TRAVELS
TO DISCOVER THE
SOURCE OF THE NILE,
In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773.
IN FIVE VOLUMES.
BY JAMES BRUCE OF KINNAIRD, ESQ. F.R.S.

VOL. IV.

Sola potest Libye turbam præstare malorum,

Ut deceat fugisse viros.

Lucan, lib. ix.

EDINBURGH:

PRINTED BY J. RUTHVEN,

FOR G. G. J. AND J. ROBINSON, PATERNOSTER-ROW,

LONDON.

M.DCC.XC.

CONTENTS
OF THE
FOURTH VOLUME.

BOOK VII.

RETURN FROM THE SOURCE OF THE NILE TO GONDAR—TRANSACTIONS THERE—BATTLE OF SERBRAXOS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES—THE AUTHOR PREPARES TO LEAVE ABYSSINIA.

BOOK VIII.

THE AUTHOR RETURNS BY SENNAAR THROUGH NUBIA AND THE GREAT DESERT—ARRIVES AT ALEXANDRIA, AND AFTER AT MARSEILLES.

TRAVELS
TO DISCOVER
THE SOURCE OF THE NILE.

BOOK VII.

RETURN FROM THE SOURCE OF THE NILE TO GONDAR—TRANSACTIONS THERE—BATTLE OF SERBRAXOS, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES—THE AUTHOR PREPARES TO LEAVE ABYSSINIA.

CHAP. I
Return from the Source of the Nile by Maitsha—Come to the House of Welled Amlac—Reception there—Pass the Nile at Delakus—Arrive at Gondar.

It was on the 10th of November 1770 we left Geesh in our return to Gondar, and passed the Abay, as before, under the church of Saint Michael Sacala. We descended the hill through the wood, crossed the river Davola, and that night halted at a few huts, called Dembea, on the north-east side of the entrance of a valley.

On the 11th we continued our journey in our former road, till we arrived at the church of Abbo; we then turned to the right, our course N. by E. and at three quarters past nine rested under the mountain on the right of the valley; our road lay still through Goutto, but the country here is neither so well inhabited nor so pleasant as the west side of the Nile. At eleven, going N. N. E. we passed the church of Tzion, about an eight part of a mile distant to E. N. E.; we here have a distinct view of the valley thro' which runs the Jemma, deep, wide, and full of trees, which continue up the sides of the mountains Amid Amid. At a quarter past eleven we passed a small stream coming from the west, and at twelve another very dangerous river called Utchmi, the ford of which is in the midst of two cataracts, and the stream very rapid; after passing this river, we entered a narrow road in the midst of brush-wood, pleasant and agreeable, and full of a kind of foxes[1] of a bright gold colour. At three quarters past one we halted at the house of Shalaka Welled Amlac, with whom I was well acquainted at Gondar; his house is called Welled Abea Abbo, from a church of Abbo about an eight part of a mile distant.

I have deferred, till the present occasion, the introducing of this remarkable character to my reader, that I might not trouble him to go back to past transactions that are not of consequence enough to interrupt the thread of my narrative. Soon after I had seen part of the royal family, that had been infected with the small-pox, happily recovered, and was settled at Koscam in a house of my own, formerly belonging to Basha Eusebius, my friend Ayto Aylo recommended to my care a man from Maitsha, with two servants, one of whom, with his master, had been taken ill of the intermitting fever. As I was supplied plentifully with every necessary by the Iteghé, the only inconvenience that I suffered by this was, that of bringing a stranger and a disease into my family. But as I was in a strange country, and every day stood in need of the assistance of the people in it, it was necessary that I should do my part, and make myself as useful as possible when the opportunity came in my way. I therefore submitted, and according to Ayto Aylo's desire, received my two patients with the best grace possible; and the rather, as I was told that he was one of the most powerful, resolute, and best-attended robbers in all Maitsha; that he lay directly in my way to the source of the Nile; and that, under his protection, I might bid defiance to Woodage Asahel, considered as the great obstacle to my making that journey.

The servant was a poor, timid wretch, exceedingly afraid of dying. He adhered strictly to his regimen, and was very soon recovered. It was not so with Welled Amlac; he had, as I said, another servant, who never, that I saw, came within the door; but as often as I was out attending my other patients, or with the Iteghé, which was great part of the morning, he stole a visit to his master, and brought him as much raw meat, hydromel, and spirits, as, more than once, threw him into a fever and violent delirium. Luckily I was early informed of this by the servant that was recovered, and who did not doubt but this was to end in his master's death, as it very probably might have done; but, by the interposition of Ayto Aylo and the Iteghé, we got the unworthy subject banished to Maitsha, so that Welled Amlac remained attended by the servant who had been sick with him, and was to be trusted.

Not to trouble the reader with uninteresting particulars, Shalaka Welled Amlac at last recovered after several weeks illness. When he first came to my house he was but very indifferently cloathed, which, in a sick man, was a thing not to be remarked. As he had no change of raiment, his cloaths naturally grew worse during the time he staid with me; and, indeed, he was a very beggarly sight when his disease had entirely left him. One evening, when I was remarking that he could not go home without kissing the ground before the Iteghé, he said, Surely not, and he was ready to go whenever I should think proper to bring him his cloaths. I understood at first from this, that he might have brought some change of cloaths, and delivered them into my servant's custody; but, upon farther explanation, I found he had not a rag but those upon his back; and he told me plainly, that he had much rather stay in my house all his life, than be so disgraced before the world, as to leave it after so long a stay, without my first having cloathed him from head to foot; asking me, with much confidence, What signifies your curing me, if you turn me out of your house like a beggar?

I still thought there was something of jest in this; and meeting Ayto Aylo that day at Koscam, I told him, laughing, of the conversation that had passed, and was answered gravely, "There is no doubt, you must cloath him; to be sure it is the custom." "And his servant, too?" said I. "Certainly, his servant too; and if he had ten servants that ate and drank in your house, you most cloath them all." "I think, said I, Ayto Aylo, a physician at this rate had much better let his patients die than recover them at his own expence." "Yagoube, says Aylo, I see this is not a custom in your country, but it is invariably one in this: it is not so among the lower set of people; but if you will pass here as a man of some degree of consequence, you cannot avoid this without making Welled Amlac your enemy: the man is opulent; it is not for the value of the cloaths, but he thinks his importance among his neighbours is measured by the respect shewn him by people afar off; never fear, he will make you some kind of return, and for the cloaths I shall pay for them." "By no means, said I, my good friend; I think the anecdote and custom is so curious that it is worth the price of the cloaths; and I beg that you would believe, that, intending to go through Maitsha, I consider it as a piece of friendship in you to have brought me under this obligation." "And so it is, says he: I knew you would think so; you are a cool dispassionate man, and walk by advice, and do not break through the customs of the country, and this reconciles even bad men to you every day, and so much the longer shall you be in safety."

The reader will not doubt that I immediately fulfilled my obligation to Welled Amlac, who received his cloaths, a girdle, and a pair of sandals, in all to the amount of about two guineas, with the same indifference as if he had been buying them for ready money. He then asked for his servant's cloaths, which were ready for him. He only said he thought they were too good, and hinted as if he should take them for his own use when he went to Maitsha. I then carried him new-dressed to the Iteghé, who gave him strict injunctions to take care of me if ever I should come into his hands. He after went home with Ayto Aylo, nor did I ever know what was become of him till now, when we arrived at his house at Welled Abea Abbo, unless from some words that fell in discourse from Fasil at Bamba.

Shalaka Welled Amlac was, however, from home, but his wife, mother, and sisters, received us kindly, knowing us by report; and, without waiting for our landlord, a cow was instantly slaughtered.

The venerable mistress of this worthy family, Welled Amlac's mother, was a very stout, chearful woman, and bore no signs of infirmity or old age: his wife was, on the contrary, as arrant a hag as ever acted the part on the stage; very active, however, and civil, and speaking very tolerable Amharic. His two sisters, about sixteen or seventeen, were really handsome; but Fasil's wife, who was there, was the most beautiful and graceful of them all; she seemed not to be past eighteen, tall, thin, and of a very agreeable carriage and manners. The features of her face were very regular; she had fine eyes, mouth, and teeth, and dark-brown complexion; at first sight a cast of melancholy seemed to hang upon her countenance, but this soon vanished, and she became very courteous, chearful, and most conversible of the whole, or at least seemed to wish to be so; for, unfortunately, she spoke not a word of any language but Galla, though she understood a little Amharic; our conversation did not fail to give great entertainment to the whole family, and for her part, she laughed beyond all measure.

The two sisters had been out helping my servants in disposing the baggage; but when they had pitched my tent, and were about to lay the mattress for sleeping on, the eldest of these interrupted them, and not being able to make herself understood by the Greeks, she took it up and threw it out of the tent-door, whilst no abuse or opprobrious names were spared by my servants; one of whom came to tell me her impudence, and that if they understood her, she said I was to sleep with her this night, and they believed we were got into a house of thieves and murderers. To this I answered by a sharp reproof, desiring them to conform to every thing the family ordered them. I saw the fair nymph was in a violent passion; she told her tale to the matrons with great energy, and a volubility of tongue past imagination, and they all laughed. Fasil's wife called me to sit by her, and began to instruct me, drolly enough, as they do children, but of what she said I had not the smallest guess. I endeavoured always to repeat her last words, and this occasioned another vehement laugh, in which I joined as heartily as any, to keep up the joke, for the benefit of the company, as long as possible.

Immediately after this Welled Amlac arrived, and brought us the disagreeable news, that it was impossible to proceed to the ford of the Abay, as two of the neighbouring Shums were at variance about their respective districts, and in a day or two would decide it by blows. The faces of all our companions fell at these news; but as I knew the man, it gave me little trouble, as I supposed the meaning to be, that, if we made it worth while, he would accompany us himself, and in that case we should pass without fear; at any rate, I well knew that, after the obligations I had laid him under at Gondar, he could not, consistent with the received usages of the country, if it was but for his own reputation's sake, fail in receiving me in the very best manner in his power, and entertaining me to the utmost all the time I was in his house.

Satisfied that I understood him, he put on the most chearful countenance: another cow was killed, great plenty of hydromel produced, and he prepared to regale us as sumptuously as possible, after the manner of the country. We were there, as often before, obliged to overcome our repugnance to eating raw flesh. Shalaka Welled Amlac set us the example, entertained us with the stories of his hunting elephants, and feats in the last wars, mostly roguish ones. The room where we were (which was indeed large, and contained himself, mother, wife, sisters, his horses, mules, and servants, night and day) was all hung round with the trunks of these elephants, which he had brought from the neighbouring Kolla, near Guesgué, and killed with his own hands, for he was one of the boldest and best horsemen in Abyssinia, and perfectly master of his arms.

This Polyphemus's feast being finished, the horn of hydromel went briskly about. Welled Amlac's eldest sister, whose name was Melectanea, took a particular charge of me, and I began to find the necessity of retiring and going to bed while I was able. Here the former story came over again; the invariable custom of all Maitsha and the country of the Galla, of establishing a relationship by sleeping with a near of kin, was enlarged upon; and, as the young lady herself was present, and presented every horn of drink during this polite dispute concerning her person, I do not know whether it will not be thought a greater breach of delicacy to have refused than to have complied:—

But what success Vanessa met

Is to the world a secret yet;

Can never to mankind be told,

Nor shall the conscious muse unfold.

Fye upon the conscious muse, says lord Orrery; and fye, too, say I:—a man of honour and gallantry should not permit himself such a hint as this, though the Red Sea was between him and his mistress.

It was impossible to sleep; the whole night was one continued storm of thunder, rain, and lightning; the morning was clearer, and my people very urgent to go away; but I had still to settle with Zor Woldo, who had been kept by his mistress, Fasil's wife, notwithstanding his master's orders, till he had told her the whole circumstances of our expedition, and made her laugh heartily at the oddity of our sentiments and customs. This she repaid to him by plentiful horns of mead and bouza, as also large collops of raw meat, which made him a very eloquent historian; whether or no he was a faithful one, I cannot possibly judge.

After having settled with him to his perfect satisfaction, and cancelled entirely the memory of some disagreeable things passed, he consigned us very solemnly to Ayto Aylo's servant, in presence of Welled Amlac, and had taken his leave, when a very fine white cow was brought to the door of the tent from Fasil's wife, who insisted, as a friend of her husband, that I would stay that day for her sake; and I should either learn her my language, or she would teach me Galla. The party was accepted as soon as offered; the morning was fresh and cool, nor had last night's libation any way disordered my stomach. Strates himself, though afraid of Welled Amlac, and exceedingly exasperated at the impudent behaviour, as he called it, of Melectanea, was, however, a little pacified at the approach of the white cow. Brother, says he to Michael, we have nothing to do with people's manners as long as they are civil to us: as to this house, there is no doubt but the men are robbers and murderers, and their women wh—es; but if they use us well while we are now here, and we are so lucky as to get to Gondar alive, let the devil take me if ever I seek again to be at Welled Abea Abbo. It was agreed to relax that day, and dedicate it to herborizing, as also to the satisfying the curiosity of our female friends, by answering all their questions; and thus the forenoon passed as agreeable as possible.

Welled Amlac, a great hunter, had gone with me early to a neighbouring thicket on horseback, armed with lances in search of venison, though we certainly did not want provisions. We in a few minutes raised two bohur, a large animal of the deer kind, and each pursued his beast; mine had not run 400 yards before I overtook him, and pierced him with my pike; and the same would have happened probably to the other, had not Welled Amlac's horse put his fore-feet into a fox's hole, which threw him and his rider headlong to the ground; he was not, however, hurt, but rose very gravely, and desired me to return; it being a rule among these people, never to persist when any thing unfortunate falls out in the beginning of a day.

Our company was now increased by our former landlord at Goutto, where we were obliged to Woldo's stratagem for discovering the cow that was hid. We sat down chearfully to dinner. Welled Amlac's fall had not spoiled his appetite; I think he ate equal to four ordinary men. I, for the most part, ate the venison, which was made into an excellent dish, only too much stuffed with all kind of spices. Fasil's wife alone seemed to have a very poor appetite, notwithstanding her violent fits of laughter, and outward appearance of chearfulness. A melancholy gloom returned upon her beautiful face, that seemed to indicate a mind not at ease. She was of a noble family of Galla, which had conquered and settled in the low country of Narea. I wondered that Fasil her husband had not carried her to Gondar. She said her husband had twenty other wives besides her, but took none of them to Gondar; which was a place of war, where it was the custom to marry the wives of their enemies that they had forced to fly, Fasil will be married therefore to Michael's wife, Ozoro Esther. I could not help being startled at this declaration, remembering that I was here losing my time, and forgetting my word of returning as soon as possible; but we had, for many months, lived in such constant alarms, that it was absolutely as needful to seize the moment in which we could repose our mind, as to give rest to the body.

In the afternoon we distributed our presents among the ladies. Fasil's wife was not forgot; and the beautiful Melectanea was covered with beads, handkerchiefs, and ribbands of all colours. Fasil's wife, on my first request, gave me a lock of her fine hair from the root, which has ever since, and at this day does suspend a plummet of an ounce and half at the index of my three-feet quadrant.

The next morning, the 13th of November, having settled our account with our host, we set out from the hospitable house of Shalaka Welled Amlac, after having engaged, by promises to the ladies, that we should pay them soon another visit. Our landlord accompanied us in person to the ford, and by this, and his readiness to shew us what he thought worthy of our curiosity, and by his care in ascertaining for us the distances and situations of places, he gave us a certain proof he was well contented, and therefore that we had nothing to fear.

We had both nights heard the noise of cataracts, and we thought it might be of the Nile, as we were in fact but five miles from the second small cataract at Kerr, which lay W. S. W. of us. We were informed, however, in the morning, that it was the sound of falls in the river Jemma, near whose banks this house is situated. We set out at eight o'clock, the hills of Aroossi bearing north; and at half past eight we came to the ford of the Jemma, which is strong, rugged, and uneven.

The Jemma here comes from the east; its banks are most beautifully shaded with acacia and other trees, growing as on the west of the Nile, that is, the trunks or stems of the trees at a distance, but the tops touching each other, and spreading broad. Though growing to no height, these woods are full of game of different kinds, mostly unknown in Europe. The bohur is here in great numbers; also the Buffalo, though not so frequent. Whoever sees Richmond hill has an idea of the banks of the Jemma, and the country east of it, with all that addition that an eastern and happier climate can give it; for the rains had now ceased, and every hill was in flower; the sun indeed was hot, but a constant and fresh breeze prevented its being felt near the river. The heat in this country ceases, in the warmest day, the moment we pass from the sun to the shade: we have none of these hot winds or violent reflections which we had suffered in Egypt, Syria, and Arabia, and both the coasts of the Red Sea.

There are two cataracts lower than this ford of the Jemma, the first about 300 yards below the ford, and another larger, something about half a mile; it is not, however, more than seven or eight feet high, perhaps about ninety feet broad, and the sheet of water is not entire, but is interrupted in many places. It falls, however, into a magnificent bason above 400 yards square, and very deep, in which are large fish in great plenty, but no crocodiles; nor indeed are there any seen, as I have heard above the third cataract, nor considerably below, when, after having made the tour of Gojam, it again turns northward towards its sources. The Gomari, however, often comes to the mouth of the Jemma, especially when the first rains fall; the crocodile seems to require a warmer climate.

After having satisfied our curiosity as to the Jemma, I began to reproach those that were with me about the panic which they felt the night before; these were, a Greek of Gondar, Strates, and three others, my servants, whom I brought from Cairo. "You see, said I, what danger there is; Welled Amlac is with us upon a mule, without a lance or shield, and only two naked servants with him; did not I tell you what was the meaning of the news?" Though this was spoken in a language of which it was impossible Amlac could know a syllable, yet he presently apprehended in part what I would say. "I see, says he, you believe what I told you last night to be false, and invented only to get from you a present: but you shall see; and if this day we do not meet Welled Aragawi and his soldiers, you are then in the right; it is as you imagine."—"You do me wrong, said I, and have not understood me, for how should you. Those white people believe too well all you told them, and are only apprehensive of your not being able to defend us, being without arms and followers. All I said was, that where you were, armed or unarmed, there was no danger."—"True, says he, you are now in Maitsha, and not in my country, which is Goutto; you are now in the worst country in all Abyssinia, where the brother kills his brother for a loaf of bread, of which he has no need: you are in a country of Pagans, or dogs, Galla, and worse than Galla; if ever you meet an old man here, he is a stranger; all that are natives die by the lance young; and yet, though these two chieftains I mentioned fight to-day, unarmed as I am, (as you well said) you are in no danger while I am with you. These people of Maitsha, shut up between the Jemma, the Nile, and the lake, have no where but from the Agows to get what they want; they come to the same market with us here in Goutto; the fords of the Jemma, they know, are in my hands; and did they offer an injury to a friend of mine, were it but to whistle as he passed them, they know I am not gentle; though not a Galla, they are sensible, one day or other, I should call them to account, though it were in the bed-chamber of their master Fasil."

"Your master, Welled Amlac, with your leave," said I. "Yes, mine too, said he, by force, but he never shall be my master by inclination, after murdering Kasmati Eshté. He calls me his brother, and believes me his friend. You saw one of his wives, whom he leaves at my house, last night, but I hope still to see him and his Galla slaughtered as the cow in my house was yesterday." "I am surprised, said I, your house was spared, and that Ras Michael did not burn it in either of his passages through Maitsha."—"In 1769, replied he, I was not with Fasil at Fagitta, and the Ras passed the Nile above this far beyond the Kelti; after which I returned with him to Gondar. In Ginbot[2], Fasil informed us that Amhara and Begemder were come over to him. When then all Maitsha joined Fasil, I went with my people to meet Michael at Derdera, as I knew he must pass the Nile here opposite to Abbo, and Begemder and Amhara would then be behind him, or else try to cross at Delakus, which was then swollen with rain, and unfordable: but apprehensive lest, marching still higher up along the Nile to find a ford, he might burn my house in his way, I myself joined him the night before he knew of Powussen's revolt, and he had it then in contemplation to burn Samseen. The next morning was that of his retreat, and he chose me to accompany him across the Nile, still considering me as his friend, and therefore, perhaps, he would have done no harm to my house."—"So it was you, said I, that led us that day into that cursed clay-hole, which you call a ford, where so many people and beasts were maimed and lost?"—He replied, "It was Fasil's spies that first persuaded him to pass there, or at Kerr. I kept him to the place where you passed; you would have all perished at Kerr. This, to be sure, was not a good ford, nor passable at all except in summer, unless by swimming; but so many men crossing had made it still worse; besides, do you remember what a storm it was?—what a night of rain? O Lady Mariam, always a virgin, said I, while they struggled in the mud and clay. O holy Abba Guebra Menfus Kedus, who never ate or drank from his mother's womb till his death, will you not open the earth, that all this accursed multitude may descend alive into hell, like Dathan and Abiram?"—A kind and charitable prayer!—"I thank you for it, Welled Amlac, said I; first, for carrying us to that charitable ford, where, with one of the strongest and ablest horses in the world, I had nearly perished:—and, secondly, for your pious wish, to dispose of us out of the regions of rain and cold into so warm quarters in company with Dathan and Abiram!"

"I did not know you was there, says he; I heard you had staid at Gondar in order to bring up the black horse. I saw a white person[3] with the Ras, indeed, who had a good hanjar and gun, but his mule was weak, and he himself seemed sick. As I returned I could have carried him off in the night, but I said, perhaps it is the brother of Yagoube, my friend and physician; he is white like him, and for your sake I left him. I was much with you white people in the time of Kasmati Eshté."—"And pray, said I, what did you after we passed the Abay?"—"After I saw that devil Ras Michael over, said Welled Amlac, I returned under pretence of assisting Kefla Yasous there, and, being joined by all my people, we fell upon the stragglers wherever we found them. You know what a day of rain it was; we took 17 guns, 12 horses, and about 200 mules and asses laden, and so returned home, leaving the rest to Fasil, who, if he had been a man, should have cut you all to pieces the day after."—"And what did you, said I, with these stragglers whom you met and robbed; did you kill them?"—"We always kill them, answered Amlac; we spare none; we never do a man an injury, and leave him alive to revenge it upon us after; but it was really the same; they were all sick and weak, and the hyæna would have finished them in the morning, so it was just saving them so much suffering to kill them outright the night before; and I assure you, Yagoube, whatever you may think, I did not do it out of malice."—From this conversation one may sufficiently guess what sort of a man Welled Amlac was, and what were his ideas of mercy.

We passed the church of Kedus Michael at half after nine, on the road to our right. At nine and three quarters our course was N. by W. and, at a quarter after ten, we passed the Coga, a large river. At three quarters past ten our course was north. We passed the church of Abbo a quarter of a mile on our right. The country, after we had crossed the Jemma, was much less beautiful than before. At twelve our course was N. by W. and at half past twelve the church of Mariam Net, 200 yards to the left; and here we forded the small river Amlac-Ohha. Every step of this ground put us in mind of our disastrous campaign in May; and we were now passing directly in the tract of the ever-memorable retreat of Kefla Yasous and the rear of the army. At a quarter after one we halted at a small village of low houses, as it were in bent grass, where, for the first time, we saw flocks of goats lying on the tops of the houses for fear of wild beasts.

"You shall see, says Welled Amlac, whether I am telling truth or not; this is the house of Welled Aragawi; if he is here at home, then I have deceived you." We saw a number of women laden with jars of bouza and hydromel, and asked where they were going. They said to their master at Delakus, who waited there to prevent Welleta Michael of Degwassa from passing the river. Our Greeks on this began to relapse into their panic, and to wish we were again at Welled Abea Abbo. At three quarters past one we continued our journey to the north, and passed a river, called Amlac-Ohha, larger than the former: it comes from the east, and, half a mile further, receives the other stream already mentioned. The sun was now burning hot. At three o'clock we halted a quarter of an hour; and, beginning to descend gently, an hour after this we came to the banks of the Abay. Here we saw the two combatants, Welleta Michael and Welled Aragawi, exactly opposite to each other, the first on the west the other on the east side; they had settled all their differences, and each had killed several kine for themselves and friends, which was all the blood shed that day.

The Nile is here a considerable river; its breadth at this time full three quarters of an English mile; the current is very gentle; where deep you scarce can perceive it flow; it comes from W. by S. and W. S. W. and at the ford runs east and west. The banks on the east side were very high and steep; and on the west, at the first entrance, the bottom is soft and bad, the water four feet and a half deep, but above another foot, which we sink in clay. I cried to Welled Amlac, while he was leading my mule across, that he should not pray to his saint that never eats, as at the passage of the Jemma in May. He only answered lowly to me, Do you think these thieves would have let you pass if I was not with you? My answer was, Welleta Michael would not have seen me wronged; I saved his life, he and every body knows it.

We gained with difficulty the middle of the river, where the bottom was firm, and there we rested a little. Whilst we were wading near the other side, we found foul ground, but the water was shallow, and the banks low and easy to ascend. The river side, as far as we could see, is bare and destitute of wood of any kind, only bordered with thistles and high grass, and the water tinged deep with red earth, of which its banks are composed. This passage is called Delakus, and is passable from the end of October to the middle of May. Immediately on the top of the hill ascending from the river is the small town of Delakus, which gives this ford its name; it extends from N. E. to N. N. E. and is more considerable in appearance than is the generality of these small towns or villages in Abyssinia, because inhabited by Mahometans only, a trading, frugal, intelligent, and industrious people.

Our conductor, Welled Amlac, again put us in mind of the service he had rendered us, and we were not unmindful of him. He had been received with very great respect by the eastern body of combatants, and it is incredible with what expedition he swallowed near a pound of raw flesh cut from the buttocks of the animal yet alive. After some horns of hydromel, he had passed to the other side, where he was received with still more affection, if possible, by Welleta Michael, and there he began again to eat the raw meat with an appetite as keen as if he had fasted for whole days; he then consigned us to Ayto Welleta Michael, his friend and mine, who furnished us with a servant to conduct us on our way, while he himself remained that night at the ford among the combatants. He advised us to advance as far as possible, for all that country was destroyed by a malignant fever which laid all waste beyond Delakus.

We left the ford at a quarter past five in the evening, and, pursuing our journey north, we passed the small town of Delakus, continuing along the hill among little spots of brush-wood and small fields of corn intermixed. At half past six passed the river Avola. At half past seven crossed another swift-running stream, clear and shallow, but full of slippery stones. At three quarters after seven we alighted at Googue, a considerable village, and, as it was now night, we could go no farther; we had already several times mistaken our way, and lost each other in the dark, being often also mired in a small plain before we passed the last river; but our guide had heard the orders of his master, and pushed on briskly.

We found the people of Googue the most savage and unhospitable we had yet met with. Upon no account would they suffer us to enter their houses, and we were obliged to remain without, the greatest part of the night. At last they carried us to a house of good appearance, but refused absolutely to give us meat for ourselves or horses; and, as we had not force, we were obliged to be content. It had rained violently in the evening, and we were all wet. We contented ourselves with lighting a large fire in the middle of the house, which we kept burning all night, as well for guard, as for drying ourselves, though we little knew at the time that it was probably the only means of saving our lives; for in the morning we found the whole village sick of the fever, and two families had died out of the house where these people had put us: for my own part, upon hearing this I was more affrighted than for Welled Aragawi and all his robbers. Though weary and wet, I had slept on the ground near the fire six whole hours; and, tho' really well, I could not during the day persuade myself there was not some symptom of fever upon me. My first precaution was to infuse a dose of bark into a glass of aquavitæ, a large horn of which we had with us; we then burnt frankincense and myrrh in abundance, and fumigated ourselves, as practised at Masuah and in Arabia. Early in the morning we repeated our dose of bark and fumigation. Whether the bark prevented the disease or not, the aquavitæ certainly strengthened the spirits, and was a medicine to the imagination.

The people, who saw the eagerness and confidence with which we swallowed this medicine, flocked about us demanding assistance. I confess I was so exasperated with their treatment of us, and especially that of lodging us in the infected house, that I constantly refused them their request, leaving them a prey to their distemper, to teach them another time more hospitality to strangers.

This fever prevailed in Abyssinia in all low grounds and plains, in the neighbourhood of all rivers which run in valleys; it is really a malignant tertian, which, however, has so many forms and modes of intermission that it is impossible for one not of the Faculty to describe it. It is not in all places equally dangerous, but on the banks and neighbourhood of the Tacazzé it is particularly fatal. The valley where that river runs is very low and sultry, being full of large trees. In Kuara, too, it is very mortal; in Belessen and Dembea less so; in Walkayt it is dangerous; but not so much in Tzegadè, Kolla, Woggora, and Waldubba. It does not prevail in high grounds or mountains, or in places much exposed to the air. This fever is called Nedad, or burning; it begins always with a shivering and headache, a heavy eye, and inclination to vomit; a violent heat follows, which leaves little intermission, and ends generally in death the third or fifth day. In the last stage of the distemper the belly swells to an enormous size, or sometimes immediately after death, and the body within an instant smells most insupportably; to prevent which they bury the corpse immediately after the breath is out, and often within the hour. The face has a remarkable yellow appearance, with a blackish cast, as in the last stage of a dropsy or the atrophy. This fever begins immediately with the sun-shine, after the first rains, that is, while there are intervals of rain and sun-shine: it ceases upon the earth being thoroughly soaked in July and August, and begins again in September; but now, at the beginning of November, it finally ceases everywhere.

The country about Googue is both fertile and pleasant, all laid out in wheat, and the grain good. They were now in the midst of their harvest, but there were some places, to which the water could be conducted, where the corn was just appearing out of the ground. From Googue we have an extensive view of the lake Tzana, whilst the mountains of Begemder and Karoota, that is, all the ridge along Foggora, appear distinctly enough, but they are sunk low, and near the horizon.

On the 14th, at three quarters past seven in the morning, we left the inhospitable village Googue; our road lay N. by W. up a small hill. At half past eight we crossed the village of Azzadari, in which runs a small river, then almost stagnant, of the same name. At three quarters after eight, the church of Turcon Abbo, being a quarter of a mile to our right. At three quarters after nine we passed the river Avolai, coming from N. W. and which, with all the other streams above mentioned, fall into the lake: from this begins Degwassa. At half past ten we rested half an hour. At eleven continued our journey N. by W. and, at half after eleven, entered again into the great road of Buré, by Kelti. All the country from Googue is bare, unpleasant, unwholesome, and ill watered. Those few streams it has are now standing in pools, and are probably stagnant in January and February. The people, too, are more miserable than in any other part of Maitsha and Goutto.

As we are now leaving Maitsha, it will be the place to say something concerning it in particular. Maitsha is either proper, or what is called so by extension. Maitsha Proper is bounded on the west by the Nile, on the south by the river Jemma, dividing it from Goutto; and, on the other side of Amid Amid, by the province of Damot; on the south by Gojam; on the east and north by the Abay or Nile, and the lake: this is Maitsha proper; but by extension it comprehends a large tract on the west side of the Nile, which begins by Sankraber on the north, and is bounded by the Agows on the west, comprehending Atcheffer and Aroossi to the banks of the Nile. This is the Maitsha of the books, but is not properly so.

Maitsha is governed by ninety-nine Shums, and is an appendage of the office of Betwudet, to whom it pays two thousand ounces of gold. The people are originally of those Galla west of the Abay. Yasous the Great, when at war with that people, who, in many preceding reigns, had laid waste the provinces of Gojam and Damot, and especially Agow, when he passed the Abay found these people at variance among themselves; and the king, who was everywhere victorious, being joined by the weakest, advanced to Narea, and, on his return, transplanted these Galla into Maitsha, placing part of them along the Nile to guard the passes. His successors at different times followed his example; part they settled in Maitsha, and part along the banks of the Nile in Damot and Gojam, where being converted to Christianity, at least to such Christianity as is professed in Abyssinia, they have increased exceedingly, and amounted, at least before the war in 1768, to 15,000 men, of whom about 4000 are horsemen.

The capital of Maitsha is Ibaba. There is here a house or small castle belonging to the king. The town is one of the largest in Abyssinia, little inferior to Gondar in size or riches, and has a market every day; this is governed by an officer called Ibaba Azage, whose employment is worth 600 ounces of gold, and is generally conferred upon the principal person of Maitsha, to keep him firm in his allegiance, as there is a very considerable territory depends upon this office. The country round Ibaba is the most pleasant and fertile, not of Maitsha only, but of all Abyssinia, especially that part called Kollela, between Ibaba and Gojam, where the principal Ozoros have all houses and possessions, called Goult or Fiefs, which they have received from their respective ancestors when kings.

Though Maitsha be peculiarly the appendage of Betwudet, and governed by him, yet it has a particular political government of its own. The ninety-nine Shums, who are each a distinct family of Galla, chuse a king, like the Pagan Galla, every seventh year, with all the ceremonies anciently observed while they were Pagans; and these governors have much more influence over them than the King or Betwudet; so have they (in my time at least) been in a constant rebellion, and that has much lessened their numbers, which will not now amount to above 10,000 men, Ras Michael having every where destroyed their houses, and carried into slavery their wives and children, who have been sold to the Mahometan merchants, and transported to Masuah, and from thence to Arabia.

At twelve o'clock, Guesgué was to the right, three or four, perhaps more miles; and the very rugged mountain Cafercla, broken and full of precipices, on our right, at about 12 miles distance; they rise from Kolla. Guesgué, which, though the language and race be Agow, is not comprehended in the government of that country, but generally goes with Kuara. At a quarter past one we arrived at the house of Ayto Welleta Michael, at Degwassa, after entering into a country something more pleasant and cultivated than the former. The village of Degwassa is but small; it had also been burnt in the late war; it is pleasantly situated on a hill south of the lake, about 3 miles distance, and is surrounded with large wanzey-trees; we were but ill-received at this village, notwithstanding the promises of the master of it at the passage of the Abay, and we found these people scarcely more hospitable than at Googue. This village is a little out of the road, to the right. We had travelled this day five hours and a half, or little more than ten miles.

On the 15th of November, from Degwassa we entered Gonzala, immediately bordering upon it: heavy rain prevented our setting out till noon. Gonzala is full of villages, and belongs to the queen-mother. At a quarter after one we passed a large marsh, in the midst of which runs a small river which here falls into the lake. We rested here half an hour; and, at three quarters past one, we entered the great road which we had passed to the left in going to Degwassa. At two o'clock we came still to a distincter view of the lake, as also where the river enters and goes out; it appears here to enter at S. W. and go out at N. E. and is distant about eight or nine miles. At three quarters past two, we arrived at Dingleber, having this day travelled only two hours and a half, or five miles.

On the 16th we left Dingleber at seven o'clock in the morning; it was very hot; and, a little before we came to Mescalaxos, in a stripe of land, or peninsula, which runs out into the lake, we halted a short time under the shade of some acacia-trees. Here we saw plenty of water-fowl, and several gomaris. A small river crosses the road here, and falls into the lake: and, at one o'clock in the afternoon, we continued our journey, and overtook a troop of Agows, who were going to Gondar, laden with honey, butter, and untanned hides. They had with them also about 800 head of cattle. These people accustomed to the road (though heavily laden) go long journies: they had at this time 50 miles to make by nine o'clock in the morning of the 18th, and it was now the 16th, past one o'clock.

A Shower overtook us soon after passing Mescalaxos, and forced us to take refuge in some small huts near the lake, called Goja, where we remained. The inhabitants of this and the neighbouring villages speak Falasha, the language anciently of all Dembea, which, as has been already observed, in most of the plain country, has now given place to Amharic. Here we saw two gomari come out of the lake and enter the corn, but speedily, upon the dogs of the villages attacking them, they ran and plunged into the water; we could not have a distinct view of them, nor time enough to design them, but they were very different from any draught we had ever seen of them. The head seemed to me to resemble that of a hog more than of a horse. We had this day travelled six hours and a half, or about thirteen miles.

On the 17th, at a quarter past seven, we left Goja. At one o'clock we halted at Sar Ohha, after a journey of five hours and a half, or about eleven miles; and on the 18th, at half past six, left Sar Ohha. At three quarters past seven we passed the river Talti, and at half past eleven halted at Abba Abram, near the church, under a large sassa-tree. At one, continued our journey, and at a quarter past two arrived at Kemona.

On the 19th of November, at seven in the morning, we left Kemona, and going constantly without stopping by Chergué and Azazo, I sent my servants and baggage on to Abba Samuel at Gondar, where they arrived at one o'clock afternoon, and finished our long-projected expedition, or journey, to the fountains of the Nile, having, in our return home, made as it were the chord of the arch of our former journey, or about ninety-three miles, with which we found our points, as settled by observation, did very nearly agree.

Two things chiefly occupied my mind, and prevented me from accompanying my servants and baggage into Gondar. The first was my desire of instantly knowing the state of Ozoro Esther's health: the second was, to avoid Fasil, till I knew a little more about Ras Michael and the king. Taking one servant along with me, I left my people at Azazo, and turning to the left, up a very craggy, steep mountain, I made the utmost diligence I could till I arrived at the gate of Koscam, near two o'clock, without having met any one from Fasil, who was encamped opposite to Gondar, on the Kahha, on the side of the hill, so that I had passed obliquely behind him. He had, however, seen or heard of the arrival of my servants at Gondar, and had sent for me to wait upon him in his camp; and, when he was informed I had gone forward to Koscam, it was said he had uttered some words of discontent.

I went straight to the Iteghé's apartment, but was not admitted, as she was at her devotions. In crossing one of the courts, however, I met a slave of Ozoro Esther, who, instead of answering the question I put to her, gave a loud shriek, and went to inform her mistress. I found that princess greatly recovered, as her anxiety about Fasil had ceased. She had admitted him to an audience, and he had communicated to her the engagement he was under to her husband, as also the conduct he intended to pursue in order to keep Gusho and Powussen from taking any effectual measures which might frustrate, or at least delay, the restoration of the king and arrival of Ras Michael.

CHAP. II.
Fasil's insidious Behaviour—Arrival at Gondar—King passes the Taccazzé—Iteghé and Socinios fly from Gondar.

I shall now resume the history of Abyssinia itself, so far as I was concerned in it, or had an opportunity of knowing, and this I shall follow as closely as possible, till I begin my return home through those dreary and hitherto-unknown deserts of Sennaar, though not the most entertaining, yet by far the most dangerous and most difficult part of the voyage.

It was about the 20th of October that Woodage Asahel came with a strong body of horse into the neighbourhood of Gondar, and cut off all communication between the capital and those provinces to the southward of it. This occasioned a temporary famine, as his troops plundered all those they met on the road carrying provisions to the market. At first he refused to tell what his real errand was; but, a few days after, having passed the low country of Dembea, he took post at Dingleber, on the road to Maitsha and the country of the Agows, and then he declared his only intention in coming was to join Fasil, then marching to Gondar at the head of a large army; nor was the cause of that great army, nor the reason of Fasil's coming, so sufficiently known as to free any party entirely from their apprehensions.

Sanuda, who filled the office of Ras, and the rest of that party, endeavoured to determine Asahel to enter Gondar, and pay his homage to Socinios, now king; not doubting but his example would have the effect of making others do the like, and that so by degrees they might collect troops enough to make Michael respect them, so far at least as to defer for a season his march from Tigrè. They prevailed, indeed, so far as to engage Asahel to enter Gondar on the 28th of October, the day that we left it; so, by a few hours, and his taking a low road that he might plunder the villages in Dembea, we missed a meeting of the most dangerous and most disagreeable kind. After having made his usual parade, and passed his cavalry in review before Socinios, he had his public audience, where he said he came charged by Fasil to declare that he was ready to set out for Gondar, and bring with him that part of the revenue due to the king from the provinces he commanded, provided he had a man of sufficient trust to leave in his stead at home; that therefore he prayed the king to appoint him Woodage Asahel to command in the provinces of Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, in his absence.

After the many promises and engagements Fasil had made and broken, without ever assigning the smallest reason, it may be doubted whether Socinios believed this fair tale implicitly; but his present intention being to gain Woodage, it little signified whether it was strictly true or not; he therefore received it as true. Fasil's request was granted to the full; and this robber, twenty times a rebel, bred up in woods and deserts, in exercise of every crime, was appointed to a command the third in the kingdom for rank, power, and riches; and, what was never before seen, the king went out of his palace to Deppabye, the public market-place, to see the circle of gold, called the Ras Werk, put upon his head; this, with the white and blue mantle, invests him with the dignity of Kasmati, or lieutenant-general of the king, in the province given him.

A low man, such as Asahel was, could not resist the caresses of his sovereign; he was entirely gained; and, in return, made privately to Socinios, and a few confidants, a communication of all he knew, which their natural imprudence, and private previous engagements, afterwards made public. The substance of this confidence was, that peace had been made and sworn to, in the most solemn manner, both by Michael and Fasil; that they were to restore the king, Tecla Haimanout; that they were, by their joint means, to effect, if possible, the ruin of Gusho and Powussen, governors of Begemder and Amhara; Fasil was to enjoy the post of Ras and Betwuder, and to dispose of the government of Begemder and Amhara to his friends; Ras Michael was to content himself with the province of Tigrè, as he then enjoyed it, and advance no further than the river Tacazzé, where he was to deliver the king to Fasil, and return to his province. Sanuda was, in the mean time, to appear as Ras by the connivance of Fasil and Michael; and, if he saw the people of the Iteghé's party resolved upon electing a king, he was to take care to choose such a one as would soon prove himself incapable of reigning, but fill the vacancy in the mean time, and prevent the election from falling upon a worthier candidate from the mountain of Wechné. Fasil, on his part, undertook by promises and proposals, and occasionally by the approach of his army, to frighten and confuse the Iteghé, and prevent a good understanding taking place between her, Gusho, and Powussen. The last article of this treaty was, that no more should be said of Joas the late king's murderer, but all that transaction was to be buried in eternal oblivion. This peace, Asahel had said, was made by the mediation of Welleta Selassé, nephew of Ras Michael, whom we have often mentioned as having been taken prisoner by Fasil at the battle of Limjour.

This discovery, dangerous as it might have been in other times and circumstances, from the weakness of the present government, had no consequences hurtful to any concerned in it. Sanuda, who was not present when Asahel revealed the secret, affected to laugh at it as an improbable fiction; and though this whole scheme of treachery was confirmed part by part, yet it was so deeply laid, and so well supported, that, even when discovered, it could not be prevented, till, step by step, it was carried into execution.

Fasil was encamped at Bamba, as we have already mentioned; he had discharged all those savage Galla that he had brought from the other side of the Nile. As soon as he had heard in how favourable a manner Woodage Asahel had been received, he decamped, taking with him 400 horse and 600 foot, all chosen men, from Maitsha and Damot, and with these he advanced, by forced marches, to Gondar, where he arrived the 2d of November, to the surprise of the whole town and court, for he had already so often promised, and so often broken his word, that nobody pretended to guess more about him till they actually saw him arrived. That same evening he waited on the queen, where he made a short visit; he paid a still shorter to the king, and no business passed at either of these meetings.

The king, Socinios, was now more than ever confirmed in the belief of Asahel's information, because, notwithstanding that Fasil knew perfectly his necessities, and that for seven years he had not paid a farthing to the revenue, he still had not brought either payment, or present of any sort; and, instead of coming with a large army to give battle to Ras Michael, he arrived as in peace with scarce a body guard; and, what seemed to put the matter beyond all doubt, the very night of his arrival, upon coming from his audience, he set Welleta Selassé at liberty, and sent him to Tigrè to his uncle Ras Michael, loaded with many presents, and with every mark of respect. There were, however, about Socinios some people of wisdom enough to counsel him to take no notice of this behaviour of Fasil, which seemed to favour strongly of defiance; and he was wise enough for a short time to follow their advice. As he had, by fair means, gained Woodage Asahel, he thought he might, by pursuing the same conduct, succeed with Fasil also.

In the morning, therefore, of the 3d of November, without attempting further discussion, proclamation was made that Fasil was Ras and Betwudet, governor of Damot, Maitsha, and Agow, and had the disposal of all places under the king throughout the empire; declaring also, that all appointments that had been made by the Iteghé or himself, in Fasil's absence, were null and void, to be again filled up by Fasil only. Socinios, however, soon found that he had a different spirit to manage than that of Woodage Asahel. Fasil took him at his word, accepted of the appointment, began immediately to exercise his power, and the very first day he gave the post of Cantiba, that is, governor of Dembea, to Ayto Engedan, nephew to the queen-mother, and son to Kasmati Eshté, whom he himself had deposed, murdered, and succeeded in the government of Damot and Maitsha; and Selassé Barea, brother to Ayto Aylo, he made Palambaras. These appointments just planted the king in the difficulty that was intended; for the places had been given to Kasmati Sanuda, as a recompence for resigning the posts of Ras and Betwudet, which were now conferred upon Fasil; and Sanuda, whom Socinios believed his only friend, and the person that raised him to the throne, was now left destitute of all employment whatever, by an act of seeming ingratitude flowing from the king alone.

The next day Fasil, pursuing the same line of conduct, appointed Adera Tacca Georgis, a creature of his own, Fit-Auraris to the king. None of these preferments Socinios could be brought to comply with; so that when these noblemen came to do homage for their respective places, Socinios absolutely refused to receive them, or displace Kasmati Sanuda. This involved the king in still greater difficulties, for he thereby broke his word with Fasil, who had done nothing more than Socinios gave him authority to do. On the other hand, Selassé Barea was brother to Ayto Aylo, the queen's greatest counsellor and confident; equal to his brother both in wisdom, integrity, and riches, and in the favour of the people, but much more ambitious and desirous of governing, consequently more dangerous when disobliged.

Socinios, who did not believe that Sanuda was treacherously urging him to his ruin, continued obstinate in rejecting Fasil's appointment, and all fell immediately into confusion. Troops flocked in from every quarter, as upon a signal given. Ayto Engedan, in discontent, with a thousand men sat down near Gondar on the river Mogetch; his brother Aylo, at Emfras, about 15 miles further, with double that number; Ayto Confu, his cousin-german, with about 600 horse, lay above Koscam for the protection of Ozoro Esther, his mother, and the Iteghé his grandmother—all were in arms, though upon the defensive.

In this situation of things I arrived at Gondar on the 19th of November, but could not see the queen, who had retired into her apartment under pretence of devotion, but rather from disgust and melancholy, at seeing that every thing, however the contrary might be intended, seemed to conspire to bring about the return of Ras Michael, the event in the world she dreaded most. I found with Ozoro Esther the Acab Saat, Abba Salama, who, as we have already observed, had excommunicated her uncle Kasmati Eshté, and afterwards contrived his murder, and had also had a very principal share in that of Joas himself. It was he that Fasil said had sent to him to desire that I might not be allowed to proceed to the head of the Nile, and that from no other reason but a hatred to me as a Frank. We bowed to each other as two not very great friends, and he immediately began a very dry, ill-natured, admonitory discourse, addressed, for the greatest part, to Ozoro Esther, explaining to her the mischief of suffering Franks to remain at liberty in the country and meddle in affairs. I interrupted him by a laugh, and by saying, If it is me, father, you mean by the word Frank, I have, without your advice, gone where I intended, and returned in safety; and as for your country, I will give you a very handsome present to put me safely out of it, in any direction you please, to-morrow—the sooner the better.

At this instant Ayto Confu came into his mother's apartment, caught the last words which I had said, and asked of me, in a very angry tone of voice, Who is he that wishes you out of the country?—"I do, sincerely and heartily, said I, for one; but what you last heard was in consequence of a friendly piece of advice that Abba Salama here has been giving me."—"Father, father, says Confu, turning to him very sternly, do you not think the measure of your good deeds is yet near full? Do you not see this place, Kasmati Eshté's house, surrounded by the troops of my father Michael, and do you still think yourself in safety, when you have so lately excommunicated both the King and Ras? Look you, says he, turning to his mother, what dogs the people of this country are; that Pagan there, who calls himself a Christian, did charitably recommend it to Fasil to rob or murder Yagoube, a stranger offending nobody, when he got him among his Galla in Damot: this did not succeed. He then persuaded Woodage Asahel to send a party of robbers from Samseen to intercept him in Maitsha. Coque Abou Barea himself told me it was at that infidel's desire that he sent Welleta Selassè of Guesgué with a party to cut him off, who missed him narrowly at Degwassa; and all this for what? I shall swear they should not have found ten ounces of gold upon him, except Fasil's present, and that they dared not touch."—"But God, said Ozoro Esther, saw the integrity of his heart, and that his hands were clean; and that is not the case with the men in this country."—"And therefore, said Confu, he made Fasil his friend and protector. Woodage Asahel's party fell in with an officer of Welleta Yasous, who cut them all to pieces while robbing some Agows." Then rising up from the place where he was sitting at his mother's feet, with a raised voice, and countenance full of fury, turning to Abba Salama, he said, "And I, too, am now nobody; a boy! a child! a mockery to three such Pagan infidels as you, Fasil, and Abou Barea, because Ras Michael is away!"—Says the Acab Saat, with great composure, or without any seeming anger, "You are excommunicated, Confu; you are excommunicated if you say I am Infidel or Pagan: I am a Christian priest."—"A priest of the devil, says Confu, in a great passion—wine and women, gluttony, lying, and drunkenness—these are your gods! Away! says he, putting his hand to his knife: by Saint Michael I swear, ten days shall not pass before I teach both Coque Abou Barea and you your duty. Come, Yagoube, come and see my horses; when I have put a good man upon each of them we shall together hunt your enemies to Sennaar." He swang hastily out of the door, and I after him, and left Abba Salama dying with fear, as Ozoro Esther told me afterwards, saying only to her, as he went out, Remember I did not excommunicate him.

I left Confu with his horses and men; and, though it was now late, I went to the camp to pay my compliments to Fasil. Having no arms, I was very much molested both in going and coming, under various pretences; I was afterwards kept waiting about half an hour in the camp without seeing him; he only sent me a message that he would see me on the morrow. However, we met several friends we had seen at Bamba, and from them we learned at length what we shortly had heard from Ayto Confu, that Woodage Asahel had sent a party to intercept and rob us; and it was that party which was called the five Agows, who had passed Fasil's army the night after we left Kelti[4]. They told us that the Lamb said they were Agows, not to alarm us, but that he knew very well who they were, and what was their errand; and that, the night after he left us, he got upon their track by information from three country men whom they had robbed of some honey, surrounded them, and, in the morning, had attacked them west of Geesh, and, though inferior in number, had slain and wounded the whole party as dexterously as he had promised to us at our last interview.

I sent a small present to our friend the Lamb, in token of gratitude to him, and delivered it to three people, that I might be sure one of them would not steal it, and took Fasil's guarantee to see it delivered; but this was upon a following day. I resolved to remain at Koscam in the house the Iteghé had given me, as it was easy to see things were drawing to a crisis, which would inevitably end in blood.

It was not till the 23d of November I first saw the Iteghé. She sent for me early in the morning, and had a large breakfast prepared: Ayto Confu and Ayto Engedan were there; she looked very much worn out and indisposed. When I came first into her presence, I kneeled, with my forehead to the ground. She put on a very serious countenance, and, without desiring me to rise, said gravely to her people about her, "There, says she, see that madman, who in times like these, when we the natives of the country are not safe in our own houses, rashly, against all advice, runs out into the fields to be hunted like a wild beast by every robber, of which this country is full."

She then made me a sign to rise, which I did, and kissed her hand. "Madam, said I, if I did this, it was in consequence of the good lessons your majesty deigned to give me."—"Me! says she, with surprise, was it I that advised you, at such a time as this, to put yourself in the way of men like Coque Abou Barea, and Woodage Asahel, to be ill-used, robbed, and probably murdered?"—"No, said I, Madam, you certainly never did give me such advice; but you must own that every day I have heard you say, when you was threatened by a multitude of powerful enemies, that you was not afraid, you was in God's hands, and not in theirs. Now, Madam, Providence has hitherto protected you: I have, in humble imitation of you, had the same Christian confidence, and I have succeeded. I knew I was in God's hands, and therefore valued not the bad intentions of all the robbers in Abyssinia."—"Madam, says Ayto Confu, is not Guesgué yours? does it pay you any thing?"

"It was mine, says the queen, while any thing was mine; but Michael took it and gave it to Coque Abou Barea, and since, it has paid me nothing. Fasil has sent for him about the affair of Yagoube, as he says, and has ordered him to come in the same manner that he himself is come in private; but forbid him to bring his army with him, in order that no means of relief may be possible to this devoted country." Large tears flowed down her venerable face at saying these words, and shewed the deep-rooted fear in her heart, that Michael's coming was decreed without possibility of prevention. "I wonder, says Ayto Engedan, laughing, to divert her, if Coque Abou Barea is the same good Christian that you and Yagoube are; if he is not, nothing else will save him from the hands of Confu and me; for we both want horses and mules for our men, and he has good ones, and arms too, that belonged to my father."—"And both of you, says the queen, are as bad men as either Woodage Asahel or Coque Abou Barea." At this moment the arrival of Fasil was announced, and we were all turned out, and went to breakfast. I saw him afterwards going out of the palace. He saluted me slightly, and seemed much pre-occupied in mind. He only desired me to come to Gondar next morning, and he would speak to me about Coque Abou Barea; but this the Iteghé refused to permit me to do, so I remained at Koscam.

Fasil, although he did not deny that he had made peace with Ras Michael, yet, to quiet the minds of the people, always solemnly protested, that, so far from coming to Gondar, he never would consent to his crossing the Tacazzé; and this had, with most people, the desired effect; for all Gondar loved Tecla Haimanout as much as they detested Socinios; but the bloodshed, and cruelty that would certainly attend Michael's coming, made them wish for any government that would free them from the terror of that event. On the other hand, Socinios, though now perfectly persuaded of Fasil's motives, had not deserted his own cause; he had sent Woodage Asahel, fortified with all his authority, into Maitsha, in order to raise a commotion there; ordered it to be proclaimed to the whole body of Galla in that province, that if they would come to Gondar, and prevent the arrival of Ras Michael, and bring their Bouco (or sceptre) along with them, they should have the election of their own governor, and not pay any thing to the king for seven years to come; and, besides, he had ordered Powussen of Begemder to endeavour, by a forced march, to surprise Fasil, then at Gondar, attended by a few troops. Mean time, he dissembled the best he could; but, as he had very shrewd people to deal with, it was more than probable his secret was early discovered.

Every hand being now armed, and all measures taken, as far as human foresight could reach, it was impossible to defer any longer the coming to blows in some part or other. On the 23d, at night, advice was received from Adera Tacca Georgis, an officer of Fasil in Maitsha, that he had attacked Woodage Asahel, who had collected a number of troops, and was endeavouring to raise commotions; and, after an obstinate combat, he had defeated him, and slain or wounded most of his followers: that Asahel himself, wounded twice with a lance, had, by the goodness of his horse, escaped, and joined Powussen in Begemder.

These news occasioned Fasil to throw off the mask: he now publicly avowed it was his intention to restore Tecla Haimanout to the throne, and that, rather than fail in it, he would replace Ras Michael in all his posts and dignities. He said that Socinios was created for mockery only; and publicly asserted, that he was not son of Yasous, but of one Mercurius, a private man at Degwassa; and indeed he bore not, in his features or carriage, any resemblance to the royal family from which he pretended to be descended.

Socinios now saw that he was from henceforward to look upon Fasil as an enemy. Orders were accordingly given to shut the gates of the palace, and to station a number of troops in the different courts and avenues leading to the king's apartment. No person was to be admitted to the king without examination. The drums were beat, and constant guard kept; and three hundred Mahometans taken into his service as musketeers; a measure that gave great offence.

Fasil had taken up his residence in the house which belonged to the office of Ras, at the other end of the town; and, to shew his contempt for the king, was very slightly guarded, his army remaining encamped under the palace. One thing at this time seemed particularly remarkable; a drum was heard to beat in the house where Fasil was; whereas it is an invariable rule, that no drum is suffered to beat in the capital any where but in the house where the king resides. It was said that king Yasous, second son to the Iteghé, or queen-mother, and father to Joas, had left two sons by a slave of the queen; indeed he had so many by low people, that very little care was taken of them, not even that of sending them to the mountain Wechné. One of these, after the murder of Joas, had appeared in Gojam, resolved to try his fortune; but he was apprehended by the governor of that province, sent to Gondar, and then to Wechnè. It was said the other was with Fasil, in Gondar; that the drum that then beat in Fasil's house announced his speedy intention of making him king: all was confusion within the palace, but the Ras kept up a strict police in the town.

It was then towards the end of November, when, by mediation of the Abuna, the Queen, and the Itcheguè, peace was unexpectedly made between Socinios and Fasil; the latter swearing allegiance to Socinios as to his only sovereign, and the Abuna pronouncing excommunication upon either of them which should become the enemy of the other. What was the intention of this farce I never yet could learn; for the very next day Fasil deprived Gusho and Powussen of their governments of Amhara and Begemder, which was an express proof that his intention still was to restore Tecla Haimanout. The doors of the king's palace were again immediately shut, and signs of hostilities commenced as before.

I was dining with Ozoro Esther, when a messenger arrived from Coque Abou Barea, with a complaint to the queen that he was on his march to Gondar, to pay his allegiance to Socinios, and bring him the tribute of his province, when he received a message from Fasil to return the greatest part of his troops; but that, desiring to be as useful as possible in preventing the coming of Michael, he so far disobeyed that order as to bring with him a considerable body of the best of his soldiers, sending the rest home under the conduct of Welleta Selassé; but that on the 26th, early in the morning, he had been surprised by Confu and Engedan, who, without any cause alledged, had killed and dispersed all his troops, and taken from them all the horses and mules they could lay their hands on: that they after followed Welleta Selassé, and had come up with him unawares, just as he entered Guesgué, had defeated him, and that Ayto Engedan, in the beginning of the fight, had slain him with his own hand, by wounding him in the throat with a lance when stretching out his hand to parley; after which, they had set fire to nine villages in Guesgué, and given the plunder to their soldiers.

In the mean time Powussen had not disregarded the request of Socinios. He had attempted to surprise Fasil, but could not pass Aylo, who was at Emfras, without falling upon him first, which he did, dispersing his troops with little resistance. Upon the first intelligence of this, Fasil proclaimed Tecla Haimanout king; and, striking his tents, sat down at Abba Samuel, a collection of villages about two miles from Gondar, inviting all people, that would escape the vengeance of Ras Michael, to come and join him, and leave Gondar. From this he retreated near to Dingleber, on the side of the lake, and intercepted all provisions coming to Gondar, which occasioned a very great famine, and many poor people died.

Hitherto I had no intercourse with Socinios, never having been in his presence, but when the Galla, the murderer of Joas, was tried; nor had I any reason to think he knew me, or cared for me more than any Greek that was in Gondar; but I had a good friend at court, who waked when I slept, and did not suffer me to pass unknown; this was the Acab Saat, Salama, who had instigated the king, on the 5th of December, in one of his drunken fits, to set out from the palace in the night, attended by a number of banditti, mostly Mahometans, to plunder several houses; he slew one man, as it was said, with his own hand: among these devoted houses mine happened to be one, but I was then happily at Koscam. The next was Metical Aga's, one of whose servants escaped into a church-yard, the other being slain. The leader of this unworthy mob was Confu, brother to Guebra Mehedin. Every thing that could be carried away was stolen or broken; among which was a reflecting telescope, a barometer, and thermometer; a great many papers and sketches of drawings, first torn, then burnt by Confu's own hand, with many curses and threats against me.

The next day, about nine o'clock, I had a message to come to the palace, where I went, and was immediately admitted. Socinios was sitting, his eyes half closed, red as scarlet with last night's debauch; he was apparently at that moment much in liquor; his mouth full of tobacco, squirting his spittle out of his mouth to a very great distance; with this he had so covered the floor, that it was with very great difficulty I could chuse a clean place to kneel and make my obeisance. He was dressed like the late king, but, in every thing else, how unlike! my mind was filled with horror and detestation, to see the throne on which he sat so unworthily occupied. I regarded him as I advanced with the most perfect contempt: Hamlet's lines described him exactly:—

A murtherer and a villain:

A slave, that is not twentieth part the tithe

Of your preceding lord; a vice of kings;

A cutpurse of the empire, and the rule,

That from a shelf the precious diadem stole

And put it in his pocket;

A king of shreds and patches.

Shakespeare.

It requires something of innate royalty to personate a king.

When I got up and stood before him, he seemed to be rather disconcerted, and not prepared to say any thing to me. There were few people there besides servants, most men of consideration having left Gondar, and gone with Fasil. After two or three squirts through his teeth, and a whisper from his brother Chremation, whom I had never before seen—"Wherefore is it, says he, that you who are a great man, do not attend the palace? you were constantly with Tecla Haimanout, the exile, or usurper, in peace and war: you used to ride with him, and divert him with your tricks on horseback, and, I believe, ate and drank with him. Where is all that money you got from Ras el Feel, of which province, I am told, you are still governor, though you conceal it? How dare you keep Yasine in that government, and not allow Abd el Jelleel, who is my slave, appointed to enter and govern that province?" I waited patiently till he had said all he had to say, and made a slight inclination of the head. I answered, "I am no great man, even in my own country; one proof of this is my being here in yours. I arrived in the time of the late king, and I was recommended to him by his friends in Arabia. You are perfectly well-informed as to the great kindness he did all along shew me, but this was entirely from his goodness, and no merit of mine. I never did eat or drink with him; it was an honour I could not have been capable of aspiring to. Custom has established the contrary; and for me, I saw no pleasure or temptation to transgress this custom, though it had been in my option, as it was not. I have, for the most part, seen him eat and drink; an honour I enjoyed in common with his confidential servants, as being an officer of his household. The gold you mention, which I have several times got from the late King and Ras el Feel, I constantly spent for his service, and for my own honour. But at present I am neither governor of Ras el Feel, nor have I any post under heaven, nor do I desire it. Yasine, I suppose, holds his from Ayto Confu his superior, who holds it from the king by order of Ras Michael, but of this I know nothing. As for tricks on horseback, I know not what you mean. I have for many years been in constant practice of horsemanship among the Arabs. Mine, too, is a country of horsemen; and I profess to have attained to a degree not common, the management both of the lance and of fire-arms; but I am no buffoon, to shew tricks. The profession of arms is my birth-right derived from my ancestors, and with these, at his desire, I have often diverted the king, as an amusement worthy of him, and by no means below me."—"The king! says he in a violent passion, and who then am I? a slave! Do you know, with a stamp of my foot I can order you to be hewn to pieces in an instant. You are a Frank, a dog, a liar, and a slave! Why did you tell the Iteghé that your house was robbed of 50 ounces of gold? Any other king but myself would order your eyes to be pulled out in a moment, and your carcase to be thrown to the dogs."

What he said was true; bad kings have most executioners. I was not, however, dismayed; I was in my own mind, stranger and alone, superior to such a beast upon a throne. "The Iteghé, said I, is at present at Koscam, and will inform you if I told her of any gold that was stolen from me, except a gold-mounted knife which the late king gave me at Dingleber the day after the battle of Limjour, and which was accidentally left in my house, as I had not worn it since he went to Tigrè." He squirted at this moment an arch of tobacco-spittle towards me, whether on purpose or not I do not know. I felt myself very much moved; it narrowly missed me. At this instant an old man, of a noble appearance, who sat in a corner of the room next him, got up, and, in a firm tone of voice, said, "I can bear this no longer; we shall become a proverb, and the hatred of all mankind. What have you to do with Yagoube, or why did you send for him? he was favoured by the late king, but not more than I have seen Greeks or Armenians in all the late reigns; and yet these very people confess, in their own country, they are not worthy of being his servants. He is a friend, not only to the king, but to us all: the whole people love him. As for myself, I never spoke to him twice before; when he might have gone to Tigrè with Michael his friend, he staid at Gondar with us: so you, of all others, have least reason to complain of him, since he has preferred you to the Ras, tho' you have given him nothing. As for riding, I wish Yagoube had just rode with you as much as with Tecla Haimanout, and you spent as much time with him as your predecessor did; last night's disgrace would not then have fallen upon us, at least would have been confined to the limits of your own kingdom; you would have neither disobliged Fasil nor the Iteghé; and, when the day of trial is at hand, you would have been better able to answer it, than, by going on at this rate, there is any appearance you will be." This person, I understood afterwards, was Ras Sanuda, nephew to the Iteghé, and son of Ras Welled de l'Oul; he had been banished to Kuara in the late king's time, so I had no opportunity of knowing him.

All the time of this harangue Socinios's eyes were mostly shut, and his mouth open, and slavering tobacco; he was rolling from side to side scarcely preserving his equilibrium. When Sanuda stopt, he began with an air of drollery, "You are very angry to-day, Baba." And turning to me, said, "Tomorrow, see you bring me that horse which Yasine sent you to Koscam; and bring me Yasine himself, or you will hear of it; slave and Frank as you are, enemy to Mary the virgin, bring me the horse!" Sanuda took me by the hand, saying in a whisper, "Don't fear him, I am here; but go home; next time you come here you will have horses enough along with you." He, too, seemed in liquor; and, making me a sign to withdraw, I left the king and his minister together with great willingness, and returned to Koscam to the Iteghé, to whom I told what had passed, and who ordered me to stay near Ozoro Esther, as in her service, and go no more to the palace.

At this time certain intelligence was received that Ras Michael was arrived in Lasta with Guigarr, Shum, or chief of the clan called Waag, once a mortal enemy to Michael, though now at peace with him, and serving him as his conductor. Through his country is the only passage from Tigrè to Begemder and Belessen, and many armies have perished by endeavouring to force it. Michael and the king now passed under the protection of Guigarr, notwithstanding Powussen had many parties among the other clans that wished to prevent him. On the 15th of December he forded the Tacazzè, and turned a little to the left, as if he intended to pass through the middle of Begemder, though he had really no such design, but only to bring Powussen to an engagement. Seeing this was not likely, and only tended to waste time, he pursued his journey straight towards Gondar, not in his usual way, burning and destroying, but quietly, correcting abuses, and regulating the police of the country through which he passed, for he was yet in fear.

The news of his having passed the Tacazzé determined Socinios and the Iteghé to fly; and they set out accordingly. Socinios directed his flight, first towards Begemder, but, the next day, turned to the right, through Dembea, and joined the queen at Azazo, where great altercations and disputes followed between them. The queen had engaged the Abuna to attend her, and that prelate had consented, upon receiving fifteen mules and thirty ounces of gold, which were paid accordingly: But when the queen sent, the morning of her departure, to put the Abuna in mind of his promise, his servants stoned the Iteghé's messenger, without suffering him to approach the house, but they kept the mules and the gold. The queen continued her flight to Degwassa, near the lake Tzana, and sent all that was valuable that she had brought with her, into the island of Dek.

Ayto Engedan and Confu were at hand at the head of large parties scouring the country, at once protecting the Iteghé, and securing as many of those of Socinios's people as were thought worthy of punishment. Sanuda, too, was in arms; and, throwing off the mask, was now acting under the immediate direction of Ras Michael, and had apprehended many of those noblemen of Tigrè who had revolted against the Ras, particularly Guebra Denghel, married to Ras Michael's granddaughter, descended from one of the noblest houses in the province, and a man particularly distinguished for generosity, openness, and affability of manners; and Sebaat Laab and Kefla Mariam, men of great consideration in Michael's province. Confu and Sanuda having joined, entered Gondar, and took possession of the king's house, and put a stop to these excesses and robberies which had become very frequent since the Iteghé's flight.

One day, while I was sitting at Koscam, Yasine entered the court before the house, and, coming into the room, fell down and kissed the ground before me, after the manner they salute their superior. He told me he came from Ayto Confu, who ordered him to do homage to me as usual for the province of Ras el Feel, and that I was to come to him directly, and go out to meet the king, for several of his people were already arrived at Gondar. I sent him back to Ayto Confu with my respectful thanks, declined accepting of any office till I should see the king; and, as he himself had named the place to be Mariam Ohha, I thought it was my duty to stay till he came there.

In the mean time the unfortunate Socinios continued his flight, in company with the queen, till they came to the borders of Kuara, her native country. Those who made Socinios a king had never made him a friend. It was here suggested, that his presence would infallibly occasion a pursuit which might endanger the queen, her country, and all her friends. Upon this it was resolved to abandon the unworthy Socinios to the soldiers, who stript him naked, giving him only a rag to cover him, and a good horse, and with these they dismissed him to seek his fortune.

After a short stay in Kuara, the queen turned to the left towards Burè. All Maitsha assembled to escort her to Fasil, while he led her through Damot to the frontiers of Gojam, where she was received in triumph by her daughter Ozoro Welleta Israel, and Ayto her grandson, to whom half of that province belonged, and with them she rested at last in safety, after a long and anxious journey.

On the 21st of December a message came to me from Ozoro Esther, desiring I would attend her son Confu to meet the king, as his Fit-Auraris had marked out the camp at Mariam-Ohha; observing, that I had a very indifferent knife or dagger in my girdle, (that which I had received from the king being stolen, when my house was plundered) with her own hands she made me a present of a magnificent one, mounted with gold which she had chosen with that intention, and laid upon the seat beside her. She told me she had already sent to acquaint her husband, Ras Michael, how much she had been obliged to me in his absence, both for my attention to her and her eldest son, who had been several times sick since his departure, and that I might expect to receive a kind reception.

CHAP. III.
The Author joins the Army at Mariam-Ohha—Reception there—Universal Terror on the Approach of the Army—Several great Men of the Rebels apprehended and executed—Great Hardness of the King's Heart.

Having still some doubt about the propriety of going to Mariam-Ohha, till the king had taken post there, I appointed with Ayto Confu to meet him next morning, the 22d, in the plain below the church of Abbo, where is the pass called Semma Confu, the dangerous path, from its being always a place where banditti resort to rob passengers in unsettled times.

In my way through the town, though the day had scarce dawned, numbers of the king's servants, that had come from Tigrè, flocked about me with great demonstrations of joy; and, by the time I got into the plain below Abbo, I had already collected a strong party both of horse and foot. This was not my intention; I had set out unarmed, attended only by two Abyssinian servants on horseback, but without lance or shield, and in this manner I intended to present myself to the king as one of the suite of Ayto Confu: but all my endeavours were in vain; and I saw that, making the best of my way, and profiting of the early time of the morning, was the only method left to avoid increasing my retinue. I must own the good disposition of these people to me, and the degree of favour they reported me to be in, and, above all, Ozoro Esther's assurances had given me great comfort; for several people of no authority, indeed, had prophesied that Ras Michael would be much offended at my having thrown a carpet over the body of Joas, and at my not having gone to Tigrè with him.

I passed the three heaps of stones under which lie the three monks who were stoned to death in the time of David IV.; and at the bottom of the hill whereon stands the church of Abbo, I was met by Yasine, and about 20 horsemen, having on their coats of mail, their helmets upon their heads, and their viziers down; their pikes perpendicular, with their points in the air, so that by one motion more, placing them horizontally in their rests, they were prepared to charge at a word. I asked Yasine what was the meaning of his being in that equipage in such hot weather, when there was no enemy? He replied, It was given him in orders from Ayto Confu last night; and that, with regard to an enemy, there was one that had seized the pass of Semma Confu, and obstinately refused to let us through, unless we forced them. Sure, said I, Ayto Confu knows, that heavy armed-men on horseback are not fit to force passes through craggy mountains, where they may be all killed by rolling stones upon them, without their even seeing their enemy. Strange, strange, said I, (speaking to myself) that any party should be so audacious as to take post in the king's front, at six miles distance, and put themselves between him and the capital: I am sure they heartily deserve to be cut in pieces, and so they certainly will. Where is Ayto Confu? It was answered by Yasine, That he was gone forward to the mouth of the pass to reconnoitre it, and would meet us there. We marched on accordingly, across the plain, about half a mile; but I was surprised to see all my attendants, that I had picked up by the way, laughing, excepting Yasine's men, and that none of the rest made horse, mule, or gun ready as if they were in danger; so that I began now strongly to suspect some trick on the part of Confu, as he was much given to jest and sport, being a very young man.

A little before we came to the mouth of the pass, a soldier came to us and asked who we were? and was answered, it was Yasine, Ayto Confu's servant at Ras el Feel. To which it was replied, he knew no such person. He was scarcely gone when another arrived with the same question. I began to be impatient, as the sun was then growing very hot; and answered, It was Yagoube, the white man, the king's friend and servant. I was again answered, No such person could pass there. The third time, being interrogated by one whom I knew to be Ayto Confu's servant, Yasine answered, it is Yagoube, the king's governor of Ras el Feel, with the slave Yasine, the moor, come to do the king homage, and to die for him, if he commands, in the midst of his enemies. We were answered, He is welcome: upon which the servant, going back, brought a drum, and beat it upon the rock, crying, as in a proclamation, "Yagoube is Governor of Ras el Feel, Commander of the king's black horse, Lord of Geesh, and Gentleman of the king's bed-chamber." Here this farce, the contrivance of Ayto Confu, ended. With him were many more of the king's servants, my old acquaintances, and we all sat down by a spring-well, under the shade of the rock, to a hearty breakfast prepared for us by Ozoro Esther.

After this was finished with a great deal of chearfulness, and being ready to get on horseback, we saw a man running towards us in great speed, who, upon his arrival, asked us where the king was, and if we were his Fit-Auraris? To this we made him no answer; but, laying hold of him, obliged him to declare his errand. He said that he was a servant of Negadé Ras Mahomet, of Dara, who had apprehended Ayto Confu, brother of Guebra Mehedin, of whom I have spoken at large, (never for any good) and that he had brought him along with him. This miscreant, whom we had found out to be the principal actor and persuader of the robbery of my house, while in a drunken frolic with the wretched Socinios, was now in his way before the king, where, if all his delinquency had been known, he would infallibly have lost his eyes, his life, or both. He was nephew to the Iteghé, as has been already mentioned, son to her brother Basha Eusebius, and consequently cousin-german to Ayto Confu himself, who, with great diffidence, asked me if I could pardon his cousin, and allow him to be delivered out of Mahomet's hands, which, ill as he deserved of me, I very readily complied with; for I would not for the world have had it thought that I was the occasion of his death, after it had been so often said, though falsely, that I had been the cause of that of his brother. Mahomet delivered him to Confu and me, without hesitation, and promised not to complain to Ras Michael; but he threatened, if ever again he fell into his hands, that he would certainly put him to death, which he well saw would not be very disagreeable to any of his relations, provided it happened in the field, or any other way than by the hands of a public executioner. Ayto Confu, however, insisted upon bringing him out, and correcting him publicly, though he was by ten years the younger of the two; and the wretch was accordingly severely whipt with wands, and delivered after to a servant of Ozoro Esther's to conduct him to some safe place, where he might be out of the reach of Ras Michael, at least for a time.

We now got on horseback, and having ordered Yasine and his soldiers to disarm, we all went in the habit of peace, with joyful hearts, to meet the king, who was already arrived at Mariam-Ohha, and was encamped there since about eleven o'clock that forenoon.

My first business was to wait on Ras Michael, who, tho' very busy, admitted me immediately upon being announced. This was a compliment I was under no necessity of paying him, as the king's servant; but I was resolved to take nothing upon me, but appear in all the humility of a private stranger. This he quickly perceived, so that, when he saw me approaching near him to kiss the ground, he made an effort as if to rise, which he never did, being lame, nor could do without help; stretching out his hand as if to prevent me, repeated the words in a hurry, be gzeir, be gzeir, or, for God's sake don't, for God's sake don't. However, the compliment was paid. As soon as I arose, without desiring me to sit down, he asked aloud, Have you seen the king? I said, Not yet. Have you any complaint to make against any one, or grace to ask? I answered, None, but the continuance of your favour. He answered, That I am sure I owe you; go to the king. I took my leave. I had been jostled and almost squeezed to death attempting to enter, but large room was made me for retiring.

The reception I had met with was the infallible rule according to which the courtiers were to speak to me from that time forward. Man is the same creature everywhere, although different in colour: the court of London and that of Abyssinia are, in their principles, one. I then went immediately to the king in the presence-chamber. His largest tent was crowded to a degree of suffocation; I resolved, therefore, to wait till this throng was over, and was going to my own tent, which my servants pitched near that of Kefla Yasous, by that general's own desire, but before I could reach it I was called by a servant from the king. Though the throng had greatly decreased, there was still a very crowded circle.

The king was sitting upon an ivory stool, such as are represented upon ancient medals; he had got this as a present from Arabia since he went to Tigrè; he was plainly, but very neatly dressed, and his hair combed and perfumed. When I kissed the ground before him, "There, says he, is an arch rebel, what punishment shall we inflict upon him?" "Your majesty's justice, said I, will not suffer you to inflict any punishment upon me that can possibly equal the pleasure I feel this day at seeing you sitting there." He smiled with great good nature, giving me first the back, and then the palm of his hand to kiss. He then made me a sign to stand in my place, which I immediately did for a moment; and, seeing he was then upon business, which I knew nothing of, I took leave of him, and could not help reflecting, as I went, that, of all the vast multitude then in my sight, I was, perhaps, the only one destitute either of hope or fear.

All Gondar, and the neighbouring towns and villages, had poured out their inhabitants to meet the king upon his return. The fear of Ras Michael was the cause of all this; and every one trembled, lest, by being absent, he should be thought a favourer of Socinios.

The side of the hill, which slopes gently from Belessen, is here very beautiful; it is covered thick with herbage down to near the foot, where it ends in broken rocks. The face of this hill is of great extent, exposed to the W. and S. W.; a small, but clear-running stream, rising in Belessen, runs through the middle of it, and falls into the Mogetch. It is not considerable, being but a brook, called Mariam-Ohha, (i. e. the water of Mariam) from a church dedicated to the Virgin, near where it rises in Belessen; an infinite number of people spread themselves all over the hill, covered with cotton garments as white as snow. The number could not be less than 50 or 60,000 men and women, all strewed upon the grass promiscuously. Most of these had brought their victuals with them, others trusted to their friends and acquaintances in the army; the soldiers had plenty of meat; as soon as the king had crossed the Tacazzé all was lawful prize; and though they did not murder or burn, as was Michael's custom in his former marches, yet they drove away all the cattle they could seize, either in Begemder or Belessen. Besides this, a great quantity of provisions of every sort poured in from the neighbourhood of Gondar, in presents to the king and great men, though there was really famine in that capital, by the roads being every way obstructed; there was plenty, however, in the camp.

It was then the month of December, the fairest time of the year, when the sun was in the southern tropic, and no danger from rain in the day, nor in the night from dew; so that, if the remembrance of the past had not hung heavy on some hearts, it was a party of pleasure, of the most agreeable kind, to convoy the king to his capital. The priests from all the convents for many miles round, in dresses of yellow and white cotton, came, with their crosses and drums, in procession, and greatly added to the variety of the scene. Among these were 300 of the monks of Koscam, with their large crosses, and kettle-drums of silver, the gift of the Iteghé in the days of her splendour; at present it was very doubtful what their future fate was to be, after their patroness had fled from Koscam. But what most drew the attention of all ranks of people, was the appearance of the Abuna and Itchegué, whose character, rank, and dignity exempted them from leaving Gondar to meet the king himself; but they were then in great fear, and in the form of criminals, and were treated with very little respect or ceremony by the soldiers, who considered them as enemies.

It will be remembered, upon a report being spread just after the election of Socinios, that Ras Michael's affairs were taking an adverse turn while besieging the mountain Haramat; that the Abuna, Itchegué, and Acab Saat, had solemnly excommunicated the king, Ras Michael, and all their adherents, declaring them accursed, and absolving all people from their allegiance to Tecla Haimanout. But as soon as the king began his march from Tigrè, application for pardon was made through every channel possible, and it was not without great difficulty that Ras Michael could be brought to pardon them, chiefly by the entreaty of Ozoro Esther. But this mortification was prescribed to them as a condition of forgiveness, that they should meet the king at Mariam-Ohha, not with drums and crosses, or a retinue, but in the habit and appearance of supplicants. Accordingly they both came by the time the king had alighted, but they brought no tent with them, nor was any pitched for them, nor any honour shewn them.

The Abuna had with him a priest, or monk, on a mule, and two beggarly-looking servants on foot; the Itchegué two monks, that looked like servants, distinguished by a cowl only on their heads; they were both kept waiting till past three o'clock, and then were admitted, and sharply rebuked by the Ras: they after went to the king, who presently dismissed them without saying a word to either, or without allowing them to be seated in his presence, which both of them, by their rank, were entitled to be. I asked the Abuna to make use of my tent to avoid the sun: this he willingly accepted of, was crest-fallen a little, spoke very lowly and familiarly; said he had always a regard for me, which I had no reason to believe; desired me to speak favourable of him before the King and the Ras, which I promised faithfully to do. I ordered coffee, which he drank with great pleasure, during which he gave me several hints, as if he thought his pardon was not compleated; and at last asked me directly what were my sentiments, and what I had heard? I said, I believed every thing was favourable as to him and the Itchegué, but I did not know how much farther the king's forgiveness would extend. I know, says he, what you mean; that Abba Salama, (curse upon him) he is the author of it all: What do I know of these black people, who am a stranger, so lately come into the country? and, indeed, he seemed to know very little; for, besides his native Arabic, which he spoke like a peasant, he had not learned one word of any of the various languages used in the country in which he was to live and die. Having finished coffee, I left him speaking to some of his own people; about half an hour afterwards, he went away.

Ras Michael had brought with him from Tigrè about 20,000 men, the best soldiers of the empire; about 6000 of these were musqueteers, about 12,000 armed with lances and shields, and about 6000 men had joined them from Gondar; a large proportion of these were horsemen, who were scouring the country in all directions, bringing with them such unhappy people as deserved to be, and were therefore destined for public example.

The short way from Tigrè to Gondar was by Lamalmon, (that is the mountain of Samen) and by Woggora. Ayto Tesfos had maintained himself in the government of Samen since Joas's time, by whom he was appointed; he had continued constantly in enmity with Ras Michael, and had now taken possession of the passes near the Tacazzé, so as to cut off all communication between Gondar and Tigrè. On the side of Belessen, between Lasta and Begemder, was Ras Michael and his army. Powussen and the Begemder troops cut off the road to Gojam by Foggora and Dara. Ayto Engedan, who was to be considered as an advanced post of Fasil, was at Tshemmera, in the way of the Agow and Maitsha, and Coque Abou Barea on the N. W. side, towards Kuara; so that Gondar was so completely invested, that several of the people died with hunger.

Ras Michael had ordered his own nephew, Tecla and Welleta Michael, the king's master of the household, to endeavour to force their way from Tigrè to Woggora, and open that communication, if possible, with Gondar; and for that purpose had left him 4000 men in the province of Siré, on the other side of the Tacazzé; and now scarce was his tent pitched at Mariam-Ohha, when he detached Kefla Yasous with 6000 men to force a junction with Michael and Tecla from the Woggora side. Their orders were, if possible, to draw Tesfos to an engagement, but not to venture to storm him in the mountain; for Tesfos's principal post, the Jews Rock, was inaccessible, where he had plowed and sowed plentifully for his subsistence, and had a quantity of the purest running-water at all seasons of the year: to irritate Tesfos more, Kefla Yasous was then named governor of Samen in his place. This brave and active officer had set out immediately for his command, and it was to me the greatest disappointment possible, that I did not see him.

Although Ras Michael had been in council all night, the signal was made to strike the tents at the first dawn of day, and soon after, the whole army was in motion; the council had been in the Ras's tent, not in presence of the king, with whom I had staid the most part of the evening, indeed, till late in the night; he seemed to have lost all his former gaiety, and to be greatly troubled in mind; inquired much about the Iteghé, and Fasil; told me he had sent his assurance of peace to the Iteghé, and desired her not to leave Koscam: but she had returned for answer, that she could not trust Michael, after the threatenings he had sent against her from Tigrè. It was observed also, in this day's march, that, contrary to his custom before crossing the Tacazzé, he received all that came out to meet him with a sullen countenance, and scarce ever answered or spake to them. Michael also, every day since the same date, had put on a behaviour more and more severe and brutal. He had enough of this at all times.

It was the 23d of December when we encamped on the Mogetch, just below Gondar. This behaviour was so conspicuous to the whole people, that no sooner were the tents pitched, (it being about eleven o'clock) than they all stole home to Gondar in small parties without their dinner, and presently a report was spread that the king and Ras Michael came determined to burn the town, and put the inhabitants all to the sword. This occasioned the utmost consternation, and caused many to fly to Fasil.

As for me, the king's behaviour shewed me plainly all was not right, and an accident in the way confirmed it. He had desired me to ride before him, and shew him the horse I had got from Fasil, which was then in great beauty and order, and which I had kept purposely for him. It happened that, crossing the deep bed of a brook, a plant of the kantuffa hung across it. I had upon my shoulders a white goat skin, of which it did not take hold; but the king, who was dressed in the habit of peace, his long hair floating all around his face, wrapt up in his mantle, or thin cotton cloak, so that nothing but his eyes could be seen, was paying more attention to the horse than to the branch of kantuffa beside him; it took first hold of his hair, and the fold of the cloak that covered his head, then spread itself over his whole shoulder in such a manner, that, notwithstanding all the help that could be given him, and that I had, at first seeing it, cut the principal bough asunder with my knife, no remedy remained but he must throw off the upper garment, and appear in the under one, or waistcoat, with his head and face bare before all the spectators.

This is accounted great disgrace to a king, who always appears covered in public. However, he did not seem to be ruffled, nor was there any thing particular in his countenance more than before, but with great composure, and in rather a low voice, he called twice, Who is the Shum of this district? Unhappily he was not far off. A thin old man of sixty, and his son about thirty, came trotting, as their custom is, naked to their girdle, and stood before the king, who was, by this time, quite cloathed again. What had struck the old man's fancy, I know not, but he passed my horse laughing, and seemingly wonderfully content with himself. I could not help considering him as a type of mankind in general, never more confident and careless than when on the brink of destruction; the king asked if he was Shum of that place? he answered in the affirmative, and added, which was not asked of him, that the other was his son.

There is always near the king, when he marches, an officer called Kanitz Kitzera, the executioner of the camp; he has upon the tore of his saddle a quantity of thongs made of bull hide, rolled up very artificially, this is called the tarade. The king made a sign with his head, and another with his hand, without speaking, and two loops of the tarade were instantly thrown round the Shum and his son's neck, and they were both hoisted upon the same tree, the tarade cut, and the end made fast to a branch. They were both left hanging, but I thought so aukwardly, that they should not die for some minutes, and might surely have been saved had any one dared to cut them down; but fear had fallen upon every person who had not attended the king to Tigrè.

This cruel beginning seemed to me an omen that violent resolutions had been taken, the execution of which was immediately to follow; for though the king had certainly a delight in the shedding of human blood in the field, yet till that time I never saw him order an execution by the hands of the hangman; on the contrary, I have often seen him shudder and express disgust, lowly and in half words, at such executions ordered every day by Ras Michael. In this instance he seemed to have lost that feeling; and rode on, sometimes conversing about Fasil's horse, or other indifferent subjects, to those who were around him, without once reflecting upon the horrid execution he had then so recently occasioned.

In the evening of the 23d, when encamped upon the Mogetch, came Sanuda, the person who had made Socinios king, and who had been Ras under him; he was received with great marks of favour, in reward of the treacherous part he had acted. He brought with him prisoners, Guebra Denghel, the Ras's son-in-law, one of the best and most amiable men in Abyssinia, but who had unfortunately embraced the wrong side of the question; and with him Sebaat Laab and Kefla Mariam, both men of great families in Tigrè. These were, one after the other, thrown violently on their faces before the king. I was exceedingly distressed for Guebra Denghel; he prayed the king with the greatest earnestness to order him to be put to death before the door of his tent, and not delivered to his cruel father-in-law. To this the king made no answer, nor did he shew any signs of pity, but waved his hand, as a sign to carry them to Ras Michael, where they were put in custody and loaded with irons.

About two hours later came Ayto Aylo, son of Kasmati Eshtè, whom the king had named governor of Begemder; he brought with him Chremation brother to Socinios, and Abba Salama the Acab Saat, who had excommunicated his father, and been instrumental in his murder by Fasil. I had a great curiosity to see how they would treat the Acab Saat, for my head was full of what I had read in the European books of exemption that churchmen had in this country from the jurisdiction of the civil power.

Aylo had made his legs to be tied under the mule's belly, his hands behind his back, and a rope made fast to them, which a man held in his hand on one side, while another led the halter of the mule on the other, both of them with lances in their hands. Chremation had his hands bound, but his legs were not tied, nor was there any rope made fast to his hands by which he was held. While they were untying Abba Salama, I went into the presence-chamber, and stood behind the king's chair. Very soon after Aylo's men brought in their prisoners, and, as is usual, threw them down violently with their faces to the ground; their hands being bound behind them, they had a very rude fall upon their faces.

The Acab Saat rose in a violent passion, he struggled to get loose his hands, that he might be free to use the act of denouncing excommunication, which is by lifting the right hand, and extending the forefinger; finding that impossible, he cried out, Unloose my hands, or you are all excommunicated. It was with difficulty he could be prevailed upon to hear the king, who with great composure, or rather indifference, said to him, You are the first ecclesiastical officer in my household, you are the third in the whole kingdom; but I have not yet learned you ever had power to curse your sovereign, or exhort his subjects to murder him. You are to be tried for this crime by the judges to-morrow, so prepare to shew in your defence, upon what precepts of Christ, or his apostles, or upon what part of the general councils, you found your title to do this.

Let my hands be unloosed, cries Salama violently; I am a priest, a servant of God; and they have power, says David, to put kings in chains, and nobles in irons. And did not Samuel hew king Agag to pieces before the Lord? I excommunicate you, Tecla Haimanout. And he was going on, when Tecla Mariam, son of the king's secretary, a young man, struck the Acab Saat so violently on the face, that it made his mouth gush out with blood, saying, at same time, What! suffer this in the king's presence? Upon which both Chremation and the Acab Saat were hurried out of the tent without being suffered to say more; indeed the blow seemed to have so much disconcerted Abba Salama, that it deprived him for a time of the power of speaking.

In Abyssinia it is death to strike, or lift the hand to strike, before the king; but in this case the provocation was so great, so sudden, and unexpected, and the youth's worth and the insolence of the offender so apparent to every body, that a slight reproof was ordered to be given to Tecla Mariam (by his father only) but he lost no favour for what he had done, either with the King, Michael, or the people.

When the two prisoners were carried before the Ras, he refused to see them, but loaded them with irons, and committed them to close custody. That night a council was held in the king's tent, but it broke early up; afterwards another before the Ras, which sat much later; the reason was, that the first, where the king was, only arranged the business of to-morrow, while that before the Ras considered all that was to be done or likely to happen at any time.

On the 24th the drum beat, and the army was on their march by dawn of day: they halted a little after passing the rough ground, and then doubled their ranks, and formed into close order of battle, the king leading the center; a few of his black horses were in two lines immediately before him, their spears pointed upwards, his officers and nobility on each side, and behind him the rest of the horse, distributed in the wings, excepting prince George and Ayto Confu, who, with two small bodies, not exceeding a hundred, scoured the country, sometimes in the front, and sometimes in the flank. I do not remember who commanded the rest of the army, my mind was otherwise engaged; they marched close and in great order, and every one trembled for the fate of Gondar. We passed the Mahometan town, and encamped upon the river Kahha, in front of the market-place. As soon as we had turned our faces to the town, our kettle-drums were brought to the front, and, after beating some time, two proclamations were made. The first was, That all those who had flour or barley in quantities, should bring it that very day to a fair market, on pain of having their houses plundered; and that all people, soldiers, or others, who attempted by force to take any provisions without having first paid for them in ready money, should be hanged upon the spot. A bench was quickly brought, and set under a tree in the middle of the market; a judge appointed to sit there; a strong guard, and several officers placed round him; behind him an executioner, and a large coil of ropes laid at his feet. The second proclamation was, That everybody should remain at home in their houses, otherwise the person flying, or deserting the town, should be reputed a rebel, his goods confiscated, his house burnt, and his family chastised at the king's pleasure for seven years; so far was well and politic.

There was at Gondar a sort of mummers, being a mixture of buffoons and ballad-singers, and posture-masters. These people, upon all public occasions, run about the streets, and on private ones, such as marriages, come to the court-yards before the houses, where they dance, and sing songs of their own composing in honour of the day, and perform all sorts of antics: many a time, on his return from the field with victory, they had met Ras Michael, and received his bounty for singing his praises, and welcoming him upon his return home. The day the Abuna excommunicated the king, this set of vagrants made part of the solemnity; they abused, ridiculed, and traduced Michael in lampoons and scurrilous rhymes, calling him crooked, lame, old, and impotent, and several other opprobrious names, which did not affect him near so much as the ridicule of his person: upon many occasions after, they repeated this, and particularly in a song they ridiculed the horse of Siré, who had run away at the battle of Limjour, where Michael cried out, Send these horse to the mill. It happened that these wretches, men and women, to the number of about thirty and upwards, were then, with very different songs, celebrating Ras Michael's return to Gondar. The King and Ras, after the proclamation, had just turned to the right to Aylo Meidan, below the palace, a large field where the troops exercise. Confu and the king's household troops were before, and about 200 of the Siré horse were behind; on a signal made by the Ras, these horse turned short and fell upon the singers, and cut them all to pieces. In less than two minutes they were all laid dead upon the field, excepting one young man, who, mortally wounded, had just strength enough to arrive within twenty yards of the king's horse, and there fell dead without speaking a word.

All the people present, most of them veteran soldiers, and consequently inured to blood, appeared shocked and disgusted at this wanton piece of cruelty. For my part, a kind of faintishness, or feebleness, had taken possession of my heart, ever since the execution of the two men on our march about the kantuffa; and this second act of cruelty occasioned such a horror, joined with an absence of mind, that I found myself unable to give an immediate answer, though the king had spoken twice to me.

It was about nine o'clock in the morning when we entered Gondar; every person we met on the street wore the countenance of a condemned malefactor; the Ras went immediately to the palace with the king, who retired, as usual, to a kind of cage or lattice-window, where he always sits unseen when in council. We were then in the council-chamber, and four of the judges seated; none of the governors of provinces were present but Ras Michael, and Kasmati Tesfos of Siré. Abba Salama was brought to the foot of the table without irons, at perfect liberty. The accuser for the king (it is a post in this country in no great estimation) began the charge against him with great force and eloquence: he stated, one by one, the crimes committed by him at different periods, the sum of which amounted to prove Salama to be the greatest monster upon earth: among these were various kinds of murder, especially by poison; incest, with every degree collateral and descendant. He concluded this black, horrid list, with the charge of high treason, or cursing the king, and absolving his subjects from their allegiance, which he stated as the greatest crime human nature was capable of, as involving in its consequences all sorts of other crimes. Abba Salama, though he seemed under very great impatience, did not often interrupt him, further than, You lie, and, It is a lie, which he repeated at every new charge. His accuser had not said one word of the murder of Joas, but passed it over without the smallest allusion to it.

In this, however, Abba Salama did not follow his example: being desired to answer in his own defence, he entered upon it with great dignity, and an air of superiority, very different from his behaviour in the king's tent the day before: he laughed, and made extremely light of the charges on the article of women, which he neither confessed nor denied; but said these might be crimes among the Franks, (looking at me) or other Christians, but not the Christians of that country, who lived under a double dispensation, the law of Moses and the law of Christ: he said the Abyssinians were Beni Israel, as indeed they call themselves, that is, Children of Israel; and that in every age the patriarchs had acted as he did, and were not less beloved of God. He went roundly into the murder of Joas, and of his two brothers, Adigo and Aylo, on the mountain of Wechné, and charged Michael directly with it, as also with the poisoning the late Hatzé Hannes, father of the present king.

The Ras seemed to avoid hearing, sometimes by speaking to people standing behind him, sometimes by reading a paper; in particular, he asked me, standing directly behind his chair, in a low voice, What is the punishment in your country for such a crime? It was his custom to speak to me in his own language of Tigrè, and one of his greatest pastimes to laugh at my faulty expression. He spake this to me in Amharic, so I knew he wanted my answer should be understood: I therefore said, in the same low tone of voice he had spoke to me, High-treason is punished with death in all the countries I have ever known.—This I owed to Abba Salama, and it was not long before I had my return.

Abba Salama next went into the murder of Kasmati Eshté, which he confessed he was the promoter of. He said the Iteghé, with her brothers and Ayto Aylo, had all turned Franks, so had Gusho of Amhara; and that, in order to make the country Catholic, they had sent for priests, who lived with them in confidence, as that Frank did, pointing to me: that it was against the law of the country, that I should be suffered here; that I was accursed, and should be stoned as an enemy to the Virgin Mary. There the Ras interrupted him, by saying, Confine yourself to your own defence; clear yourself first, and then accuse any one you please: it is the king's intention to put the law in execution against all offenders, and it is only as believing you the greatest that he has begun with you.

This calmness of the Ras seemed to disconcert the Acab Saat; he lost all method; he warned the Ras that it was owing to his excommunicating Kasmati Eshté that room was made for him to come to Gondar; without that event this king would never have been upon the throne, so that he had still done them as much good by his excommunications as he had done them harm: he told the Ras, and the judges that they were all doubly under a curse, if they offered either to pull out his eyes, or cut out his tongue; and prayed them, bursting into tears, not so much as to think of either, if it was only for old fellowship, or friendship which had long subsisted between them.

There is an officer named Kal Hatzé who stands always upon steps at the side of the lattice-window, where there is a hole covered in the inside with a curtain of green taffeta; behind this curtain the king sits, and through this hole he sends what he has to say to the Board, who rise and receive the messenger standing: he had not interfered till now, when the officer said, addressing himself to Abba Salama, "The king requires of you to answer directly why you persuaded the Abuna to excommunicate him? the Abuna is a slave of the Turks, and has no king; you are born under a monarchy, why did you, who are his inferior in office, take upon you to advise him at all? or why, after having presumed to advise him, did you advise him wrong, and abuse his ignorance in these matters?" This question, which was a home one, made him lose all his temper; he cursed the Abuna, called him Mahometan, Pagan, Frank, and Infidel; and was going on in this wild manner, when Tecla Haimanout[5], the eldest of the judges, got up, and addressing himself to the Ras, It is no part of my duty to hear all this railing, he has not so much as offered one fact material to his exculpation.

The king's secretary sent up to the window the substance of his defence, the criminal was carried at some distance to the other end of the room, and the judges deliberated whilst the king was reading. Very few words were said among the rest; the Ras was all the time speaking to other people: after he had ended this, he called upon the youngest judge to give his opinion, and he gave it, 'He is guilty, and should die;' the same said all the officers, and after them the judges, and the same said Kasmati Tesfos after them. When it came to Ras Michael to give his vote, he affected moderation; he said that he was accused for being his enemy and accomplice; in either case, it is not fair that he should judge him. No superior officer being present, the last voice remained with the king, who sent Kal Hatzé to the Board with his sentence; 'He is guilty and shall die the death.—The hangman shall hang him upon a tree to-day.' The unfortunate Acab Saat was immediately hurried away by the guards to the place of execution, which is a large tree before the king's gate; where uttering, to the very last moment, curses against the king, the Ras, and the Abuna, he suffered the death he very richly deserved, being hanged in the very vestments in which he used to sit before the king, without one ornament of his civil or sacerdotal pre-eminence having been taken from him before the execution. In going to the tree he said he had 400 cows, which he bequeathed to some priests to say prayers for his soul; but the Ras ordered them to be brought to Gondar, and distributed among his soldiers.

I have entered into a longer detail of this trial, at the whole of which I assisted, the rather that I might ask this question of those that maintain the absolute independence of the Abyssinian priesthood, Whether, if the many instances already mentioned have not had the effect, this one does not fully convince them, that all ecclesiastical persons are subject to the secular power in Abyssinia as much as they are in Britain or any European Protestant state whatever?

Chremation, Socinios's brother, was next called, he seemed half dead with fear; he only denied having any concern in his brother being elected king. He said he had no post, and in this he spoke the truth, but confessed that he had been sent by Abba Salama to bring the Itcheguè and the Abuna to meet him the day of excommunication at Dippabye. It was further unluckily proved against him, that he was present with his brother at plundering the houses in the night-time when the man was killed; and upon this he was sentenced to be immediately hanged; the court then broke up and went to breakfast. All this had passed in less than two hours; it was not quite eleven o'clock when all was over, but Ras Michael had sworn he would not taste bread till Abba Salama was hanged, and on such occasions he never broke his word.

Immediately after this last execution the kettle-drums beat at the palace-gate, and the crier made this proclamation, "That all lands and villages, which are now, or have been given to the Abuna by the king, shall revert to the king's own use, and be subject to the government, or the Cantiba of Dembea, or such officers as the king shall after appoint in the provinces where they are situated."

I went home, and my house being but a few yards from the palace, I passed the two unfortunate people hanging upon the same branch; and, full of the cruelty of the scene I had witnessed, which I knew was but a preamble to much more, I determined firmly, at all events, to quit this country.

The next morning came on the trial of the unfortunate Guebra Denghel, Sebaat Laab, and Kefla Mariam; the Ras claimed his right of trying these three at his own house, as they were all three subjects of his government of Tigrè. Guebra Denghel bore his hard fortune with great unconcern, declaring, that his only reason of taking up arms against the king was, that he saw no other way of preventing Michael's tyranny, and monstrous thirst of money and of power: that the Ras was really king, had subverted the constitution, annihilated all difference of rank and persons, and transferred the efficient parts of government into the hands of his own creatures. He wished the king might know this was his only motive for rebellion, and that unless it had been to make this declaration, he would not have opened his mouth before so partial and unjust a judge as he considered Michael to be.

But Welleta Selassé, his daughter, hearing the danger her father was in, broke suddenly out of Ozoro Esther's apartment, which was contiguous; and, coming into the council-room at the instant her father was condemned to die, threw herself at the Ras's feet with every mark and expression of the most extreme sorrow. I cannot, indeed, repeat what her expressions were, as I was not present, and I thank God that I was not; I believe they are ineffable by any mouth but her own, but they were perfectly unsuccessful. The old tyrant threatened her with immediate death, spurned her away with his foot, and in her hearing ordered her father to be immediately hanged. Welleta Selassé, in a fit, or faint, which resembled death, fell speechless to the ground; the father, forgetful of his own situation, flew to his daughter's assistance, and they were both dragged out at separate doors, the one to death, the other to after sufferings, greater than death itself.

Fortune seemed to have taken delight, from very early life, constantly to traverse the greatness and happiness of this young lady. She was first destined to be married to Joas, and the affair was near concluded, when the fatal discovery, made at the battle of Azazo, that the king had sent his household troops privately to fight for Fasil against Michael, prevented her marriage, and occasioned his death. She was then destined to old Hatzé Hannes, Tecla Haimanout's father: Michael, who found him incapable of being a king, judged him as incapable of being a husband to a woman of the youth and charms of Welleta Selassé, and, therefore, deprived him at once of his life, crown, and bride. She was now not seventeen, and it was designed she should be married to the present king; Providence put a stop to a union that was not agreeable to either party: she died some time after this, before the battle of Serbraxos; being strongly pressed to gratify the brutal inclinations of the Ras her grandfather, whom, when she could not resist or avoid, she took poison; others said it was given her by Ozoro Esther from jealousy, but this was certainly without foundation. I saw her in her last moments, but too late to give her any assistance; and she had told her women-servants and slaves that she had taken arsenic, having no other way to avoid committing so monstrous a crime as incest with the murderer of her father.

The rage that the intercession of the daughter for her father Guebra Denghel had put the Ras into, was seen in the severity of the sentence he passed upon the other two criminals; Kefla Mariam's eyes were pulled out, Sebaat Laab's eye-lids were cut off by the roots, and both of them were exposed in the market-place to the burning sun, without any covering whatever. Sebaat Laab died of a fever in a few days; Kefla Mariam lived, if not to see, at least to hear, that he was revenged, after the battle of Serbraxos, by the disgrace and captivity of Michael.

I will spare myself the disagreeable task of shocking my readers with any further account of these horrid cruelties; enough has been said to give an idea of the character of these times and people. Blood continued to be spilt as water, day after day, till the Epiphany; priests, lay-men, young men and old, noble and vile, daily found their end by the knife or the cord. Fifty-seven people died publicly by the hand of the executioner in the course of a very few days; many disappeared, and were either murdered privately, or sent to prisons, no one knew where.

The bodies of those killed by the sword were hewn to pieces and scattered about the streets, being denied burial. I was miserable, and almost driven to despair, at seeing my hunting-dogs, twice let loose by the carelessness of my servants, bringing into the court-yard the head and arms of slaughtered men, and which I could no way prevent but by the destruction of the dogs themselves; the quantity of carrion, and the stench of it, brought down the hyænas in hundreds from the neighbouring mountains; and, as few people in Gondar go out after it is dark, they enjoyed the streets to themselves, and seemed ready to dispute the possession of the city with the inhabitants. Often when I went home late from the palace, and it was this time the king chose chiefly for conversation, though I had but to pass the corner of the market-place before the palace, had lanthorns with me, and was surrounded with armed men, I heard them grunting by two's and three's so near me as to be afraid they would take some opportunity of seizing me by the leg; a pistol would have frightened them, and made them speedily run, and I constantly carried two loaded at my girdle, but the discharging a pistol in the night would have alarmed every one that heard it in the town, and it was not now the time to add any thing to people's fears. I at last scarce ever went out, and nothing occupied my thoughts but how to escape from this bloody country by way of Sennaar, and how I could best exert my power and influence over Yasine at Ras el Feel to pave my way, by assisting me to pass the desert into Atbara.

The king missing me some days at the palace, and hearing I had not been at Ras Michael's, began to inquire who had been with me. Ayto Confu soon found Yasine, who informed him of the whole matter; upon this I was sent for to the palace, where I found the king, without any body but menial servants. He immediately remarked that I looked very ill; which, indeed, I felt to be the case, as I had scarcely ate or slept since I saw him last, or even for some days before. He asked me, in a condoling tone, What ailed me? that, besides looking sick, I seemed as if something had ruffled me, and put me out of humour. I told him that what he observed was true: that, coming across the market-place, I had seen Za Mariam, the Ras's doorkeeper, with three men bound, one of whom he fell a-hacking to pieces in my presence. Upon seeing me running across the place, stopping my nose, he called me to stay till he should come and dispatch the other two, for he wanted to speak to me, as if he had been engaged about ordinary business: that the soldiers, in consideration of his haste, immediately fell upon the other two, whose cries were still remaining in my ears: that the hyænas at night would scarcely let me pass in the streets when I returned from the palace; and the dogs fled into my house to eat pieces of human carcases at leisure.

Although his intention was to look grave, I saw it was all he could do to stifle a laugh at grievances he thought very little of. "The men you saw with Za Mariam just now, says he, are rebels, sent by Kefla Yasous for examples: he has forced a junction with Tecla and Welleta Michael in Samen, and a road is now open through Woggora, and plenty established in Gondar. The men you saw suffer were those that cut off the provisions from coming into the city; they have occasioned the death of many poor people; as for the hyæna he never meddles with living people, he seeks carrion, and will soon clear the streets of those incumbrances that so much offend you; people say that they are the Falasha of the mountains, who take that shape of the hyæna, and come down into the town to eat Christian flesh in the night."—"If they depend upon Christian flesh, and eat no other, said I, perhaps the hyænas of Gondar will be the worst fed of any in the world."—"True, says he, bursting out into a loud laughter, that may be, few of those that die by the knife anywhere are Christians, or have any religion at all; why then should you mind what they suffer?"—"Sir, said I, that is not my sentiment; if you was to order a dog to be tortured to death before me every morning, I could not bear it. The carcases of Abba Salama, Guebra Denghel, and the rest, are still hanging where they were upon the tree; you smell the stench of them at the palace-gate, and will soon, I apprehend, in the palace itself. This cannot be pleasant, and I do assure you it must be very pernicious to your health, if there was nothing else in it. At the battle of Fagitta, though you had no intention to retreat, yet you went half a day backward, to higher ground, and purer air, to avoid the stench of the field, but here in the city you heap up carrion about your houses, where is your continual residence."

"The Ras has given orders, says he gravely, to remove all the dead bodies before the Epiphany, when we go down to keep that festival, and wash away all this pollution in the clear-running water of the Kahha: but tell me now, Yagoube, is it really possible that you can take such things as these so much to heart? You are a brave man; we all know you are, and have seen it: we have all blamed you, stranger as you are in this country, for the little care you take of yourself; and yet about these things you are as much affected as the most cowardly woman, girl, or child could be."—"Sir, said I, I do not know if I am brave or not; but if to see men tortured or murdered, or to live among dead bodies without concern, be courage, I have it not, nor desire to have it: war is the profession of noble minds; it is a glorious one; it is the science and occupation of kings; and many wise and many humane men have dedicated their whole life to the study of it in every country; it softens men's manners, by obliging them to society, to assist, befriend, and even save one another, though at their own risk and danger. A barbarian of that profession should be pointed at. Observe Ayto Engedan, (who came at that very instant into the room) there is a young man, said I, who, with the bravery, has also the humanity and gentleness of my countrymen that are soldiers."

Engedan fell on his face before the king, as is usual, while the king went on seriously—"War you want; do you, Yagoube? war you shall have; it is not far distant, and Engedan is come to tell us how near." They then went into a considerable conversation about Gusho, Powussen, and the preparations they were making, and where they were, with which I shall not trouble the reader, as I shall have an occasion to speak of the particulars afterwards as they arise. "I want Confu, says the king; I want him to send his men of Ras el Feel to Sennaar, and to the Baharnagash to get horses and some coats of mail. And what do you think of sending Yagoube there? he knows their manners and their language, and has friends there to whom he is intending to escape, without so much as asking my leave."—"Pardon me, Sir, said I; if I have ever entertained that thought, it is proof sufficient of the extreme necessity I am under to go." "Sir, says Engedan, I have rode in the Koccob horse; I will do so again, if Yagoube commands them, and will stay with us till we try the horse of Begemder. I have eight or ten coats of mail, which I will give your majesty: they belonged to my father, Confu, and I took them lately from that thief Abou Barea, with whom they were left at my father's death; but I will tell your Majesty, I had rather fight naked without a coat of mail, than that you should send Yagoube to Sennaar to purchase them from thence, for he will never return."

Ras Michael was now announced, and we made haste to get away. I would have Confu, Engedan, and you, come here to-morrow night, says the king, as soon as it is dark; and do not you, Yagoube, for your life, speak one word of Sennaar, till you know my will upon it. He said this in the sternest manner, and with all the dignity and majesty of a king.

We passed the Ras in the anti-chamber, attended by a great many people. We endeavoured to slide by him in the crowd, but he noticed us, and brought us before him. We both kissed his hands, and he kept hold of one of mine, while he asked Engedan, "Is Fasil at Ibaba?" to which he was answered, "Yes." "Who is with him? says the Ras."—"Damot, Agow, and Maitsha," answered Engedan. "Was you there? says the Ras." "No, answered Engedan, I am at Tshemera, with few men." He then turned to me, and said, "My son is ill; Ozoro Esther has just sent to me, and complains you visit her now no more. Go see the boy, and don't neglect Ozoro Esther, she is one of your best friends." I inquired if she was at Gondar, and was answered, No; she is at Koscam. We parted; Engedan went to Koscam to Ozoro Esther's, and I went home to plan my route to Sennaar, and to prepare letters for Hagi Belal, a merchant there, to whom I was recommended from Arabia Felix.

CHAP. IV.
The King promises Leave to the Author to depart—Receives a Reinforcement from Shoa—Amiable Carriage of Amha Yasous—Striking Contrast between him and a Prince of the Galla—Bad State of the King's Affairs.

It was the 31st of December that we were at Koscam. A proclamation had been made some days before of a general pardon to all that would return to Gondar; but no one had ventured but Ayto Engedan, who was with Fasil as the king's friend; nor were any of those who went with Fasil the object of the proclamation, for it was not thought that the retiring from Socinios with Fasil was doing any thing against their allegiance.

That night the bodies of Guebra Denghel, Kefla Mariam, and Sebaat Laab, were taken down from the tree and laid upon the ground; after having been watched in the night by their friends to keep the beasts from them, were at last suffered to be taken privately away, at the intercession of the troops of Tigrè, whose countrymen they were. Chremation and Abba Salama were abandoned to their fortune, and in part putrefied; they were covered with heaps of stones thrown upon them by such as were passing, and had no other burial.

The next night, the 1st of January 1771, according to order, I waited upon the king with Confu and Engedan, and with them Yasine: measures were then taken for buying their horses and coats of mail; the Ras had advanced part of the money, the rest was to be made up by the meery, or king's duty, due by the Mahometan provinces, which had not been paid since he went to Tigrè; a Mahometan servant of the king was sent for from the customhouse; with him was to go a man from Yasine, and with them I sent my letters by the hand of Soliman, a black of Ras el Feel, a man remarkable for his strength, courage, and size, and very shrewd and discerning, under the appearance of an idiot: Yasine was sent with them to get a safe conduct from his friend Fidele Shekh of Atbara, who was to convoy them to Beyla, and thence to Sennaar.

It was not without great dispute and altercation the king would allow me the permission to send letters; at last, seeing he could do no better, it was agreed that, as an immediate engagement between Powussen, Gusho, and Ras Michael, was inevitable, I should swear not to attempt to leave him till that affair was settled some way or other; but the king insisted I should also take an oath, that, should he be victorious over, or reconciled to the rebels, if the engagement I was under in my own country was not fulfilled, and I recovered my health, I should bring as many of my brethren and family as possible, with their horses, muskets, and bayonets; that, if I could not pass by Sennaar, I should come by the way of the East Indies from Surat to Masuah, which, by how much it was more tedious, was by so much more secure, than that by Sennaar.

I cannot but hope, the impossibility of performing this oath extinguished the sin of breaking it; at any rate, it was personal, and the subsequent death of the king[6] must have freed me from it; be that as it will, it had this good effect, that it greatly composed my mind for the time, as I now no longer considered myself as involved in that ancient and general rule of the country, Never to allow a stranger to return to his home. We that night learned, that the king had been in great straits ever since he came from Tigrè; that the Ras, who was possessed of all the revenues of the provinces that were in their allegiance, had never yet given the king an ounce of gold; and that he furnished his daily subsistence from his own house, a cow for his own and great officers table, and two loaves of bread for each of his servants; as small an allowance as any private person gave. It was believed that the Ras had left most of his money in Tigrè, and had trusted to the contributions he was to levy upon the great men whenever he should cross the Tacazzé; but in this he disappointed himself by his cruelty, for no person came before him, on his arrival at Gondar, from whom he could raise a farthing.

It was about the 20th of January, that a message arrived from Powussen, to tell the Ras he had taken the usurper Socinios prisoner, and held him in irons at the king's disposal. He upbraided Michael with the cruelties of his executions, and declared his resolution of calling him to an account for these personally at Gondar; he warned him in time, to repass the Tacazzé, and retire while it was in his power to his government of Tigrè, where nobody would molest him, and leave the king at liberty to act for himself. Gusho likewise sent a messenger, but what word he brought did not transpire; after seeing the King and Ras Michael, both these messengers proceeded to Fasil. Soon after this came a message from Fasil, desiring only that the King and the Ras might renew to him the grant of his father's lands and estates, which he formerly possessed: what was the meaning of this message I could never learn; he was already in full possession of what he asked, and more; no person had attempted to take any thing from him, nor was it indeed in their power.

Proclamation was made accordingly in terms of the request, and all the lands that he had possessed were given him: before he could have news of this first grant, a second messenger came, desiring that he might be confirmed in his government of Maitsha, Damot, and Agow. This too was immediately granted him, but a condition was added, that he should bring the troops of these provinces, and as many others as he could raise, to join the king with all possible speed, and take the field with Ras Michael against Powussen and Gusho; and this was but what he had spontaneously promised when he made his peace at Dingleber. At the same time Ayto Aylo, brother to Engedan, was proclaimed governor of Begemder; and all people holding of the king or of Aylo's friends, (for he had a very large estate in that province) were ordered to join him; but a very few came, among whom was the famous Guigarr, chief of the clan, Waag of Lasta, son to Aylo's sister.

Mean time the king used all the means in his power to induce the Iteghé to return to Koscam, for her presence in Gojam kept alive the spirit of a number of people that were attached to her, who bore very impatiently to see her banished, as she then was, though resident with her daughter Ozoro Welleta Israel, and surrounded by the forces of Aylo her grandson, who was governor of Gojam, and to whom half of that province belonged in property. But the queen was resolute never to trust Ras Michael, though it was believed she sent the king a sum in gold privately by Engedan.

It was in the end of January that another message arrived from Fasil, excusing his coming to Gondar on account of the badness of his health; he said, besides, he could not trust Michael unless he gave him Welleta Selassé, his granddaughter, to wife, and sent her to him to Buré. I have already mentioned that the Ras was fond of this young lady himself, and nothing but that hindered him from giving her to the king in marriage; and it was said, and I believe with truth, that some delicacy[7] the king had expressed about this since his return from Tigrè, was the reason of coldness between him and the Ras, and of Michael's putting the king on so short allowance on his first coming to Gondar: but all that was now removed by the necessities of the times; gold came from Tigrè in plenty; even Powussen had sent some of the revenue of Begemder, all the other provinces, a proportion, with butter, cattle, and cotton cloths, for the maintenance of the king's household and troops: for my part, though I enjoyed the name of several posts, I had partaken since this last revolution of a very small part of their revenues; I had been liberally supplied in the king's absence by Ozoro Esther and the queen. I had few servants, and lived cheaply in the Iteghé's palace at Koscam; but after my arrival, the king, on purpose I believe to disconcert my journey, ran me grievously into debt with the soldiers, and other expences that were, as I was told, absolutely necessary; it is true, these were paid in part at times but very irregularly. Ras Michael was not a man to be craved, nor was my temper such as could be brought to crave him; from this it arose that often I had been in great straits, and obliged to live sparingly, which luckily was never a great hardship upon me, in order to fulfill my promise to others. And now the campaign was beginning, horses, and mules, and every thing necessary were to be purchased, and I was in debt above one hundred pounds, nor would it have been possible I ever should have cleared myself, for my daily expences were enormous, if it had not been for the situation that a certain Greek, named Petros, was in, from whom I borrowed about three hundred pounds, as I shall after mention. With regard to Kasmati Fasil, he sent me, twice, two large jars of honey from my lordship of Geesh, at two different times: the first was taken by Coque Abou Barea, the last tasted so bitter of lupines, that no use could be made of it. I was a Sovereign, it is true, and my revenue was what wise men have said is the best,—the love of the people. It went, however, but little way towards supporting my dignity.

While the king was at Kahha, keeping the festival of the Epiphany, he received a very extraordinary visit from Amha Yasous, son of the governor of Shoa, offering his personal service and assistance to the king, and brought with him, as a present, 500 ounces of gold, and a thousand excellent horsemen ready equipt at all points. Upon his being presented to the king, two young noblemen were instructed to be ready to lay hold of him by the arms, and prevent his throwing himself upon the ground if he intended so to do. The king was seated upon the throne, very richly dressed in brocade, a very fine muslin web wrapt loosely about him, so as to hang in plaits, and in some parts show, and in some conceal, the flowers of the cloth of gold of which his waistcoat was composed. His hair was loose, combed out at its full length, and falling about his head in every direction, and a fork, like a skewer, made of a rhinoceros horn, with a gold button or head upon it, stuck thro' his hair near his temples; he was all perfumed with rose water, and two people stood on the opposite sides of the tent, each of them with a silver bottle full of it.

Amha Yasous with his thousand horse presented himself before the door of the tent, and rode on till he was compleatly in it; he then descended as in a great hurry or surprise, and ran forward, stooping, to the foot of the throne, inclining his body lower and lower as he approached; and, just before the act of prostration, he was seized by Tecla Mariam and Guebra Menfus Kedus, and prevented from kissing the ground; the king held his hand uncovered, but not extended, that is, as if he did not intend or expect that he should kiss it. Amha Yasous, after the struggle was over about the prostration, suddenly seized the king's hand and kissed it, with some resistance on the part of the king, who, when he had kissed the back of his hand, turned the palm likewise; a great mark of familiarity and confidence in this country. There was a small stool, about half a foot from the ground, covered with a Persian carpet. Amha Yasous attempted to speak standing, but was not suffered, but constrained by the two noblemen to sit down on the little stool; they then deluged him so with rose-water, that I do believe he never in his life was so wet with rain. After some general questions the tent was cleared. All this ceremonial was premeditated and studied; the etiquette could not have been more punctually and uniformly observed in any court of Europe, and would have just signified what it did here.

Amha Yasous was a man from twenty-six to twenty-eight years of age, tall, and of a just degree of corpulence, with arms and legs finely made; he had a very beautiful face, small features, and the most affable manners. I have thought, when I have seen them together, that the king, Engedan, and himself, were three of the handsomest men I had ever beheld in any country; besides this, all three had fine understandings, noble sentiments, and courage superior to the greatest danger; charitable too, and humane inclinations, were it not for that accursed indifference, or rather propensity, one of them had to shed human blood; this the young king had imbibed in the school of Michael, but for natural talents he certainly was the first of the three.

Apartments in the palace, and a table, were assigned to Amha Yasous, and he was served by the king's servants as well as his own; a guard was appointed at his door, the officer of which attended to receive his orders and take the word daily. This was the manner of receiving illustrious strangers in my time at Gondar. Anthulé, a Greek, master of the king's wardrobe, was ordered from time to time to bring him clothes of the same kind with those the king wore. All the Ozoros, or noble women at court, fell violently in love with Amha Yasous, as fame reported, except Ozoro Esther. The young prince had not a grain of coldness nor indifference in his nature; he carried himself, wherever he went, with honourable, attentive, and decent gallantry. But his chief attention was paid to Welleta Selassé; nor was Ras Michael jealous, nor, as public report went, was Welleta Selassé unkind. I was often in the evenings in his parties at her house; a fixed, never-changing melancholy hung upon her face; deep, and involuntary sighs escaped from her under visible constraint: it did not appear to me possible this could have been her behaviour, if in actual enjoyment of successful love; or that, after having gratified it, she could have put in execution that desperate resolution which apparently she had then formed in her mind.

Amha Yasous was son of a sister of Gusho; it was said afterwards that he had a commission from his father, governor of Shoa, to detach Gusho, if possible, from his alliance with Powussen, and bring him back to his allegiance to the king. Whether this was true or not I cannot say, but that this, or something similar, was the case, seemed to be more than probable from the behaviour of Gusho afterwards, during the whole campaign. Amha Yasous did not come to take part in the war, he only brought, in imitation of old times, a tribute to the king as a testimony of the loyalty of the faithful province of Shoa; but he was so interested for the king, after being admitted into intimacy with him, and so pleased with the society of the young noblemen at court, that he determined to come back with the command of the troops of his father, and in his way force Gusho to return to his duty, if he was not already determined.

He had heard, while at Shoa, from some priests of Debra Libanos, that there was a strange white man in favour with the king at Gondar, who could do every thing but raise the dead; it was among his first requests to the king, to make him acquainted with me. The king therefore ordered me to wait upon him every morning, and I, on my part, did not let slip that opportunity. Insensibly we came to be inseparable companions. Our conversation fell one day to be upon the Abyssinian kings who first lived at Shoa at the time when the kingdom of Adel was a great mart for the East Indian trade, before the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope. He said that a book containing their history, he believed, was in some of the churches in Shoa, and that he would immediately send for it. Although I could not help testifying my desire of having a book which I had sought for in vain through the rest of the provinces of Abyssinia, yet I thought it unreasonable to desire a man to send 300 miles merely for the purpose of getting it; I therefore did not press it, being satisfied with his promise; but as my work would have been incomplete without it, I asked my friend Tecla Mariam to mention it to him as from the king. His answer was, "I have already promised to get it for Yagoube, the messenger by this time is in Amhara; depend upon it, my father will not fail to let me have it; for fear of mistake, I have dispatched a very intelligent man, who knows and has seen the book at Debra Libanos." The promise was punctually kept, the book came, and from it I have drawn the history of the Adelan war, and the reign of those kings who had not yet returned to Axum, but reigned in Shoa.

One evening I inquired of him concerning the story which the Portuguese heard, at the discovery of Benin, that the blacks of that country had intercourse with a Christian inland state they acknowledged as sovereign, from which they procured the investiture of their lands, as has been already mentioned in the beginning of this work? whether any such commerce did exist with Shoa at present, or if traces remained of it in older times? if there was any other Christian or Jewish state in his neighbourhood to which this description could apply[8]? He said they knew nothing of Benin at Shoa, nor had he ever heard of the name, nor any custom of the kind that I had mentioned, which either then did, or ever had prevailed in Shoa: he knew of no Christian state farther to the southward, excepting Narea, a great part of which was conquered by the Galla, who were Pagans. The blacks that were next to Shoa, he said, were exceedingly fierce, warlike, and cruel; worse than the Galla, and of the same kind with the Shangalla in Abyssinia. The other nations were partly Mahometan, but chiefly Galla, and some of these had turned Mahometan; but that they had no knowledge of any commerce with the Western, or Atlantic Ocean, though they knew the Eastern or Indian Ocean, which was nearer; were often served with Indian goods from Mahometan merchants from thence; but that the Galla had over-run most of the intermediate countries, and made the ways dangerous.

After Amha Yasous's audience with the king, he waited on Ras Michael also, to whom he brought a present in gold; politely excusing himself for having brought it in that form, on account that any other would have been troublesome, from the length of the way. He well knew, however, that an apology was needless, and that Ras Michael never saw any present in a more agreeable form than that of gold. I was not at the audience, nor do I know what passed at it; only that, on his introduction, the Ras was held up on his feet, and received him standing; they then both sat down upon the same seat, after which they dined heartily together at Ozoro Esther's apartment, who came from Koscam on purpose to prepare their entertainment, and they drank and conversed together till late at night.

The sight of gold, and a thousand horse at the juncture, made Ras Michael as light and chearful as a young man of twenty-five. No words concerning the government of Shoa passed, nor any proclamation relative to the state of that province; and this silence was equal to declare it independent, as it was intended, and indeed it had been considered as such a long time before. As I saw Amha Yasous eat raw beef like the Abyssinians, I asked him if it was the custom of other nations to the southward? He said he believed so, if they were not Mahometans; and inquired of me if it was not likewise the practice among us. I imagine it prevails as far as the Cape of Good Hope.

Another interview, which happened at Kahha, was much more extraordinary in itself, though of much less importance to the state. Guangoul, chief of the Galla of Angot, that is, of the eastern Galla, came to pay his respects to the king and Ras Michael; he had with him about 500 foot and 40 horse: he brought with him a number of large horns for carrying the king's wine, and some other such trifles. He was a little, thin, cross-made man, of no apparent strength or swiftness, as far as could be conjectured; his legs and thighs being thin and small for his body, and his head large; he was of a yellow, unwholesome colour, not black nor brown; he had long hair plaited and interwoven with the bowels of oxen, and so knotted and twisted together as to render it impossible to distinguish the hair from the bowels, which hung down in long strings, part before his breast and part behind his shoulder, the most extraordinary ringlets I had ever seen. He had likewise, a wreath of guts hung about his neck, and several rounds of the same about his middle, which served as a girdle, below which was a short cotton cloth dipt in butter, and all his body was wet, and running down with the same; he seemed to be about fifty years of age, with a confident and insolent superiority painted in his face. In his country it seems, when he appears in state, the beast he rides upon is a cow. He was then in full dress and ceremony, and mounted upon one, not of the largest sort, but which had monstrous horns. He had no saddle on his cow. He had short drawers, that did not reach the middle of his thighs; his knees, feet, legs, and all his body were bare. He had a shield of a single hide, warped by the heat in several directions, and much in the shape of a high-crowned, large, straw-hat, with which the fashionable women in our own country sometimes disguise themselves. He carried a short lance in his right hand, with an ill-made iron head, and a shaft that seemed to be of thorn-tree, but altogether without ornament, which is seldom the case with the arms of barbarians. Whether it was necessary for the poizing himself upon the sharp ridge of the beast's back, or whether it was meant as graceful riding, I do not know, being quite unskilled in cowmanship; but he leaned exceedingly backwards, pushing his belly forwards, and holding his left arm and shield stretched out on one side of him, and his right arm and lance in the same way on the other, like wings.

The king was seated on his ivory chair, to receive him, almost in the middle of his tent; the day was very hot, and an insufferable stench of carrion soon made every one in the tent sensible of the approach of this nasty sovereign, even before they saw him. The king, when he perceived him coming, was so struck with the whole figure and appearance, that he could not contain himself from an immoderate fit of laughter, which finding it impossible to stifle, he rose from his chair, and ran as hard as he could into another apartment behind the throne.

The savage got off from his cow at the door of the tent with all his tripes about him; and, while we were admiring him as a monster, seeing the king's seat empty, he took it for his own, and down he sat upon the crimson silk cushion, with the butter running from every part of him. A general cry of astonishment was made by every person in the tent: he started up I believe without divining the cause, and before he had time to recollect himself, they fell all upon him, and with pushes and blows drove this greasy chieftain to the door of the tent, staring with wild amazement, not knowing what was next to happen. It is high treason, and punishable by immediate death, to sit down upon the king's chair. Poor Guangoul owed his life to his ignorance. The king had beheld the whole scene through the curtain; if he laughed heartily at the beginning, he laughed ten times more at the catastrophe; he came out laughing, and unable to speak. The cushion was lifted and thrown away, and a yellow Indian shawl spread on the ivory stool; and ever after, when it was placed, and the king not there, the stool was turned on its face upon the carpet to prevent such like accidents.

Guangoul, disappointed of having an audience of the king, went to the Ras, where he was better received, but what passed I know not. His troops, armed like himself, with shields of no resistance, and hedge-stakes burnt and sharpened at the end instead of lances, were no acquisition to any party, especially in the present quarrel, where all the veteran troops in Abyssinia were nearly equally divided on opposite sides; besides, the Shoa horse had taken the eyes of people so much, that they began to think little of any cavalry that was not in some degree equipped like them.

After the king returned to the palace, great diversion was made at Guangoul's appearance, in so much that Ozoro Esther, who hated the very name of Galla, and of this race in particular, insisted upon seeing a representation of it. Doho, accordingly, a dwarf belonging to Ras Michael, very ugly, with a monstrous big head, but very sharp and clever, and capable of acting his part, was brought to represent the person of Guangoul: a burnt stick and a bad shield were provided; but the great difficulty remained, how to persuade Doho the dwarf to put on the raw guts about his neck and waist, and, above all, to plait them in the hair, which he absolutely refused, both from religious and cleanly motives; as for the butter, it was no objection, as all the Abyssinians anoint themselves with it daily, after bathing. Here we were very near at a stand, all the ladies having in vain supplicated him to suffer for their sakes a temporary pollution, with promises that oceans of rose and scented water should be poured upon him afterwards, to restore his former sweetness. Doho was a man who constantly spent his time in reading scripture, the acts of the councils, the works of St John Chrysostom, and other such books as they have among them. He remained inflexible: at last I suggested that several hanks of cotton, dyed blue, red, and yellow, should be got from the weavers in the Mahometan town, and these oiled, greased, and knotted properly, and twisted among the hair, well-anointed with butter, would give a pretty accurate resemblance of what we saw in the king's tent. All hands were immediately set to work; the cotton was provided; Ozoro Esther's servants and slaves decked Doho to the life. I spotted his face with stibium, and others anointed him with butter: an old milk-cow was found, contrary to my expectation, that suffered a rider without much impatience, and in came Guangoul into a great hall in Ozoro Esther's apartment.

Never was any thing better personated or better received; the whole hall resounded with one cry of laughter; Doho, encouraged by this and the perfect indifference and steadiness of his cow, began to act his part with great humour and confidence: he was born in the neighbourhood of these very Galla, knew their manners, and spoke their language perfectly. Amha Yasous, Confu, Aylo brother to Engedan, some servants of the king, acted the part that we did in the tent the day of the audience, that is, stood on each side of the king's chair: the cow was brought into the middle of the room, and Guangoul descended with his lance and shield in great state; a cushion was not spared, nor did Doho spare the cushion; the butter shewed very distinctly where he had been sitting: we all fell upon him and belaboured him heartily, and chaced him to the door. His speedy retreat was not counterfeited. Ozoro Altash, Esther's sister, and a number of the ladies of the court, were present. Ozoro Esther declared she would send for the Ras, he had been in great good humour since the arrival of Amha Yasous. I had not seen him since the recovery of his son, and happened to be at the door next him; he took me by the hand, and said, "Welleta Hawaryat (that is the name of his son) is well, you are very kind."

Michael was esteemed the best orator in his country, and spoke his own language, Tigran, with the utmost purity and elegance; yet in common conversation he was very sententious, two or three words at a time, but never obscure; this he had contracted by a long practice of commanding armies, where he saw as instantly and clearly, as he spoke shortly and distinctly. He bowed very civilly to the ladies, and pointed to me to sit down on the seat by him. Amha Yasous was standing before him, I hastened to sit down on the carpet at his feet, and he seemed to recollect himself and placed Amha Yasous beside him: it was easy to see his mind was otherwise occupied, and as easy to perceive by his look, that he gave me credit for my behaviour. When they were all seated, "Well, says he, in great good humour, what now, what is the matter? what can I do for you, Yagoube? are the women in your country as idle and foolish as these? has Ozoro Esther chosen a wife for you? she shall give you your dinner: I will give her a portion; and as you are a horseman, the king, with Amha Yasous's leave, said he bowing, shall give you the command of the Shoa horse; I have seen them; the men I think are almost as white as yourself." Amha Yasous bowed in return, and said, "Sir, if the king bestows them so worthily, I promise to bring another thousand as good as these to join them after the rains, before next Epiphany."—"And I, says Ozoro Esther, for my part, I have long had a wife for him, but this is not the present business, we know your time is precious, Guangoul is without, and desires an audience of you."—Poh! says the Ras, Guangoul is gone to Gusho, at Minziro, and there is like to be a pretty story: here are accounts come from Tigrè, that he has committed great barbarities in his journey, laid waste some villages, killed the people, for not furnishing him with provisions: here in Belessen he also burnt a church and a village belonging to the Iteghé, and killed many poor people; I do not know what he means; I hope they will keep him where he is, and not send him home again through Tigrè.

A communication of this kind, very uncommon from the Ras, occasioned a serious appearance in the whole company; but he had no sooner done with speaking, than in comes Doho upon his cow: neither man nor woman that had yet seen him, ever laughed so heartily as the old Ras; he humoured the thing entirely; welcomed Doho in Galla language, and saw the whole farce, finished by his flight to the door, with the utmost good humour. Then taking Amha Yasous with him, and several great officers who had come in the interim, he returned by a private passage to his own apartments.

As I shall have no occasion for further mention of this chieftain, I will here finish his story, though not in the order of time. Gusho and Powussen had gained Guangoul, and persuaded him to make an irruption with his Galla into the province of Tigrè, to create a diversion against Michael, and, for that purpose, they had sent him home nearly the way he had come through that province. From this encouragement he had begun to conduct himself still worse than formerly. Ras Michael, suspecting what would happen, privately dispatched Ayto Confu after him with 600 horse. That young soldier, happy in a command that highly gratified his mother, and guided by the cries of the people, followed with the utmost diligence, and came up with him in the neighbourhood of Lasta, and there, after little resistance, Guangoul and his troops were cut to pieces, those that had escaped being all slain by the exasperated peasants. Confu returned to Gondar the night of the fifth day, together with the bloody trophies of his conquest over Guangoul and his Galla.

I have before mentioned that this chief had brought with him a quantity of large horns for the king's service. Some of this sort having been seen in India filled with civet, have given occasion to those travellers who saw them there to say, that the animal producing these large horns was a carnivorous bull of a prodigious size, inhabiting the interior parts of Africa. That no illustration of this kind may be wanting, a copperplate of this curious bull is, I think, in some of the first volumes of the Philosophical Transactions. The origin of the tale is believed to be in Bernier or Thevenot. It may, however, with great certainty, be relied upon, that no such animal exists in Africa, nor probably in the whole creation. The animal furnishing those monstrous horns is a cow or bull, which would be reckoned of a middling size in England; its head and neck are larger and thicker in proportion, but not very remarkably so. I have been told this animal was first brought by the Galla from near the Line, where it rains continually, and the sun is little seen. This extraordinary size of its horns proceeds from a disease that the cattle have in those countries, of which they die, and is probably derived from their pasture and climate.

Whenever the animal shews symptoms of this disorder, he is set apart in the very best and quietest grazing-place, and never driven nor molested from that moment. His value lies then in his horns, for his body becomes emaciated and lank in proportion as the horns grow large. At the last period of his life the weight of his head is so great that he is unable to lift it up, or at least for any space of time. The joints of his neck become callous at last, so that it is not any longer in his power to lift his head. In this situation he dies, with scarcely flesh covering his bones, and it is then the horns are of the greatest size and value. I have seen horns that would contain as much as a common-sized iron-hooped water-pale, such as they make use of in the houses in England; but the Galla, who have a ready market for these of all sizes, generally kill the beast when his horns will contain something less than six gallons. Two of these horns, filled with wine or spirits, are carried very commodiously upon a woman's back, flung over her shoulders. I had two of the largest size stole from me that night Socinios, Confu, and Chremation plundered my house, nor could I ever recover them. I have seen them at Gondar sold for four ounces of gold, equal to ten pounds sterling, the pair.

On the 17th of February came messengers from Fasil, with the old language of proposals of submission and peace, and a repetition of his demand, that Welleta Selassé should be given him for a wife, and sent to him, at least as far as Dingleber, where he would advance to meet her; excusing himself from coming to Gondar, because the Ras had already broken his promise to him; for the condition of peace made with the Ras, when he was besieging the mountain, was, That if Michael should bring the king to the Tacazzé, and surrender him there, and then return and content himself with the government of Tigrè, without proceeding to Gondar, that Fasil should receive the king and conduct him to the capital, and be created Ras and governor in place of Michael. Fasil had punctually performed his part, and of this Michael had taken advantage, and had violated every article which he had stipulated on the other side; and this was at least the alledged reason why Fasil had refused to come to Gondar. The same evening arrived also messengers from Gusho and Powussen, declaring to Ras Michael, that, if he did not leave Gondar and return to Tigrè, they would come and burn the town. They professed great duty to the king, but charged the Ras with every sort of enormity, and upon his refusal sent him a defiance.

The same evening came an express from Shoa, which most punctually brought the book I so much wished for, containing the lives of the first kings that lived at Shoa; a fair and fine copy, wrote upon parchment in a large quarto size, in the pure ancient language of Geez. The author was nearly contemporary with the annals which he writes. I shewed it to the king, who till then had never seen it, and who only said, I fear, Yagoube, you are carrying home these books only to make your kings laugh at ours. The satisfaction I received upon the acquisition of this book was greatly diminished by the loss of the donor, Amha Yasous, who set out the 20th of February, attended with about a hundred men, his own servants, and followed by the regret and the good wishes of all that had known him, mine in particular, having been, from the first time I saw him, very much attached to him.

Before his departure he had two long conferences with the king upon the contents of the dispatches sent by his father from Shoa. The substance he frankly told me was, that he did not intend to meddle with the quarrels of Ras Michael, nor those of Fasil; that they should settle these in their own way; but if either attempted any thing against the king, set up any usurpers, as they had done in the person of Socinios, and continued so far against their allegiance to Tecla Haimanout as to withhold his whole revenue, and not to pay him wherewithal to support his state, that he would consider himself as protector of the royal family of Solomon, as the governors of Shoa had always been.—It was believed very generally, by Amha Yasous coming in person, that a treaty between some of the great men in both sides, begun at his instance, would bring every man that could mount a horse from as far south as Gingiro, to over-run both the provinces of Begemder and Amhara, and either displace the two governors, or at least force them to their duty; and it was owing to this, in all probability, that Gusho acted with such moderation as he did in the campaign that soon followed.

CHAP. V.
Rebel Army approaches Gondar—King marches out of Gondar—Takes Post at Serbraxos—The Author returns to Gondar with Confu wounded.

Gentle showers of rain began now to fall, and to announce the approach of winter; nay, some unusually severe and copious had already fallen. Gusho and Powussen of Amhara and Begemder, Kasmati Ayabdar governor of Foggora, Aylo son of Ozoro Welleta Israel the queen's daughter, governor of Gojam, Woodage Asahel, with the troops of Maitsha, and Coque Abou Barea from Kuara, were at the head of all the forces they could raise about Emfras and Nabca, and the borders of the lake Tzana. A brother-in-law of Powussen had brought a considerable body of troops from Zaat and Dehannah, two clans of Lasta, enemies to Guigarr, who had declared for Michael; and these were the best horse in the rebel army, superior to any in Begemder.

This numerous army of Confederates were all ready, expecting the rain would make the Tacazzé impassable, and cut off Michael's retreat to Tigrè. Fasil alone kept them in suspense, who, with about 12,000 men, remained at Ibaba, professing to be at peace with Michael, in the mean time keeping all Maitsha quiet, and waiting for the coming of Welleta Yasous, and 20,000 Galla, whom he had sent for from the other side of the Nile, intending, as he said, to march on the arrival of this reinforcement, and join the king at Gondar. Although it may well be doubted if ever he intended all or any part of this, one thing was very certain, that he was sincere in his hatred to Gusho and Powussen; he never could forget their treachery in breaking their appointment and promise at Court-Ohha, and exposing him either to fight Michael singly, or have his whole country burnt and destroyed. Although Michael had, for these last months, done every thing in his power to bring back to the king such people of consideration that possessed the lands and estates about Gondar, and were the most respectable of their nobility for influence and riches, bred up about court, and who did chiefly constitute it; yet the cruelty of his executions, his insatiable greed of money and power, and the extreme facility with which he broke his most sacred engagements, had terrified them from putting themselves into his hand; though they did not raise men, or join any side, but lived privately at a distance, yet their absence from about the king had the very worst effect upon his affairs. A great desertion had likewise happened since his coming among his old troops of Tigrè, both of officers and soldiers. The execution of Guebra Denghel, and other two noblemen, had greatly alienated the minds of many of their countrymen and their connections; but, above all, his breach of promise made before the mountain of Haramat, that he was to levy no taxes upon that province for seven years, (but which he was now doing with the greatest rigour before one had expired) discontented them all.

The return of Welleta Michael and Kefla Yasous from Samen, with about 6000 men, had considerably strengthened his army; added to this, 2000 more, who came voluntarily, from their love to Kefla Yasous, from Temben, where he was governor; these were picked men, partly musqueteers; there was nothing equal to them in the army.

Gusho was advanced to Minziro. Powussen had his head-quarters at Korreva, not above sixteen miles from Gondar. The whole plain to the lake was covered with troops. The weather was unseasonably cold, and considerable quantities of rain had fallen from the 23d of February to the 29th of March. The rebels had begun to lay waste Dembea, and burnt all the villages in the plain from south to west, making it like a desert between Michael and Fasil, as far as they dared venture to advance towards either. This they did to exasperate Michael, and draw him out from Gondar; for they had most of them great property in the town, and did not wish to be obliged to fight him there. He bore this fight very impatiently, as well as the constant complaints of people flying into the town from the depredations of the enemy, and stripped of every thing.

The king often ascended to the top of the tower of his palace, the only one to which there remains a stair, and there contemplated, with the greatest displeasure, the burning of his rich villages in Dembea. One day while he was here he shewed an instance of that quick penetration for which he was remarkable, and which, as a proof of this, I shall here mention.

There is a large waste space on each side of the palace where the market is kept. It had rained, and it was in the evening almost destitute of people; there were only two men at a considerable distance, who seemed to be in close conversation together, one of them apparently very much the worse of liquor, the other had hold of the end of the sash, or girdle, which was round the body of the drunk man; it is a narrow web of cotton cloth, which they wind eight or ten times about their waist. The king said to me, Do you know, Yagoube, what these two men are about? I answered, No. I saw the drunkard untwine one turn of his sash, which the other was feeling and looking curiously at, as if examining and doubting its goodness. That man, says the king, is robbing the drunkard of his sash: go down two or three of you who run best, and apprehend him, but hide yourselves till he has committed the theft, and seize him as he passes. The orders were quickly obeyed; the drunkard unwound his sash, by turning himself round and round, while the other seemed to be measuring it by the length of his arm, from his elbow to his forefinger, and then gathering it up. This was done very deliberately till it was all unwound, and the far end loose; upon which the fellow, who was measuring, gathering it in his arms, ran off as fast as he could, leaving the drunkard standing motionless, apparently in great surprise and amazement. The thief was immediately seized and brought up to the king, who ordered him to be thrown over the tower. At my intercession, and that of those about him, he was pardoned, and the drunkard's sash was returned to him.

Ever since the middle of February, Ras Michael had resolved to march out, and give battle to the rebels encamped about Korreva, committing every sort of violence, and burning all the villages, houses, and barns in Dembea, with the corn they contained more than what served for their present use; but the great superiority of the enemy in horse had always made him delay his intention.

Yasine had, indeed, succeeded in his commission to Sennaar, as far as it regarded the horses. He had found the Arabs encamped immediately upon the frontier at Ras el Feel, and had received from them very near 200 of one kind or other, of which 76 only answered the purpose of mounting the king's black servants; the others were distributed among the rest of the army that wanted them. But they had not been equally successful in purchasing their coats of mail, fourteen only of which had been brought with the horses. In order to buy the rest, the messenger continued his journey to Sennaar, and with him my servant Soliman with my letters, to which, of consequence, I had as yet no return. But what appeared at that time most material to me, Fidele Shekh of Atbara wrote to Yasine, "That, there was no fear but that I should be well received at Sennaar, where Nasser, a young king, had succeeded his father, whom he had deposed; but that the great difficulty was to pass between Ras el Feel and Teawa, the place of his residence, and from thence to the banks of the river Dendera, for that the Ganjar horse of Kuara, and the Arabs their friends, were at war with the Arabs of Atbara, and had burnt all their crops and villages: that he sometimes did not think himself safe in Teawa, and that a load of salt had not been suffered to pass for several months; which, indeed, was the reason why the Arabs of Atbara were come so near Ras el Feel, and that the king's horse were procured so readily at the first coming." This traitor, however, added, "That if, by any means, I could advance to him at Teawa, I need not take any thought about the rest of the journey; and that it was better I should come quietly and quickly, without writing to Sennaar before-hand: and he concluded with great professions of respect and friendship for me."

It had been very cold, and more than usual rainy, since the beginning of February; the 9th was a day of close rain; and this, being earlier than common, very much discouraged the soldiers who were naked, and, therefore, very sensible of cold, or rain, and, as I have before said, never can be brought to engage willingly, unless under the influence of a warm sun.

At last the cries of the people flying into Gondar, seeking protection from the cruelties of the rebels, determined the Ras to march out, and set his all upon the fortune of a battle. The risk was not thought great, as he had been all his life in use to conquer; had a better army at that time than ever he commanded; the Begemder troops, too, in whom the rebels trusted most, were but those which he and his men had beaten at Nefas Musa, although led by a very brave and valiant officer, Mariam Barea. All this was true; but then, since that period, these troops of Begemder had been constantly led by himself, had been trained, and disciplined with the old troops of Tigrè, and taught to conquer with them. Above all, they had been used to see the effect of fire-arms, which they no longer feared as formerly, but boldly rushed in upon the musqueteers, sometimes without giving them time to fire, or at least before they had time to charge again.

At last, having previously called in all his out-posts, on the 13th of May he marched out of Gondar, taking with him the King and Abuna, as also Ozoro Esther, and Ozoro Altash her sister, and all the other ladies about court, who were in possession of the great fiefs of the crown, and whom he obliged to personal attendance, as well as to bring the quota of troops they were bound to by their respective tenures.

The king's army halted upon the same ground they had done on their return to Gondar. They were then supposed to be near 20,000 foot, belonging to Tigrè and its dependencies, incomparably the best troops of the empire, 6000 of which were armed with musquets, six times the number that all the rest of Abyssinia could furnish, and, considering they were all match-locks, very expert in the management of them. The rest of the foot which joined them since he passed the Tacazzè were about 10,000, besides 2000 of the king's household, 500 of which were horsemen; of these, few short of 200 were his black servants, armed with coats of mail, the horses with plates of brass on their cheeks and faces, with a sharp iron spike of about five inches in length, which stuck out in the middle of their forehead, a very troublesome, useless piece of their armour; their bridles were iron chains; the body of the horse covered with a kind of thin quilt stuffed with cotton, with two openings made above the flaps of the saddle, into which the horseman put his thighs and legs, and which covered him from his hip (where his shirt of mail ended) down to a little above his ancle: his feet were covered with slippers of thin leather, without heels, and his stirrups were of the Turkish or Moorish form, into which his whole foot entered, and, being hung very short, he could raise himself, and stand as firmly as if he was upon plain ground. The saddles were in the Moorish form likewise, high before and behind; a strong lace made fast to the coat of mail by the one end, the other passed through a small hole in the back of the saddle, kept it close down, so that the back was never exposed by the coat of mail rising over the hinder part of the saddle. Each had a small ax in the surcingle of his saddle, and a pike about fourteen feet long, the weapon with which he charged; it was made of very light wood, brought from the banks of the Nile, with a small four-edged head, and the butt end balanced by a long spike of iron; this entered a leather case fastened by a thong to the saddle, and was rested sometimes below the thigh, and sometimes above, and guided by the right hand at the height the point was intended to strike at. The horseman's head was covered with a helmet of copper, or block tin, much like those of our light horse, with large crests of black horse tail.

The officers were distinguished from the soldiers by locks of hair dyed yellow, interspersed with the black. Upon the front of each helmet was a silver star, at least a white-metal one, and before the face, down to the top of the nose, a flap of iron chain, made in the same manner as the coat of mail, but only lighter, which served as a vizier. This was the most troublesome part of the whole, it was hot and heavy, and constantly fretted the cheek and nose, when either the man or the horse were in motion; and therefore I always substituted a black silk net, which concealed my colour better, and for the rest of my face I committed it to the care of Providence.

This body of horse was able to make their way through all the cavalry in Abyssinia, if they had been drawn up against them with equal fronts; for every horseman sat immoveable upon his saddle, and acted most powerfully by his weight alone, and was perfectly master of his person also by the breadth and shortness of his stirrups; whereas the Abyssinian horsemen were placed most disadvantageously, their head and body naked, their saddle small, and of no support to them, their stirrup-leathers long, and no stirrups to put their foot in; but being constantly afraid of their horse falling upon them, the only hold which they had was the outside of an iron ring, which they grasped between their great and second toe, so that they had no strength from their stirrups, whilst their foot was always swelled, and their toes sore and galled.

Of the thousand Shoa horse about 60 had deserted; the rest were all in good order, each armed with their lances about ten feet long, and two light javelins, their shafts being of cane, which they threw at a great distance; the lance they never loosed out of their hand; as for their stirrups and saddle, they were of the same bad construction as those of the Abyssinians in general, and this reduced them nearly to a footing with them.

The horsemen of the king's army were about 7000, mostly very indifferent troops; so that his whole muster was nearly 7000 musqueteers, 25,000 foot, armed with lances and shields, and about 7500 horsemen; in round numbers about 40,000 men. It is not possible, I believe, to know, with greater precision, the number, such is the confusion of barbarous armies on these occasions, and such the inclination of their leaders to magnify and increase their quotas. Besides these, Ayto Confu and Sanuda were left with about 600 men each, to protect Gondar from flying, pillaging parties, and to keep the communication open between the army and the capital, from whence the provisions were to be supplied.

This army was furnished with a number of excellent officers, veterans of noble families, who had spent their whole life in war, which we may say, for these last 400 years, has never ceased to lay desolate this unhappy country; the principal were Ras Michael, who, arrived at the age of seventy-four, had passed the last 50 years of his life in a course of continued victories, Atsham Georgis, and Guebra Christos, uncles by the mother's side to the king; Kefla Yasous, in the full vigour of life, who, though unhappily born in a country plunged in ignorance, and where there is no education, possessed every quality that became a man, whether a soldier, statesman, citizen, or friend; Welleta Michael, master of the household to the king; Billetana Gueta Tecla; Basha Hezekias, and Guebra Mascal, two principal officers of his musquetry, and a great number of others of equal merit, known better in the camp than at the court; Aylo, and Engedan, two sons of Kasmati Eshté; Ayto Confu, son of Ozoro Esther, all young men, employed generally in enterprises, and growing every day more and more into reputation.

It is impossible so much as to guess at the number of the enemy, they were always very numerous, but constantly changing. It was said, that Begemder and Lasta had at one time 30,000 horsemen; I should believe this number greatly exaggerated, from what I heard afterwards; and that the whole cavalry in their army did not exceed what it was at the battle of Serbraxos. I suppose indeed, that, together with their foot, they did not much exceed that number, tho' they were at times magnified to 50 and 60,000, most of them very bad troops, continually deserting, excepting about 4000 men belonging to Gusho, from Amhara, who likewise brought about 100 match-locks, and besides these there were scarcely any in the rebel army. I must not, however, forget 200 horsemen, Edjow Galla, servants and relations of the late king Joas, who behaved in the most gallant and undaunted manner, and upon all occasions set a noble example to the rest of the army.

Ras Michael himself led the van; the king the center, with Guebra Mascal, and a considerable body of musqueteers of Tigrè; he had no horse but those of his own household. The rear was commanded by Welleta Michael, and Tecla: how disposed, or of what troops constituted I know not, for the front, center, and rear were understood to march in order, but it was often impossible to discern any such divisions; we were often all in confusion, sometimes we were in the middle of the front, sometimes joined and mixed with the rear; all our officers had left their command, and were crowding about. Ras Michael and the king; women bearing provisions, horns of liquor, and mills for grinding corn, upon their backs; idle women of all sorts, half dead with fear, crying and roaring, mounted upon mules; and men driving mules loaded with baggage, mingled with the troops, and passing through in all directions, presented such a tumultuous appearance that it surpassed all description. There were above 10,000 women accompanying the army: the Ras had about 50 loaded with bouza, and the king I suppose near as many.

The sight threw me for a moment into low spirits. I know not if the king saw it. I was perfectly silent, when he cried, Well, what do you say to us now, Yagoube? I answered, Is this the order in which your majesty means to engage? He laughed, and said, Aye; why not, you will see. If that is so, I replied, I only hope it is the enemy's custom as well as your majesty's to be in no better order. The king was going to answer me, when Guebra Mascal, who was just beside him, cried out, This is a business you know nothing about, Yagoube; go to your Felac (quadrant) and your fortune-telling, if you are afraid; we have no need of you, nor your advice to-day. Respect for the presence of the king, which you seem to be void of, said I, hinders me from answering you as I otherwise would have done; but be assured, in which ever army they were to-day, they are not men like Guebra Mascal whom I should be afraid of. The king looked at him much displeased, and, I believe, said something favourable of me; what it was I did not distinctly hear.

It was now about 10 o'clock, when, marching close along the foot of the hills, we arrived at Tedda. The burying-place of Hatzé Hannes I. son of Facilidas, and father of Yasous the Great, was scarce a quarter of a mile to the S. W. of us, and the church of St George a little more on the east, when orders came from the Ras for us to encamp on the side of the hill, which we accordingly did, and were presently in better order than we were when marching. The Ras, who had passed the river of Tedda, encamped on the south side of it. It happened that our two bodies, the front and center, were at that time treading upon one another's heels; but the rear, from some accident, was considerably behind, and part of it had scarce passed the Mogetch.

Both the burying-place, and church near it, were planted thick round with Cyprus and cedar trees. Just a little before the Ras ordered us to encamp, a messenger arrived from Netcho, (the Fit-Auraris) that he had that morning met the Fit-Auraris of Begemder on this side of the river Mariam; that he had killed the Fit-Auraris himself, (a man of Lasta) with 37 of his men, and driven them back: he added, that he intended to fall back himself upon the Ras's army, unless stopt by contrary orders; these the Ras did not send, being desirous that he should join him, as he soon after did, without being pursued: he brought word that the army of the rebels was near at hand, between Korreva and the lake; that Powussen's head-quarters were at Korreva, and that he had heard Gusho had pushed on advanced posts, as far as the church of Mariam; but this he did not know for certain, being only the information of a dying man. Ras Michael immediately detached Guebra Mascal, and another officer, with 400 men to take possession of the sepulchre and the church at Tedda, and conceal themselves among the cedar-trees.

We had not encamped long, before the rear came in sight. Confu, son of Ozoro Esther, whom the Ras had left to guard Gondar, hearing how near the enemy was, and the probability of a battle that day, had left his post, and joined Yasine, with the horse of Ras el Feel, that were in the rear; soon after this junction, Asahel Woodage, with about 400 men, partly Edjow Galla, (the late king Joas's household) partly Maitsha, came up from the Dembea side of the lake Tzana, and began to harrass the rear, marching in great confusion. Confu, though something superior in number, was thought to be inferior in the goodness of troops by much more than the difference; but the event proved the contrary, for he charged Woodage Asahel so forcibly, that he obliged him to quit our rear, and retire across the plain at a pace, which if not a flight, did very much resemble it. Ayto Confu pressed vigorously upon him, till, being now clear of the rest of the army, and in the fair open plain, Woodage wheeled shortly about, and shewed by his countenance that it was not to avoid Ayto Confu, but Ras Michael's musquetry, that he retreated to a greater distance; both sides stopt to breathe their horses for some minutes; but it was plain afterwards, Asahel Woodage, an old soldier, trusted much to the known valour of his troops, and wished to strike a blow of consequence in presence of his old enemy the Ras.

Ras Michael was at the door of his tent then playing at dams, or drafts, as was his custom, and Ozoro Esther was trembling to see her son on the point of being surrounded by merciless Galla, the nation who most of all she detested, and who had every cause to hate her. All the young men, (Confu's friends) with their lances in their hands, and ready to mount on horseback, beseeched the Ras to allow them to go down into the plain to the assistance of Confu; but the old general, without leaving off his game, said, "I do strictly forbid one of you to stir; Confu has broke my orders to-day, and brought himself into a scrape by his own folly; let me see him get out of it by his courage and conduct, and thereby set the army a better example than he yet has done."—"Sir, said I, at least station some musquetry on the small hill, at the edge of the plain, that, if Confu is beaten, I may not have the mortification of seeing Yasine, and the new troops of Ras el Feel, (who were in their proper post) and have all my baggage and provisions, massacred before my eyes by these cowardly barbarians." I spoke this in the utmost anguish, when the Ras lifted up his head with, a ghastly kind of laugh, and said, "Right, well do so, Yagoube." Though this was but an imperfect permission, I ran down to the station with such haste that I fell twice in my way, and was considerably hurt, for the ground was rocky, and the grass slippery.

Although I had only waved my cloak, and cried come on sirs, a large number of match-locks of Ozoro Esther's, and the king's, hastened immediately to the ground. Confu by this time had charged, and after a stout resistance beat Woodage back into the plain; Woodage, however, again faced about, and after some resistance, Confu in his turn was driven back in evident disorder, and pushed almost in upon the post, where our soldiers had made ready their musquets, to fire if they came a step nearer. At this instant a body of about 30 or 40 horse (the commander we afterwards knew to be Ayto Engedan) came up full gallop from the right, and stopt the Galla in their pursuit. Confu's men rallied upon this assistance, and Asahel Woodage retired in a direction passing close under the sepulchre, Engedan and Confu keeping at a moderate pace on his left between them and the army, and forcing them down, as it were, to the trap they knew was laid for them. They were yet a long shot from the cedars that surrounded the sepulchre, when a volley was discharged at them from among the trees, where Michael had posted his 400 men, which, though it did little or no execution, terrified Woodage Asahel's men so much, that Confu and Engedan, charging in that instant as upon a signal, they all dispersed through different parts of the field, and their leader after them: Joas's Edjow, indeed, would not fall back a step upon the volley, but, after an obstinate resistance, they were broken by superior numbers, and forced to retreat before an enemy, so overcome with fatigue and wounds, as to be unable to pursue them.

The whole of this engagement lasted near an hour by my watch. One hundred and thirteen of Woodage Asahel's men were slain upon the spot, and their bloody trophies brought and thrown before the king. On Confu's side about 70 were killed and wounded; he himself received two wounds, one a large flesh wound in the hip, the other more slight upon the head, both of them at the very beginning of the engagement.

Notwithstanding the natural hardness of his heart, and that the misfortune which had happened was in immediate disobedience of orders, Ras Michael shewed great sensibility at hearing Confu was wounded; he came immediately to see him, a visit not according to etiquette, and gave him a slighter reproof than was expected for leaving his post in the town, as well as for his fighting without his orders. Confu, with great submission and address at the same time, excused his leaving his post, from the repeated information he had received that a decisive battle was to be fought that day, and knowing the Ras's want of horse, he could not stay at Gondar, and keep his idle, when the fate of so kind a father, (as the Ras had been) and that of a mother, to whom he owed every thing, was depending. He said it would be more agreeable to him to die by the hands of the executioner of the camp, as an example for disobedience of orders, than survive with the reflection that he had been voluntarily absent from such an occasion. As for engaging with Asahel Woodage that day, he said he had no intention of that kind; that he knew not who he was when he attacked him, and only endeavoured to hinder him from harrassing the rear of the army, and destroying the provisions: That when he charged him first, Woodage was among the women, loaded with bouza, flour, and spirits, which were coming to the Ras, and great part of which he had intercepted, as the Ras would find. Michael could not help laughing at this last part of the excuse, but went away, and, in his conversation that evening, gave Confu the highest praises for his conduct and bravery, but said nothing of his fault.

Engedan was next arraigned for fighting without orders. He, too, answered with great humility, That when he saw the infantry run down the hill, with their matches lighted, he thought it was the Ras's intention to relieve Confu by the most effectual means possible; but at any rate he could never, with arms in his hands, stand looking on, while his cousin-german and companion was massacred by Galla. All ended well. The truth is, Michael never would find fault with a man that fought, however imprudently he fought the occasion: courage was to him in place of charity; it covered a multitude of sins.

Ozoro Esther, in the deepest concern, had attended her son from the moment of his arrival, and had seen his wound dressed and swathed up. A large gaping flesh-wound (such as his was) frightens ignorant people more than the small orifice made by a shot, which breaks bones and endangers life. Such was Ozoro Esther's apprehension; and every minute she inquired of me if I thought it was possible he could recover. I had not quitted him since he had got off his horse. I advised him by all means to go in a litter to Gondar, either carried by men or mules; but no persuasion, nor consideration, would induce him to go otherwise than on a mule, with his horse harnessed and led by him.

Every thing was accordingly prepared, when I received a message from the Ras to wait upon him. I immediately went to his tent, and found him with two dwarf boys only, who were fanning the flies from his face. "Ozoro Esther wishes, says he, that you would see Confu safe to Gondar, and bring us word to-morrow how he is; and you must stay with him altogether, if he is in danger."—"If he has no fever, said I, he is in no danger. If the king and you"—He then interrupted me,—"The king, and I, and every one, wishes you to attend Confu." I bowed, and went away without reply. When I was got to the door he cried after me, "Don't be afraid, you will be in time enough to see every thing; neither they nor I wish an engagement but at Serbraxos."

I did not understand the meaning of the speech, but went away without reply straight to the king's tent; and I was just going to speak when he stopt me, by crying, "Go, go, for God's sake! Ozoro Esther has been here almost out of her senses." I went on this to her tent, where I found her sitting by Confu and drowned in tears, which at times were interrupted by fits of seeming distraction. He began to feel the loss of blood, which would have made me wish not to move him; but there was no staying here for sick people; and so violent a spirit had spread through the army, upon Netcho's success and Confu's victory, that one and all insisted upon fighting the next day; and several of my friends, who knew where I was going, shook hands with me at my passing them, saying, "Farewell, Yagoube; we are sorry to lose you, but all will be over before you come back."

I now insisted more than ever upon Confu's going in a litter, and setting out immediately, which was accordingly complied with. Ozoro Esther had dinner, or rather supper, ready in a moment, and I had great need of it, having scarcely tasted any thing for two days. While I was eating, Ozoro Esther could not stop the effusions of her gratitude for the care I had again taken of Confu. "I knew, says she, you would have refused me, if I had endeavoured to persuade you to go away from the camp, when there are such fair expectations, you may be knocked on the head to-morrow; and therefore I applied to the Ras by force to bend that rash, proud spirit of yours, which one day will be the occasion of your death."—"Madam, said I, you do me injustice if you will not believe that I had rather obey your commands than those of any general upon earth: But, pray, what is the meaning of the Ras's speech to me about both armies wishing to fight at Serbraxos[9]? Where is this Serbraxos?"—"Why, says she, here, on a hill just by; the Begemder people have a prophecy, that one of their governors is to fight a king at Serbraxos, to defeat him, and slay him there: in his place is to succeed another king, whose name is Theodorus, and in whose reign all Abyssinia is to be free from war, or from any trouble, sickness, or famine; that the Galla, Shangalla, and Mahometans are all to be destroyed, and the empire of Abyssinia to be extended as far as Jerusalem."—"All this destruction and conquest without war! That will be curious indeed. I think I could wish to see this Theodorus," said I, laughing. "See him you will, replied Ozoro Esther; peace, happiness, and plenty will last all his reign, and a thousand years afterwards. Enoch and Elias will rise again, and will fight and destroy Gog and Magog, and all this without any war."—"On which I again said, that must be cleverly managed. And now, why does Ras Michael choose to fight at Serbraxos? I do not think he is desirous to pay his court to the king Theodorus, or any king brought him by Begemder."—"Why, says she, all the hermits and holy men on our side, that can prophecy, have assured him he is to beat the rebels this month at Serbraxos; and a very holy man, a hermit from Waldubba, came to him at Gondar, and obliged him to march out against his will, by telling him this prophecy, which he knows to be true, as the man is not like common prophets, but one who never ate any thing but roots, or drank other liquor than water, since the day of his nativity. Such a man as this, you know, Yagoube, cannot lie." "And I, says Ayto Confu, being a prophet that hath ate beef and drunk bouza ever since my nativity, whenever I could not get wine or brandy, and who give my share of water freely to the saints of Waldubba, as a proper reward for the lies they tell, I do prophecy, that there are now two thousand men eating their supper within sight of Serbraxos, who will never see it nearer, but will all be slain in a battle fought at this place to-morrow, at which time Yagoube shall be feasting with me at Gondar, without caring a fig for king Theodorus and his plenty."—"A blessed prophet you!" says Ozoro Esther.

At this instant the servants at the door informed us there was scarce light to see the way down the hill, and we got our wounded prophet, without much difficulty or complaint, into the litter. A number of men supported him down the hill, and about 50 of his own horse attended. I desired him to feel often the bandage if his wound bled; and, finding it did not, I rode on horseback close by his side. For some time, not hearing him stir or speak, I thought he was asleep, or had fainted; on which I stopt the litter, felt his pulse, and asked him if he was dosing? He said, No; he was thinking of all the lies his mother had been telling me: but there is one thing she did not care to tell you, Yagoube, she says you laugh at these stories; but there is a spirit who always appears to Michael and assures him of victory. The devil, said I, probably; for what good arises from all these victories? are they not the ruin of innocent people, and of the country? No, replied Confu, it is St Michael the archangel; he saw him just before he surprised the mountain Haramat, but neither at Gondar, nor since he passed the Tacazzé, and this makes him sorrowful. The spirit has been afraid to catch cold, said I, by wetting his feet in that cold river. I doubt so, answered Confu; but the liar of a monk, who my mother supposes never eats nor drinks, told him he was to see him at Serbraxos.

At this time we heard the noise of horses, and could discern (as we thought) three men that passed the bridge of Mogetch briskly before us. As they seemed to avoid us, six or eight of Confu's men pursued them at full gallop, but lost them in the darkness. They, however, were found to be soldiers of Kasmati Sanuda, who hearing Woodage Asahel had been engaged with Ayto Confu, had come out with the unworthy purpose of collecting some filthy trophies, by mangling the dead or wounded, though these must have been their own companions, the soldiers of Ayto Confu, who had been slain; for the whole of Woodage Asahel's men had already undergone what Strates emphatically called the operation, by the knives of Confu's soldiers. We now arrived at Koscam without any adventure, and Confu was laid to repose, after taking a little food: in obedience to the orders of Ozoro Esther, I lay down by him in the same apartment.

Early next morning I was sent for by a servant of Ozoro Esther, to attend Welleta Selassé, who I was told was at the point of death. I repaired immediately to the house of Ras Michael, where she then was, but found her without possibility of recovery, having already lost her speech. She expired a few minutes afterwards, apparently in violent agonies. The cause was never properly known; some attributed it to the jealousy of Ozoro Esther, others alledged that she had taken poison from apprehension of falling into the hands of Ras Michael: whatever was the truth, her servants certainly told me, that she had confessed she had taken poison, and not till the pain became violent, and then she turned afraid, would she consent to have an express sent to Ozoro Esther, to bring me from the camp. I had unluckily left it before to attend Ayto Confu, neither is it probable I could have been of any service, as the poison she had taken was arsenic. This accident detained me that whole day, so that, instead of returning to the army, I went to Ayto Confu at Koscam, where I found another messenger in search of me.

The king's Mahometan was returned from Sennaar, and with him Soliman my servant, who brought me answers to the letters I had written; they had come by Beyla to Ras el Feel, by Sim Sim, and the western deserts, the way to Teawa being much infested by gangs of Arabs, and Ganjar horse, who murdered every body they found in their way. They brought with them only twelve horses, eighteen coats of mail, and about thirty libd[10]; these were mostly returns made by the principal members of government to the presents the king had sent them, for every body at Sennaar now set too great a value upon the armour, and horses, to part easily with them, on account of the unsettled state of the times, the history of which we shall give afterwards.

My letters informed me that the whole kingdom of Sennaar was in arms, that Nasser (who had deposed his father by the help of two great brothers, Mahomet Abou Calec, and Adelan) was upon the point of trusting his life and kingdom to the event of a battle with these two officers. I was, moreover, conjured, with all the earnestness, as I thought, of a truly honest man, that I would by no means undertake the journey I intended; that to come from Ras el Feel to Sennaar, was, for a white man like me, next to an absolute impossibility, connecting the danger of the way with the great hardships from the excessive heat of the climate, and want of food and water; that even arrived at Sennaar, I should be in the utmost danger from the soldiery, and the king's slaves, under no subordination or government; and that, even if I was happy enough to escape these, the worst still remained, and no human power could convoy or protect me, in my remaining journey to Egypt through the great desert. I was therefore begged to lay all such intention aside as impossible, and either stay where I was, or return by Tigrè, Masuah, and Arabia, the way by which I first entered Abyssinia. This was the severest of all blows to me, and threw me for some time into the lowest despondency, but it did not change my resolution, which was already taken, not to turn to the right or the left, but either compleat my journey to Syene, the frontier of Egypt, by Sennaar, and Nubia, or perish in the attempt.

I now resolved to proceed immediately to the camp, taking twenty horse from Sanuda, and twenty from Confu, to escort the coats of mail and horses from Sennaar. I set out that evening with Mahomet the king's servant, by the road of Sema Confu, and arrived about nine o'clock in the camp, without any adventure, bringing the news of Welleta Selassé's death, which seemed to cause neither surprise nor sorrow, and was never after spoken of either by the Ras or Ozoro Esther; but very great rejoicings were made at the good accounts of Ayto Confu, with very kind expressions of me, both from the Ras and Ozoro Esther.

Before he went to bed, the king had examined Mahomet, and drawn from him the true state of the kingdom of Sennaar; he then sent for me, and ordered me to deliver him my letters, which I did, interpreting them to him, word for word. He said, however, but little at this time, as he thought that that door, being so effectually shut against me, less could be urged against the safer, and more known road through Tigrè, which, of course, it was presumed I should more eagerly embrace; he kept my letters, and ordered me to choose two of the horses for myself, which I did, one of them near seventeen hands high, I suppose one of the most powerful horses in the world. The rest he distributed among the black troops; the same he did with the coats of mail. I found the army in great spirits, but still the story of fighting only at Serbraxos seemed to be obstinately persisted in. I asked Ozoro Esther if St Michael had yet appeared to the Ras; she answered, "Hush! for God's sake, don't make a joke of this, one word of this kind repeated to him would prevent your ever receiving a favour from Michael."

It happened that, the day after I had attended Ayto Confu to Gondar, Ras Michael sent some soldiers into Dembea to forage, these had been intercepted by a party posted on purpose by Kasmati Ayabdar and Gusho, consisting of Edjow Galla, with some horse from Foggora and Amhara. An engagement happened pretty much in the same place and manner as that with Woodage Asahel and Ayto Confu, in full view of the camp, and assistance was sent on both sides to the respective parties. The troops commanded by Aylo, brother of Engedan, and Guebra Mascal, were beaten back almost close to the camp, by the horse led by the Edjow Galla, though brave and veteran soldiers, while Ras Michael ordered Yasine and his 200 from Ras el Feel, (all with their libds on) to charge the Galla, now advanced very near. Each horse had a number of brass bells at his neck, and they no sooner appeared than the whole cavalry of the enemy, starting at the hideous figure and noise, fell into confusion, and, being closely pressed with violent blows of their great swords, no longer disputed the ground, but left the field on the gallop. A beautiful grey horse of Gusho's, superbly ornamented with gold and silver, and having a very rich broad-sword hanging at his saddle, and a pole-ax on the other side under the surcingle, was taken by some soldiers of Ras el Feel, who spread the report instantly that Gusho was slain. Immediately on this, orders were given for the whole army to descend into the plain, which they did with great alacrity, forming in order of battle, though neither the king nor Ras Michael left the camp, nor did any adversary appear; and the troops, content with this bravado, returned again in great spirits to the camp.

This is the account I heard of that day's skirmish, for I was not present there, being at Gondar with Ayto Confu. In the evening of that very day arrived a messenger from Gusho, telling Ras Michael, that a young boy, a nephew of his, had, without his knowledge, gone to see the engagement, and had taken with him his favourite horse, who, being frightened at the Arabs with their libds, had thrown him, after which he had run off and left the horse among the enemy. He begged to have his horse restored at any price, if the man that had taken him was allowed to sell him. He at the same time sent a present of a large quantity of fruit and fresh fish from the lake. The messenger was a priest well known by Ras Michael, and warmly attached to the king, and it was thought came with an errand of more consequence than either about the horse or the fish. The Ras sent him for his answer to the King, who told him, the horse being taken by the troops of Ras el Feel, belonged to me, and with me he must make his bargain: that I was at Gondar, and my return uncertain; but that the next day he might have my answer. This was the better to conceal the priest's real business, for the King and Ras knew how they were to dispose of the horse; at least they certainly knew I was not to return him without their orders.

The morning after my arrival this same priest came to me with a message from Gusho, desiring I would send him his horse, as a proof of the friendship which he said had always subsisted between us, at the same time offering me any sum of money that I might have promised to content the soldiers who took him. As I had before obtained leave from Ras Michael to restore the horse, so I did it with the very best grace possible, sending Yasine himself, chief of the troops of Ras el Feel, with the message to Gusho, that I reckoned myself exceedingly happy in having that opportunity of obliging him, and of shewing the value I had ever set upon his friendship; that he very well knew the little regard I had for money, and that the soldier who took the horse was my servant, and had already been abundantly satisfied. I desired Yasine to add, that I hoped, in order to a continuation of that friendship, he would avoid, in his own particular command, or in that of his relations, attacking where the king was in person, because it was my indispensible duty to be there, and that his nephew might not escape with the loss of a horse, if he again happened to be engaged with the Moorish troops, who, though under my command, were Mahometans, strangers to the language, and to whom it was impossible for me to convey any distinction of persons. Gusho was exceedingly sensible of this civil return of the horse; he cloathed Yasine magnificently, made him a present of another horse, and sent a very flattering message by him to me.

CHAP. VI.
Michael attempts to enter Begemder—First Battle of Serbraxos—The Rebels offer Battle to the King in the Plain—Armies separated by a violent Storm.

Yasine had scarcely returned to the camp when all the tents were struck, and the army on its march. The Ras and Guebra Mascal led the van, the king and Guebra Christos the center, Kasmati Kefla Yasous the rear; Netcho the Fit-Auraris being about half an hour's march before us, we proceeded along the plain without interruption; Ayto Engedan, with a small body of horse, was covering the king's right flank at some distance. The church of Serbraxos was on our left upon the side of a hill, and we expected to see the Fit-Auraris take up his ground for encamping there, as it was the field of action determined upon by both parties. The Fit-Auraris, however, first, and then Ras Michael with the van, passed below Serbraxos at so brisk a pace that we in the center found it difficult to keep up with them.

Plan
—— of ——
The First Battle
—— OF ——
Serbraxos
Fought 16 May,
1772.

FIRST BATTLE.

Explanation.

1. King's palace and high walls surrounding it.

2. Ashoa, public place where the troops assemble, and gunpowder is sold, and where public executions are made.

3. Hamar Noh, Noah's Ark, a church.

4. A close quarter over a precipice on the West, to which the merchants carry their effects upon sudden revolutions, especially those that have flour and provisions.

5. Abbo, where the Romish priests were stoned and lye unburied.

6. Debra Berhan, famous church upon the highest part of the hill over the Angrab.

7. Riggobee Ber, or Pigeons Pass, a rocky part of the town, fortified in time of troubles.

8. Abbo, great street, called from the church and saint of that name.

9. Mahometan town on the river Kaha.

10. King's palace on the river Kaha.

11. Brook of St Raphael.

12. The river Angrab.

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A The centre commanded by the king and Guebra Christos encamped on the South of the hill Serbraxos.

B Ras Michael, who leads the van, encamped upon the South-East, and highest part of the hill.

C Kefla Yasous, who commands the rear encamped upon the North-West.

D Ras Michael marching from his camp at Serbraxos, is stopt at the mouth of the valley, and engages Powussen and the troops of Begemder at E.

E The rebel troops of Begemder engaging Ras Michael.

F Ayto Engedan with a thousand men marches from the King's camp to reinforce Michael at the mouth of the valley.

G Powussen's camp at Correva.

H A reinforcement marches from Powussen's camp, and joins the rebels engaged with Michael at E.

I Ras Michael beat back into the valley, retires under cover of his musketry at K and L, which stop the rebels advancing.

M Kefla Yasous joins the king, marches to the head of the valley, wheels to the right, and faces to the westward.

N The king's horse upon the ford of the Mariam facing westward.

OO Two bodies of the king's musketry placed to defend the ford of the Mariam.

P Ayabdar's army encamped.

QQ Ayabdar's army marches from the camp, and halts a small distance from the king's horse at NN, but retreats to SS without attacking them. All but the Edjow Galla, who remain at T, and are all cut to pieces by the king's horse, and the musketry on the hill.