Cheefs He Seet before us a dish of fat meat of Which We Eat plentyfully We Ware then asked if We new what kind of meat We Ware Eating We told We did not He then Said it Wa a dog telling us it [was] a great feest With the Indeans—and that He Invited us for that purpose—

We move up the River West Eight miles and Camped on the South Side Crossing a fork[72] of the River at five miles this forke is Small and Heads to the South there is Some Cotten Wood a long its bottoms Which appeer to be very Rich and Wide Eknof for farms—the Arrapohos acompany us We Ware fortunate In parting With the Rest of our nibours With out any difequalty—We Have now in all thirty three Horses In Cludeing two belongeing to Peno one to Vanbeber two [to] J and R Fowler and two to Duglass one to Bono all in bad ordor—

26th Decm 1821

moved late In Consequence of lose[ing] Some of our Horses Which Ware not found till late In the day—our Corse South 70 West five miles[73]—We Camped on the South Side of the River to morrow the Indeans make a Hunt

27th Decm 1821

We lay With the Indeans to let our Horses Eat Haveing kept them tyed up Sinc We Started yesterday Pased a [Chico] Crick on the north Side of the River its Corse is [from the] north—

28th Decembr 1821

We moved about 12 oclock and Went five miles up the River and Camped on the South Side Heare is the Statement of Conl glann on parting With the Arrapoho Cheef[74]

I never parted with a man who showed as much sorrow as the chief of the arrapoho He persuaded us very much to stay with him one moon longer—stating to us the danger of having our horses stolen &c &c but finding in the morning we determined to start he made no objection, after giving him a medal &c as I did to the other Chiefs—and making a small present with all of which he was much satisfied when I shook hands with him to start he threw himself on his bed in tears—after traveling about one mile we was overtaken by one of his brothers, a young chief with a request to incamp on this side as his brother was starting to follow so as to sleep one more night with us we are truly fortunate in having those 3 nations with us—

29th Decr

The chief did not arrive last night as he sent us word—but early next morning an express arrived to inform us that instant as he was starting Two spaniards arrived and that a party of 60 were expected to-day with a request for us to return and see them—Mr Roy & myself immediatly returned, and recᵈ with as much Joy and satisfaction by the village as if though we had been absent for one year the friendship which they shew us before the spaniards will convince them that shoᵈ the party expected be hostile we will have the friendship of the Indians and although my party is now only 13 men in all I fele no fear in meeting 60 Spaniards, with the multitude of the Indians.

30th Decr

Yesterday at about 3 Oclock we went out to the Prarie to see if we could discover the spanish party—we discovered them about 5 miles distance, we advanced to meet them—when they discovered us they halted and formed to receive us in “military style”—we were requested by our Companion to Halt, when we were received on a full charge—To within ten paces of us when the men all dismounted and embraced us with affection and friendship—they are all creoles of that country—seem well disposed—possess far less sence than the Indeans we are with, seem happy and possess a greater degree of Joy at seeing us than could be Immagined—It is a matter of astonishment the difference of treatment of the Indians to them and our party—the Indians Commanded them as much as we command our negroes—At night the Indians asked us if we were willing to let the Capt. and his principle man sleep [in] the lodge with us, which we agreed to—the Indeans derected them to pray so that we may see their fashion which they readily agreed to and went through with the Catholic prayers, and afterwards prayed fervently for us—their whole trading equipment in the U. S. would not sell for fifty dollars—In short to describe them would require the pen of a Butler and the pencil of a Hogarth—They leave here to morrow for home and I intend to accompany them—

31st Decr.

It is only necessary to Judge of them to say the Capt. and all his party were painted like the Indians the day they traded—and during the prayer the Capt. Caught a louse on his shirt and eat it—[75]

the Spaniards moved up to our Camp from the Indeans for the purpose of [selling] us Some Corn the no [they know] nothing about our moad of measurement but ask at the Rate of ten dollers pr Bushil the ask thirty dollers for a mule and one Hunderd dollers for ther best Running Horses—We Intend leaveing this With the Spanierds in the morning—

January 1st 1822

this being a holaday With our nibours We lay by all day—Haveing about two pounds of bacon Which I Head kept as a Reserve I Heare Shewd it to the Indeans—the Cheef asked What kind of anemel maid that meat When He Was told a Hog He Requested the Shape of it to be maid on the Sand When that Was [done] all the Indeans said the Head never Seen Such an animal and appeered to Wonder and think it Strange that the Head never Seen the like Soposing them Selves to Have Seen all kind of anemels—

I Heare left mager Fowler in Charge of the Camp With Instructions to fortify His Camp and Hors Peen to treat all Indeans frendly but traid With none—and shold War party Call to let them Have Some Powder ball and Paint With Some tobaco

on the 30th ultimo three of our [men] Ware Sent out to the mountains to Hunt for Buffelow and Ware meet by a party of thirteen Indeans of the Crowes Haveing With them about two Hunderd Horses Which the Had Stolen from Some other nation and Ware on theer Way Home—the took our men Prisnors as fare as the River Wheare the took from them their Powder ball and Blankets giveing them nine fine Horses in payment for What the Head taken While this traid Was progresing the Horses Ware Crossing on the Ice—a Ware Party of arrapohoes over took them a battle Was the Consequence and Each party took off part of the Horses and our men maid their Escape In the Battle leaveing all the Horses the Head obtained of the Indeans—the Ware treated frendly by the Crowes and tolled the Ware taken only to prevent them from giveing Information to the arrapohoes—the Crowes Say the left the White People on the Platt about 10 nights ago and that it Will take them three nights to go there With their Horses Wheare the left the Rest of their nation—the speeke on the most frendly terms of the White men and Say the are about 35 in nomber—all the nesecery araingements are maid for my Self and four men to Set out in the morning to Cross the mountains to Santafee—[76]

Jany 2nd 1822