New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.
A BRITISH ARMY,
AS IT WAS,—IS,—AND OUGHT TO BE:
ILLUSTRATED BY
EXAMPLES DURING THE PENINSULAR WAR:
WITH OBSERVATIONS
UPON
INDIA—THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA—CANADA—THE BOUNDARY LINE—THE NAVY—STEAM WARFARE, &c.
BY LIEUT.-COLONEL JAMES CAMPBELL,
LATE BRIGADE-MAJOR 3RD DIVISION,
AND FORMERLY OF THE 45TH AND 50TH REGIMENTS.
LONDON:
T. & W. BOONE, 29, NEW BOND STREET.
1840.
TO
GENERAL SIR THOMAS M. BRISBANE,
BART., G.C.B., &c. &c. &c.
Sir,
As a soldier who has seen much service in all parts of the world, and commanded large bodies of troops in the field, you can decide if my views are correct or not. As a General of the 3rd division, you must know whether I have erred (certainly unintentionally) in my statements; and I also trust you will be able to bear me out when I say, that the honour and renown of my companions in arms, and the good of the army in general, are my sole objects in appearing before the public.
I wish to dedicate the fruits of my experience to you, as a trifling tribute of the gratitude I feel for the friendship and kindness you have shown me on many occasions.
I can with truth say, my motives in the following work are pure and disinterested; but my views are not those of the generality of writers of the day. I know, as well as they do, that British soldiers will always follow their gallant officers in any attempt, if even requiring the most supernatural efforts; but I am not, as they almost all seem to be, blind to the great imperfections of too many of those allowed to enter our regiments. I can gladly leave them the reputation of possessing the most undaunted courage of any soldiers in the world, and the nation the honour and glory their deeds in battle have acquired. Let both pride themselves, as they have a right to do, upon these; but for the time to come, we want, and ought to have, the good and true men of the British Empire brought into the ranks of our armies; and of whom many—very many—can be found, if called upon, as they should be, to serve their Sovereign and their country as they might hereafter be served by a British army, formed, as it ought to be, to suit the times.
I have the honour to be,
Sir,
Your truly devoted humble servant,
THE AUTHOR.
Ravensdale, June 10, 1840.
CONTENTS
| [CHAP. I.] | |
| What a British Army was, is still, and the commencement of certainintroductory matter, intended to show in part what it ought to be | [1] |
| [CHAP. II.] | |
| Continuation of the subject, and pointing out what is required torender the army more suitable to the times | [31] |
| [CHAP. III.] | |
| Continuation of the subject, and showing how essential it is thatcorps for East India service, and for our colonies, should be formed,with a view to rendering the regular army perfectly efficient.—Variouschanges recommended and reasons assigned for thembeing necessary.—Some observations | [60] |
| [CHAP. IV.] | |
| Continuation of the subject, with observations upon various mattersconnected with the efficiency and discipline of the army.—Veteransunfit for service in North America.—Remarks uponproposed changes in our militia.—Attention called to varioussubjects.—Improvements in system, &c. suggested.—Numbers ofmen taken away upon service from corps as bat-men, &c., its evileffects, and a remedy proposed.—Baggage and followers of anarmy in the field, &c. | [88] |
| [CHAP. V.] | |
| Introductory observations upon the staff of an army.—Remarks uponthe état-major of the French army.—The staff wanted for aBritish army.—Remarks upon the battle of Talavera.—Staff of anarmy continued.—An efficient and highly respectable police foran army in the field recommended.—Some of its duties alludedto.—Important remarks upon military police and courts-martial.—Staffduties continued.—Medical department and its establishmentsin the field.—The commissariat department in the field.—Observations | [126] |
| [CHAP. VI.] | |
| Farther observations.—Insufficiency of allowance of practice ammunitionfor corps.—Hints for the maintenance of discipline inquarters and in the field.—Attention to the religious and generaleducation of regiments strongly urged.—A plan for this purposeproposed.—Various necessary observations, &c.—LordWellington's letter to generals commanding divisions and brigades, withremarks.—Useful observations upon the storming of CiudadRodrigo.—Remarks and general order relating to the 3rd divisionin the retreat from Elbodon to Guinaldo.—Storming of thecastle of Badajoz.—Conduct of our troops there given to showthe composition and conduct of a British army in the field | [171] |
| [CHAP. VII.] | |
| The escalade of the castle of Badajoz held up as an example tofuture commanders of such enterprises.—The part performed bythe 3rd division under Sir Edward Pakenham at Salamanca, withremarks, &c.—The French generals and état-major before thelines of Torres Vedras, &c.—Marshal Soult and his état-majorbefore the battle of Toulouse, &c.—The 3rd division at Toulouse,&c.—Part performed by the 3rd division at Vittoria, with remarks.—Someoccurrences at the Nivelle, with useful observations.—Afew necessary remarks upon the battle of the Pyrenees.The 3rd division at Orthes, and shewing its style of fightingthere, and upon other occasions.—This farther illustratedat the Vic Bigore, with other matters | [219] |
| [CHAP. VIII.] | |
| Observations upon the United States of America.—Their presentposition as regards Great Britain, the Canadas, &c.—Attentionparticularly called to that country, with observations upon navaland military matters.—Expedition to Plattsburg, with other mattersof importance; such as the question of the Boundary line,&c. and some official documents respecting our North Americanterritories.—Instructions of a military nature, respecting LowerCanada in 1814, with useful hints and matters of consequence tobe attended to by Great Britain.—Future combined naval andmilitary enterprises, with necessary and useful observations.—Concludinggeneral remarks | [264] |
ON THE BRITISH ARMY,
&c. &c.
CHAP. I.
I have imposed upon myself a task which may probably expose me to much annoyance, or perhaps severe criticism; so much so, that I am almost deterred from entering upon it, in consequence of feeling that although I may fancy I understand the subjects I intend to write upon, yet at the same time I greatly fear I am unequal to do them that justice which they require; but something I shall neither attempt to describe, nor analyze, urges me on in what I consider, as an officer of some experience, I ought to undertake; and let the consequences be what they may, I have the consolation to think, that my motives, at all events, are pure and disinterested.
Many well-meaning men, and many mischievous men, have for years past been exerting themselves, with unwearied assiduity, to have the corporal punishment of flogging done away with in our army; but no experienced officer, or person acquainted with the subject, when he considers its former and present composition, can for an instant entertain such an idea, unless some other mode of punishment can be thought of, as a substitute, equally prompt, and which, from its consequences, would keep the transgressor as short a time from the performance of his duties as flagellation does.
I do not presume to say, that the conduct of all corps of cavalry, infantry and artillery, were alike; but such officers as have been much employed with a British army in the field, must be aware of what he had to contend with, to prevent irregularities, and above all drunkenness, and the crimes arising out of its demoralizing effects, into which our soldiers invariably fell; so much so, that the greater part of them could never be trusted out of the sight of those who had the charge of them; and the annoyances and sufferings of the unlucky officers who had too often to bear the blame for their disorderly conduct, especially in going to and returning from the several hospital stations, and upon escort, and other duties, which took them away from their corps in Portugal, Spain, and other countries, cannot have forgotten what they had to encounter, and they must fully bear me out when I say, that it was perfect misery to have any thing to do with them; and nothing but the certainty of being flogged, if caught by the Provost absent from their corps, kept many of them in the line of march, or in their camps afterwards; and as for their conduct at sieges, and upon other occasions, when they had the power of breaking loose, or from under the watchful eyes of their officers, the less that is here said by me upon the subject the better.
This is really a melancholy picture to draw of most of our soldiers; but I lament to say it is a true one, and I am also reluctantly obliged to admit, that the almost only redeeming quality which they possessed, was undaunted courage in battle. But to show that I do not make these assertions on slight grounds (and I would never have been induced to do so without an important object in view), I must beg that the words of his Grace the Duke of Wellington, upon several occasions, may be duly considered.
In the month of May, 1809, he thus, in general orders, addresses his army—"The Commander of the Forces is much concerned to be obliged again to complain of the conduct of the troops; not only have outrages been committed by whole corps, but there is no description of property of which the unfortunate inhabitants of Portugal have not been plundered by the British soldiers, whom they have received into their houses, or by stragglers from the different regiments of the army. The Commander of the Forces apprehends that the interior discipline of the regiments is materially relaxed, &c. &c."
After establishing certain regulations for the maintenance of discipline, his Grace further observes that, "the object of these visitings is to see that the soldiers conduct themselves regularly in their quarters, to ascertain if there are any complaints by their landlords, and of whom, and that the men are in their quarters, instead of marauding in search of plunder." And after calling upon officers of all ranks to perform the duties required of them, he thus concludes—"The people of Portugal deserve well of the army; they have in every instance treated the soldiers well; and there never was an army so well supplied, or which had so little excuse for plunder, if any excuse can in any case exist. But if the Commander of the Forces should not by these and other measures be enabled to get the better of these practices, he is determined to report to His Majesty, and send into garrison those corps who shall continue them, as he prefers a small but disciplined and well-conducted body of troops to a rabble, however numerous; and he is resolved not to be the instrument of inflicting upon the people of this country the miseries which result from the operations of such a body. The regulations of these orders are to be understood as applicable to the dragoons and the artillery as well as the infantry."
Again, in the month of June, 1812, we read—"The soldiers must not be allowed to quit their corps to plunder, and Assistant-Provosts attached to divisions must see that the orders of the army on this subject are not disobeyed. The Commander of the Forces is sorry to observe, that the outrages so frequently committed by the soldiers when absent from their regiments, and the disgraceful scenes which occurred upon the storming of Badajoz, have had the effect of rendering the people of the country the enemies, instead of being the friends of the army. It is the duty of all officers to prevent the soldiers from plundering, and the Commander of the Forces calls upon them to perform it. He declares his determination to punish any person who may be found plundering on any occasion, and to make the soldiers give up any money or other valuable articles that they may have plundered.
"As these acts of outrage are generally committed by parties of men, the parties shall be put under stoppages to make good the damage which they shall do upon any occasion," And His Grace concludes this order by calling upon the officers, and non-commissioned officers, to assist in putting a stop to such disgraceful crimes and irregularities.
We again read in the General Orders of the 31st of July, 1812:—
"The Commander of the Forces requests to have returns of the several men missing from their regiments in the march of the 10th instant. It is reported to the Commander of the Forces that the enemy have in their power above a hundred men, British soldiers, taken on that day, straggling in the rear, and in the flanks of the army. As the army did not march more than ten or twelve miles on that day, and the country was perfectly open, the straggling of the soldiers, and their being prisoners, must be attached to the neglect of the officers of their regiments. It is quite obvious that if the soldiers cannot be made to march in their ranks at all times, the army cannot effect a march in face of an enemy, and it is so far unfit for service, &c. &c."
I do not at present wish to give many extracts from the Duke of Wellington's orders; but another dated Paris, the 9th of August, 1815, will be sufficient to prove that the character of British soldiers had not changed from 1812 up to that period.
No. 4. "The Field Marshal receives constant complaints of the robberies committed on the road from Neuilly to Paris, and he therefore now desires that guards may be mounted by the divisions encamped at Neuilly, and in the Bois de Bologne, so as to have sentries in communication with each other from Neuilly to the barrier de L'Etoile."
I consider it also necessary to give here two division orders nearly to the same effect:
"D.O. Madrid, 28th August, 1812.
"1. The officer commanding the escort of prisoners furnished by the 3rd division, which rejoined this morning, has reported that the men composing that detachment, were extremely irregular while absent, and some individuals were disobedient to a great degree.
"2. The disobedient non-commissioned officers and soldiers are to be tried by a Division Court Martial, and the soldiers composing the remainder of the detachment are to stand under arms from six o'clock every evening till nine at night, for seven successive days, when they are to be marched into their quarters, to which they are also to be confined for the same period.
"3. No soldier of this detachment is to be suffered to take his duty for seven days, but must make it up afterwards.
"4. Any man of this detachment who shall fall sick before the expiration of punishment, must stand under arms after recovery.
"5. The British Brigade will ultimately furnish three sergeants to superintend this disgrace under the orders of the Provost-martial, who will correct, on the spot, any soldier who may commit further irregularity.
"Severity and shame are required to bring soldiers to a sense of duty, who forget every principle when detached, and require force to command them."
"D.O. Moimenta de Beira, 24th Dec. 1812.
"1. The detachment of recovered men that left Celorico on the 15th instant, were irregular and disobedient.
"2. So much has been said on the subject of soldiers forgetting their duty when detached, that Major-General Pakenham, for the present, gives up the idea of bringing the troops to a sense of discipline by reason.
"3. When punishment has made the unprincipled sensible of their crimes, and the good soldiers know they will be supported if they will take the lead, then reason shall again be referred to.
"4. The soldiers composing the detachment of Lieutenant Walsh, 5th regiment, are to be assembled at the head-quarters of their respective brigades, for the purpose of being kept under arms, for ten days, from daylight till nightfall.
"5. The said soldiers are afterwards to be drilled for one month with the young soldiers, and they are not to have either spirits or wine for the whole period.
"6. The Provost-martial and assistant will frequently visit this punishment and notice any impropriety.
"7. Officers commanding brigades will report the manner in which the detachment joined the several battalions on the 22d instant."
Many more of Lord Wellington's observations upon the conduct of soldiers might be adduced, but what I have given, and the orders of Sir Edward Pakenham, are deemed sufficient for the object now in view. But his Grace throughout the whole of his campaigns threw most of the blame for such outrages occurring upon the officers, whom he constantly accused of neglect of duty, or such crimes could not have been perpetrated. I beg leave, however, to observe, and I am alone induced to do so in some measure to justify officers in general, that many of them were both active and zealous in the performance of their duties, but the men they had to deal with were very incorrigible; and those who were then subalterns must well remember that the chief responsibility rested most heavily upon them; for the soldiers were almost never allowed to leave their camps but under their charge; for it was too well known, and I regret to say it, that many of the non-commissioned officers could not be much more trusted than the privates.
As a regimental officer of long experience, not only at home and abroad, but also in the field; as a staff officer during the greater part of the Peninsular war; and with the army of occupation in France, and in other parts of the world, I unhesitatingly declare, that corporal punishment as now inflicted in the army, cannot be dispensed with, but at the risk of the total subversion of all discipline: indeed the hampering commanding officers in this respect, as has been the fashion of late years; and its being fancied, or pretended, that he is the best commander of a regiment, who returns the smallest number of soldiers punished, is, to say the least, very impolitic, and most injurious to the interests of the army; for crimes which should have called for punishment, must in consequence have been passed over, or so inadequately visited upon the offenders, that other men could not have been deterred from being guilty of similar conduct, and the effects of this, I fear, must in the end be dangerous; for what we frequently hear of and read respecting military punishments, in some of the newspapers, can scarcely, when coupled with an unavoidably relaxed state of discipline, be expected to have any other tendency. Solitary confinement, to be at all efficacious in preventing or punishing crimes in the army, keeps the soldier too long away from his necessary exercises and duties, and if it takes place in our common jails, whatever he may have gone into them, he certainly must come out matured in crime, from being the associate of criminals of the worst description; for what jail can contain sufficient cells to separate all who may be sent there. Offenders' lists, common and marching order drills, confinement to barracks, &c. &c., are all well enough, in these quiet times, for trifling offences or irregularities at home or abroad, so long as the soldier knows that he can be brought to the halberts for any act of insubordination on such occasions; but in case of war, and should it be necessary for our army to take the field, this system would never answer. I must beg, however, that it may not be supposed, that I am by any means an advocate for continuing corporal punishments, or that I have any intention of extenuating or justifying what was sometimes practised by officers, under generally, I feel convinced, a mistaken idea, that they were only doing what their duty required of them; but my surprise often was, how officers who composed courts-martial, could by their sentences, always so readily lend themselves to the views, or perhaps badly regulated feelings of their commanders: indeed the trials I have witnessed were sometimes little else than mere matter of form, and they could not well be otherwise, for I have seen a soldier receive two or three hundred, or even more lashes, inflicted with great severity, under a sentence awarded by a drum-head court-martial, after an investigation of a few minutes duration of the charges brought against him. Such arbitrary proceedings as these, were generally abuses of power, with which many men are unfit to be entrusted; and from habit we really thought little of such matters, and the soldiers themselves were only thereby rendered the more callous. I declare, however, that I am at a loss to say, which is preferable—the prompt manner of acting in our navy, where a captain when he orders the punishment of a man, does so on his own serious responsibility, or that of a commanding officer of a regiment, who can generally act as he pleases, whilst all he does is sanctioned by a court martial.
I could easily bring forward many occurrences which would show in the strongest light, how much a serious consideration of both our old and present system in the army, as regards punishments, is required; but so heartily do I detest flogging, that my thoughts have been long directed to devise means of getting rid of it; but I always tremble at the obvious alternative—capital punishments—which must be resorted to, and I should fear, very frequently, as in the French armies, especially upon service, as a substitute for flogging for the maintenance of discipline; for an army without it, is, as the Duke of Wellington observed in one of the orders I have given, a rabble, and must be far more dangerous to the country to which it belongs, than formidable to its enemies.
For years past, I have given this subject most serious consideration. I have weighed all its difficulties, and I can see no way of doing away with flogging in a British army, so long as it is composed of the present description of men. But I am inclined to hope, and I must now beg that all I have to say may be heard with patience—that this most desirable object may be attained by a completely new organisation of our regiments, and bringing into their ranks a totally different description of men, from those who generally offer themselves as recruits—men with other ideas, and altogether other feelings.
But as I wish to bring the subjects I intend to discuss, candidly and fairly before the reader, I must beg leave to transcribe what Sir George Murray lately said at a great public meeting in London, as taken from "the Times." "The British Army did not consist of the constrained conscripts of arbitrary power, but of citizens voluntarily in arms to defend their country, to obey and respect her laws at home, and to resist and repel, with their utmost energy, every effort of her foreign foes, &c. &c." Sir George Murray, as the world knows, and as the British Army in particular knows, is a most able and accomplished Quarter Master General; but as such he could not have had much to say to the maintenance of discipline, for that comes under the Adjutant-General; yet still he will no doubt be looked upon as good authority in such matters, so much so, that I have been induced thus to give what may be considered as his opinion, and which the sequel will still more show to be contrary to mine: indeed, if I were not borne out by the evidence I have even already adduced, my attempting to do any thing towards improvement in our army would seem to be unnecessary and uncalled for.
An intelligent writer observes, that the French campaigns of 1792, 93 and 94 astonished military Europe. At first the French armies had neither discipline, nor order, and but little instruction. The regiments were without organization. National intelligence put in motion by exalted feeling, for the moment did every thing. The conscription had brought more knowledge into a single French regiment, than there was to be found in a whole enemy's division. This was certainly the case, but I am very far from wishing to establish a conscription in Great Britain like what exists in France; but the times, we may depend upon it, will compel us, and that too before long, to think of getting, with greater facility, another description of men into our armies; if it were only to enable us to meet our enemies in the field on fair terms; and I would, therefore, at once beg to propose to overturn entirely the present system of enlistment for regiments of Dragoons, Artillery, the Line, and the Marines; and in its stead, a plan could be introduced for calling forth those warlike energies of the people of Great Britain and Ireland, which they so eminently possess; but for safety to our liberties, which we ought ever carefully to cherish, I would still keep the powerful means I have in view, under the control of Parliament both as to men and money.
Suppose a law were enacted, extending and improving our militia system, and permanently establishing amongst our millions of people, two descriptions of soldiers; in place of our present inefficient mode of calling out that force for service in Great Britain and Ireland only; and exempting clergymen, all seamen serving, or who may have served in our navy, or such as have been duly apprenticed to our merchant service; and certain individuals employed in the Civil departments of the state, every man, no matter how high or low his rank in life may be, should be made liable to be called upon to serve his country as a soldier, but by Act of Parliament only; and for this purpose, all those at a certain time of life should be required to have, under a heavy penalty, and according to their means, or at the risk of imprisonment, or treatment as vagrants, known places of abode, or belong to a parish or district where they could be found or heard of; for my object is, that the wealthy, who for their own gratifications might think fit to reside abroad, may not be able to evade the law.
From the effective part of our male population, between the ages of seventeen and thirty-five, I would propose to call out once each year, (or oftener when necessary) by lot or ballot, and according to registers to be publicly and fairly kept, so that every individual coming under the act, could be aware that he might expect to be drawn for, a certain number of healthy men, about a fixed height—say 5 feet 5½ inches—to constitute or keep up the first, or regular army of Great Britain and Ireland, liable to serve in any part of the world, for ten years only, when, having so served, they must be discharged, whether at home or abroad, unless their characters are so good, as to render it desireable that they should be kept longer in the service, and should it be also their own wish to remain in it. If they are kept, it ought to be for five years more. At the end of that second period, they must, if they desire it, be discharged; but they should then, if their conduct has continued good, be entitled to receive a pension for life of nine-pence a day, and also to a medal of superior merit, and they ought now to get both, whether they are to be again kept in the service or not. If it is still desirable that they should remain in it, and that they are also willing to do so, it must be for another or third period of five years; at the end of which—that is to say 20 years—if they have maintained the respectability of their characters, they should receive, on now retiring from the service, an additional three-pence per diem, making in all the full pension of one shilling a day for life, together with what should be termed the grand medal. If non-commissioned officers, they of course should get a superior description of medals and higher rates of pensions, whether corporals, serjeants, or staff-serjeants. But all discharges—and I consider this of vast importance—ought to set forth distinctly their characters as soldiers, whether good, indifferent, or bad, and should invariably be delivered to them publicly, in presence of, at least, one magistrate and a clergyman of the city, town, or parish to which they formerly belonged, when they could not again be called upon to serve as soldiers.
If the character of the men who have served for ten years only, show that they have been brave, honest and regular during that period, they should also receive publicly a medal of merit, and thus become entitled, along with those who have served longer, and have received pensions, to the privileges of freemen in the cities, towns, and parishes, to which they originally belonged. They should also, together with other advantages, have a right to vote at all elections of Members to serve in Parliament, and likewise at the appointment of persons to the corporate bodies, and should be themselves eligible to fill situations in or under such bodies, in the cities, towns, or parishes, to which they belonged. If their conduct as soldiers had been bad or disreputable, all these advantages should be withheld from them. Some of them, according to character, ought to be sent off without remark upon their conduct, but others, if they deserved it, should have the words "Disgraced Soldier," stamped in large letters, by their commanding officer's orders, upon their discharges; and thus soldiers would be deterred from disgracing, not only their regiments, but also their families, to whom they would know, that when they were to be discharged, they would always, and under all circumstances, be sent back.
It being most desirable towards attaining the object I have in view, that no soldier should be permitted to remain in the army, whose habits would bring disgrace upon the corps to which he might be attached; when it was therefore found, that a soldier had committed a serious crime, or that his conduct had become bad or disgraceful, he should either be handed over to the civil power, or brought to trial before a Court-martial, which should have the power, besides transporting him as a felon, or making him serve as a soldier for life in any part of the world, to sentence him to be turned out of the regiment, with every mark of infamy, and to be sent back, under escort, to the place from whence he came, to be there discharged, in the manner already pointed out, and also imprisoned, if thought necessary for the sake of example, in the common jail, for any period not exceeding two years. If this system is ever established, merit will be distinguished and rewarded, and bad conduct publicly stigmatized or punished.
As the regular army should at all times be complete in numbers, and efficient in every respect; when vacancies occurred in corps, they should be supplied yearly, from the city, town, or rather district, from which the several regiments would be kept up. Great Britain and Ireland would, therefore, if this plan is carried into effect, have to be divided into districts; but for this purpose, counties and cities would nearly answer, and each district being required to furnish men for a particular regiment of cavalry (and this should be an agricultural one), or of artillery, infantry of the line, or of marines; the cavalry or infantry regiments should take the name of that district, as well as retain its own particular number, together with such designations, badges, or honorary distinctions, to which it may be at present entitled.
The second army, to be officered as our present militia, and to be embodied upon the same system, and managed and disciplined as the first, and styled either Militia, or the Army of Reserve, could be called out to serve in Great Britain or Ireland only, when the country, either from being at war, or in case of commotions, might require its services; or should it be deemed necessary, that this force be embodied for a fixed time.
The men for the Reserve might be taken at a lower height, and from the age of sixteen to forty-five; but serving in the Reserve should not exempt individuals from taking their turn if drawn in the mean time for the First or Regular Army. When the Reserve, or a part of it is embodied, a few officers and non-commissioned officers (receiving additional pay when so employed), should be taken for a short time from the Regular Regiments, to assist in the formation and drilling of the corps; but any permanent staff for this purpose must be found not only useless, but expensive. A Quarter-master alone could be required to take charge of stores of any kind belonging to the battalion when embodied.
Any man, who by ballot, becomes liable to serve in the First or Regular Army, must do so, or find within a given time, and at his own expense, a proper substitute of good character, or else pay down the sum of, say fifty pounds, for exemption: and finding a substitute or paying the stipulated sum, ought to exempt the person for the future from serving; but any individual who may have joined the corps for which he has been drawn, ought not afterwards to be discharged, but by the authority of the Commander-in-Chief.
Finding a proper substitute of good character, or paying down say—twenty pounds, under the same rules as those established for the regular army, should entitle individuals to exemption from serving in the army of reserve. And it might fully be expected, that the reserve regiments, under officers so patriotic and zealous as those of our militia always were, would soon become like battalions of the line, and so highly disciplined as quite to equal them, as was the case with many of our militia corps last war. I am, therefore, decidedly of opinion, that it would never again be necessary to add second battalions to regiments of the regular army, nor to raise at great expense fencible corps. The plan of second battalions was in general found to be even as objectionable as our present inefficient depot system, for it too often afforded only very inferior supplies to first battalions, of half disciplined soldiers.
To commence this system of the ballot for the regular army (which, by allowing the finding of substitutes, or the paying a sum of money for exemption from serving, completely removes the idea of arbitrary conscription,) I beg further to suggest, that commanding officers, under the superintendence of generals selected for the purpose, should have the power of rejecting, and recommending to be discharged from their corps, all men whom, from character, health, or other causes, they may consider objectionable; and the remainder should be allowed to come under the new regulations, as to the period of ten years service, dating from the time of their enlistment; and this being carefully and judiciously arranged, upon the responsibility of commanding officers and regimental surgeons, the numbers required for corps of cavalry, infantry, artillery, or marines, to complete them to their respective establishments, should be called out at once by ballot, and thus the immense expense of bounties might be saved, and a sum for a complete equipment for each soldier of the regular army would only hereafter be required from the country.
This new and more constitutional mode of recruiting the army, would bring into its ranks, and in a manner so little objectionable, such a different description of men, and would so vastly increase the respectability of the service, and give such a high tone of national, and also local interest and feeling to our regiments (for they ought ever after to be kept up by men from the same districts), that the idea of subjecting such soldiers, who could no longer be considered as mere mercenaries, to the corporal punishment of flogging, should, I trust, be abandoned. It may, however, be said, that corporal punishment was found to be necessary to keep up discipline formerly in our militia; and it might be asked, were not the men then called out, and as I now propose, of much the same description as those who composed the militia regiments? I answer—that men who could conduct themselves so as to deserve flogging—which was too much the fashion in those days, ought to have been turned out of the regiments, or got rid of as I have already pointed out.
It may be supposed, that some of the soldiers after having conducted themselves well for ten years, might not think fit to take advantage of the opportunity which would be offered them, of remaining in the service, so as to obtain pensions at future periods; but having accepted of their discharges, had returned to their homes, where, finding out that military habits had become more powerful with them than they supposed, they might again wish to return to the service. Now, although these men would have got beyond the age at which substitutes might be taken, yet they should be allowed to become such, provided they offered themselves within one year from the date of their discharges, and having served reputably for ten years more, I would propose so far to give them credit for their former ten years service, as to allow them, on being discharged, pensions of nine-pence a day, but no more, for not having availed themselves of the opportunity of remaining in the army, when they might have done so, other men had to be called out and equipped at the expense of the country, to replace them in their regiments; and it would also be presumed, that they had been paid for becoming substitutes. It might be expected that such men, after ten years service only, would make excellent policemen, or non-commissioned officers for the Reserve when called out.
If it were necessary to advocate in the strongest possible manner, the advantages of corps possessing national, or rather local feelings, I would have nothing to do but to instance some of the Scotch regiments, which were raised and kept up from particular parts of that country, whose conduct in all situations, and under all circumstances, was so praise-worthy. These corps, whilst they were proverbial for their gallantry in the field, were known to have been for long periods without a single instance of corporal punishment.
An army composed, as that I have in view, ought not to be officered by men who can get forward, as at present, by purchasing over the heads, too often, of much better soldiers than themselves, in point of gallantry, military science, and experience. And how strangely also, and inconsistently, are honours conferred upon officers in our army—not for alone distinguishing themselves in action, but because they happened to hold a rank sufficiently high to entitle them to a certain command, or to be the head of a department, and to which the greater part of them had attained, perhaps, by money, well backed by interest; for an officer may have been in every action of importance, from the beginning of the present century up to Waterloo; may have frequently distinguished himself, and may have been even promoted to the rank of Major, and Lieutenant-Colonel, for services in the field, and yet not be entitled to either a clasp or medal, because he did not happen to hold that which would bring him within a fixed regulation on this head. I do not, however, pretend to say, that many of those who commanded corps or detached bodies, and who had arrived at that honour by means of money, were not excellent and gallant officers, but others, over whose heads they, perhaps, had got, could have been pointed out, whom, from not possessing that mainspring, money, or from want of opportunity of applying it, had been obliged to submit to the, perhaps, annoying questions of a genteel, though not rich, and consequently uninfluential family—such as—pray, Colonel, how comes it, that you have neither a clasp nor a medal, nor any thing else to show, although we know that you were present in so many battles, and at so many sieges; when there was at the Mayor's feast the other day (and yet we never heard much of him) General Sir Richard Sam, the son of old Dickey Sam, who, years ago, did his best to bring in —— for ——, who was quite covered with clasps, medals, and ribbons, and he is also a Knight Commander of the Bath into the bargain. Well might it have puzzled the Emperor Napoleon to conceive how a British army could have been kept efficient, and in the state it was, in which high minded gentlemen were subjected to so galling and absurd a system of obtaining rank and honours; especially when it was also seen, that through the effects of our strange brevet system, a Captain of a Company, from being, perhaps, a senior Lieut.-Colonel in the Army, could in garrison, or when acting with a mixed body of troops in the field, take the command of the whole, and likewise of the Lieut.-Colonel of his own regiment,—and I have known instances of this kind—but probably the very next day, when the corps came to act separately, or when a senior officer took the command of the troops, the Lieut.-Colonel of the corps, or its major, or any of its captains, who happened to have seniority in the regiment to the Brevet Lieut.-Colonel, could drill him in the ranks to their heart's content, and thus teach the teacher of the previous day respect for his—very likely—superior in wealth. All this is, however, very ridiculous, and shews our brevet system to be bad, and that it should, as well as the present mode of purchasing promotion, be abandoned.
The matter could be easily settled, and the mischief obviated for the future, by the country refunding to those who purchased promotion, if they think fit to retire from the army, the regulated sums they are supposed to have paid; and, under other heads, I hope to be able to show, should any avail themselves of this offer, how savings can be effected to meet this or any other outlay I may venture to propose; for it is too well known to be denied, that many an officer, who bought promotion in former times in this undeniably injurious manner to the service, pledged his word of honour, that he would not give more than the regulated price, whereas he had, perhaps, at the moment agreed privately to pay double for the step; and what must be thought of a system, when even those in power had not probably the necessary information to enable them to check such evasion, and almost open defiance of orders.
The Sovereign alone, at the recommendation of the Commander-in-Chief, should have the power of rewarding and honouring conspicuous gallantry, and high merit, by marks of distinction, or by promotion out of the regular routine of seniority; but this prerogative, I think it will be allowed, ought, especially as regards promotion, to be very rarely exercised; and putting an end to such a disheartening and disgusting a practice, as that of officers being able to get forward by money or interest alone, would wonderfully improve our regiments of the line, and infinitely more those of our cavalry.
I have just had my attention called to some of the points which appear to have been brought under the consideration of the Naval and Military Commission, from whom so much was looked for. I confess that I am greatly disappointed; for they seem to me to have only tried how they could best repair an old defective system, in place of proposing, as might have been expected from so many experienced officers, something new, and more suitable to the times, and the wants of the country; but this, I conclude, has been occasioned by the manner in which the several points were submitted for their consideration; and I am not, therefore, deterred from proceeding in the task I have assigned myself, and must remark, in continuing my subject, that if what I propose is adopted, we might probably hear of promotion being expected to be too slow; but what I have still to beg attention to, may greatly obviate any such objections; yet, when officers saw that justice was done impartially, it would make them patient and contented, even if promotion were slow; but let me ask, where were such officers to be met with in any army, as our highly educated and enlightened officers of Engineers and Artillery, though for many years situated with respect to promotion, as I wish all our officers nearly to be in future.
Granting the brevet rank of field officer to regimental captains is of little advantage to them individually, and has often been found injurious to the service; and would be still more so under the proposed system; and it ought in consequence, to be (as I have before suggested) abandoned, or at all events as seldom conferred as possible. In order that regimental field rank may be sooner attained, I would venture to recommend, that no lieut.-colonel should be obliged to remain in the almost always unpleasant and most responsible command of a regiment, longer than a fixed number of years; when having so served, he should, as a matter of course, become a major-general on the effective list—that is, he ought to receive a fixed pay, though not employed. Or perhaps it might be preferable, when a lieut.-colonel had commanded for the required number of years, if he thought proper to retire altogether from active service, with the rank however of major-general, to allow him a superior retirement from the country to what may be the pay of major-generals on the effective list; and this being added to what he would receive from a military fund, which I intend yet to propose, would induce many to avail themselves of the opportunity, especially if they had little hope of being actively employed, or no chance of getting a regiment. This would remove any apprehension from being entertained of our generals on the effective list becoming too numerous.
I am aware it may be said, that this plan is defective; for there is no arrangement made, so as to remove one of the great objections to our present mode of promotion, with regard to officers of engineers, artillery, and marines; but I take a very simple view of this matter; for I would merely look to a list of officers of the regular army of all ranks, and to the dates of their commissions; and when a cornet or ensign of any regiment became by the regular routine of promotion a lieutenant, I would, as a matter of course, make any officer of engineers, artillery, or marines of the same standing, a lieutenant also, yet without giving him the additional pay till a vacancy occurred in his own corps; and I would do the same through the different gradations of ranks, until the officers of engineers or artillery had become lieut.-colonels. I would then style them, and cause them to act as chiefs of engineers or artillery, and which rank they should hold for the same number of years as lieut.-colonels commanding regiments, when, like them, they should become major-generals; and enabling them also to take advantage of the retirement from the country, and of the system to be proposed for the military fund, these accomplished officers, if they thought fit to remain upon the effective list, could become available for staff or any other appointments the same as other generals, and at the same period of life. Out of the effective list of major-generals, lieut.-generals, or generals, the Commander-in-chief, as at present, could select those whom it might be deemed advisable to employ upon the staff of the army, or for any particular object, and as it is to be presumed that their services might be constantly required, especially in our foreign possessions, few of them would be found an unnecessary burden upon the country.
Many objections might be started as to our present plan of unattached promotion; and if what I propose is adopted, these would be greatly increased. Staff officers alone should be allowed to hold unattached rank, and their promotion should progress in the same manner as I have suggested for the engineers and artillery. But if unattached promotion is to continue, it should be very rarely resorted to, and never but as a reward for very distinguished services; and if such officers must be brought into regiments, their being so would be infinitely less objectionable and annoying, than if they had got over the heads of their brother officers by money alone. My alarm on this head is on account of the interest or patronage which might be exerted. But I do not see how unattached officers can, with any degree of justice, be brought into regiments, unless it were done when vacancies occurred by deaths, or when officers were dismissed the service by the sentences of courts martial; and in the former case not allowing such steps to go in the corps, in which they took place, would be considered very unfair dealing. It might probably be said, let the unattached officers who have to be brought in, pay to retiring officers the whole sums usually given on such occasions—as will be pointed out when the plan for the military fund comes to be considered—but I must object to this, as it would be restoring the system of purchase, even in a worse and more objectionable form than it assumes at present.
A very essential duty should be performed by major-generals, for whose travelling and other expenses on such occasions a suitable allowance ought to be made; viz. that of superintending the ballot of the men for the regiments in the several districts. Assisted by at least two magistrates or civil authorities of the district, who could be supposed most able to afford information respecting the people, these major-generals ought to see the process of balloting carried on in their presence, and thus all bribery, or any kind of unfairness could be guarded against. They should also be required to see and approve of such men as were produced as substitutes. One major-general could superintend the ballot in a number of districts, but he should not be sent for two years following to the same places; so that the people might be satisfied that any kind of collusion was impossible; especially as our medical staff (also never going for two successive years to the same district) stand too high in rank and public estimation, to admit of its being for a moment supposed, that they could be induced by any means to pronounce a man fit or unfit for service, unless he really were so; and as for a man's height or appearance, the general could not be easily deceived in these respects.
The present expensive recruiting establishments throughout the United Kingdom might be greatly reduced, as in future they could only be required for certain colonial corps, which I shall have to speak of hereafter.
The cruelty of this system of ballot, although rendered almost as mild as that at present in force for the militia, would no doubt be much talked of by pretenders to philanthropy; and the people might be made to suppose, that it was intended to introduce as many horrors into it, as attend a Russian conscription; but the cases would be widely different. In Russia public opinion is of no weight, and is openly set at defiance. In Great Britain it is all powerful, and must be respected. I will not even talk of a French conscription, in which the youth of France gloried in the days of Napoleon. It may probably be asked, would you take away a father, and leave a large and perhaps helpless family to starve or become a burden upon the parish; or would you take away the only son of a widow, or her only one fit for agricultural purposes? I answer—that I intend to do no such thing—but let these philanthropists, and the parish or district, and especially the wealthy part of it, make timely arrangements to find substitutes for such fathers or sons, if they have not the means to do so themselves; and thus such contingencies could be easily met, by what would only be a charitable duty, which one man owes to another, if he presumes to say that his heart is influenced by correct christian feeling.
CHAP. II
Young gentlemen not under the age of sixteen, and not above nineteen, who may have prepared themselves for the army, by studying at any military college, academy, or other institution, should be selected for appointments to engineers, &c., but they ought always to be subjected to a previous examination, in order that it may be ascertained that they have been properly educated. Non-commissioned officers, who may bear high characters in their regiments, ought also to be occasionally appointed to ensigncies, provided they have been so well educated as to pass an examination, but not otherwise, however meritorious their conduct may have been. But I am decidedly of opinion, and many will agree with me, that no captain should ever be promoted to the rank of Field Officer, who could not pass a much stricter examination before a board which should be established for this purpose, and also for examining candidates for first appointments to cavalry, infantry, engineers, and artillery; and this would obviate the necessity of having expensive institutions for public military education.
One of the best educated officers I ever met with, had never been at any military school. He had been taught enough of his own language, in which so many are deficient, and Latin; but the study of the latter had not been allowed to occupy too much of that period of life, when boys can be best instructed in what is much more useful. At a respectable school, he had made considerable progress in the higher branches of arithmetic, also in Algebra, Geometry, History, Drawing, &c., and had acquired a perfect knowledge of what is so essential to an officer, viz. Geography, in all its various bearings; such as the dimensions, boundaries, aspect, climate, soil, mineral, and other productions, resources, commerce, &c. of countries; together with the genius, or bent of mind of their inhabitants; their education, habits, government, the reputations of their armies and navies, productive industry, internal communications, such as canals and roads, &c.; information upon all which points being what ought to be looked upon as constituting a considerable part of a military education. Under the able head of the school alluded to, who was aware of his wish to become an accomplished soldier, he went through fortification, chiefly according to Vauban's system; and he even acquired a slight knowledge, but sufficient for an infantry officer, of the theory of gunnery. Whilst thus occupied, and which was not uncommon in those days, he became an Ensign, and then a Lieutenant in a regiment of the line by purchase. He was also at this time able to avail himself of the advantages to be derived from the assistance of a scientific and practical French officer, who, on account of his loyalty, had been obliged to emigrate, after having served in the army of the Prince of Condé. By him he was advanced in the knowledge of the French language, and likewise made to understand, and how to apply usefully, what he had been previously taught. The military features of a country were pointed out to him; and wherein the strength or weakness of positions consisted; and other matters such as the effects of concentration and extension of force, &c.; and which should be understood by officers who have any pretensions to being considered scientific.
I hope the reader will excuse me for having been so minute in giving the history, trifling as it may appear, of this officer's instruction; but it has been done solely with the view of showing, in some measure, what I mean by a military education, and also what those should have undergone, who aspire to become field officers in the British army. In young gentlemen desirous of entering the army, I would in their previous examination expect to find, at least, the germs of such accomplishments; but the officer I allude to had mastered, without ever entering a military school, nearly the whole I have mentioned before the age of seventeen; and he had thus acquired habits of study, which were not only agreeable, but useful to him afterwards through life.
I beg here to remark, that it has always greatly surprised me, why it should be deemed indispensable, that a young gentleman must have a first rate education, in order to his being admitted into the artillery; whilst any one is allowed into our cavalry and infantry, without it being ascertained whether he can either read or write. Surely the latter may be supposed to want even a better education than the former, if it is expected that he should be able to manœuvre, or direct the movements of troops correctly, either upon a confined or large scale; or to act properly, or as a scientific officer in the field, as he may often have to construct field works, and perform other military operations, when well educated engineers are not at hand.
The examinations of captains might be allowed to take place at any period after they have attained that rank, but should they fail to pass after two attempts, they ought not to be allowed to present themselves again before the board, for this purpose. This last examination I consider as most important, for from amongst these officers must be taken our future commanders of regiments, who may reasonably look forward to become our generals, to be afterwards intrusted with important commands, and even with the civil government of portions of our foreign possessions; for which their high tone of honourable military feeling, and strict habits of discipline, as well as respect for civil authority, must render them so superiorly calculated, as to leave no comparison between them and civilians in general for such appointments; but if most of the allowances, and emoluments formerly attached to these governments, are not restored, and which were in general not more than sufficient to enable those who held them, to support with becoming dignity their stations as representatives of majesty, it would be perhaps as wise to yield to the fancies of a few turbulent and disloyal men, whose understandings seem to be obscured by wild speculations upon colonial affairs; and to allow them to rule in their own way, or as advised or instigated by that indefatigable organ of economy, our distant but valuable possessions—doubly valuable to Great Britain, for in the ships employed in our colonial trade, many of our seamen receive those early lessons which afterwards fit them, according to the present system, for our navy.
I would have been better pleased were it in my power now to proceed to other subjects, rather than have to touch upon what is really unpleasant to me; for I know that I am about to tread on very ticklish ground, and to offend the aristocratical notions of many; and I am also aware, it is very likely, that I shall in consequence be set down as a mere plebeian, or even accused of being wanting in that loyalty, which, as a British soldier, I should possess; but still I feel that I ought to go on steadily, in order, if possible, to accomplish what I have in view, that is to say—in endeavouring to do all I can so as to have our army the finest in the world, for which we possess ample materials, and as an essential step towards this, I must venture to propose to make certain changes in our regiments of guards; and I do not see how I can avoid recommending that they should, in a great measure, be converted into battalions of regular cavalry and infantry, so as to be supplied, in future, with recruits from (selected) districts, the same as other corps; for without this, they could only be composed of an inferior description of men: yet in point of rank they should, of course, be placed at the head of the list of British regiments, for their gallantry, on all occasions, well entitles them to this distinction; but the privileges and the advantages of their officers, in, I must say, improperly obtaining rank, can no longer, it appears to me, be tolerated by those noblemen and gentlemen, who, I trust, would, under the proposed system, officer our regular army. It can be of no consequence to the country, that a few of our young nobility, and the sons of wealthy men, who wish to go into exclusive corps, for a short time only, were prevented from getting too rapidly forward in rank, through the means of money and interest, to the discouragement of real soldiers. I must, however, in fairness, bring before the reader what a good soldier, Lieut.-General Sir Charles Dalbiac, says upon the subject.
"TO MAJOR-GENERAL THE RIGHT HON. SIR HENRY HARDINGE, K.C.B.
"My dear Sir Henry,—The army estimates for the ensuing year being now under the consideration of the House of Commons, I am induced to trouble you with a few remarks upon a point to which I have always attached considerable importance.
"It has been much the practice in previous years, when in committee of supply upon army estimates, for certain Hon. members of the House of Commons to raise objections against the establishment of our household troops; and in the session of 1836 the hon. baronet the member for East Cornwall moved as an amendment to the vote proposed by the Secretary at War (for a sum of money to be granted to His Majesty to defray the expenses of His Majesty's land forces), "that the Foot Guards be placed on the same footing as the infantry of the line." I feel quite assured that Hon. members could never entertain a proposition of this nature were they thoroughly acquainted with the difficulties and the consequences that would attend the conversion of the household regiments into regiments of the line; and an anxiety to aid your endeavours to disabuse Hon. members in this matter, should fresh occasion need, and thereby set the question at rest, must be the apology for my present letter.
"I may premise, not indeed, for your information, but for that of others, that the brigade of household cavalry consists of the two regiments of Life Guards and the royal regiment of Horse Guards (Blue). The brigade of household infantry consists of three battalions of the Grenadier Guards, two battalions of the Coldstream, and two battalions of the Scots Fusileer Guards, in all seven battalions.
"The grounds of objection taken against these corps have been,—
"1. That the maintenance of household troops creates an additional and unnecessary charge against the public.
"2. That the household troops are exempted from the ordinary tour of colonial service.
"3. That the officers of the household troops enjoy privileges in respect to rank which are not enjoyed by the officers in regiments of the line; and that such exemption from the ordinary tour of colonial service, and such enjoyment of privileges in respect to rank, engender invidious feelings between the officers of the different services.
"First, as to the plea that the maintenance of the household corps entail an additional and an unnecessary charge upon the public.
"It will be found by reference to the army estimates for the military year now expiring, that the charge for the three regiments of household cavalry is stated at the sum of 85,757l., and a little calculation will show that the charge for corresponding numbers of cavalry of the line amounts to about 62,757l. the difference being 23,000l. It will also be found that the charge for the brigade of Foot Guards amounts to 192,104l., and a little calculation will show that the charge for corresponding numbers of infantry of the line amounts to about 159,854l., the difference being 33,250l. It would thus appear, upon a first superficial glance of the army estimates for the current military year, that by converting (or changing) the household regiments into regiments of the line, a saving would accrue to the public of about 56,250l. per annum.
"It becomes very essential, however, to inquire by what process such proposed conversion could be carried into effect: and here I would again advert to the amendment moved by the Hon. baronet the member for East Cornwall in 1836, "That the Foot Guards be placed on the same footing as the infantry of the line," the particular wording of which amendment implies a supposition that the House of Commons or the Sovereign possessed the power of converting the household troops, as at present constituted, into troops of the line. But I humbly presume that any such conceived power would be subject to question; because it is quite unnatural to imagine that either the Sovereign or the House of Commons could ever commit a breach of faith with any portion of Her Majesty's forces.
"It is well known that the commissioned officers, the non-commissioned officers, and soldiers of the household troops have, one and all, engaged or enlisted to serve Her Majesty in those particular corps, and in those particular corps only. And in consideration of the very privileges which are peculiar to the household corps have the officers thereof been induced to submit to extraordinary sacrifices in the purchase of their respective commissions, the regulated price of a lieutenant-colonelcy in the Foot Guards being double, the price of every minor commission more than double the price of corresponding commissions in battalions of the line. The supposition therefore that the existing establishments of the household troops can ever "be placed on the same footing as the troops of the line" is entirely out of the question; when they are no longer to be maintained as at present constituted, they must be disbanded altogether.
"Let us, then, commence with the commissioned officers. The contract under which the officers of the household corps engaged to serve Her Majesty having been annulled, the officers will be entitled, in common fairness, to be placed in the same pecuniary situation in which they stood prior to their having entered Her Majesty's service. They will accordingly require to receive back the regulated value of their respective commissions. Now, according to the scale of prices fixed by His Majesty's regulations of the 8th of April, 1824, the value of the commissions of the officers in the household brigade of cavalry, taken collectively (exclusive of the three colonels, who are general officers), amounts to the sum of 201,285l., and the value of the commissions of the officers in the brigade of Foot Guards, taken collectively, amounts to the sum of 610,600l., which two sums, being added together, form a total of 811,885l. But, as an appropriation in aid of the said sum to be provided, there will be the value of the commissions in the new levy of regiments of the line, which will be raised to replace the household corps. The regulated value of the commissions in three regiments of cavalry of the line amounts to 126,840l., and the regulated value of the commissions in six regiments of infantry of the line (which number of regiments will exceed the establishment of the brigade of Foot Guards) amounts to 242,400l.; and these two sums being added together form a total of 369,240l., which total being deducted from the previous total of 811,885l., leaves a balance against the public of 442,645l. as the difference between the value of commissions to be paid for and the value of commissions to be sold.
"There will then require to be raised a new levy of 6,279 men to replace the non-commissioned officers and men of the household corps who are to be discharged; the bounty money for which new levy, with expenses prior to joining (officially stated at 5l. 2s. 6d. per man), will amount to 31,475l.; and this sum being added to the previous balance of 442,645l. will swell the amount to be provided by the public to 474,120l. for raising regiments of the line to serve as substitutes for our present household troops.
"Next with respect to contingencies. The charge on account of army contingencies is stated in the estimates at 101,148l., of which sum the proportion of 65,000l. appears applicable to the troops stationed in the United Kingdom, their amount being about 37,500 effectives. But the said contingencies are not applicable to the household troops when employed on the London duties, except to a fractional amount; and the ordinary average of the household troops so employed may be taken at 5,000 men. This brings the expenditure on account of contingencies to about 2,000l. per annum for every 1,000 men. If, then, the military duties of the metropolis are to be performed by regiments of the line in lieu of the household troops, there will be an increase of charge on account of contingencies to the amount of 10,000l. per annum.
"One item of extra charge for the household troops comes under the head of clothing (and accoutrements), which exceeds the charge under the same head for corresponding numbers of the line by nearly 11,000l. But it may be asked whether the clothing or the equipment of the household troops surpasses in respectability or in splendour what is due to the seat of Royalty and the seat of Government, or what is consistent with the pageantry which should belong to the Sovereign of these kingdoms, or what the nation would desire to behold upon occasions of state or of Royal parade? If not, the same allowances with respect to clothing must be granted to the troops of the line when employed on the London duties as are now granted to the household regiments.
"Another item of extra charge for the household troops is on account of pay. The pay of the privates in the battalions of Foot Guards is 1d. a-day more than in battalions of the line, and there is a considerable increase of pay in the household cavalry above the pay of the cavalry of the line; but a great portion of that increase is in consideration of the additional cost and the additional wear and tear of those articles of cavalry equipment which the non-commissioned officers and men of the household cavalry are required to provide out of their own pockets. And here again, if the troops of the line are to be brought up for the duties of the metropolis, where every article of life is dearer than in the provinces, and if the non-commissioned officers and men are to be subject to greater disbursements on account of the additional wear and tear of more costly appointments, it will not be accounted unreasonable if, when they shall be expected to maintain the same appearances as those which are now maintained by the household troops, they should also expect to receive the same consideration with respect to pay which had been enjoyed by their predecessors.—Under the circumstances above stated, especially the circumstance of an original outlay of nearly half a million sterling, together with the interest to be paid thereupon, it may reasonably be questioned whether any advantage could accrue to the public, even on the score of expense, by substituting troops of the line for the performance of the London duties in lieu of the household regiments. In every other respect but that of expense, the transmutation would be productive of incalculable detriment to the public service.
"I proceed to the second objection raised against the maintenance of the household troops—namely, 'that the household troops are exempted from the ordinary tour of colonial service.' It will presently be shown that exemption from a portion of colonial service must, of necessity, take place in favour of any body of troops (whether household or of the line) which shall be appointed to the London duties, provided the said duties shall continue to be carried on, as heretofore, with perfect efficiency and with perfect safety to the public service. Upon all other occasions (save in a portion of the colonies) the battalions of the Foot Guards have taken their full share of foreign service with the regiments of the line. The proud memorials which are borne upon the colours of those distinguished battalions afford abundant testimony of their achievements in the field throughout the late war, from the memorable plains of Lincelles, under their late revered Colonel-in-Chief, the Duke of York, to the post of Hougumont, where, to use the words of the Duke of Wellington, the battalions of Guards 'set an example which was followed by the whole British army,' in that eventful struggle when it belonged to a comparative handful of English, Scotch, and Irish soldiers to restore the balance of trembling Europe! Nor have the Guards been spared since the peace upon occasions where prospects were held out for service in the field. In the year 1826, when an expedition was suddenly despatched for Portugal, a brigade of Guards was placed on ship board in less than 48 hours. In 1838, when it became expedient to augment our forces in North America, the first troops that embarked were a brigade of Guards.—Nor was it amongst the least of the advantages to be drawn from the establishment of our household troops, as at present maintained, that the battalions of the Foot Guards are held at all times in a state of the most perfect efficiency, and available at any moment for service in the field, whilst it will often occur that scarcely a single battalion can be drawn from amongst the regiments of the line, serving at home, in a state perfectly efficient for field service abroad. Nor can this be wondered at when it is considered that the battalions of the line which are stationed in the United Kingdom consist only of those which have recently returned home from the East or West Indies, or other of our colonies, in order to recruit, to refit, and reorganize, and at the end of four years to be despatched again to some foreign station. But if the household troops are exempt from taking their turn of duty in certain of the colonies, there are other duties which press far more severely upon the brigade of Foot Guards than upon any other portion of the British army. Let a course of 25 years' service be taken, and let a comparison be made between the number of night duties performed, the number of nights when the soldier has been kept out of bed, in a battalion of Foot Guards, and the number of similar duties performed in any battalion of the line, and the balance will be as three or four to one against the Guards.—Hence is it that the casualties produced by consumption and other pulmonary diseases are exceedingly more numerous amongst the battalions of the Foot Guards than amongst any other battalions in her Majesty's service.
"I come now to the third objection that has been raised against the household troops—namely, 'that the officers of the household corps (especially of the Foot Guards) enjoy privileges with respect to rank which are not enjoyed by the officers of regiments of the line.' No doubt the privileges with respect to rank which are enjoyed by officers of the household corps are high privileges. But the question is, whether the Sovereign of these kingdoms shall be despoiled of the prerogative which has been so long exercised by the Sovereign, of maintaining near the Royal person a select body of household troops, and of conferring upon the officers of such select body some especial mark of Royal favour? I deny that the privileges accorded to the officers of the Guards, with respect to rank, have engendered invidious feelings amongst the officers of the army at large. Individuals, no doubt, will be found in every service to complain of wrongs and of grievances. But the said privileges have not been of ex post facto creation. They have been productive of no breach of contract or of faith with the officers of other corps. Every officer now serving in the line accepted his commission subject to the disadvantages which might arise from the privileges accorded to the officers of the household troops with respect to brevet rank and brevet promotion.
"The most important question of all remains to be considered—a question which, I am persuaded, can never have presented itself to those Hon. members of the House of Commons who would advocate the disbandment of our household corps. By what description of troops, and by what course of service, are the military duties of this metropolis to be regulated and carried on when the household corps shall have ceased to exist?
"It has already been explained that the battalions of the line, which are stationed from time to time in the United Kingdom, are, generally speaking, amongst the least effective of any of Her Majesty's service. The evil is unavoidable, owing to the inefficient state in which regiments usually return home from colonial or other service abroad. Such, then, would be the description of troops to which the London duties would be assigned in the event of the household corps being disbanded. Moreover, it is the general rule of the service, that regiments shall change their quarters every year; but suppose an exception were made in favour of the regiments performing the London duties, and that such regiments were retained in London two years, instead of one, still what would be the consequence?—That just as they were beginning to be inured to the duties of the metropolis, they would be marched off, and be succeeded by other regiments, whose apprenticeship would then have to commence. Woe to this vast and opulent metropolis upon the day of riot or of actual disturbance, when the public peace and the protection of property shall be committed to raw and inexperienced troops; and all troops must be accounted raw and inexperienced (however high their qualifications in other respects) which shall have been nowise initiated in the peculiar duties which they are called upon to perform. Had the celebrated light division of the lamented Moore—had the famous fighting division of the gallant Picton, landed at Portsmouth at the termination of the late war, fresh from the fields of all their glory, flushed with the pride of all their victories, and thence been ordered to take the London duties—had they been accompanied with the cavalry brigade which La Marchant led in the onset at Salamanca, or by the cavalry brigade which Ponsonby headed in their charge against the column of 12,000 at Waterloo, I would have accounted the whole of those distinguished corps, from the moment they had crossed Westminster-bridge, as raw and inexperienced troops in respect to the duties upon which they were about to enter, so utterly different are the military duties required by the garrison of London from the military duties performed by the British army in any other part of the world. You are aware that no portion of my military service has been passed in the household regiments. I entertain no favour or affection towards those corps above that which I bear towards the whole army. I set no higher value, as soldiers, upon a battalion of Guards than upon a battalion of the line. It is solely on account of the apprenticeship they have served—it is because, in addition to their general duties as soldiers, they have been trained from their enlistment to the peculiar duties which belong to a London garrison—because they have been instructed in the delicate and the critical position in which they are often placed whilst on duty—because they have been taught to bear and forbear—because they are conversant with all the arts, and intrigues, and temptations of a London populace—because they are familiar with all the public departments, the public offices, and the public authorities, as well as with all the localities within the bills of mortality,—it is on these grounds that I pronounce the household corps to be by far better fitted for the London duties than can ever be the case with any other portion of her Majesty's troops. To the foregoing advantages, I would add the perfect understanding which has been established and cemented between the household corps and the metropolitan police. The beautiful manner in which their reciprocal duties are blended on every occasion of being brought together amounts to a piece of mechanism, which no exertions could ever preserve under a continued introduction of fresh and inexperienced troops.
"The household corps of the British army represent a body of troops which, for appearance, for discipline, for intelligence, and for respectability, are unequalled by the troops of any other nation upon earth. They reflect credit upon the Sovereign, upon the Government, upon the service, and upon the nation at large. They serve to impress every foreigner who visits this country with a high opinion of our military character, and of our military power. Yet have propositions been entertained for disbanding these household corps. The result that would follow upon their disbandment is manifest. That, whereas the military duties of London are now, and have been hitherto, conducted in a manner the most perfect and the most efficient, they would be committed henceforth to different portions of Her Majesty's troops, which, by reason of their frequent relief, and their consequent want of experience, could at no time be expected to carry on the military duties of London with equal efficiency for the maintenance of the public peace, and the protection of public property; and in the event of any serious disturbance arising (which God avert!) the disbandment of our household corps, and the dissolution of that unity of service which is at present so happily established between the military and the civil forces of the metropolis, might be productive of consequences fatal to the security of the metropolis itself, and to the interests of the empire at large.—I remain, my dear Sir Henry, with the greatest respect, yours most faithfully,
"J.C. Dalbiac, Lieutenant-General.
"13, Albany, March 9, 1840."
Sir Charles Dalbiac's letter is certainly a strong appeal to the army and country; and as one of the staff of Picton's division, I particularly feel it. What Sir Charles says, as to the soldiers of that division taking the duties of London, I readily admit to be quite correct. My objection is not to the Guards, but to the unnecessary and injurious privileges possessed by their officers. Perhaps, however, the desirable object I have in view, may not be considered attainable; and should this prove the case, it might not be unreasonable to expect, that these corps should be kept perfectly distinct from the regular regiments; and that no exchange shall ever be allowed between officers of the Guards and those of the regular army. If they must continue a privileged body, to the injury of the service, their privileges ought not to be allowed to hurt even the feelings of the latter.
All regular regiments of cavalry, infantry, and artillery, should, as before observed, be liable to serve in any part of the world, in case of war or commotion; but they should from many parts of it be invariably and immediately re-called, as soon as the causes for which they were sent out had been removed; but these regiments might be stationed wherever it should be deemed expedient, and for any period; for instance, in such countries as North America, the Cape of Good Hope, the islands in the Mediterranean, &c.
Service in the regular army being limited to ten years only, there could be no necessity in future for burdening the country with any other pensions than those already proposed for well behaved non-commissioned officers and soldiers, except in cases of severe wounds, or loss of health in the service; but both these should be placed under very strict regulations; and my object for so limiting the period is, that when the time for discharging a soldier arrives, he would not be too old to return to and resume his former occupation or trade; for, I am sorry to say, that old soldiers, in general, are rather addicted to drunkenness, and consequently have become unfit for the quiet walks of life; and practice in war also teaches us, that experienced officers, and young but well-disciplined soldiers, always achieve the most brilliant and enterprising feats of heroism in battle or at sieges; and even in skirmishing I have never found that veterans were to be preferred. There were exceptions occasionally met with, but those who have seen much of modern warfare, will, I think, coincide with me in these opinions.
To effect some of the objects I have in view, it should be permanently settled, how many corps of cavalry, infantry, engineers, artillery, and marines, are to constitute the regular army of Great Britain and Ireland; and their respective establishments in officers should likewise be permanently fixed upon; for I am most anxious, and I consider it to be practicable, to do away with half-pay to officers; and although the peace and war establishments of corps, as to non-commissioned officers and privates, may vary, I do not see, if officers are not unnecessarily and improperly taken away from their regiments, why their numbers should ever be increased or decreased; for the whole being efficient, and well instructed, they could, in a very short time, with the aid of intelligent non-commissioned officers, train such recruits as it might be found requisite to call out to augment the establishments of corps; and thus a considerable saving to the country may be effected.
Situated as Great Britain now is with regard to other nations; and considering the number of troops likely to be at all times required in some of our foreign possessions, together with the state of Ireland, and also how very few corps are now available for home service; and even bearing in mind our fine army of reserve, but which ought not unnecessarily to be called out, and likewise what I have yet to propose in regard to the East Indies and some of our foreign possessions, I cannot suppose, that our regiments of cavalry ought to consist of less than 1 colonel, 1 lieut.-colonel, 2 majors, 8 captains, 8 lieutenants, 8 cornets, 24 sergeants, 32 corporals, 16 trumpeters, 560 privates. And to insure our having really effective corps of infantry, they ought to have 1 colonel, 1 lieut.-colonel, 2 majors, 10 captains, 10 lieutenants, 10 ensigns, 30 sergeants, 40 corporals, 20 buglers, 760 privates. Both cavalry and infantry should, of course, have the usual number of regimental staff officers and sergeants, including a school-master, sergeant, and a trumpet and bugle major.
The establishments of corps of engineers, artillery, and of marines, should also be finally decided upon; as likewise that of a permanent staff, which I intend to propose for the army.
I am aware that objections have been made to the plan of a military fund, yet I have never heard a good reason assigned by those who made them against it. To such as ask if it would not render officers too independent, I would not even deign to give an answer. I see, therefore, no cause why I should not venture strongly to urge that a military fund be established under the sanction and approval of Government; and to promote so desirable an object, the country, as it would thus soon be freed from the great expense of half-pay to the officers of the army, ought, in common justice, to contribute a certain sum annually, and especially at first, towards it; for it should be borne in mind, that, comparatively speaking, very few pensions would be hereafter required for soldiers, and, I may say, none whatever for officers.
All officers, according to their rank, should be obliged to contribute a certain small sum monthly towards the fund, which could be regulated in proportion to the assistance afforded by Parliament, and likewise by what might be expected to arise from such officers as were desirous of retiring from the army being required to pay a fixed but moderate sum, according to the rank they may hold at the time, into the fund; but I expect that the whole amount in any manner contributed, or which will accumulate at interest in the public fund, would produce annually sufficient to enable those who may be intrusted with its management, to allow retired officers, after a certain number of years service, considerably more than is at present granted in the shape of half-pay.
At present, officers sometimes receive fixed sums, according to their rank, for going upon half-pay; but I propose to reverse this as to retirements; and my reason for so doing is to quicken promotion; for I wish to make it the interest of every officer under the individual desirous of retiring (who ought to be allowed to retain his rank) to make up the sum amongst them, which he would have to pay into the fund, in order that he might be entitled to a retirement, and something besides to go into his own pocket, and which he should be permitted to take openly; for a step would, by this means, be gained by all those under him in the corps; and this would greatly remove the apprehension of promotion becoming too slow, and officers would no longer be exposed to the present galling and disheartening system of purchase. A considerable sum might thus be produced annually for the fund, out of which, as I calculate, even general officers should receive retirements at the same rate as lieut.-colonels.
Something of this kind is, I find, adopted by officers in the service of the East India Company, who contribute so much monthly towards a purse given to retiring officers, by which their promotion is found to be quickened.
If wounds, or ill health, acquired in the service, should compel an officer to retire from his regiment, or should he have served for fourteen years, he ought, without any payment to the fund, to be allowed the full retirement to which he would be entitled according to his rank, whether those below him were willing to contribute for him to the fund or not; but should these officers have done so, in order to induce him to retire, and an attempt be made to conceal the transaction, the retired officer, if it was afterwards found out that deceptions had been practised, ought, by an unalterable regulation, to be deprived of his retirement.
The senior Cornet or Ensign, Lieutenant, Captain or Major, as the case might be, would find it their interest to subscribe a much larger sum than the other officers, for him who was to retire, as he would thus acquire a higher rank in the corps and also an increase of pay.
With respect to pay-masters and surgeons, as a plan has already been adopted by Government for their retirements, after a certain number of years service, it would be unwise to interfere with such an arrangement, but they should, nevertheless, be permitted to subscribe to the military fund, although they could not, like the other officers, be expected to pay towards it on retiring; and unless their monthly payments to the fund were increased, which would not probably be desirable, they must be satisfied with smaller retirements from it; but all such points should come under the consideration of a board of management, as well as the amount of retirements for regimental quarter-masters and assistant-surgeons, but officers ought not to be allowed any retirements whatever until after seven years service; and till they have completed their fourteen years, (or twenty years when there should be another increase) it ought to be only on a very moderate scale. It might also be a point requiring consideration-but it strikes me, that for obvious reasons, a general Court Martial by its sentence ought to have the power of depriving an officer of any retirement he might have become entitled to.
Some of our best commanders of regiments had objections to married officers remaining in the corps, and often did their best, but without injuring them, to have them removed; for they always found, that at the very time when their thoughts ought to have been entirely given to their profession, they were quite distracted from it, by the care of the world, and anxiety about their families; now the fund I propose to establish, would enable those who had become so situated, or such captains as might be apprehensive that they could not pass the examinations required before they could get the rank of major, to retire, without being obliged to do so, to the quiet of domestic life. I must beg also to observe, that it has long been a common saying as to young men, that the most talented of a genteel family ought to go to the bar, the next into the church, and that any dunce would answer well enough for the army or navy; but if the examinations I have suggested are strictly inforced, this reproach will be removed, and taking into account what I am so anxious to establish for the benefit of officers, not only as regards a military fund, but also with respect to promotion, the army would be rendered a much more desirable and suitable profession for young men of talent than it is at present, and would make it well worth their while to exert themselves to get into it.
There ought not to be any difficulties started as to the appointment of a board of management of the military fund, and as it is to be presumed that no member of Her Majesty's Government could have a wish to interfere, or to have any control over the board; I have now to propose (and I think this will satisfy all parties) that the Commander-in-Chief should have the nomination of the president and board, which should consist of at least two, if not of four efficient members, removable only by the authority which had appointed them to it, and which should also have the power of choosing as secretary, a gentleman of habits of business, who would require the assistance of a certain number of clerks. An annual report of the state of the military fund should be made out and submitted for the information of Government, the Commander-in-Chief, and that of every corps in the army.
The officers of the board and secretary for performing what cannot be otherwise than troublesome duties, all the details of which they would have to regulate, and as they must have considerable responsibility attached to them, probably requiring security to be given, I conclude they would be allowed respectable fixed salaries. The clerks will also be of course well paid. I may be sanguine, but I confess I feel very confident, that the plan would be found, under the management of an able board, to work well. I have been more minute than I could have wished, but my object in being so, was to obviate many of the objections which are likely to be started. I regret much, however, that I cannot now see how to include the officers of the navy in it; for, unless it were so arranged, that they could contribute towards the fund, as retiring officers of the army are made to do, I fear that so desirable an object cannot, as they are now situated, be effected for them.
By establishing this military fund, Government would not only be able to do away with half-pay, but also to discontinue the practice of granting pensions, excepting in particular cases to officers of the army, their widows and children, as I conclude that they would all in future be provided for under the regulations to be made by the board of management; and what a relief to the minds of officers, and what a proud and proper feeling it would be for them to indulge in, that they could at such a trifling sacrifice, and on such easy terms, provide for themselves; and for those about whom they must naturally be so anxious, without becoming a burden to the country; and would not this plan give them a stake in it, which must perpetuate (though it cannot for a moment be supposed, that in such feelings and principles they can be wanting,) that attachment to their Sovereign, and to our free and admirable constitution, which they have ever so strongly evinced; and thus an additional and powerful barrier would be formed against the dangerous designs of men, who apparently wish to see our excellent institutions destroyed, and the country thrown, to suit their own selfish purposes, into such confusion, as could only end in a despotism of some kind or other.
I am not blind to the circumstance, that if what I am endeavouring to establish for the good of the service is accomplished, a severe blow must be given to the patronage of the army, but I trust that this will not be allowed to become a stumbling-block in the way of so much general benefit. I, however, willingly leave the cause of our gallant army, with which I am now, I may say, almost unconnected, to public opinion, which fortunately in this country is so powerful, as not to be easily or long withstood; and we may, I will venture to say, be certain, that if what I have presumed to propose, is practicable and desirable, the Commander-in-Chief will readily meet the wishes of the country and the army, with all that good will and zeal which he has on so many occasions evinced for the welfare of both.
CHAP. III.
What I have next to propose, will I think be allowed to be of importance; for I wish to free our army from much inconvenience, and at the same time to insure its efficiency. I have therefore to recommend, that the East India Company should have the power of raising, as usual by bounty, in the United Kingdom, such a number of regiments as they may require for their service; to be commanded by their own officers, in the same manner as has hitherto been the custom in their European corps; so as to enable them to maintain their ascendancy in the East, without the aid of Her Majesty's troops, except in cases of great emergency; for I am most anxious that any of our regular regiments sent there, as I have before observed, should be immediately ordered home, as soon as the cause for which they may have been sent out had been removed.
I am convinced that the Honourable Company's native armies would be greatly improved, and rendered fully competent to contend with any troops in the world, if several corps of Malays were formed for their service, and officered in the manner now practised in Ceylon, and when in the field made to act along with the Sepoys; and for very unhealthy parts of India, where the heat is almost unbearable, some corps of those always effective, and light-hearted beings—Caffres, would be found most admirably calculated for service, either in garrison or in the field. I am however aware that prejudices exist against both Malays and Caffres, but they should be got over.
From what I have seen of Malays, I believe them to be the bravest people of the East. The only resistance, worth talking of, which our troops met with in taking Ceylon from the Dutch, was from a battalion of Malays in their service; and I am convinced, that Sir Stamford Raffles did not speak too highly in their praise. It was however, a sad mistake, our having relinquished so much of their country, and I fear too without their consent, to the tender mercies of the Dutch; for they were always greatly attached to us, and it is well known that they make excellent faithful soldiers. They are also very healthy in almost any situation, and this alone should induce us to prefer them to every other description of troops, which could be employed in Indian warfare. Ought we not to look forward, and that too before long, to the Company's wars increasing in number and importance; for does not history and experience show us, that conquerors cannot easily stop in their conquests, and say, this river, or that range of mountains shall be our future boundary, and we shall go no farther; do we not almost invariably find, that before they had long endeavoured to halt, and when they had just began to expect, in rest and peace, to enjoy the fruits of their victories, that they were either again obliged to go forward, or else to retrace their steps. These historical facts are particularly applicable, even at the present moment, and ought to be considered as timely notice to beware of rendering our already vast Eastern Empire too extensive, unless we are prepared to support our high pretensions, by powerful and well organized fleets and armies; and that our chief object is to disseminate the blessings of pure and reformed Christianity throughout the East, for the long neglect of which we have, as a nation, so much to answer for.
I well remember looking upon it as a hopeless business to expect that the Portuguese could ever be brought to stand before French troops; and in making this remark, I more particularly allude to the period when Marshal Soult occupied Oporto. I could then have got, most advantageously, as many did, into the Portuguese army; but having, by chance, witnessed what took place on that occasion, and on some others, nothing could induce me to have any thing to do with them. I certainly came to a wrong conclusion, and I did not calculate, as I ought to have done, that British officers can make almost any men in the world fight; at all events, when they have an opportunity of seeing how British troops set about their work.
I should greatly fear, that it cannot now be safe to employ—at least in some of our West India Islands—corps composed of Blacks; I must therefore beg leave to recommend, that regiments should be raised by bounty in the United Kingdom, for service in that part of the world, and in some of our other foreign possessions; and none of our regular regiments should be required to serve there, but in cases of emergency; and they ought always to be immediately re-called from such countries, when the cause for which they were sent out had been removed. Such an arrangement would obviate many objections to the plan of the ballot, and would be found the means (so desirable an object in these times) of keeping our regiments in a very high state of discipline and efficiency; for they would be then very superior in these respects to any troops we can now, or even could avail ourselves of; and if what I suggest be adopted, a vast saving of expense to the country would be the consequence, which is incurred in constantly relieving the number of regiments we are obliged to have always stationed abroad.
In order to shew in the strongest manner, how serious a drawback such prolonged service in tropical climates is to the British army, I shall here take the liberty of stating, that in the year 1820, the regiment to which I then belonged arrived in the East, complete in officers and men. It lately returned to England, without having lost, I believe, any individual in action; but the climate alone had produced great changes in its ranks; and although volunteers from other corps were added to it, and many recruits had been sent out during the period of its absence from home, to keep up its strength, yet when it returned it could scarcely be called a regiment. Some of the officers had certainly exchanged into other corps at home, or had sold out; but only one or two reached England of all those who had embarked with it. This is most injurious to the discipline and efficiency of our army; for, according to present arrangements, and from unavoidable circumstances, a corps can only be at home for so short a period, that there is not sufficient time allowed to bring it into that state in which it ought to be for service; and when regiments arrive in foreign stations, they are too often so much detached in small bodies, that notwithstanding all the zeal and exertions of officers, a certain degree of relaxation in discipline necessarily takes place, and generally increases the longer a regiment, always hoping to be re-called—is kept abroad. This feeling, or anxiety about home, at least to any considerable extent, could not be supposed to exist in Colonial corps; for those who voluntarily entered them, would have, in a great measure, made up their minds to consider such foreign stations as their homes, at all events, for a certain number of years, which both officers and men can, in most instances, contrive to pass both profitably and agreeably.
The officers of Colonial corps should be kept distinct from those of the regular army, and there ought to be no exchanges permitted from the one to the other; and it might perhaps be thought advisable, that Colonial officers should receive a higher rate of pay or allowances, and they ought to be allowed—as the same system of promotion is supposed to exist in such corps as in the regulars—to join the latter in making a provision for their retirement from the service, upon the plan I have endeavoured to establish. But fixed rates of pensions for service in the Colonial corps should be established for the non-commissioned officers and privates, which ought invariably to be in proportion to good conduct, and to the period spent in those generally unhealthy climates. In these stations, and in the East particularly, I have observed that soldiers of regiments of the line, were very liable to be cast down, in consequence of the expectations they had formed of the pleasures they were led to look for, not being by any means realized; and being exposed to temptations which they could not resist, especially that of drinking, they were more likely to become slaves to it, and reckless, than in other parts of the world; it would therefore be a point requiring serious consideration, how far it might be prudent, when the composition of these Colonial corps is borne in mind; to dispense entirely with corporal punishment; it ought not, however, to be permitted to take place, but when called for by the strongest possible causes, and a special report of the circumstance, should invariably and immediately be made, by the officer commanding the corps, for the information of the Commander-in-Chief.
The establishments of Colonial corps ought to be fixed according to the service likely to be locally required of them; and where their officers obtained the rank of generals, they could, of course, be employed in any manner, or upon any service for which the Commander-in-chief might think fit to select them; but their knowledge of these countries would eminently qualify them for colonial commands, and thus this branch of the service would not only be rendered highly honourable, but it would also hold out many advantages to those who entered it. They ought, therefore, to be obliged to undergo before appointment, and afterwards before they get the rank of major, the examinations to which the officers of the regular army must submit.
I must now request attention to what I shall next bring before the reader—that is to say—as no one would hereafter, according to the plan proposed, be permitted to enter our regular army, who was not of a certain height, and of a sound constitution, I must strongly urge, that the old fashioned fancy of having grenadier and light infantry companies to regiments should be discontinued; for it takes away the best, or the picked men from the others, to gratify the vanity of two of the captains, at the expense of the feelings of the rest, and which also most seriously affects the general efficiency, and ruins the appearance of regiments: and how galling and discouraging it is to a corps, but especially to its commanding officer, to have these companies placed under the orders of probably a stranger; who may have sufficient influence or interest with a general commanding an expedition, so as to be able to induce him to form grenadier, or light infantry battalions, for a particular service, and which any regiment, or part of it, ought to be as well able to perform.
A battalion, or any body of troops, which is not perfect in the exercises and duties of light infantry as well as in the less rapid movements of the line, should be looked upon as unfit for modern warfare. All regiments of infantry ought therefore to be like the old 43d and 52d; and I must, at whatever risk, presume to say, that officers unable to make their corps, if not altogether, at least almost as efficient as these were when they came from the hands of Sir John Moore, ought to be considered incapable of commanding them. I have also no hesitation in adding, that during the late wars, these corps and the Rifles, far surpassed all others in many respects.
We all know that the celebrated Marshal Saxe, who was looked upon as a high military authority in olden times, is reported to have said, that the whole art of war was in the legs. This, to a certain extent, is true; but he then, of course, only spoke of the trade and not of the science. I have no doubt but that some of our ancients may be inclined to think they got on well enough without exerting much activity in their day; yet I must say, that officers unfit for rapid movements on foot should be recommended to retire from the service, as their unfitness in this respect might render it indispensable that they should not be allowed to remain a burden upon it. And I would likewise take the liberty of suggesting, that all regimental officers, according to their rank, should be dressed and appointed alike; and all the soldiers of the ten companies alike.
If all our regular regiments were made light infantry, which they ought to be, it might no longer be considered advisable to encumber them with the large colours now in use. Once upon a time, a commanding officer of a light corps (not belonging to the famous light division), expecting next day to be engaged, actually came to the strange determination of burning those of his regiment; but when acting in line, I would propose (though some one else might think of something very superior), that there should be substituted as rallying points, and to which should be attached the same importance as to colours, two golden-lions, which might be ornamented by a scroll, upon which could be emblazoned, or inscribed, the actions in which the corps may have distinguished itself—these should be screwed on to light staffs; those for English regiments, being near their heads, adorned with Roses; those for Scotch, with Thistles; and those for Irish, with Shamrocks: these standards in the field should be consigned to the care of the two youngest lieutenants, and they should be made strictly responsible for them; for I once knew an ensign, who, in action, actually threw down one of the colours of a renowned regiment, and made off to the rear, without thinking more of it, from having been hit rather sharply by a spent ball. These are likely, I fear, to be thought too trifling matters for a work of this kind; but I hope the reader will excuse me for having introduced them; and also for adding, that in order to keep pace with improvements made by other nations in modern warfare, ought it not to be well considered whether our slowest movements, in what is termed ordinary time, would not be improved, if the soldier was required to take a greater number of steps, say 87, of only 30 inches in length in the minute; and if what is called quick time was made 126 paces of only 30 inches each per minute, which would make him pass over the same extent of ground in the same space of time as he does by the present plan. At least, I have no doubt, and I speak, as an old adjutant, and as an officer long practised in the movements of both small and large bodies of troops, that all manœuvres would be performed at these paces with much less chance of confusion, and with more ease to the soldier, especially in action, than according to the present mode.
It would lead me far beyond my present intentions if I were to enter extensively upon the subject of military evolutions; but I beg leave to say, that to simplify and render their execution easy, ought to become the primary object of all modern tacticians.
In manœuvring, especially large bodies of troops, rapid movements in columns at quarter distances ought to be much more attended to than they are.—Masses of such columns, or close columns, as practised by the Duke of Wellington at Paris or elsewhere, can be quickly and scientifically placed or prepared for advancing or retiring in any direction, or for deployment, by simply, when put in motion, marking time and bringing up the shoulder; and by this means gradually producing a change of position or of formation of the whole mass. Deployments can be made from such columns in quick or double-quick time, and with the greatest accuracy, by merely moving in threes or fours to the right or left. What an advantage an army thus instructed would have over one proceeding in the old heavy manner, in seizing hold of a position, or of a point, presenting evident advantages, and that too with perfect safety; for, in case of a sodden attack of cavalry, a quarter-distance column is in security in square in an instant. This column also possesses many advantages over the close column, not only in the superiority and rapidity of its movements, but likewise in its being much less liable to get into disorder in broken ground, or to suffer from cannon, which very soon, if well served, destroy a perfectly solid mass, especially if steady battalions of infantry are also firing into it, as was the case at Talavera, when our Guards in the afternoon made a gallant but injudiciously-directed charge; and when the 48th regiment, on the one hand, and the 45th on the other, taught the French, that breaking through an enemy's line in dense columns would not answer with a British army.—Echelons of these quarter-distance columns would, in many instances, be very superior to lines of battalions or brigades, as they could be moved with rapidity to the points of formation in a new line or position, and without any risk of getting into confusion; commanding officers of corps, their majors and adjutants having only carefully to attend to, judge, and preserve their respective distances; and even in common drill or manœuvres of a single battalion, this ought always to form an important part of the practice and instruction of these officers, who in regimental tactics are, in general, not sufficiently occupied, and consequently are too often found ignorant of their business when obliged to act in brigade, and with this object in view every movement should be performed as if in reference to a corps supposed to be upon either or both flanks, with which they ought to work in unison. Now I must beg the unmilitary reader to imagine a large body of troops thus manœuvring in columns at quarter-distances, or in open columns, or lines formed from them, covered by clouds of sharpshooters, supported by these columns or lines, cannon and cavalry, and he will have at once before him a chief feature in modern warfare, in which science and experience on the part of generals and staff officers must be so essential and indispensable.
In thus endeavouring to bring certain matters under consideration, and in doing so I fear I may exhaust the patience of the reader, I hope I may not give offence to some of those interested in their remaining as they are at present; but I must proceed in the task I have assigned myself, and observe, that I look upon it to be a point of importance that the present mode of furnishing clothing and accoutrements for regiments should be altered, and that upon a general being appointed colonel of a regiment, he should receive a fixed income as such; but all clothing and accoutrements of every description, ought, under proper regulations, to be supplied through the regimental agents, upon the responsibility of the colonels, but it should be so arranged that neither could have any interest in the articles being procured at a cheap rate. The granting, however, a fixed income to colonels need be no additional expense to the country; for what are the off-reckonings which go to colonels of regiments but an over-payment on the part of Government for clothing, &c. &c. Some colonels are very liberal to their corps, but many more cannot afford to be so; an alteration, whatever it may be, ought therefore to come under the notice of some board or other, so as to be kept, if possible, out of the hands of Mr. Joseph Hume and his liberal associates.
To all who saw much service during the late wars, it must have been obvious under what disadvantages, owing to the colours of their dress, our soldiers had often to contend with the French, but especially with the United States troops in skirmishing. The latter were certainly, from having much practice, good marksmen; and thickly wooded America was very favourable to their irregulars; for our brilliant scarlet coats, white belts, and bright belt and cap-plates, enabled the enemy to discover, whether in a wood, at the back of a hedge, or wherever they were posted, our unlucky soldiers, who were too apt to expose themselves, and many of them were in consequence laid low; whereas the French, or wary Yankees, almost entirely escaped; and that much owing to their being dressed in dark colours, which enabled them easily to conceal themselves. But officers who served in our Rifle brigade, and in that also experienced corps, of which I saw so much on many occasions, the 5th battalion of the 60th, could give the best information, and a correct opinion upon this head; and I feel certain that they would join with me in recommending that a change should be made in the dress of our army, so as to make it more suitable for modern warfare, in which light troops are so much employed. I must beg, at the same time, to say, that I often regretted that these fine regiments were not armed with superior muskets in place of rifles, for they are seldom to be preferred to muskets, and never but when loaded with great care, and this, in action, takes up too much time.
We every day hear of experiments and improvements in the construction of fire-arms; and the country can surely afford to supply our army with a superior musket, with a proper elevation, and a percussion lock. The present old fashioned firelock, with which nearly all our troops are still supplied, is very imperfect, and heavier than it ought to be. But would it not be well to consider, whether the new musket should not be considerably longer in the barrel and smaller in the bore; and that the bayonet should be much reduced in size; and I would also arm the soldiers, I have in view, with a sword, of the shape and size used by the ancient Romans; for we may depend upon it, that our brave, powerful men, would follow their officers, sword in hand, into the midst of their enemies. The musket could be then carried either in the left hand or slung upon the soldier's shoulder, and the bayonet could be fixed to it if preferred. It might be necessary to weigh well the consequences before we so armed our impetuous soldiers, for it would be certain to lead to a new era in war; and would expose troops so fighting, which must be in a degree of loose order, to be charged by cavalry; yet the Romans fought in that manner, and with great success, though equally liable to be so attacked. Every thing would, however, depend upon so high a state of discipline being established amongst the troops, as would enable officers to keep them in hand, and at all times obedient when commanded to resume their places; and our dragoons ought always to be at hand, ready to support infantry so acting. Such views as these are, I suppose, entertained by those officers who seem to be so anxious to have broad sword and bayonet exercises, introduced. I do not wish to enter farther into this discussion; yet I beg leave to say, that, though I am certain our soldiers would have closed with their enemies, yet, in all my practice, which was tolerably extensive, I never saw two bodies of troops fairly charge each other with the bayonet; for one side or other (and generally it was that attacked) gave way. I have certainly seen a few instances of individuals, French and British soldiers, actually attacking each other with the bayonet; and at the battle of Roliça, I remember seeing a soldier of the 29th regiment, and a fine-looking Frenchman, lying on the ground close together, who had, judging from the positions in which they lay, evidently killed each other with their bayonets; but such occurrences were, I believe, very rare.
The introduction of the percussion lock into the army will necessarily cause a change to be made in part of the musket exercise; but it will simplify the motions and expedite the firing. I, however, hope, that before any thing of this kind is decided upon, the following remarks may be allowed to have due consideration.
The pouch might be differently constructed, and advantageously converted into a magazine, to carry securely a certain quantity of powder in bulk, in an air tight tin canister, with a screw stopper, to insure its being, at all times, and in all situations, kept perfectly dry; and this is a very essential point, as many cartridges are destroyed or rendered unserviceable in the men's present pouches by rain, a damp atmosphere, and even continued friction; and this is too often only found out at the moment when they are required for service, and when there is, perhaps, no opportunity of exchanging them; and as this magazine ought at all times on service to be kept full of powder, the officer when inspecting his company or detachment, could easily ascertain if any of it had been made away with: indeed, the stopper might be safely sealed over, or otherwise secured; and thus the soldier could be made, without inconvenience, to carry such a supply of ammunition as to render it unnecessary that recourse should be so constantly had to that carried in reserve for the army. The pouch should also be made to contain, besides the powder, a sufficient supply of percussion caps, and a proportionate number of balls, to the quantity of powder in the canister; and every ball should be separately, thinly, yet sufficiently covered with a kind of stuff similar to soft leather, so as to make it fit tightly when rammed down into the barrel of the musket, and it would thus become a good wadding over the powder. For what is called blank cartridge firing, waddings of the common kind, and of the proper size, could be used.
The pouch thus contracted, would hold the soldier's reserve ammunition, which would amount to a much greater number of rounds than it contains according to the present plan. But to effect what I have in view, every soldier should be supplied with a good powder flask, with a proper measure to suit the musket, according to the most improved method, and similar to that which Mr. John Manton usually supplied along with his guns; having the measure forming an angle to one side, so as, in case of explosion, if such a thing could happen in loading, the right hand would not be much, if at all, hurt. This flask could be made to contain a sufficient quantity of powder, say for twenty rounds, at all times on service ready for use, and which, for the reason I have already assigned, ought, when the soldier is required to have ammunition in his possession, to be likewise kept full; and should it at any time be suspected that the powder in it had become damp, it could be easily aired by simply dipping the flask in boiling water.
I regret that I am obliged to be particular in my descriptions of such trifles; but this flask should, I conclude, be carried for convenience on the left side or breast, and secured from falling when the soldier is in movement, by a slight chain attached to the belt, to which the flask might also be steadily fixed by some simple contrivance; and to render this the more easily done, it ought to be rather flat in shape, and not larger than to contain the quantity of powder I have mentioned; and twenty rounds are quite as many as can be wanted at reviews or field days. In action, if these twenty rounds are expended, I need scarcely observe, that if no other reserve powder be at hand, the flask could be replenished instantly from the magazine; but under an apprehension that ammunition might be made away with, the quantity in bulk should be touched as seldom as possible, and if any of it be used, it ought to be immediately replaced. A small pocket might be made in the right side of the soldier's coat, which should be only sufficiently large to contain a number of covered balls in proportion to the quantity of powder in the flask; and a flap should button over this pocket to prevent the balls from falling out. Each soldier would likewise require to be equipped with one of those brass cases for holding percussion caps, which, by a spring inside, forces each cap out in succession as it is wanted. Those I use contain thirty caps. This case should also be attached to the belt, but upon the right side.
The buck shot, I before mentioned, can easily be made up so as to serve for wadding, in place of the covered ball; and a sentry upon his post, especially at night, in many situations, would have more confidence with his piece so loaded, than if he had only a single ball in it. A better method than that which I have ventured to propose, may very likely be pointed out; but whatever it may be, the admitting of the knapsack being carried somewhat lower and easier to the soldier, ought to be kept in view; and he should not be obliged, as at present, to take cartridges with so much inconvenience out of his pouch every time he loads his musket; and the new exercise introduced on account of the percussion lock, must of course be made to suit the alterations.
Should the soldier be supplied with a well-constructed musket with a percussion lock—and if he be required to use a muzzle stopper, a charge though a day or two in the barrel, will go off almost as well as if just loaded, and this too in any kind of weather. Our commanding officers when going into action, or rather on supposing that they were about to do so, in general made the soldiers prime and load too soon, for this, I may say, is the business of a moment; and how often after the regiments had loaded, have they never had an opportunity of firing a shot the whole day. At night probably the soldiers bivouacked, and it rained heavily, so that in the morning not a firelock, if it had been attempted, would have gone off. Darkness had prevented it from being done the night before, and when the charge had next morning to be drawn, it was found to be a very difficult job, when the ball was held tight by wet paper. And then the barrel required to be well washed out, which took more time than could be allowed for the purpose, and consequently it was badly done. I need, therefore, now scarcely observe, that the percussion lock, in a great measure, obviates, by a very little attention, such serious inconveniences and defects.
It may very likely be deemed great presumption for me to propose so many changes; yet, having spoken of an alteration in the uniform of the regiments, I shall now venture to mention what has been suggested to me as likely to be a great improvement; but I do not by any means pretend to say that nothing superior could be thought of or invented. But if people take the liberty of finding fault with fashions or systems, whether old or new, it is but fair that they should be required to point out remedies or improvements.
Suppose that the uniform of the regular infantry was nearly assimilated to that of our Rifle Brigade (with Her Majesty's Guards I don't venture to interfere). It is generally allowed, that the dress of both officers and men of these corps is soldier-like, handsome, and far better adapted for service than that now worn by the rest of our army. But I am most anxious that the soldier's coat should be made for comfort as well as for appearance; and I should, therefore, greatly prefer that it was made in the shape of what is usually termed a frock, but to have a stand up collar, and to come down nearly to the knee. Both coat and trousers could, at a very trifling additional expense, be made water-proof. But soldiers ought never again to be overloaded on service with blankets, and let the reader only imagine their being obliged, as was often the case, to carry them when wet. But to make up for the blanket, they should be furnished with a large sized water-proof cloth great coat; in these they could sleep sufficiently warm and secure from any damp that might rise from the ground, and which in campaigning is of such importance towards preservation of health. The country would also be saved expense if this plan were adopted, by not being obliged to provide and convey bulky blankets to the points where they were to be delivered out to the troops; and these water-proof great coats being of a very durable material, would last much longer than the old fashioned ones.
Many of the absurdities which once existed in the dress of our infantry officers and soldiers; such as the powdered heads and long pigtails, and white pipe-clayed tight buckskin breeches, and large jack-boots of the former; and the soaped hair with finely feathered sidelocks, as they were termed, and long highly polished leather queues, tight white cloth breeches, and long tight gaiters of the latter, have long been done away with; and why not go a step farther, and in the way hinted at, in order to secure to our infantry great and decided advantages. Many may remember the strange figures, which most of our soldiers cut in Paris after the battle of Waterloo, in their dirty red coats, and ugly shaped caps; the former much stained, and the latter become brown and disfigured by exposure to rain and weather; the consequence was, that our army made, I do not hesitate to say, the worst appearance of all those assembled in and around that capital.
I do not intend in this work to make many remarks upon our cavalry, but I must say, that I hope yet to see some of our lights made heavier, and mounted on powerful yet sufficiently active horses. I confess I am not one of those who admire what are called hussars, &c., because I know how to value our heavy cavalry, and am therefore induced to draw a comparison between the two; and I boldly assert, that no cavalry in the world can stand before our splendid heavy dragoons and their noble steeds. One regiment—and I am enabled to judge from what I saw of them upon several occasions—would with ease cut their way through all the Cossacks of the Don, or any such Lights, which are seldom of any other use but to follow up a beaten enemy; and, I must say, that it has often surprised me, how we could think of copying the inefficient cavalry of any nation. Sir Thomas Picton, but he was an infantry officer, was also no great admirer of our light cavalry, and some of them may, perhaps, remember an opinion he publicly expressed of their efficiency at Roncesvalles, when he, in his emphatic way, and, I must admit, not very politely, drew a comparison between them and the dragoons of the German Legion, who were not only excellent and experienced, but always effective. We were all greatly attached to the German dragoons, and for nothing more, than for their literally making companions, or playfellows, of their fine English horses, which they always thought of, with respect to care and food, before they did of themselves.
At the opening of one of the campaigns, a body of these German dragoons, so much and deservedly admired by Picton, which had been attached to the third division during most of the previous one, returned to us from their cantonments, when we were again close up to the enemy, and hourly expecting to be engaged; officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, turned out in a body to welcome their old friends, who passed through the camp to where they were to be stationed for the night, amidst the cheering and congratulations of the fighting division—and Picton's division knew well who were good soldiers. In making these remarks, I by no means presume to say any thing against our light cavalry, but I must protest against a system of mounting brave men upon horses unable to carry them through their work on the day of trial, and in this respect foolishly aping foreigners, who would give the world for such horses as we possess; and who are doing all they can to improve their breeds in order to be able to meet us at a future period. The plan, however, which I have suggested for promotion in the army, would wonderfully change matters in our cavalry regiments, into which many officers would no longer go merely for the day, and for amusement, but into a profession to which they were to belong for life. But mentioning these German dragoons, reminds me of a welcome Sir Thomas Picton himself met with on his return to the 3d division in the South of France, after an absence occasioned by severe illness, and to which the following letters allude.
"Valley of Bastau, August 27, 1813.
"Dear Sir,
"It has long been the wish of the officers of the three brigades, which we have had the honour to command under you in the 3d division, as also of the divisional staff, to have an opportunity of offering you an ostensible mark of their high respect, gratitude, and esteem, which we so sincerely feel in our hearts.
"Every objection seems now removed, in point of time and otherwise, when on the recurrence of severe illness, which has in four successive seasons assailed you; you at present only await a sufficient degree of convalescence, to admit of your trying change of climate, with but too little prospect, we lament to think, of your returning to your command in this country.
"Services such as yours, cannot but have been acknowledged before this, by the offering of one or more swords from your attached military brethren, or a grateful country. We therefore, for ourselves, and those who have desired us to represent them, request you will do us the honour to accept of a piece of plate with a short inscription, commemorative of the circumstance, and of the corps which composed the 3d division under your command in the Peninsula.
"With most sincere wishes for your early convalescence, followed by your confirmed good heath, on leaving a climate that has proved so unfriendly to you, we have the honour to subscribe ourselves,
"Dear Sir,
"Your ever faithful Servants,
(Signed,) "C. Colville,
Thomas Brisbane,
M. Power.
"For the Staff of }
the Division, } F. Stovin, A.A. Gr.
"Lt.-Gen. Sir Tho. Picton, K.B.
&c. &c. &c."
"London, 18th Sept. 1813.
"My Dear General,
"In the extreme weak state to which I was reduced previous to my leaving the Peninsula, my feelings were too powerful for my spirits, and it was not possible for me adequately to answer the kind letter of the general officers commanding brigades in the 3d division, which you did me the honour of forwarding to me from the Valley of Bastau, on the 29th of August last.
"I cannot but highly value the testimony of gentlemen, to whose talents, zealous co-operation, and gallantry on every occasion, I feel myself indebted for the honours that have been conferred upon me, and for the degree of reputation to which I have risen in the service; and I shall receive any memento of their esteem and regard with corresponding sentiments and feelings of the heart.
"The period of my life to which I shall always recur with the greatest satisfaction, is that which was passed at the head of the 3d division, when I always experienced such a spirit of unanimity and heroism, as never once failed of success in any of the difficult enterprises we were employed upon. Though I may never again have the honour of commanding so distinguished a corps, I shall ever feel myself identified with the 3d division in all its operations, and shall take as strong an interest in its success as I ever did, whilst I had the honour of presiding at its head.
"Accept my many acknowledgments for your kind attention, and of my sincere and constant wishes for your success and prosperity on all occasions.
"Your devoted and faithful,
"Humble Servant,
(Signed,) "Thomas Picton, Lt.-Gen.
"To the Hon. Major-General Colville,
Major-General Brisbane,
Major-General Power,
Lt.-Colonel Stovin, &c."
The day upon which Sir Thomas Picton unexpectedly rejoined his division, the 45th regiment was lying down at the head of Sir Thomas Brisbane's brigade, which was concealed behind a height, ready for an intended attack. The enemy were posted at a bridge on the right bank of a brook, and occupying, advantageously, a few houses close to it. Our sentinels and theirs were within ten yards of each other, when to this corps delight, which had so long served under him, up rode their favourite chief: in an instant, and under strong and general impulse of feeling, which could not be suppressed, they to a man stood up, and gave him three hearty cheers, which were immediately responded to by the 74th and 88th regiments; thus discovering where they were to the French. "Well 45th, you have let the enemy hear you, you may now, if you please, let them feel you," was Picton's smiling reply; and at the same instant he ordered the attack, which I need scarcely say was completely successful.
I hope I may be excused for giving here another trifling anecdote. I remember well Colonel Guard, whose adjutant I was at the time, being most anxious that the 45th regiment, which he for some years commanded, should be made Light Infantry, and also to have had them styled, "The Sherwood Foresters." He, however, for what reason I know not, failed in the objects he had in view. Not long after, the 45th was brigaded in England for exercise with the 87th and 88th regiments. Colonel Guard had constantly, and much to his annoyance, and more particularly on account of his recent failure, heard these corps called to attention by their appropriate local designations, in place of their numbers; but one day he could stand it no longer, and when Colonels Butler and Duff loudly and proudly exclaimed, "Prince's Irish," and "Connaught Rangers,"—he in a very shrill voice, called out at the same instant, "Nottingham Hosiers," attention. His brother chiefs, who seemingly had not heard, or understood what he had said, looked all astonishment, when the whole brigade burst into an irrepressible, and unmilitary fit of laughter. I fear that in this instance, like old soldiers in general, I have been led away by the love of telling my story, and must therefore apologize for the liberty I have taken with the reader; yet, if I am not mistaken, I think I have shown, that a particular designation, however acquired, is considered by many, as of more importance to a corps, than a mere number; I therefore look forward to the day, if my views are adopted, when a district will have just cause to be proud of its regiment; and to a regiment never hearing it named but with a feeling of revived affection, and a determination, that their home shall never be disgraced by any act of theirs.
CHAP. IV.
Other causes besides those arising from the description of men generally enlisted into our army, tended greatly to keep soldiers what they were—that is to say, difficult to manage, and always ready to avail themselves of any opportunity of getting away from under the eyes of their officers, with the view of indulging in irregularities whenever it was possible to do so; as, I trust, I shall be able hereafter to point out. I cannot, however, undertake to say, what may be the custom in the present day; but a soldier, in former times, could not commit a greater offence than to presume to think or act for himself; and I remain still in doubt, when, or at what rank, an officer was supposed to be capable or had a right to think. And as for education, too many entertained the strange notion, that beyond reading and writing, which were allowed to be useful to non-commissioned officers, the less soldiers knew of such matters the better. After this need it have surprised any one, that intelligence of any kind was but rarely to be met with in the ranks of a British army; and that it was constantly found in those of the French, into which the conscription necessarily introduced it; and when evinced, it was sure to meet a due reward.
I remember, years ago, being visited by a brother-adjutant. As he entered my barrack-room, a young soldier placed a book upon the table and retired; which my visitor, a few minutes after, took up, and being surprised at what it indicated as its contents, he asked me, in seeming astonishment, what a private soldier could have to say to such a work? I replied carelessly, that the soldier who had just left the room, was a young man of considerable ability and great promise; and that I wished him to read useful books; so as to be fit, at a future period, for any station he might attain. He looked at me again, and seemed by no means satisfied by what I had said, nor with the book, and thus in a very friendly way addressed me:—"You are a very young man, the youngest I ever saw made an adjutant—I have myself risen from the ranks, and have consequently had much experience amongst soldiers; and know them well. You may therefore take my word for it, that books containing such information, only tend to make soldiers question the wisdom of their officers; and to fit them for being ringleaders in any discontent, or even mutinous conduct in their companies: and it also causes them to be disliked by the non-commissioned officers who have to teach them their duties, and especially the drill-serjeants, who are always jealous of those who are likely to become rivals." This certainly surprised me as coming from my visitor, but he had been for many years an adjutant, and it has often been remarked, that no officers are so severe, or have so little consideration for the feelings of soldiers as those who have risen from the ranks. With this as a kind of text, and also requesting that the reader will bear in mind what was shown at the commencement of this work, by excellent authorities, to be the character of our soldiers in general, I shall now proceed with my remarks, some of which may probably be thought trifling.
The French plan of carrying the knapsack, though not so smart looking, is in the opinion of many, superior to that adopted in our army; as it has much more the ease and comfort of the soldier upon a march in view. Our present mode, which binds the soldier so tightly within the slings and straps of the knapsack, as almost to prevent the free circulation of the blood, is certainly far from judicious, but we have been long accustomed to it, and like it on account of appearance. But in olden times, we had many ways of trying the tempers and dispositions of our soldiers; such as making them, though kept at drill, or at exercise in the field the greater part of the day, to burnish the barrels of their firelocks, to their serious injury, till they were made to shine like silver, and to polish their pouches, and oddly shaped caps, so as to render looking-glasses quite unnecessary. How often have I, when a zealous and enthusiastic adjutant, cracked a pouch with the head of my cane, when it was not bright enough to please my practised eye, with the kind intention of affording the owner a pleasant week's occupation to get it again into order. And how often have I, on my well-practised horse, placed camp colours as points of movement, till the whole "Eighteen Manœuvres" were gone through; many of them, if the commanding officer was dissatisfied, with the regiment's day's performance, two or three times over; having previously had the delight of marching past repeatedly, in quick and slow time, to please the spectators, or because the soldiers did not make the ground sufficiently resound by the firmness of their steps; thus altogether agreeably occupying from five to six hours of the officers and soldiers time, with the prospect before them of a long evening parade, or inspection, because they had not been so steady under arms as they ought to have been during the morning's occupations.
I sincerely hope we shall never again hear of such things being practised in a British army; and no commanding officer should be allowed to keep his regiment longer than an hour and a half, or two hours at a time under arms, which will be found quite sufficient, if well occupied, for every useful purpose of instruction; especially as at almost every parade, a battalion ought to be made to perform a movement or two before it is dismissed. I however look upon it to be of the first importance, that a soldier should be accustomed to consider his knapsack and accoutrements, I may say, as parts of himself, and that he should be so habituated to them, that whether marching or not, he could perceive little or no difference; and to effect this, he should never appear under arms without his knapsack; but I hope, if this plan be enforced, as it ought to be, to hear of an improvement being made in the mode of carrying them.
Our soldiers were greatly overloaded, especially on service, when they had to carry, besides their arms, accoutrements and ammunition, their canteens, haversacks, and well-filled knapsacks, their great coats, and often wet and consequently very heavy blankets, and sometimes in addition two or three days bread, and generally ten extra rounds of ball cartridges. Overloading soldiers in this manner was down right madness, especially if we had considered the description of men we too often had to deal with; and this will never answer in the more rapid modes of carrying on war, to which we must hereafter look forward.
I saw it not along ago announced in a daily paper, that the recruiting of the army had been very successful, 13,000 men having been raised for the line, and had joined their corps in the course of 1838. Of that number, more than 4000 were passed in the London district, and this was exclusive of men raised for the East India Company's service. By this it would appear, that London alone furnishes about a third of the men raised to fill up casualties in Her Majesty's regiments.
It is very likely that the editor of the paper, who seemed so pleased at being able to afford us this intelligence, is a zealous advocate for doing away with flogging in the army; but if such be the description of men of which it is chiefly composed, any person of common sense must see that it is impossible to do so, for what are these men in general but the vitiated and debilitated part of our population.
I have no doubt but it is very desirable that the country should get rid of such subjects, who are mostly unfit for any military purpose whatever; but why, at a great expense, burden the army with them? Would it not be much better to allow the worthy Yankees to have many of them at once, as emigrants or soldiers; and if sufficient authority were given to our Police Magistrates, they could very soon, by only threatening such fellows, with what a certain Colonel once upon a time practised in Ireland with so much success, make volunteers in plenty, and thus save our sympathizing friends the trouble and expence of enticing them to desert from their corps in the Canadas. I am well acquainted with their proceedings in this way, and can therefore speak from experience, having been for some time employed upon the staff of the army stationed in that part of the world. I certainly had at that time no trifling task assigned me to make arrangements, so as to have a good look-out kept all along the extensive frontier of the lower Province, to prevent desertions, to which our soldiers were much addicted, and encouraged by promises of both money and land, but which were seldom intended to be fulfilled; indeed, most of those who got off had nothing else left for it, in order to keep themselves from starving, but to become once more soldiers, and to fight against their old comrades.
It was supposed by some officers, that shooting a number of them (I saw six shot in one day at Chambly), who were caught in attempting to cross the boundary line, would have put a stop to this disgrace to our army, but it had no effect whatever; indeed nothing we could devise produced any change in this respect, until it was made the duty of commanding officers to give me immediate information whenever a man was missed from his corps. Small detachments of dragoons were posted at certain points to convey to me at St. Johns the necessary intelligence. Upon receiving it, the out-posts were instantly informed of the circumstance. At the same time parties of Indian warriors were sent out in all directions in search of him, and a reward was held out to them for bringing him in. These arrangements being made known to the several corps, and the deceptions of our kind neighbours being pointed out to them, a complete stop was thus put for the time to desertions. But are men who would so readily desert, those Great Britain should have in her armies? I ought here however to mention, to the honour of my old friends, the 88th, or Connaught Rangers, that they were exempted, by Sir Thomas Brisbane, from witnessing executions for this crime, as not a man of that corps had deserted to the United States.
In order to show what little effect executing men for desertion had upon others, I shall take the liberty of mentioning what took place upon one occasion at St. Johns. My General being absent at Montreal, as Brigade-Major attached to the troops, most of the melancholy duty of superintending such executions fell to my share. A private of De Meuron's regiment was at this time to be shot. The troops were formed in three sides of a square, at the other side towards the forest the grave was dug, and the coffin for the criminal to kneel upon, was placed, as usual upon such occasions, beside it. The Provost, with the firing party escorting the prisoner, and with the band of the regiment at their head playing the Dead march, entered the square—when, to my surprise, there proudly marched the prisoner—coolly smoking a cigar. Seeing at once the bad effects likely to result from such evident contempt of death, painful as it was to me, I called the Provost, and ordered him to take away the cigar from him. On approaching the grave, the prisoner walked quietly, but steadily forward, looked into it, and turning round to me, said, in French, "it will do." But still more to my surprise, yet with equal calmness, he walked up to his coffin, and before I was aware of what he was about, with his middle finger and thumb he measured its length, and turning round again to me, he said, in French, which his corps generally spoke, "it will do also." This was so far beyond any thing I had ever before witnessed, that I found it necessary to direct the Provost to proceed with the execution as quickly as possible; he therefore went up to the prisoner with a handkerchief, and, as is customary, offered to bind up his eyes. He however, pushed the Provost aside, exclaiming, in French, "I am a brave soldier, and have often looked death in the face, and shall not shrink from it now." The Provost then desired him, or rather made signs to him, to kneel upon his coffin, but he replied, "I prefer standing, and shall do so firmly." "Vive L'Empereur, vive Napoleon," were his last words. The party fired, and in an instant he ceased to exist.
He was a Frenchman, and had been a prisoner of war for a considerable time in England, but had been very improperly allowed to enlist into De Meuron's regiment; which he had, no doubt, entered with the intention of deserting the first opportunity which should present itself.
I have yet to mention our North American possessions; but it would appear, that it is now in contemplation, to employ corps of veterans upon the Canadian and our other North American frontiers. It is, however, evident that whoever can have suggested such a scheme, must have altogether overlooked, or be ignorant of the rigorous nature of a Canadian winter, and must likewise have forgotten, that almost all our veterans have spent a great portion of their lives in tropical climates, which cannot be supposed to have prepared their constitutions to bear up against such cold as is quite unknown in any part of Great Britain, as indicated by registers of the thermometer kept during a residence there; where it ranges from zero to 10, 20 and even 35 degrees below it; and should a strong wind prevail along with such cold, any one exposed to it is very likely to be frost-bitten. It may also be supposed, that the proposers of such a plan, are not aware of its being often necessary during winter in Canada, to have sentries relieved, or at least visited every half hour; for if they be unfortunately overcome by the severity of the cold, and in consequence fall asleep, it is certain death. Are worn-out men, many of them already martyrs to rheumatism, or must soon become so, fit for service in such a country, and to which they may be sent from their homes, probably reckoned upon as permanent, contrary perhaps to their wishes, and very likely only to suit the economical notions of penny-wise theorist and grumblers, who grudge old soldiers and sailors, even the pittance their services entitle them to, whilst they would handsomely reward the author of a mischievous pamphlet? But are these poor veterans, I again ask, fit to guard such an extensive frontier, constantly menaced by hardy and restless men, inured to a North American climate?
I have no doubt but that prejudiced men, and such as are always ready to cavil at any change proposed, be it good or bad, will at first be inclined to look upon what I have suggested for keeping up our army, as not only a wild and visionary, but also as an impracticable scheme; yet all I request is a full and fair consideration of what I have said and brought forward; and it ought now, I think, to be obvious, that our regiments must be composed of a superior description of men, if the country is to be served as it ought to be in our future wars, as will, I trust, more fully appear as I proceed.
I shall now beg to remind officers, in general, of the numbers of soldiers who arrived in Portugal and Spain, who went into hospitals before we had many weeks carried on military operations in those countries, many of whom, as might have been expected from their early debilitating habits, never rejoined their regiments; and throughout the war when fresh battalions arrived from England, nearly the same thing invariably occurred, and with detachments of recruits for corps already in the field, it was still worse, so much so, that we could never calculate upon one-third of the new comers remaining fit for duty with their regiments, even for a short time after their first arrival; some of them, however, as they became more habituated to campaigning, turned out to be good soldiers. Now many of these were men who had been probably raised, according to our present system of recruiting, in London, or in our manufacturing districts, and thus the country was put to an enormous but useless expense.
The soldiers we could chiefly depend upon, were those who originally belonged to the corps, or had come to us from many of the militia regiments, and particularly those who had been brought up to early habits of labour in our agricultural districts. I am aware that many of the men we got as volunteers from the militia, had been called out from our manufacturing population, but their habits and health had been much improved by being obliged to relinquish debilitating practices, by good feeding, and regular military exercises for a length of time before we got them. A long peace has probably brought into our corps a more robust description of men, than we had often to make the best we could of during the late wars, and many of whom were frequently most wretched creatures, so much so, that it was unfair to expect that British officers, however zealous they might be, could always be successful in battle against the finest men of France, which the conscription brought into the French ranks; but if an immediate increase of the army, to any considerable extent, should become requisite, and if the present system of recruiting is to be still pursued, the same generally unprofitable and expensive materials must be resorted to, for augmenting or completing the respective establishments of our old, and also of any new corps which it might be necessary to form, and many of whom must be again found to sink under the fatigues and hardships of war, and the weight of their knapsacks. I must, however, declare that none of the inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland are deficient in courage. But let us reflect upon the state into which Sir John Moore's army (which almost set him distracted) had got in the retreat to Corunna. Almost all the corps had become completely disorganized in every respect, and had nearly lost the appearance of regular troops. An opportunity of fighting presented itself, and in a moment steady and well disciplined British battalions appeared in the field. Such were the strange beings British officers had to manage as well as they could.
It would appear that a new plan is about to be adopted for re-organizing and training the militia, and that the men are in future to be raised at a small bounty to serve for a period of five years; and that the whole are to be formed into battalions, of one thousand strong each. The training to take place annually, in portions of two companies at a time, for 28 days, under the adjutant, or permanent staff; which in future is to consist of an adjutant, a serjeant-major, eleven serjeants, one drum-major, and five drummers: one Serjeant to do the duty of quarter-master-serjeant; and it is intended to allow a part of the men to volunteer annually for the line.
This appears to me an exceedingly bad plan. In the first place, the corps of militia must hereafter be composed of a very inferior description of men to what they were of old; and flogging must, as a matter of course, be persevered in; but why in these times are the militia to be embodied and badly trained at a considerable and unnecessary expense to the country; for it is quite time enough to think of calling out this force when the country may be threatened by an enemy with invasion; for with the fine regular army I have in view, the tranquillity of the United Kingdom can be completely secured; and such militia corps, as those that seem to be in contemplation, must be the very worst description of troops which could possibly be employed in case of commotions. I must sincerely hope that the old and constitutional mode of calling out the good and true men of the nation to serve in the militia regiments will never be abandoned, and I yet trust to seeing it extended, as I have proposed, to the Guards and regular army. Surely I have shewn plainly enough the evils of our present recruiting system to dissipate the notion of extending it to the militia. I have long entertained a dislike to the plan of enlistment, unless every possible inquiry were made into the characters of the men who offered themselves as recruits; and I endeavoured to act in this manner some years ago, when commanding a depot at Glasgow. I had an old friend in that city, who had been one of its magistrates, and could look back to the period when only herring boats could come up to the Broomilaw, and who knew every body. I never took a recruit without the approbation of my friend the Bailie; but he rejected so many, who were instantly taken by other depots, of which there were several at the time in Scotland, that I was at last called upon to say why I did not get on quicker with the enlistment of men for the regiment. I gave as my reason, that I was anxious to take only men who could prove that they were respectable in character; but this was not deemed satisfactory, and I had no longer any thing for it but to take such as presented themselves; and then I certainly got on fast enough with recruiting.
Not very long after this, the Bailie came to see me, and I happened at the time to be superintending the drill of several strong squads of my newly enlisted recruits. The Bailie looked closely at them all, and I could not help fancying that I read alarm in the countenances of many of my prizes. "Well, Colonel," said the Bailie, "the city of Glasgow is infinitely indebted to you, for you have freed it of many deserving characters;" but observing that I became rather chop-fallen, he added, "Never mind, man—they'll fight—they'll fight like devils. Was there ever a better fighting regiment in the world than the ——, and they were nearly all raised in Glasgow, which was, to my certain knowledge, very peaceable for many a day after they were gone from it."
I am at this moment reminded, by what occurred upon the retreat to Corunna, of the state into which many of our men were brought upon that and other occasions from want of shoes. I may venture to say, that we had seldom taken the field a fortnight—and our armies had even more than once to halt on this account—when the greater part of the soldier's shoes had gone to pieces, and others could not always be got to replace them. This destruction of shoes was in a great measure occasioned by the previous injudicious practice of highly polishing them with injurious kinds of blacking, which I suppose must continue to be the fashion in these quiet times; and I hope I may be allowed to say, that whenever a corps of infantry is ordered upon service, this practice should be positively forbidden. Two good pairs of boots—not such clumsy concerns as some of the Russian soldiers wore in France—should be properly prepared for every man—that is, well saturated with the water-proof stuff, now so much used by sports-men, and they should never after have anything else put upon them but some of this composition, which not only softens, but also tends to preserve them for a considerable time. Such boots will certainly not look so well as those now in general use; yet for grand occasions, the soldier might be made to carry another finer polished pair; but with the boots I want, and good stockings, every soldier should be furnished, or he cannot march as he ought to do, and is, therefore, so far unfit for service. Some people may consider this trifling, but experienced soldiers will think otherwise.
The plan I have suggested of calling out the regular army, of course, overturns the present defective depot system, which seems to me to be only calculated to give officers habits of idleness and restlessness; and their frequent removals from the companies abroad to those forming the depots, requiring others to be sent out to replace them, afford opportunities of indulging in such pernicious habits. Depots are but very inferior schools for the instruction of officers, non-commissioned officers, or privates. The ten companies assembled form a fine battalion, well adapted for all kinds of military movement and instruction: a depot is quite the reverse of this.
There are now before me notes upon certain points, which I wish to bring under consideration; but if they should appear to some readers tiresome, or uncalled for, I can only regret that they should seem so, and I must request that they will arm themselves with patience sufficient to enable them to accompany me to the end of the chapter.
Regimental bands are looked upon as very pretty and necessary appendages to corps; but as it is most essential that as few soldiers as possible should be taken out of the ranks, it might be advisable to consider whether it would not be wise to place them upon a different footing. The present plan takes away from their companies perhaps twenty soldiers to make second-rate musicians; as more men are almost always occupied in this way, (at least it was so formerly) than regulations would admit of; and supposing that all our regiments were made light infantry, there would, I conclude, be neither drummers nor fifers; but, in place of them, one sergeant as bugle-major, and two buglers per company, and two extra buglers to accompany (when necessary) detachments, the whole to be clothed almost the same as the other soldiers; and I would also arm them with light muskets—indeed, those which belonged to light companies generally contrived, when in the field, to arm themselves. These muskets might be slung over their shoulders when they were required to cheer the regiment on a march, or to attract the fair to the windows as corps passed through towns; and most delightful strains, at least, to a military ear, can be produced by key bugles, French horns, trumpets, &c. There should, however, be one good sized drum, on the new principle, allowed to mark the time; and surely twenty-three men per regiment are quite sufficient for such purposes, especially if some of them were also taught to perform upon a few other instruments.
The corporal and ten pioneers per regiment, who are generally nothing else but so many attendants upon the quarter-master and his sergeant, should be done away with; that is, I would keep the men hitherto employed in this way where they ought to be—in the ranks. If men are wanted for fatigue, as it is termed, the soldiers should be employed on it as a duty, and their time can never be better occupied than in all kinds of labour or works, especially those which may tend to instruct them in what is likely to be required of them at sieges, or during campaigns; and above all, they should have a knowledge of the best and quickest methods of making roads, temporary bridges, &c., and even of preparing food, and lighting fires; if they were also taught to be boatmen and good swimmers so much the better. It certainly would be very desirable that soldiers had more practice in this way than is the fashion in our army. But having mentioned preparing food, I think it important to say a few words upon the subject.
The comfort in which the men of the 5th battalion 60th regiment (who were chiefly Germans,) lived upon service was very striking, when compared with the wretched diet of the generality of British soldiers. I must, however, preface my remarks upon this subject by the following division order which was issued by Major-general Colville, at Moimenta de Beira, in Portugal, on the 29th March, 1813, respecting this corps:
"No. 9. A detachment of the 5th battalion 60th, has arrived at head-quarters under the command of Captain Kelly, and which having left Lisbon consisting of fifty men, has brought up all but one man who was left sick at Coimbra, and no prisoners.
"This is so unlike the report of any detachment of the British part of the division that has arrived at quarters since the Major-General's taking the command of it, that he cannot help mentioning the mortifying distinction, in the hopes that there may be yet left among the good men of the division regard enough for their own honours to keep a check upon the conduct of those of an opposite character."
It seemed to be settled amongst themselves, that every man of the mess of the 5th battalion 60th, had to carry something, that is say—highly-spiced meats, such as sausages, cheese, onions, garlic, lard, pepper, salt, vinegar, mustard, sugar, coffee, &c.; in short, whatever could add to or make their meals more palatable, nourishing, or conducive to health. As soon as the daily allowance of beef was issued, they set to work and soon produced a first-rate dinner or supper, which were often improved by certain wild herbs which they knew where to look for, whereas, in attempting this, I have known instances of our men poisoning themselves; and what a contrast to this were the ways of our too often thoughtless beings who rarely had any of the above articles—day after day they boiled their beef, just killed, in the lump, in water, which they seldom contrived to make deserving the name of soup or broth. This and their bread or biscuit was what they usually lived upon. But I lament to be obliged to add, that their thoughts, of course unconnected with military matters, were too often directed to ardent spirits and to the means of procuring enough of it; for though a certain allowance, usually of rum, was issued daily, this was not sufficient to satisfy their longings for more. And it was always known when the rum was about to be given out when we heard a shout in the camp, and from many voices a cry of "turn out for rum!"
Our mode of messing in barracks is extremely regular, and much in the style so carefully exhibited in Russia to visitors of importance, and is well calculated to produce effect. In general (at least in former times,) cooks were hired, and the soldiers' wives were sometimes engaged for this purpose, so that most of the men were kept almost in ignorance of learning the simple art of boiling beef and potatoes: they only knew, that at fixed hours daily, they were sure of a breakfast and dinner; and although this was to be admired in quiet times, it sadly unfitted soldiers for what they were afterwards to turn their minds and hands to in the field; and it also sometimes left them more money than they could spend with propriety. But if their thoughts could now be more directed to the German and French style of living it would be attended with the best results, and we should hear less of drunkenness and the crimes arising from out of it in our regiments. These hints might, perhaps, be thought useful to those interested in the welfare of our population in general, whose early habits are too often very pernicious and demoralizing.
The observations of his Grace the Duke of Wellington, on the 1st and 3rd of October, 1812, at the siege of Burgos, will shew the necessity of our soldiers' being accustomed to labour and the consequences of their not being habituated to it:—"The Commander of the Forces is concerned to state, that the working parties in the trenches do not perform their duty, notwithstanding the pains which have been taken to relieve them every six hours, &c.;" and his Grace adds—"The officers and soldiers of the army should know that to work during a siege is as much a part of their duty as it is to engage the enemy in the field; and they may depend upon it, that unless they perform the work allotted to them, with due diligence, they cannot acquire the honour which their comrades have acquired in former sieges." The Guards were exempted from the censure contained in this order; indeed their conduct was most exemplary on all occasions. And we can again read in a general order, dated Cartaxo, 4th March, 1811:—
"No. 2. As during the two years which the brigade of Guards have been under the command of the Commander of the Forces, not only no soldier has been brought to trial before a general court-martial, but none has been confined in a public guard; the Commander of the Forces desires that the attendance of the brigade, at the execution to-morrow, may be dispensed with."
This ought surely to convince the country, that though the changes I have proposed, as to the officers of the Guards, may be necessary for the general good of the army; yet the idea of disbanding such troops can only be entertained by an ignorant and absurdly prejudiced mind.
I have often wondered it has never been deemed indispensable, that an uniform system of regimental economy was adopted for the whole army. This most desirable object is by no means attained by the book of general regulations and orders; for although there is to be found in it much that is useful, still a vast deal more is required to come up to what is necessary for the guidance of a regiment in the various situations in which it may be placed; and the want of such a well digested plan is the reason we see such a difference in the state of corps; some being in every respect in the highest possible order, whilst others are the very reverse. The former is entirely owing to their being commanded by talented and judicious officers; the latter is evidently occasioned by their being under men who are themselves ignorant, inexperienced, and yet very likely self-sufficient. Many regiments have good standing orders if they were steadily acted up to; but much depending upon the will of the commanding officer, he most probably adopts something of his own, which is often injudicious, or even injurious; or as much only of the old standing orders as he thinks fit; or perhaps he allows the whole to become a dead letter. A matter of such importance as this should not be left to whim or caprice; but a simple, uniform, and sufficiently comprehensive system should be established for the whole army, for the guidance of regiments in barracks and quarters at home and abroad; upon a march, or when on board ship, or in any situation, but especially when employed in the field. If this were done, and positive orders given, that there should not be the slightest deviation from the system laid down, on the part of commanding officers, we should hear less of corps being more annoyed and teazed by one commander than another; and we should not be able to observe that remarkable difference to be met with amongst them, both in appearance and discipline.
There could not be much difficulty in effecting this most important object. The standing orders of some corps, though in general too diffuse and complicated, and requiring too many returns or reports from companies, &c., would afford ample ground-work for all useful purposes, except in what is essential for the field; in which respect, all those I have seen were totally defective; but uniformity in every point is as necessary in this as it is in military movements; and if judiciously adopted, would be found as strikingly beneficial, as the changes were from the fancies of every commanding officer to the well known "eighteen manœuvres."
Having proposed to do away with regimental pioneers, to make up efficiently for them, two men of good character should be enlisted—but that only for service in the field, to take charge of and lead a bat-horse each, to carry on well fitted pack-saddles a few of such useful tools as might be required for ordinary military purposes. The surgeon, at such times, also requires a man and a horse of this kind for his instruments and medicines; and so do the pay-master and adjutant, for the conveyance of money, books, and various indispensable papers and returns. These ought always to march in the rear of the corps to which they belong. Thus, by doing away both with generally indifferent musicians and misappropriated pioneers, I would save to each regiment about thirty soldiers, or about half the effectives of a company of the present day.
It will surprise those who know nothing of war, and even many military men, when I mention how many soldiers are lost, I may say, to the service, taken out of the ranks of corps to be employed as non-combatant clerks, servants or bat-men, horse-keepers or grooms, &c. The head-quarters and staff sweep off numbers in this way beyond belief. The general officers and staff of divisions and brigades, including engineer officers, staff surgeons, commissariat, &c. if allowed, quite as bad. Then come field officers and regimental staff, and perhaps forty captains and subalterns per regiment, all of whom must be supplied; a few with two, for taking care of their chargers and pack-horses or mules, and all with at least one each to look after pack-horses for the conveyance of baggage; most of it probably indispensable, if it is expected that these gentlemen are to be kept efficient. But there is another demand of a man per company for the care of pack-horses for the carriage of tents, &c. as wheel carriages for such purposes ought never to be allowed upon the line of march.
For these various occupations, I have no hesitation in saying, many hundreds of soldiers are taken away from where they should be, and corps are thus deprived of their best men, and greatly weakened before they come into contact with an enemy.
This must appear almost incredible to many good people, who will naturally be surprised what Mr. Hume, that mirror of economists, could have been about; but who, they may depend upon it, invariably contrives to have, at last, the candle burnt at both ends. But how indignant they must now be to hear, probably for the first time, that they were obliged to pay for such a number of soldiers, who only made a figure upon paper to the disadvantage of the general's reputation who commanded the army in the field, who was supposed to have had, perhaps, 30,000 men to act with, whereas in reality he could not bring into action 25,000; and when a battle took place, there were a few more drains from the ranks besides the killed and wounded; for the latter and sick required attendants at the several hospital stations, and also on the road to them; and how often have I, as a Brigade-major of the 3d division, had to encounter the cross looks of commanding officers of regiments, when I could not avoid calling upon them for officers, non-commissioned officers, and soldiers, for such purposes, when the enemy had, perhaps, sufficiently thinned their ranks.
I would suggest that money should be allowed, and, if possible, no soldiers whatever for any of these purposes at home or abroad, and certainly not upon service; and even at home it would be advisable to make officers a proper allowance for private, or non-combatant servants, so that an end might at once be put to the custom of taking away soldiers from their duties to be employed as such. All servants should however, be regularly enlisted as soldiers are at present, but for a limited period only; and they should be bound to accompany their masters abroad, or upon any kind of service; and commanding officers of regiments should have the power of discharging, at their master's request, these servants if found guilty of bad or improper conduct, and of enlisting others to replace them, of course, such servants come under martial law; but what I have proposed, in this respect, is nothing new, for does not history tell us, of non-combatant servants being of old attached to armies; and allow me to ask, with what intention is it, that officers receive at the commencement of a campaign, and at fixed periods afterwards, bat and forage money? If the sums granted are insufficient—which they undoubtedly are—for providing servants, field equipments, pack-horses, &c. more should be given, as it must be admitted, that they are all indispensable. It could never, however, have been intended, that the number of muskets and bayonets in the ranks, were to be so much reduced, as I have shown is the case, to supply men for the purposes enumerated, when by a trifling comparative increase of the expenses of a war, our armies could be kept efficient, and in such a complete state, as to enable a General to carry it on with that vigour, which is always so essential towards its successful and speedy termination.
But the necessity of what I have just recommended being adopted, appeared in so strong a light, to one of our best officers, that we read in a general order, dated Tholen, 20th of December, 1813, as follows:—
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces being desirous to render the army for the field as effective as possible, directs that all soldiers acting as servants to officers, shall always appear in uniform, and carry their arms and accoutrements on the march. The servants of regimental officers to be in the ranks on the march, and the Commander of the Forces calls upon the General and other officers in command strictly to inforce this order."
"No. 2. With a view to diminish, as much as possible, requisitions on regiments for soldiers as servants, General Sir Thomas Graham authorizes any officer who is entitled by the usage of the service to appear mounted and keep a horse, to hire a servant as bat-man in lieu of a soldier, for which he will be allowed at the rate of 4s. 6d. (quite insufficient) per week and a ration; but it is distinctly understood, that the allowance is not to be extended to any persons attached to this army, who, by the custom of the service, are not entitled to soldiers to wait upon them, and whenever it is drawn, an effective soldier is to be thereby restored to the army."
"No. 6. The Commander of the Forces strongly recommends to all general officers of the army to return immediately any bat-men they may have to their corps, and to direct their staff to do the same, at all events no officer of any rank is to employ more than one soldier of this army to attend upon him, whether he acts as his own personal servant or bat-man."
"No. 7. Field officers of regiments are entitled each to a servant and bat-man, and of course to draw the allowance for each, when men from the ranks are not employed."
"No. 9 Announces that such servants come under martial law."
I believe that I could not any where, more conveniently or properly, introduce some observations, I consider it necessary to make upon the baggage of an army in the field, and upon some other matters connected with it, than at the close of this chapter, and I feel convinced that experienced officers will allow, that is a difficult subject to enter upon. It must, however, have been obvious to many, how much the quantity of baggage gradually increases as a campaign advances. Various articles are accumulated in all sorts of ways, but chiefly by servants upon the line of march, in the towns they pass through, in the field of battle, and above all at sieges.
We unluckily have many wants, almost unknown to the people of other countries, arising out of our early habits of indulging in many comforts; indeed, so many and so productive are they of enjoyment, that in spite of what some philosophers may say to the contrary, we cannot easily divest ourselves of the remembrance of them, for with most of us they too frequently become indispensables, or in other words, they are apt to make us rather selfish. But a General who may wish to keep such wants within reasonable bounds, or who is determined not to be overwhelmed with baggage, followers, and animals of burden, must be wholely uninfluenced by any other feeling than that of the good of the public service, and must cut off, at once, with an unsparing hand, all superfluities of every description; and he must endeavour to keep the whole under due restrictions. All the odium of this ought not, however, to be thrown upon the Commander of any army about to take the field, as it must, to a certainty, render him unpopular with many; but it would be much wiser that a British army should have, at all times for its guidance, established regulations, which no one could, on any account, be allowed to deviate from.
Selfish feelings never, I believe, show themselves more strongly than amongst landsmen on board ship, and amongst too many men in the field. Some, I have no doubt, have seen individuals retire to a snug corner, to enjoy unobserved something good which they had in their haversacks, lest they should be obliged to offer part of it to hungry comrades. Others have been known to sleep sound, warm, and dry in their tents, having probably offered shares of them, but in such a way to the officers of their own companies, that even they could not accept of their liberality, and preferred reposing at the roots of trees, or behind hedges, exposed to the pitiless storm. My only object in alluding to such trifling matters is, in the first instance, to show that these things do sometimes occur, and, moreover, to try to inculcate, if I can, into such badly brought up men, at least a little feeling for the wants of others. Yet I would not leave it in their power thus to enjoy their comforts—at all events in such situations, for I would make the officers of a company live and sleep in the same tent or hut, and be partakers of the same fare whatever it might be.
A regimental mess at home or abroad, is admirably calculated to keep up respectability, by insuring a proper degree of genteel economy; but of this the officers of corps cannot avail themselves in the field, and then it becomes requisite to act upon established regulations. The officers of a company should be made to have in common, a tent of a particular size and shape, and they should all three contribute towards its purchase, as well as towards the procuring of two horses or mules, which they should be obliged to keep. I would also fix upon a trunk or rather a portmanteau for each, of a certain size and shape. One of the horses should carry, on a well-fitted pack-saddle, the two subaltern's portmanteau, and the tent between them. The other horse should carry the captain's portmanteau, which might be a very little larger than those allowed to subalterns, but care should be taken that its size was also fixed upon; and this should be balanced upon the horse's back by a canteen (bought also amongst them) for the use of the mess, and between them a bag of a certain size, made of some water-proof stuff, could be placed, in which might be conveyed some useful articles for general comfort, especially such as might be considered necessary, when the country, the seat of war, could afford but few supplies.
It appears to me that the officers of a company could not possibly contrive to get on, for any length of time, with less than those two animals; but in the portmanteau should be carried, besides their clothes and a blanket each, their mattresses made air tight, so as to be inflated when necessary, and which can be rolled up into very small compass, when not wanted for use; and such mattresses not only make excellent beds, but also secure those who use them completely from damp from the ground. This is all that could or ought to be allowed to company officers in the field; and positive orders should prevent any other article whatever from being put upon the horses, as all good purposes are at once defeated if they are permitted to be overloaded; and even the private servants or bat-men should be made to carry their own knapsacks, in place of fastening them, as they will always try to do, upon the loads. I at the same time conclude, that the baggage of a company, regiment, brigade and division, marches in proper order, and if one overloaded or sore backed animal knocks up, the whole is most annoyingly and injuriously detained in consequence upon the road. In any arrangement, however, of this kind, I should expect that the baggage and animals allowed to field officers and regimental staff, and to commissariat and medical officers, &c. were likewise strictly brought under regulations, and the name of the owner, or the number of the troop, company, and corps, being conspicuously painted on a water-deck or cover, to go over the load of each animal, any irregularity, and the individual who might occasion it, could be at once ascertained.
It is quite impossible to make arrangements for company officers who may be taken ill, and obliged to go to the hospital stations in the rear. A company in the field is what must be kept in view in any plan of this kind. The medical department, with the means I have yet to propose to place at its disposal, would have to look to such casualties. I must, however, here observe, that in Portugal especially, we had often far too many officers at such stations—for instance at Lisbon, or rather Belem, Coimbra, &c. where it was well known many of them staid so long, that Lord Wellington had often to give them very broad hints, that it was high time they should remember that their regiments were in presence of the enemy. Some of these gentlemen, when absent from their corps, had well supplied their wants, and returned at last to their divisions, nicely mounted on a horse, probably purchased in Lisbon, attended by a soldier, and perhaps a Portuguese boy, leading a mule or two heavily loaded with the good things of this world. Thus the baggage and animals with the army were always increasing. The mule or horse had very likely soon to be sold, from want of food and people to look after them, so that the good things brought up being consumed, the temporary campaigner again fell so sick, that it became indispensable for him to revisit an hospital station, to recruit his health and replenish his supplies. This is by no means an over-drawn picture; and when it was sometimes asked by those with the army, what had become of so and so, the common answer was, that he had taken up a strong position near Lisbon, his right upon the Tagus, and his left at Belem; or that he was teaching the good people of Lisbon to cross the river in cork boats,—for these gentlemen were not without their amusements. It however strikes me at this moment, that as many of these frequenters of hospital stations were really seriously ill, it would be desirable, that when young gentlemen presented themselves to be examined for commissions, it should not only be ascertained that they had been educated, but also that they were fit for service. But I must proceed with other matters. The large bell tents now in general use for soldiers in the field, accommodate certainly a great many of them at night, when well packed with their feet to the poles; but they are much too heavy to be carried on the backs of animals when wet, or when they must be struck before sunrise, saturated with heavy dew. The baggage mules were often knocked up by them in this state. It is a bad plan that of carrying the large iron camp kettles upon animals for the use of companies; the light tin ones carried in turn by the soldiers themselves, in a bag made for the purpose, are greatly to be preferred, as they are always at hand.
It must altogether depend upon circumstances, but it would at all times require serious consideration, whether company officers should be allowed to keep riding horses or not. When they are allowed to ride on the line of march, they are certainly enabled to go unfatigued into action, and to look more closely after their men at the end of a day's work; but I beg to ask (servants being along with the baggage) who are to take the charge of their horses, when they must dismount when near the enemy, on going into action; and no soldier should be taken out of the ranks for such a purpose; how can any country be supposed capable of furnishing the enormous quantity of forage required for such increased numbers of animals, after regiments of Cavalry, Infantry, (I mean those that must be kept by them) Artillery, and the other departments have been supplied? Here therefore an almost insurmountable difficulty presents itself, and it becomes wise to curtail as much as possible in time, for every animal allowed to be kept, must be fed in some way or other.
The fewer women permitted to accompany an army the better, for they are generally useless, and tend immensely to increase the number of animals and quantity of baggage. I once knew a general, who, in an order he issued, was so ungallant, as to style these ladies, "his advanced guard of infamy;" and I must admit that he had too often just cause to style them so.
His Grace the Duke of Wellington was often greatly annoyed at the enormous consumption of forage by his army, and found it necessary to issue many orders upon the subject, of which I shall now give a few.
"G.O. San Pedro, 19th May, 1809.
"No. 10. As the Commander of the Forces has reason to believe many horses and mules are kept by even the soldiers of the army, and maintained by means entirely inconsistent with discipline and good order, he desires officers commanding regiments and brigades, to inquire into the number of horses and mules which are attached to the regiments under their command, and to enforce the immediate sale of those not allowed to be kept by the regulations of the army."
"G.O. Zarza Mayor, 4th July, 1809.
"No. 17. The Commander of the Forces requests the attention of general officers commanding divisions and brigades, to the general orders of the 4th and 5th of March, by the late Commander of the Forces, relative to the use of mules allowed for conveying camp kettles, in any service, except for the carriage of camp kettles.
"No. 18. The consequence of loading them with other baggage is, that they are unequal to carry the kettles which they are given to convey, and the loads are so ill put on, that they fall from the mules, and the camp kettles do not arrive from the march till after the hour, at which they ought to be used by the troops."
"G.O. Merida, 25th August, 1809.
"No. 3. The army must not forage for themselves, but must get it from the Commissary according to the usual mode, by sending in returns of the number of animals for whom forage is required, and receiving from him the regular rations; or if forage cannot be provided in that mode, and it is necessary it should be taken from the fields, it must be taken according to the general orders of the 17th of June, 1839."
"G.O. Villa Formosa, 13th April, 1811.
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces requests, that, if possible, the green corn may not be cut for the horses, &c. belonging to the army; and that they may, if possible, be turned into the grass fields in preference to the green corn. It must be understood, however, that the horses, &c. attached to the army, must be fed, and must have the green corn, if they cannot get grass."
"G.O. Nave de Rey, 16th July, 1812.
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces particularly requests the attention of the commissariat attached to divisions and brigades of Infantry, and to regiments of Cavalry, and of the general officers of the army, and commanding officers of regiments, to the orders which have been issued regarding the cutting of forage.
"No. 2. He desires, that whenever it is possible, grass may be given to the horses and other animals, instead of straw with the corn in the ear.
"No. 3. The Assistant Provosts must be employed to prevent the plunder of the corn-fields, and their destruction by turning cattle into them."
"G.O. Frenada, 25th November, 1812.
"No. 4. The Commander of the Forces has taken the precaution of having the grass mowed, and saved as hay, in many parts of the country in which the troops are now, or may be cantoned, which resource is ample for the food of all the animals of the army during the winter, if duly taken care of, and distributed under the regulations of the service.
"No. 5. The Commander of the Forces is sorry to learn, however, that much of what was thus provided in this part of the country, has been already wasted, or trampled upon and destroyed, and in particular 35,000 rations of hay, which were at Espeja, and of which Lieutenant Holborne took possession, has been destroyed.
"No. 6. He entreats the attention of general officers, and commanding officers of regiments, to these orders, as they relate not only to the hay provided by the orders of the Commander of the Forces, but to the forage, and other resources of the country."
Much more might be given and said upon this most important subject; but being apprehensive that I have already exhausted the patience of many readers, I shall only farther observe, that in the French armies they act in a very summary manner with respect to carriages and animals kept contrary to the rules of the service. All such carriages and animals, and the persons along with them, are laid hold of by the police, and taken to head-quarters, to be delivered up to the provost, who reports the circumstances to the major-general, and who commonly orders the transgressors to be punished by the provost-corporals, and the carriages and animals to be sold for the benefit of the captors.
It now becomes necessary to consider other subjects connected with the higher branches of the military profession, and which require to be so well weighed, that I may, if possible, give offence to no one; at least it shall be my study to endeavour to avoid doing so.
CHAP. V.
There are many schools in which officers should study in order to gain a perfect knowledge of the military profession, but certainly none can be selected superior to that of experience, in which previously acquired science or theory can be usefully exemplified. But the best of all teachers is decidedly Cæsar, who still speaks to soldiers in a language which they can understand; and of this Napoleon was so well aware, that he always expected his officers to have carefully studied that great general's Commentaries, and which are so well translated into French by General Toulongeon. As an instance—selected out of many to be found in that finely written narrative—what can possibly be a more admirable piece of military policy, than when Cæsar, as he tells us, having found that his army had become alarmed at the accounts received of the warlike appearance, and desperate valour of the Germans under Ariovistus, he decides at once, to allow all who had no stomach for fighting to depart, if they thought fit to do so; and which instantly produced the effects he so wisely anticipated. And let me ask, if a British army were again to get into a scrape, like that in which the 3rd division, and part of our troops, found themselves on the Garonne, just before the battle of Toulouse, and had at least four to one pitted against them; and if our General announced, that those who did not like the appearance of matters might go home; how many would go?
Cæsar perfectly understood the feelings of a Roman army, and knew how to act upon them; but let us see what were those of even a commander of a British regiment.
Colonel Forbes was left by order of Sir Thomas Picton, after the 3rd division moved up the Garonne towards Toulouse, with the 45th regiment, to guard the pontoon bridge across it, where a considerable part of the army had passed. He had reason to think that a battle was about to be fought; and the idea of his remaining in the rear in command, even of such a regiment as the 45th, and though employed upon an important duty, was intolerable. Almost every hour I received a letter from him, urging me to represent to Sir Thomas Brisbane how unhappy he and his regiment felt, at being left in such a situation; and entreating that he might be allowed to give up his post to some troops more in the rear, or to detachments coming up to join the army. His impatience was for some time laughed at; but at last I had the pleasure of sending him orders to abandon his post, and to replace himself and his regiment at the head of the right brigade of the 3rd division. He came up just in time for the battle of Toulouse; and in it he fell, gallantly leading on his regiment in the unfortunate attempt made to force the passage of the canal.
To be able to take advantage of the proper moment for acting upon national feeling or character, is a strong proof of an officer being qualified to command. But a Commander-in-Chief cannot give the world a stronger proof of his fitness or unfitness for his high station than in the men by whom he surrounds himself or employs—if the choice is left to him—upon the staff of the army placed under his orders.
It is the opinion of many of our best soldiers, that no officer should ever be taken from his regiment to be employed upon the staff, unless his place in it be immediately and permanently supplied by another; for no corps ought thus to be deprived of those allowed for carrying on its duties; and such appointments have often been found to injure, in some degree, the individuals themselves ever after as regimental officers. What a corps might suffer in being thus deprived of its officers, seemed to be always overlooked; and interest or patronage alone too often guided those who had the power of recommending or selecting officers for such important appointments; their fitness to perform the duties attached to them was quite another matter, with which they did not appear to trouble themselves; and I have no doubt but I would be set down as a mere simpleton in the ways of the world, if I were to imagine that they would ever act otherwise.
It must be acknowledged, that our selections of officers for staff appointments were too often injudicious; but I do not allow that they were ever carried to the extent, shewn by an able French writer, that they were brought in France at the commencement of the year 1792, when the Etat Major of their armies were in so wretched a state, that it was found necessary to re-establish, quietly, but imperfectly, what had been destroyed by a decree of the 5th of October, 1790. The difficulties of the service augmented incessantly, from their ignorance even of the old forms gone through, and which some fancied they could remedy, by multiplying the numbers employed. The power of attaching assistants to the Etat Major consequently grew into a complete abuse; and at last, in the month of April, 1792, rose to such a pitch, that what with the numbers employed, and through the choice made, the Minister of War saw himself forced to try to put things to rights, by a circular letter addressed to Generals commanding military divisions, and which led to the dismissal from their employments of the whole of these assistants. It, however, soon after became necessary to employ the same, or others equally useless; and this letter did not by any means put a stop to the increasing evils of interest and patronage, for there were still appointed to the Etat Major the most improper and ignorant men, and even girls, who had mounted uniforms, and substituted the sword for the distaff. We are told that there is still to be seen a letter from General Dumourier to Pache, the Minister of War, reproaching him for having sent to his army an opera dancer as an adjutant-general. Men of abilities were, as may be well supposed, disgusted, whilst they were overwhelmed with business, to make up for the ignorance of others; and they were necessitated to use every expedient in order to get through, in any way, the tasks assigned them; and thus the service only presented one mass of confusion, the Minister of War not receiving connected reports or returns; and, as a matter of course, he could not give satisfactory information, when called upon to do so, to those really interested in knowing the state of the army. Another circular was, in consequence, issued by the Minister of War, dated Paris, the 20th of April, 1793; but it had no effect whatever, because it was not only unreasonable, but ridiculous, to require from men what they neither could do, nor knew how to do. The Committee of Public Safety, struck with this state of things, set about putting matters to rights; but two or three of its members, interested that the disorders should continue, found means to overturn all, and the state of the Etat Major was allowed to remain as hopeless as ever. It was not therefore until about the 4th year of the Republic, that they were able in some measure to put things into order, by turning out ignorant and incapable men, and the Etat Major then became composed of some good officers, who established plans to keep its machinery in movement; but France had then had time to see the danger, which there always is, in even slightly disorganizing useful establishments, under the pretence of reforming them. These remarks do not apply directly to us, farther than in the occasional appointment, through interest, of inefficient officers, for the returns of a British army, at least its regiments, were and are still well and regularly kept. Yet, I must say, that for the guidance of our staff in the field, we can scarcely show that we have a system, or what ought to be considered as such.
The staff of an army ought to be a distinct and permanent branch of the service, and no officers should be employed upon it but those who had received such an education, as is usually given to our engineers, the usefulness of which is so ably demonstrated by experiments and practice under Colonel Pasley, whose establishment for instruction (if we except what the artillery are taught at Woolwich,) is the only one worth keeping up; but it is a great drawback to our military service, that the officers of engineers are not more frequently placed in high responsible situations, and intrusted with high important commands and missions; at all events, officers employed even as Aides-de-Camp, but certainly as Brigade-Majors, or in the departments of the Adjutant and Quarter-Master-General, should have had a first-rate military education; but I repeat, that I would not ask where it had been acquired, whether in France, Germany, or wherever it can be had upon the most reasonable terms, for in England it is far too expensive.
Staff officers ought to be men of talents and of great enterprise and perseverance, and should possess even a certain knowledge of what is considered business, both in a civil and military point of view, which would render them capable of ascertaining and calling forth the various resources of a country. They should also be well acquainted with military police duties, or the best modes of exercising military law, in all its bearings, and to enable them to do this with advantage to the army, and to the country, they should have attached to them an intelligent mounted police corps. From the want of such an establishment, which it is the work of years to form, how often, and how severely have our armies suffered, and must continue to suffer till a change takes place.
Inexperienced officers, if even well educated, taken suddenly from their regiments, and, according to the fancy of general officers, or in compliance with the wishes of injudicious and interested friends, are unfit for, and must be ignorant of the complicated duties of the staff; and our generals, at least of old, were themselves too often unequal to instruct them. The consequences therefore invariably were, that on first taking the field, nothing could be worse managed than the departments over which our misnamed staff had to preside. The system, if it deserved to be so called, being undefined or ill-digested, the movements or manœuvres of the army, were, as a matter of course, often badly arranged, and nearly as badly executed; its combinations, as far as the staff were concerned in them, were frequently defective. The General-in-Chief had little or no assistance from the generality of them in the time of need, and it was really ridiculous to see how even our common out-posts were sometimes thrown out, leaving the most essential points unwatched, or wholly disregarded.
These are sweeping charges, and I ought to be able to shew that I am justified in making them: for example then—some may remember that on the 27th of July, 1809, the first day, I may say, of the battle of Talavera, the enemy's light troops broke unexpectedly in upon us at the Alberche river, when our troops were quite unprepared for such an event; some young corps were surprised and consequently did not behave well. Lord Wellington, himself, if I mistake not, and some of his staff were placed in a very perilous situation in an old unroofed house, into which they had gone in order to ascertain from its highest windows what was going forward; and his Lordship had, immediately after, to take upon himself, in a great measure, the direction of the hastily-formed rear guard of infantry, consisting of the 45th regiment and 5th battalion 60th; which corps, assisted by our cavalry, covered the retreat of the advanced division till it reached the position in which the battle of that night, and the following day were fought. But who, that witnessed it, can ever forget the scene of confusion which took place on the night of the 27th, amongst the Spaniards! They literally swept away with them, in their panic, occasioned by the fire of a few French sharpshooters who had followed up to their position, the part of the rear-guard to which I belonged. These untoward events, were, in a great measure, the consequence of the advanced division not being managed by instructed or experienced staff officers; but I can scarcely undertake to say, that even for some time afterwards this branch of our service had become respectable, though it certainly had improved by practice. In short, in point of movement and intelligence on the part of regimental officers, the British corps of cavalry and infantry were, in general, excellent; but we had not, with a few exceptions, many officers of rank employed, either as generals or upon the staff, who were capable of directing or making use of such troops scientifically, or to advantage. It may be said, that in thus speaking of British soldiers I now contradict my former assertions, but I by no means do so; I here only allude to their discipline and courage in the field, under good regimental officers, and not to what occurred too often upon other occasions.
The French fairly worked us into practical knowledge of war at last; not that the officers of that gallant nation were themselves so greatly enlightened, as was generally supposed, or that they or their troops gained the battles fought—although I often, and especially at first, wondered they did not—but we had almost always to pay most dearly for victory, that is to say, for getting possession of the field of battle, which was sometimes all we had to boast of.
I may not, perhaps, appear to be borne out in the opinions I have ventured to give, by Lord Wellington's general orders after the battle of Talavera; I must, nevertheless, bring it before the reader to enable him to come to a right conclusion:—
"G.O. Talavera de la Reyna, 29th July, 1809.
"No. 1. The Commander of the Forces returns his thanks to the officers and troops for their gallant conduct in the two trying days of yesterday and the day before, in which they have been engaged with, and beaten off the repeated attacks of an army infinitely superior in number.
"He has particularly to request that Lieutenant-General Sherbrooke will accept his thanks for the assistance he has received from him, as well as from the manner in which he led on the infantry under his command to the charge of the bayonet. Major-General Hill, and Brigadier-General Alexander Campbell, are likewise entitled, in a particular manner, to the acknowledgments of the Commander of the Forces, for their gallantry and ability with which they maintained their posts against the attacks made upon them by the enemy.
"The Commander of the Forces has likewise to acknowledge the ability with which the late Major-General M'Kenzie (whose subsequent loss the Commander of the Forces laments,) withdrew the division under his command from the out-posts, in front of the enemy's army, on the 27th instant, as well as to Colonel Donkin for his conduct on that occasion.
"The Commander of the Forces, likewise, considers Lieutenant-General Payne and the cavalry, particularly Brigadier-General Anson and his brigade, who was principally engaged with the enemy, to be entitled to his acknowledgments; as well as Brigadier-General Howarth and his artillery; Major-General Tilson, Brigadier-General R. Stewart, Brigadier-General Cameron, and the brigades under their commands, respectively.
"He had opportunities of noticing the gallantry and discipline of the 5th battalion 60th and the 45th, on the 27th; and of the 29th and 1st battalion 48th, on that night; and on the 28th, of the 7th and 53rd: and he requests their commanding officers, Major Davey, Colonel Guard, Colonel White, Colonel Donallan, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir William Myers, and Lieutenant-Colonel Bingham to accept his particular thanks.
"The charge made by the brigade of Guards, under the command of Brigadier-General H. Campbell, on the enemy's attacking column, was a most gallant one, and the mode in which it was afterwards covered by the 1st battalion of the 48th, was most highly creditable to that most excellent corps, and to their commanding officer, Major Middlemore.
"The Commander of the Forces requests Colonel Fletcher, the Chief Engineer, Brigadier-General the Hon. Charles Stewart, Adjutant-General, Colonel Murray, Quarter-Master-General, and the officers of those departments, respectively, and Lieutenant-Colonel Bathurst and those of his personal staff, will accept his thanks for the assistance he received from them throughout these trying days."
Before the great French revolution, or about the year 1790, some able French officers had given their attention to the formation of an état-major, or staff, for their armies, which would have greatly conduced to improvement in carrying on business in the various branches of their service; and this was proposed to be chiefly accomplished by establishing an uniform, comprehensive, and connected system; embracing objects, to a certain degree, both civil and military; the details of which would develop themselves, as the several heads of service came to be examined.
These objects, owing to the confusion that arose out of the sudden elevation to power of daring and able, but generally inexperienced men, and the displacing of the old accomplished officers of the royal army were frustrated, or at least lost sight of for some time: but, although the French marched on from victory to victory over the neighbouring panic struck and astonished nations, the want of such an organized department, was seriously felt by the Commanders-in-chief of their armies, so much so, that upon an able work being published at Paris, by General Grimoard in 1809, styled "Traité sur le service de l'Etat-major-general des Armées," it was received with great approbation, and I may say, continued from that period to be a guide to the French Marshals and Generals, in the formation of the staff of the armies put under their charge; and it seemed also to be the system adopted, or approved of, by the Emperor.
Not long before this General Thiebault had also published a very useful work upon the same subject; but not by any means so comprehensive as that of General Grimoard; which I am inclined to think, would afford many useful hints to us in establishing a system for carrying on the duties of this essential branch of our service; but taken as a whole, it would, I am persuaded, be found too diffuse and complicated to be advantageously adopted by any army. I may however observe, that strictly speaking, we have no established system of this kind; for the experience of a few officers, acquired on service, most of whom are now high in rank, cannot be considered as such; and what a deal an officer who wants information, would have to wade through, if he endeavoured to find it in the several volumes of general orders of His Grace the Duke of Wellington, who must have felt, and evidently did feel, throughout his protracted operations in the field, how hard and wearing it was, not only to command a British army, but also to have so much of the weight and annoyance of attending to minute details of military police, the commissariat, and of almost every thing else, thrown upon him, and requiring his constant superintendence and watchfulness. I am aware, that after they had acquired experience in the field, he received assistance, to a considerable extent, from some of the head-quarter staff, and from the generals and staff of divisions and brigades; but I do not believe, and his orders fully bear me out in saying so—that any of our other generals could have been equal to the task he found it necessary to impose upon himself; for at first he was evidently not much better off, than a commander of a regiment, who happens to have an indifferent adjutant, and who is in the habit of hopelessly attempting to carry on the whole of its duties, and managing all its details, between himself and that functionary, without considering for what purpose he has been furnished with two majors, ten captains, twenty or thirty subalterns, and a number of non-commissioned officers. But it is really wonderful what His Grace had at first to get through, from the want of a properly organized staff for his army, who could have acted upon fixed principles, or established regulations. From not being able to avail himself of such assistance (and no Commander-in-chief of a British army can ever under present circumstances do so), he was obliged to come too much into contact with divisions, brigades, and regiments, and their minute details; and had even to decide, after having had all the trouble of inquiry into intricate matters, either personally or through the means of a general court-martial, as to the punishment the misconduct of many of our soldiers merited, and even to order it to be carried into effect.
These and many other considerations should convince us, that there ought never to be, what is usually termed a second in command, without a division to take charge of, for he is too often only in the way; but there should be a head, or chief of the staff of an army, in constant and immediate communication with the commander of it; and he ought to possess, in virtue of his office, considerable authority. He should have under him, for carrying into effect the orders or views of the Commander of the Forces, an adjutant, and a quarter-master-general, with a sufficient number of assistants attached to them; and one of each department, according to our present plan, should be appointed to each division of the army; and a brigade-major ought also to have the superintendance of the staff duties of each brigade.
The respective duties of the adjutant and quarter-master-general's departments ought to be clearly defined in every point, and carefully kept distinct; and the strictest system of responsibility, should at all times, and in all situations, be enforced throughout the whole; and it should never again be necessary for a Commander of the Forces to issue such an order as that which follows, and which shows at once, what must have been at first the composition of the staff of a British army.
"G.O. Zarza Mayor, 4th July, 1809.
"No. 1. The assistant-adjutant-generals, and brigade-majors of those divisions and brigades stationed in the neighbourhood of head-quarters, must attend at the adjutant-general's office for orders at 10 o'clock precisely.
"No. 2. The brigade-majors will attend at the assistant-adjutant-generals of divisions to receive the division orders at half-past 11 o'clock, and at one, the brigade-majors must give out the orders to the adjutants of regiments, which must be given out to the troops and companies, and read to the soldiers at evening parades.
"No. 3. In case circumstances should prevent the brigade-majors from issuing the general orders to the adjutants of regiments before 3 o'clock on any halting day, they are to receive and issue on that day only the orders requiring immediate execution, of which the general-officers commanding brigades are to make the selection, and on the following day the other orders of general regulation.
"No. 4. All orders received by the adjutants of regiments must, at the first parade, or earlier, if necessary, be read to the troops.
"No. 5. On marching days the assistant adjutant-generals and brigade majors, stationed near head-quarters, will attend at the adjutant-general's office for orders as soon as the troops reach their ground.
"No. 6. All orders requiring immediate execution issued on marching days, must be given to the adjutants, and read to the troops as soon as possible.
"No. 7. The general orders will be sent from head-quarters to divisions at a distance by the first opportunity, those requiring immediate execution must be issued and read to the troops as soon as received; the others, if not received by the general officer of the division before 2 P.M., are not to be issued till the following day.
"No. 8. The assistant adjutant-generals, or the brigade major, of the division or brigade at a distance to which the general orders will have been sent, must send to the adjutant-general by the first opportunity, a receipt for the orders received, specifying the number for each day.
"No. 9. When pass orders will be sent, directions will be written on the back of them, stating whether they are to be circulated by the person who will have carried them from head-quarters, or to the officers respectively to whom they have been addressed.
"No. 10. Every officer, to whom they are addressed, must sign his name on the paper on receiving them, and insert the hour of the day at which they reached him.
"No. 11. As pass orders invariably must require immediate execution, they must be issued and read to the troops without loss of time.
"No. 12. The numberless mistakes which have occurred, and the many instances of neglect and disobedience of orders issued referring to the health, subsistence, or the convenience of the troops, renders it necessary not only to observe the early circulation of orders, but, if possible, obedience to them and their early and prompt execution.
"No. 13. The obedience to orders of general regulations must depend upon the attention of general officers commanding brigades, and commanding officers of regiments, and their determination to enforce regularity and discipline, but obedience to them requiring execution can be secured by other means.
"No. 14. Accordingly the Commander of the Forces desires that officers commanding regiments shall report to the general officer commanding the brigade, that the general orders requiring the performance of any duty, or the execution of any arrangement, have been obeyed."
All this proves that the knowledge and experience of the staff of a British army were, at that period, at a very low ebb; but matters were afterwards greatly improved, and the valuable time of the staff saved, which was thrown away in attending for orders, by Lord Wellington ordering the distribution of printed copies of general orders for departments, divisions, brigades, and regiments; but, still, too much of the time of the non-commissioned officers, who might have been much better employed in assisting their officers in looking after the soldiers, was always taken up in the field, in writing out orders for their respective companies. This ought to be dispensed with altogether. The corps should be quickly assembled in square, or close column, and the orders or regulations, which should be few in number, as almost every thing could be arranged before hand at the Horse Guards, ought to be read distinctly to them by the commanding officer, a field officer, or the adjutant; and when thus assembled, any explanations, or farther directions, which might be necessary, could be given, and the orders themselves more forcibly impressed upon the minds of the soldiers, which is rarely properly done, if left to company officers, or non-commissioned officers.
This plan would not only save much time, but also prevent many mistakes from happening.
It is not my intention here, nor in any other part of this work, to be unnecessarily minute in bringing matters before the readers; or at present to enter fully into the various details of the duties of staff officers; and I may, therefore, only now observe, and I shall not hesitate in doing so to take advantage of the suggestions, or hints, of any military writer, when it may suit my purpose, that the duties or functions of the staff, which have hitherto, with us, been only determined by what was considered custom, or by some obsolete modes of practice, which, after much trouble, may, perhaps, be found scattered through numerous orders and regulations, which from time to time, have been issued by various commanders, or in books which have no claim whatever to be considered official; and so completely is this the case, that the practice of modern warfare makes it desirable, and even indispensable, that where any authority may be attached to them, they ought to be annulled or suppressed, and a new system, constructed on a wise, and, if it can be done, on a limited scale, soon promulgated, as the established regulations of the army, which would render it scarcely possible, that mistakes, as to staff duties, could hereafter happen when brought into practice; for, in the field, the slightest misunderstanding, or disputing about points, perhaps in themselves trivial, might destroy that unity and rapidity of acting, which is so essential towards ensuring success in war.
The officer employed as chief of the staff should possess first-rate talents, much military information or experience; great activity, and perseverance. There are very few officers capable of filling this important and responsible appointment; for it demands a complete knowledge of the profession of a soldier. He should be well acquainted with the country about to become the seat of war; with its history, and with the wars which may have been there carried on, either in ancient or modern times; so that the general in command of the army could consult and arrange with him, if he thought proper, as to the best mode of directing his operations, and his suggestions might in many respects be of the most essential service. He should be looked up to by both the generals and the army, as not only intrusted with the plans or views of the Commander-in-Chief, but as also of being fully aware how they were to be executed; so that all the details of service would properly come from him; and thus freed from much care and trouble, the General-in-chief would more particularly be able to devote his attention to the grand objects of the enterprise in view. But the duties of chief of the staff and those of the several departments under him, being, as far as practicable, clearly defined by regulations; with what little difficulty or danger from the effects of ignorance or inexperience an army handled by officers so taught, and always kept in readiness when called for, could be brought into the field in an efficient state for service; whereas by the way in which we now try to get through matters, a Commander-in-Chief in any future war would have to wade through all the difficulties encountered, and by so much perseverance overcome by his Grace the Duke of Wellington.
I must now observe, and in as few words as possible, that issuing of orders and regulations, and upon all occasions seeing that they were obeyed; keeping an historical journal of the events of a campaign; making out returns for head-quarters, and calling for all those usually required from divisions, brigades, and regiments, and the ordinary correspondence appertaining to such subjects; arrangements for the maintenance of the discipline of the army; furnishing of officers and troops for guards and out-posts; issuing necessary instructions for a well-regulated and mounted police force, whose commander, captains, and subalterns, being well-taught their duties, and competent to perform them, should be entrusted with even more power than was allowed to provost-marshals;—these, with some other points of service, ought to come under the Adjutant-General and his assistants. But all this, it may be said, is already the common routine of business, and should be known to staff-officers; yet every one of them, I am certain, who has had experience in the field, must have felt the want of an efficient police, and of a better system for their guidance.
No division of the army should ever be without a strong detachment of police, either temporarily or permanently attached to it; and thus crimes would either be prevented through their vigilance, or those guilty of them immediately punished; the resources of a country would then neither be lawlessly seized and frittered away by marauders, nor would the inhabitants fail to bring supplies to the regularly established markets of the army, where they would be sure to find protection from the police. But all sutlers and persons permitted permanently to supply articles in camp or cantonments ought to have licenses from the head of the police, without which they should not be allowed to do so.