The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.

A View of Christmas Harbour, in Kerguelen’s Land.

THE
THREE
VOYAGES
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK
ROUND THE WORLD.
COMPLETE
In Seven Volumes.
WITH MAP AND OTHER PLATES.
VOL. V.
BEING THE FIRST OF THE THIRD VOYAGE.

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR

LONGMAN, HURST, REES, ORME, AND BROWN,

PATERNOSTER-ROW.

1821.

London:

Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,

New-Street-Square.

CONTENTS
OF
THE FIFTH VOLUME.

A

VOYAGE

TO THE

PACIFIC OCEAN,

TO DETERMINE

THE POSITION AND EXTENT OF THE WEST SIDE OF NORTH AMERICA;

ITS DISTANCE FROM ASIA; AND THE PRACTICABILITY

OF A NORTHERN PASSAGE TO EUROPE.

PERFORMED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF

CAPTAINS COOK, CLERKE, AND GORE,

IN HIS MAJESTY’S SHIPS THE RESOLUTION AND DISCOVERY,

IN THE YEARS 1776, 1777, 1778, 1779, and 1780.

VOL. I.

WRITTEN BY CAPTAIN COOK.

INTRODUCTION
TO THE
VOYAGE TO THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

The spirit of discovery, which had long animated the European nations, having, after its arduous and successful exertions during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, gradually subsided, and for a considerable time lain dormant, began to revive in Great Britain in the late reign[^[1]]; and recovered all its former activity, under the cherishing influence, and munificent encouragement, of his present Majesty.

Soon after his accession to the throne, having happily closed the destructive operations of war, he turned his thoughts to enterprizes more humane, but not less brilliant, adapted to the season of returning peace. While every liberal art, and useful study, flourished under his patronage at home, his superintending care was extended to such branches of knowledge as required distant examination and inquiry; and his ships, after bringing back victory and conquest from every quarter of the known world, were now employed in opening friendly communications with its hitherto unexplored recesses.

In the prosecution of an object so worthy of the Monarch of a great commercial people, one voyage followed another in close succession; and we may add, in regular gradation. What Byron[^[2]] had begun, Wallis[^[3]] and Carteret[^[4]] soon improved. Their success gave birth to a far more extensive plan of discovery, carried into execution, in two subsequent voyages, conducted by Cook.[^[5]] And that nothing might be left unattempted, though much had been already done, the same commander, whose professional skill could only be equalled by the persevering diligence with which he had exerted it, in the course of his former researches, was called upon, once more, to resume, or rather to complete, the survey of the globe. Accordingly, another voyage was undertaken in 1776; which, though last in the order of time, was far from being the least considerable, with respect to the extent and importance of its objects; yet, still, far less fortunate than any of the former, as those objects were not accomplished, but at the expence of the valuable life of its conductor.

When plans, calculated to be of general utility, are carried into execution with partial views, and upon interested motives, it is natural to attempt to confine, within some narrow circle, the advantages which might have been derived to the world at large by an unreserved disclosure of all that had been effected. And, upon this principle, it has too frequently been considered as sound policy, perhaps, in this country, as well as amongst some of our neighbours, to affect to draw a veil of secrecy over the result of enterprizes to discover and explore unknown quarters of the globe. It is to the honour of the present reign, that more liberal views have been now adopted. Our late voyages, from the very extensive objects proposed by them, could not but convey useful information to every European nation; and, indeed, to every nation, however remote, which cultivates commerce, and is acquainted with navigation: and that information has most laudably been afforded. The same enlarged and benevolent spirit, which ordered these several expeditions to be undertaken, has also taken care that the result of their various discoveries should be authentically recorded. And the transactions of the five first voyages round the world having, in due time, been communicated[^[6]], under the authority of his Majesty’s naval minister; those of the sixth, which, besides revisiting many of the former discoveries in the Southern, carried its operations into untrodden paths in the Northern hemisphere, are, under the same sanction, now submitted to the public in these volumes.

One great plan of nautical investigation having been pursued throughout, it is obvious, that the several voyages have a close connection, and that an exact recollection of what had been aimed at, and effected, in those that preceded, will throw considerable light on our period. With a view, therefore, to assist the reader in forming a just estimate of the additional information conveyed by this publication, it may not be improper to lay before him a short, though comprehensive, abstract of the principal objects that had been previously accomplished, arranged in such a manner, as may serve to unite, into one point of view, the various articles which lie scattered through the voluminous Journals already in the hands of the public; those compiled by Dr. Hawkesworth; and that which was written by Captain Cook himself. By thus shewing what had been formerly done, how much still remained for subsequent examination, will be more apparent; and it will be better understood on what grounds, though the ships of his Majesty had already circumnavigated the world five different times, in the course of about ten years, another voyage should still be thought expedient.

There will be a farther use in giving such an abstract a place in this Introduction. The plan of discovery, carried on in so many successive expeditions, being now, we may take upon us to say, in a great measure completed; by summing up the final result, we shall be better able to do justice to the benevolent purposes it was designed to answer; and a solid foundation will be laid, on which we may build a satisfactory answer to a question, sometimes asked by a peevish refinement and ignorant malevolence, What beneficial consequences, if any, have followed, or are likely to follow, to the discoverers, or to the discovered, to the common interests of humanity, or to the increase of useful knowledge, from all our boasted attempts to explore the distant recesses of the globe?

The general object of the several voyages round the world, undertaken by the command of his Majesty, prior to that related in this work, was to search for unknown tracts of land that might exist within the bosom of the immense expanse of ocean that occupies the whole southern hemisphere.

Within that space, so few researches had been made, before our time, and those few researches had been made so imperfectly, that the result of them, as communicated to the world in any narration, had rather served to create uncertainty, than to convey information; to deceive the credulous, rather than to satisfy the judicious inquirer; by blending the true geography of above half the superficies of the earth, with an endless variety of plausible conjectures, suggested by ingenious speculation; of idle tales, handed down by obscure tradition; or of bold fictions, invented by deliberate falsehood.

It would have been very unfortunate, indeed, if five different circumnavigators of the globe, some of them at least, if not all, in tracks little known, and less frequented, had produced no discoveries, to reward the difficulties and perils unavoidably encountered. But the following review will furnish the most satisfactory proofs, that his Majesty’s instructions have been executed with ability; and that the repeated visits of his ships to the southern hemisphere have very considerably added to our stock of geographical knowledge.

I.

The South Atlantic Ocean was the first scene of our operations. Falkland’s Islands had been hitherto barely known to exist; but their true position and extent, and every circumstance which could render their existence of any consequence, remained absolutely undecided, till Byron visited them in 1764. And Captain Macbride, who followed him thither two years after, having circumnavigated their coasts, and taken a complete survey, a chart of Falkland’s Islands has been constructed, with so much accuracy, that the coasts of Great Britain itself are not more authentically laid down upon our maps.

How little was really known of the islands in the South Atlantic, even so late as the time of Lord Anson, we have the most remarkable proofs, in the history of his voyage. Unavoidably led into mistake, by the imperfect materials then in the possession of the world, he had considered Pepys’s Island, and Falkland Isles, as distinct places, distant from each other about five degrees of latitude.[^[7]] Byron’s researches have rectified this capital error; and it is now decided, beyond all contradiction, that future navigators will mispend their time, if they look for Pepys’s Island in latitude 47°; it being now certain, that Pepys’s Island is no other than these islands of Falkland.[^[8]]

Besides the determination of this considerable point, other lands, situated in the South Atlantic, have been brought forward into view. If the isle of Georgia had been formerly seen by La Roche, in 1675, and by Mr. Guyot, in the ship Lion, in 1756, which seems to be probable, Captain Cook, in 1775, has made us fully acquainted with its extent and true position; and, in the same year, he added to the map of the world Sandwich Land, hitherto not known to exist, and the most southern discovery that has been ever accomplished.[^[9]]

II.

Though the Strait of Magalhaens had been frequently visited, and sailed through, by ships of different nations, before our time, a careful examination of its bays, and harbours, and headlands; of the numerous islands it contains, and of the coasts, on both sides, that inclose it; and an exact account of the tides, and currents, and soundings, through its whole extent, was a task, which, if Sir John Narborough, and others, had not totally omitted, they cannot be said to have recorded so fully, as to preclude the utility of future investigation. This task has been ably and effectually performed by Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, whose transactions in this Strait, and the chart of it, founded on their observations and discoveries, are a most valuable accession to geography.

III.

If the correct information, thus obtained, about every part of this celebrated Strait, should deter future adventurers from involving themselves in the difficulties and embarrassments of a labyrinth, now known to be so intricate, and the unavoidable source of danger and delay, we have the satisfaction to have discovered, that a safer and more expeditious entrance into the Pacific Ocean, may be reasonably depended upon. The passage round Cape Horn has been repeatedly tried, both from the east and from the west, and stript of its terrors. We shall, for the future, be less discouraged by the labours and distresses experienced by the squadrons of Lord Anson and Pizarro, when we recollect, that they were obliged to attempt the navigation of those seas at an unfavourable season of the year; and that there was nothing very formidable met with there, when they were traversed by Captain Cook.

To this distinguished navigator was reserved the honour of being the first, who, from a series of the most satisfactory observations, beginning at the west entrance of the Strait of Magalhaens, and carried on, with unwearied diligence, round Tierra del Fuego, through the Strait of Le Maire, has constructed a chart of the southern extremity of America, from which it will appear, how much former navigators must have been at a loss to guide themselves, and what advantages will now be enjoyed by those who shall hereafter sail round Cape Horn.

IV.

As the voyages of discovery, undertaken by his Majesty’s command, have facilitated the access of ships into the Pacific Ocean, they have also greatly enlarged our knowledge of its contents.

Though the immense expanse usually distinguished by this appellation, had been navigated by Europeans for near two centuries and a half[^[10]], by far the greater part of it, particularly to the south of the equator, had remained, during all this time, unexplored.

The great aim of Magalhaens, and of the Spaniards in general, its first navigators being merely to arrive, by this passage, at the Moluccas, and the other Asiatic Spice Islands, every intermediate part of the ocean that did not lie contiguous to their western track, which was on the north side of the equator, of course escaped due examination; and if Mendana and Quiros, and some nameless conductors of voyages before them[^[11]], by deviating from this track, and holding a westerly one from Callao, within the southern tropic, were so fortunate as to meet with various islands there, and so sanguine as to consider those islands as marks of the existence of a neighbouring southern continent; in the exploring of which they flattered themselves they should rival the fame of De Gama and Columbus; these feeble efforts never led to any effectual disclosure of the supposed hidden mine of the New World. On the contrary, their voyages being conducted without a judicious plan, and their discoveries being left imperfect without immediate settlement, or subsequent examination, and scarcely recorded in any well-authenticated or accurate narrations, had been almost forgot; or were so obscurely remembered, as only to serve the purpose of producing perplexing debates about their situation and extent; if not to suggest doubts about their very existence.

It seems, indeed, to have become a very early object of policy in the Spanish councils, to discontinue and to discourage any farther researches in that quarter. Already masters of a larger empire on the continent of America than they could conveniently govern, and of richer mines of the precious metals on that continent than they could convert into use, neither avarice nor ambition furnished reasons for aiming at a fresh accession of dominions. And thus, though settled all along the shores of this ocean, in a situation so commodious for prosecuting discoveries throughout its wide extent, the Spaniards remained satisfied with a coasting intercourse between their own ports; never stretching across the vast gulph that separates that part of America from Asia, but in an unvarying line of navigation; perhaps in a single annual ship, between Acapulco and Manilla.

The tracks of other European navigators of the South Pacific Ocean, were, in a great measure, regulated by those of the Spaniards; and consequently limited within the same narrow bounds. With the exception, perhaps, of two instances only, those of Le Maire and Roggewein, no ships of another nation had entered this sea, through the Strait of Magalhaens, or round Cape Horn, but for the purposes of clandestine trade with the Spaniards, or of open hostility against them: purposes which could not be answered, without precluding any probable chance of adding much to our stock of discovery. For it was obviously incumbent on all such adventurers, to confine their cruises within a moderate distance of the Spanish settlements; in the vicinity of which alone they could hope to exercise their commerce, or to execute their predatory and military operations. Accordingly, soon after emerging from the Strait, or completing the circuit of Tierra del Fuego, they began to hold a northerly course, to the uninhabited island of Juan Fernandez, their usual spot of rendezvous and refreshment. And, after ranging along the continent of America, from Chili to California, they either reversed their course back to the Atlantic; or, if they ventured to extend their voyage, by stretching over to Asia, they never thought of trying experiments in the unfrequented and unexplored parts of the ocean; but chose the beaten path (if the expression may be used), within the limits of which it was likely they might meet with a Philippine galleon, to make their voyage profitable to themselves; but could have little prospect, if they had been desirous, of making it useful to the world, by gaining any accession of new land to the map of the world.

By the natural operation of these causes, it could not but happen, that little progress should be made toward obtaining a full and accurate knowledge of the South Pacific Ocean. Something, however, had been attempted by the industrious and once enterprising Dutch; to whom we are indebted for three voyages, undertaken for the purposes of discovery; and whose researches, in the southern latitudes of this ocean, are much better ascertained than are those of the earlier Spanish navigators above mentioned.

Le Maire and Schouten, in 1616, and Roggewein, in 1722, wisely judging, that nothing new could be gained by adhering to the usual passage on the north side of the line, traversed this ocean from Cape Horn to the East Indies, crossing the South tropic; a space which had been so seldom, and so ineffectually visited; though popular belief, fortified by philosophical speculation, expected there to reap the richest harvest of discovery.

Tasman, in 1642, in his extensive circuit from Batavia, through the South Indian Ocean, entered the South Pacific, at its greatest distance from the American side, where it never had been examined before. And his range continued from a high Southern latitude, Northward to New Guinea, and the islands to the East of it, near the equator, produced intermediate discoveries, that have rendered his voyage memorable in the annals of navigation.

But still, upon the whole, what was effected in these three expeditions, served only to show how large a field was reserved for future and more persevering examination. Their results had, indeed, enabled geographers to diversify the vacant uniformity of former charts of this Ocean, by the insertion of some new islands. But the number, and the extent of these insertions were so inconsiderable, that they may be said to appear,

Rari, nantes in gurgite vasto.

And if the discoveries were few, those few were made very imperfectly. Some coasts were approached but not landed upon; and passed without waiting to examine their extent and connection with those that might exist at no great distance. If others were landed upon, the visits were, in general, so transient, that it was scarcely possible to build upon a foundation so weakly laid, any information that could even gratify idle curiosity; much less satisfy philosophical inquiry, or contribute greatly to the safety, or to the success of future navigation.

Let us, however, do justice to these beginnings of discovery. To the Dutch, we must, at least ascribe the merit of being our harbingers, though we afterward went beyond them in the road they had first ventured to tread. And with what success his Majesty’s ships have, in their repeated voyages, penetrated into the obscurest recesses of the South Pacific Ocean, will appear from the following enumeration of their various and very extensive operations, which have drawn up the veil that had hitherto been thrown over the geography of so great a proportion of the globe.

1. The several lands, of which any account had been given, as seen by any of the preceding navigators, Spanish or Dutch, have been carefully looked for; and most of them (at least such as seemed to be of any consequence) found out and visited; and not visited in a cursory manner, but every means used to correct former mistakes, and to supply former deficiencies, by making accurate inquiries ashore, and taking skilful surveys of their coasts, by sailing round them. Who has not heard, or read, of the boasted Tierra Australia del Espiritu Santo of Quiros? But its bold pretensions to be a part of a southern continent, could not stand Captain Cook’s examination, who sailed round it, and assigned it its true position and moderate bounds, in the Archipelago of the New Hebrides.[^[12]]

2. Besides perfecting many of the discoveries of their predecessors, our late navigators have enriched geographical knowledge with a long catalogue of their own. The Pacific Ocean, within the South tropic, repeatedly traversed, in every direction, was found to swarm with a seemingly endless profusion of habitable spots of land. Islands, scattered through the amazing space of near fourscore degrees of longitude, separated at various distances, or grouped in numerous clusters, have, at their approach, as it were, started into existence; and such ample accounts have been brought home concerning them and their inhabitants, as may serve every useful purpose of inquiry; and, to use Captain Cook’s words, who bore so considerable a share in those discoveries, have left little more to be done in that part.[^[13]]

3. Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, had each of them contributed toward increasing our knowledge of the islands that exist in the Pacific Ocean, within the limits of the southern tropic; but how far that ocean reached to the west, what lands bounded it on that side, and the connection of those lands with the discoveries of former navigators, was still the reproach of geographers, and remained absolutely unknown, till Captain Cook, during his first voyage in 1770[^[14]], brought back the most satisfactory decision of this important question. With a wonderful perseverance, and consummate skill, amidst an uncommon combination of perplexities and dangers, he traced this coast near two thousand miles from the 38° of South latitude, cross the tropic, to its northern extremity, within 10¹⁄₂° of the equinoctial, where it was found to join the lands already explored by the Dutch, in several voyages from their Asiatic settlements, and to which they have given the name of New Holland. Those discoveries made in the last century, before Tasman’s voyage, had traced the north and the west coasts of this land; and Captain Cook, by his extensive operations on its east side, left little to be done toward completing the full circuit of it. Between Cape Hicks, in latitude 38°, where his examination of this coast began, and that part of Van Diemen’s Land, from whence Tasman took his departure, was not above fifty-five leagues. It was highly probable, therefore, that they were connected; though Captain Cook cautiously says, that he could not determine whether his New South Wales, that is, the East Coast of New Holland, joins to Van Diemen’s Land, or no.[^[15]] But what was thus left undetermined by the operations of his first voyage, was, in the course of his second, soon cleared up; Captain Furneaux, in the Adventure, during his separation from the Resolution (a fortunate separation as it thus turned out) in 1773, having explored Van Diemen’s Land, from its southern point, along the east coast, far beyond Tasman’s station, and on to the latitude 38°, where Captain Cook’s examination of it in 1770 had commenced.[^[16]]

It is no longer, therefore, a doubt, that we have now a full knowledge of the whole circumference of this vast body of land, this fifth part of the world (if I may so speak), which our late voyages have discovered to be of so amazing a magnitude, that, to use Captain Cook’s words, it is of a larger extent than any other country in the known world, that does not bear the name of a continent.[^[17]]

4. Tasman having entered the Pacific Ocean, after leaving Van Diemen’s Land, had fallen in with a coast to which he gave the name of New Zealand. The extent of this coast, and its position in any direction but a part of its west side, which he sailed along in his course northward, being left absolutely unknown, it had been a favourite opinion amongst geographers, since his time, that New Zealand was a part of a Southern continent, running north and South, from the 33° to the 64° of South latitude, and its northern coast, stretching cross the South Pacific to an immense distance, where its eastern boundary had been seen by Juan Fernandez, half a century before. Captain Cook’s voyage in the Endeavour has totally destroyed this supposition. Though Tasman must still have the credit of having first seen New Zealand, to Captain Cook solely belongs that of having really explored it. He spent near six months upon its coasts in 1769 and 1770[^[18]], circumnavigated it completely, and ascertained its extent and division into two islands.[^[19]] Repeated visits since that have perfected this important discovery, which, though now known to be no part of a Southern continent, will, probably, in all future charts of the world, be distinguished as the largest islands that exist in that part of the Southern hemisphere.

5. Whether New Holland did or did not join to New Guinea, was a question involved in much doubt and uncertainty, before Captain Cook’s sailing between them, through Endeavour Strait, decided it. We will not hesitate to call this an important acquisition to geography. For though the great sagacity and extensive reading of Mr. Dalrymple had discovered some traces of such a passage having been found before[^[20]], yet these traces were so obscure, and so little known in the present age, that they had not generally regulated the construction of our charts; the President De Brosses[^[21]], who wrote in 1756, and was well versed in geographical researches, had not been able to satisfy himself about them; and Mons. de Bougainville, in 1768, who had ventured to fall in with the south coast of New Guinea, near ninety leagues to the westward of its south-east point, chose rather to work those ninety leagues directly to windward, at a time when his people were in such distress for provisions as to eat the seal-skins from off the yards and rigging, than to run the risk of finding a passage, of the existence of which he entertained the strongest doubts, by persevering in his westerly course.[^[22]] Captain Cook therefore in this part of his voyage (though he modestly disclaims all merit[^[23]]), has established, beyond future controversy, a fact of essential service to navigation, by opening, if not a new, at least an unfrequented and forgotten communication between the South Pacific and Indian Oceans.

6. One more discovery, for which we are indebted to Captain Carteret, as similar in some degree to that last mentioned, may properly succeed it in this enumeration. Dampier, in sailing round what was supposed to be part of the coast of New Guinea, discovered it to belong to a separate island, to which he gave the name of New Britain. But that the land which he named New Britain, should be sub-divided again into two separate large islands, with many smaller intervening, is a point of geographical information, which, if ever traced by any of the earliest navigators of the South Pacific, had not been handed down to the present age: and its having been ascertained by Captain Carteret, deserves to be mentioned as a discovery, in the strictest sense of the word; a discovery of the utmost importance to navigation. St. George’s Channel, through which his ship found a way, between New Britain and New Ireland, from the Pacific into the Indian Ocean, to use the Captain’s own words[^[24]], “is a much better and shorter passage, whether from the eastward or westward, than round all the islands and lands of the northward.”[^[25]]

V.

The voyages of Byron, Wallis, and Carteret, were principally confined to a favourite object of discovery in the South Atlantic; and though accessions to geography were procured by them in the South Pacific, they could do but little toward giving the world a complete view of the contents of that immense expanse of ocean, through which they only held a direct track, on their way homeward, by the East Indies. Cook, indeed, who was appointed to the conduct of the succeeding voyage, had a more accurate examination of the South Pacific intrusted to him. But as the improvement of astronomy went hand in hand, in his instructions, with that of geography, the Captain’s solicitude to arrive at Otaheite time enough to observe the transit of Venus, put it out of his power to deviate from his direct track, in search of unknown lands that might lie to the south-east of that island. By this unavoidable attention to his duty, a very considerable part of the South Pacific, and that part where the richest mine of discovery was supposed to exist, remained unvisited and unexplored, during that voyage in the Endeavour. To remedy this, and to clear up a point which, though many of the learned were confident of, upon principles of speculative reasoning, and many of the unlearned admitted, upon what they thought to be credible testimony, was still held to be very problematical, if not absolutely groundless, by others who were less sanguine or more incredulous; his Majesty, always ready to forward every inquiry that can add to the stock of interesting knowledge in every branch, ordered another expedition to be undertaken. The signal services performed by Captain Cook during his first voyage, of which we have given the outlines, marked him as the fittest person to finish an examination which he had already so skilfully executed in part. Accordingly, he was sent out in 1772, with two ships, the Resolution and Adventure, upon the most enlarged plan of discovery known in the annals of navigation; for he was instructed, not only to circumnavigate the whole globe, but to circumnavigate it in high southern latitudes, making such traverses, from time to time, into every corner of the Pacific Ocean not before examined, as might finally and effectually resolve the much agitated question about the existence of a southern continent in any part of the southern hemisphere accessible by navigation.

The ample accessions to geography, by the discovery of many islands within the tropic in the Pacific Ocean, in the course of this voyage, which was carried on with singular perseverance between three and four years, have been already stated to the reader. But the general search now made throughout the whole southern hemisphere, as being the principal object in view, hath been reserved for this separate article. Here, indeed, we are not to take notice of lands that have been discovered, but of seas sailed through, where lands had been supposed to exist. In tracing the route of the Resolution and Adventure throughout the South Atlantic, the South Indian, and the South Pacific Oceans that environ the globe, and combining it with the route of the Endeavour, we receive what may be called ocular demonstration, that Captain Cook, in his persevering researches, sailed over many an extensive continent, which, though supposed to have been seen by former navigators, at the approach of his ships, sunk into the bosom of the ocean, and, “like the baseless fabric of a vision, left not a wreck behind.”[^[26]] It has been urged, that the existence of a southern continent is necessary to preserve an equilibrium between the two hemispheres. But however plausible this theory may seem at first sight, experience has abundantly detected its fallacy. In consequence of Captain Cook’s voyage, now under consideration, we have a thorough knowledge of the state of the southern hemisphere, and can pronounce with certainty, that the equilibrium of the globe is effectually preserved, though the proportion of sea actually sailed through, leaves no sufficient space for the corresponding mass of land, which, on speculative arguments, had been maintained to be necessary.[^[36]]

If former navigators have added more land to the known globe than Captain Cook, to him, at least, was reserved the honour of being foremost in disclosing to us the extent of sea that covers its surface.

His own summary view of the transactions of this voyage, will be a proper conclusion to these remarks: “I had now made the circuit of the Southern Ocean in a high latitude, and traversed it in such a manner as to leave not the least room for there being a continent, unless near the pole, and out of the reach of navigation. By twice visiting the Tropical Sea, I had not only settled the situation of some old discoveries, but made there many new ones, and left, I conceive, very little to be done, even in that part. Thus I flatter myself, that the intention of the voyage has, in every respect, been fully answered; the southern hemisphere sufficiently explored; and a final end put to the searching after a southern continent, which has, at times, engrossed the attention of some of the Maritime Powers for near two centuries past, and been a favourite theory amongst the geographers of all ages.”[^[37]]

Thus far, therefore, the voyages to disclose new tracks of navigation, and to reform old defects in geography, appear to have been prosecuted with a satisfactory share of success. A perusal of the foregoing summary of what had been done, will enable every one to judge what was still wanting to complete the great plan of discovery. The southern hemisphere had, indeed, been repeatedly visited, and its utmost accessible extremities been surveyed. But much uncertainty, and, of course, great variety of opinion, subsisted, as to the navigable extremities of our own hemisphere; particularly, as to the existence, or, at least, as to the practicability of a northern passage between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, either by sailing eastward, round Asia, or westward, round North America.

It was obvious, that if such a passage could be effected, voyages to Japan and China, and, indeed, to the East Indies in general, would be much shortened; and consequently become more profitable, than by making the tedious circuit of the Cape of Good Hope. Accordingly, it became a favourite object of the English to effectuate this above two centuries ago; and (to say nothing of Cabot’s original attempt, in 1497, which ended in the discovery of Newfoundland, and the Labradore coast) from Frobisher’s first voyage to find a western passage, in 1576, to those of James and of Fox, in 1631, repeated trials had been made by our enterprising adventurers. But though farther knowledge of the northern extent of America was obtained in the course of these voyages by the discovery of Hudson’s and Baffin’s Bays, the wished-for passage, on that side, into the Pacific Ocean, was still unattained. Our countrymen, and the Dutch, were equally unsuccessful, in various attempts, to find this passage in an eastern direction. Wood’s failure, in 1676, seems to have closed the long list of unfortunate northern expeditions in that century; and the discovery, if not absolutely despaired of, by having been so often missed, ceased, for many years, to be sought for.

Mr. Dobbs, a warm advocate for the probability of a north-west passage through Hudson’s Bay, in our own time, once more recalled the attention of this country to that undertaking; and, by his active zeal and persevering solicitation, renewed the spirit of discovery. But it was renewed in vain. For Captain Middleton, sent out by Government in 1741, and Captains Smith and Moore, by a private society, in 1746, though encouraged by an act of parliament passed in the preceding year, that annexed a reward of twenty thousand pounds to the discovery of a passage, returned from Hudson’s Bay with reports of their proceedings that left the accomplishment of this favourite object at as great a distance as ever.

When researches of this kind, no longer left to the solicitations of an individual, or to the subscriptions of private adventurers, became cherished by the Royal attention, in the present reign, and warmly promoted by the Minister at the head of the naval department, it was impossible, while so much was done toward exploring the remotest corners of the southern hemisphere, that the northern passage should not be attempted. Accordingly, while Captain Cook was prosecuting his voyage toward the south pole, in 1773, Lord Mulgrave sailed with two ships, to determine how far navigation was practicable toward the north pole. And though his Lordship met with the same insuperable bar to his progress, which former navigators had experienced[^[38]], the hopes of opening a communication between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, by a northerly course, were not abandoned; and a voyage for that purpose was ordered to be undertaken.

The operations proposed to be pursued were so new, so extensive, and so various, that the skill and experience of Captain Cook, it was thought, would be requisite to conduct them. Without being liable to any charge of want of zeal for the public service, he might have passed the rest of his days in the command to which he had been appointed in Greenwich Hospital, there to enjoy the fame he had dearly earned in two circumnavigations of the world. But he cheerfully relinquished this honourable station at home; and, happy that the Earl of Sandwich had not cast his eye upon any other commander, engaged in the conduct of the expedition, the history of which is presented to the public in these volumes; an expedition that would expose him to the toils and perils of a third circumnavigation, by a track hitherto unattempted. Every former navigator round the globe had made his passage home to Europe by the Cape of Good Hope; the arduous task was now assigned to Captain Cook, of attempting it, by reaching the high northern latitudes between Asia and America. So that the usual plan of discovery was reversed; and, instead of a passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific, one from the latter into the former was to be tried. For it was wisely foreseen, that whatever openings or inlets there might be on the east side of America, which lie in a direction which could give any hopes of a passage, the ultimate success of it would still depend upon there being an open sea between the west side of that continent, and the extremities of Asia. Captain Cook, therefore, was ordered to proceed into the Pacific Ocean, through the chain of his new islands in the southern tropic, and having crossed the equator into its northern parts, then to hold such a course as might probably fix many interesting points in geography, and produce intermediate discoveries, in his progress northward to the principal scene of his operations.

But the plan of the voyage, and the various objects it embraced, will best appear from the instructions under which Captain Cook sailed; and the insertion of them here will convey such authentic information, as may enable the reader to judge with precision how far they have been carried into execution.

“By the Commissioners for executing the Office of Lord

High Admiral of Great Britain and Ireland, &c.

“Secret Instructions for Captain James Cook, Commander

of his Majesty’s sloop the Resolution.

“Whereas, the Earl of Sandwich has signified to us his Majesty’s pleasure that an attempt should be made to find out a northern passage by sea from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and whereas we have, in pursuance thereof, caused his Majesty’s sloops Resolution and Discovery to be fitted, in all respects, proper to proceed upon a voyage for the purpose above-mentioned, and, from the experience we have had of your abilities and good conduct in your late voyages, have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of the present intended voyage, and with that view appointed you to command the first-mentioned sloop, and directed Captain Clerke, who commands the other, to follow your orders for his further proceedings; you are hereby required and directed to proceed with the said two sloops directly to the Cape of Good Hope, unless you shall judge it necessary to stop at Madeira, the Cape de Verd, or Canary Islands, to take in wine for the use of their companies; in which case you are at liberty to do so, taking care to remain there no longer than may be necessary for that purpose.

“On your arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, you are to refresh the sloops’ companies, and to cause the sloops to be supplied with as much provisions and water as they can conveniently stow.

“You are, if possible, to leave the Cape of Good Hope by the end of October, or the beginning of November next, and proceed to the southward in search of some islands said to have been lately seen by the French, in the latitude of 48° 0ʹ south, and about the meridian of Mauritius. In case you find those islands, you are to examine them thoroughly for a good harbour; and upon discovering one, make the necessary observations to facilitate the finding it again; as a good port, in that situation, may hereafter prove very useful, although it should afford little or nothing more than shelter, wood, and water. You are not, however, to spend too much time in looking out for those islands, or in the examination of them, if found, but proceed to Otaheite, or the Society Isles (touching at New Zealand in your way thither, if you should judge it necessary and convenient), and taking care to arrive there time enough to admit of your giving the sloops’ companies the refreshment they may stand in need of, before you prosecute the farther object of these instructions.

“Upon your arrival at Otaheite, or the Society Isles, you are to land Omiah at such of them as he may choose, and to leave him there.

“You are to distribute among the chiefs of those islands such part of the presents with which you have been supplied, as you shall judge proper, reserving the remainder to distribute among the natives of the countries you may discover in the northern hemisphere: and having refreshed the people belonging to the sloops under your command, and taken on board such wood and water as they may respectively stand in need of, you are to leave those islands in the beginning of February, or sooner, if you shall judge it necessary, and then proceed in as direct a course as you can to the coast of New Albion, endeavouring to fall in with it in the latitude of 45° 0ʹ north; and taking care in your way thither, not to lose any time in search of new lands, or to stop at any you may fall in with, unless you find it necessary to recruit your wood and water.

“You are also, in your way thither, strictly enjoined not to touch upon any part of the Spanish dominions on the western continent of America, unless driven thither by some unavoidable accident; in which case you are to stay no longer there than shall be absolutely necessary, and to be very careful not to give any umbrage or offence to any of the inhabitants or subjects of his Catholic Majesty. And if, in your farther progress to the northward, as hereafter directed, you find any subjects of any European Prince or State, upon any part of the coast you may think proper to visit, you are not to disturb them, or give them any just cause of offence, but, on the contrary, to treat them with civility and friendship.

“Upon your arrival on the coast of New Albion, you are to put into the first convenient port to recruit your wood and water, and procure refreshments, and then to proceed northward along the coast, as far as the latitude of 65°, or farther, if you are not obstructed by lands or ice; taking care not to lose any time in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, until you get into the before-mentioned latitude of 65°, where we could wish you to arrive in the month of June next. When you get that length, you are very carefully to search for, and to explore, such rivers or inlets as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing towards Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays; and if, from your own observations, or from any information you may receive from the natives (who, there is reason to believe, are the same race of people, and speak the same language, of which you are furnished with a Vocabulary, as the Esquimaux), there shall appear to be a certainty, or even a probability, of a water passage into the afore-mentioned bays, or either of them, you are, in such case, to use your utmost endeavours to pass through with one or both of the sloops, unless you shall be of opinion that the passage may be effected with more certainty, or with greater probability, by smaller vessels; in which case you are to set up the frames of one or both the small vessels with which you are provided, and, when they are put together, and are properly fitted, stored, and victualled, you are to dispatch one or both of them, under the care of proper officers, with a sufficient number of petty officers, men, and boats, in order to attempt the same passage; with such instructions for their rejoining you, if they should fail, or for their farther proceedings, if they should succeed in the attempt, as you shall judge most proper. But, nevertheless, if you shall find it more eligible to pursue any other measures than those above pointed out in order to make a discovery of the before-mentioned passage (if any such there be), you are at liberty, and we leave it to your discretion, to pursue such measures accordingly.

“In case you shall be satisfied that there is no passage through to the above-mentioned bays, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, you are, at the proper season of the year, to repair to the port of St. Peter and St. Paul in Kamtschatka, or wherever else you shall judge more proper, in order to refresh your people and pass the winter; and, in the spring of the ensuing year 1773, to proceed from thence to the northward, as far as, in your prudence, you may think proper, in further search of a north-east, or north-west passage, from the Pacific Ocean into the Atlantic Ocean, or the North Sea: and if, from your own observation, or any information you may receive, there shall appear to be a probability of such passage, you are to proceed as above directed: and, having discovered such passage, or failed in the attempt, make the best of your way back to England, by such route as you may think best for the improvement of geography and navigation; repairing to Spithead with both sloops, where they are to remain till further order.

“At whatever places you may touch in the course of your voyage, where accurate observations of the nature hereafter mentioned have not already been made, you are, as far as your time will allow, very carefully to observe the true situation of such places, both in latitude and longitude; the variation of the needle; bearings of headlands; height, direction, and course of the tides and currents; depths and soundings of the sea; shoals, rocks, &c.; and also to survey, make charts, and take views of such bays, harbours, and different parts of the coast, and to make such notations thereon, as may be useful either to navigation or commerce. You are also carefully to observe the nature of the soil, and the produce thereof; the animals and fowls that inhabit or frequent it; the fishes that are to be found in the rivers or upon the coast, and in what plenty; and, in case there are any peculiar to such places, to describe them as minutely, and to make as accurate drawings of them, as you can: and, if you find any metals, minerals, or valuable stones, or any extraneous fossils, you are to bring home specimens of each; as also of the seeds of such trees, shrubs, plants, fruits, and grains, peculiar to those places, as you may be able to collect, and to transmit them to our Secretary, that proper examination and experiments may be made of them. You are likewise to observe the genius, temper, disposition, and number of the natives and inhabitants, where you find any; and to endeavour, by all proper means, to cultivate a friendship with them; making them presents of such trinkets as you may have on board, and they may like best; inviting them to traffic; and showing them every kind of civility and regard; but taking care, nevertheless, not to suffer yourself to be surprised by them, but to be always on your guard against any accidents.

“You are also, with the consent of the natives, to take possession, in the name of the King of Great Britain, of convenient situations in such countries as you may discover, that have not already been discovered or visited by any other European power; and to distribute among the inhabitants such things as will remain as traces and testimonies of your having been there; but if you find the countries so discovered are uninhabited, you are to take possession of them for his Majesty, by setting up proper marks and inscriptions, as first discoverers and possessors.

“But forasmuch as, in undertakings of this nature, several emergencies may arise not to be foreseen, and therefore not particularly to be provided for by instructions before-hand, you are, in all such cases, to proceed as you shall judge most advantageous to the service on which you are employed.

“You are, by all opportunities, to send to our Secretary, for our information, accounts of your proceedings, and copies of the surveys and drawings you shall have made; and upon your arrival in England, you are immediately to repair to this office, in order to lay before us a full account of your proceedings in the whole course of your voyage; taking care, before you leave the sloop, to demand from the officers and petty officers, the log-books and journals they may have kept, and to seal them up for our inspection; and enjoining them, and the whole crew, not to divulge where they have been, until they shall have permission so to do: and you are to direct Captain Clerke to do the same, with respect to the officers, petty officers, and crew of the Discovery.

“If any accident should happen to the Resolution in the course of the voyage, so as to disable her from proceeding any farther, you are, in such case, to remove yourself and her crew into the Discovery, and to prosecute your voyage in her; her commander being hereby strictly required to receive you on board, and to obey your orders, the same, in every respect, as when you were actually on board the Resolution: and, in case of your inability, by sickness or otherwise, to carry these instructions into execution, you are to be careful to leave them with the next officer in command, who is hereby required to execute them in the best manner he can.

“Given under our hands the 6th day of July, 1776,

Sandwich.

C. Spencer.

H. Palliser.

“By command of their Lordships,

“Ph. Stephens.”

Besides ordering Captain Cook to sail on this important voyage, government, in earnest about the object of it, adopted a measure, which, while it could not but have a powerful operation on the crews of the Resolution and Discovery, by adding the motives of interest, to the obligations of duty; at the same time encouraged all his Majesty’s subjects to engage in attempts toward the proposed discovery. By the act of parliament, passed in 1745[^[39]], a reward of twenty thousand pounds had been held out. But it had been held out only to the ships belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, exclusive of his Majesty’s own ships. The act had a still more capital defect. It held out this reward only to such ships as should discover a passage through Hudson’s Bay; and, as we shall soon take occasion to explain, it was by this time pretty certain, that no such passage existed within those limits. Effectual care was taken to remedy both these defects, by passing a new law; which, after reciting the provisions of the former, proceeds as follows: “And, whereas, many advantages, both to commerce and science, may be also expected from the discovery of any Northern passage for vessels by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans—be it enacted, That if any ship belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, or to his Majesty, shall find out, and sail through, any passage by sea, between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, in any direction, or parallel of the northern hemisphere, to the northward of the 52° of northern latitude, the owners of such ships, if belonging to any of his Majesty’s subjects, or the commander, officers, and seamen, of such ship belonging to his Majesty, shall receive as a reward for such discovery, the sum of twenty thousand pounds.

“And whereas ships employed, both in the Spitzbergen Seas, and in Davis’s Straits, have frequent opportunities of approaching the North Pole, though they have not time, during the course of one summer, to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean; and whereas, such approaches may greatly tend to the discovery of a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as well as be attended with many advantages to commerce and science, &c. be it enacted, That if any ship shall approach to within 1° of the North Pole, the owner, &c. or commander, &c. so approaching, shall receive, as a reward for such first approach, the sum of five thousand pounds.”[^[40]]

That nothing might be omitted that could facilitate the success of Captain Cook’s expedition, some time before he sailed, in the beginning of the summer of 1776, Lieutenant Pickersgill, appointed commander of his Majesty’s armed brig the Lion, was ordered “to proceed to Davis’s Straits, for the protection of the British whale-fishers;” and that first object being secured, he was then “required and directed to proceed up Baffin’s Bay, and explore the coasts thereof, as far as, in his judgment, the same could be done without apparent risk, taking care to leave the above mentioned bay so timely as to secure his return to England in the fall of the year;” and it was farther enjoined to him, “to make nautical remarks of every kind, and to employ Mr. Lane (master of the vessel under his command) in surveying, making charts, and taking views of the several bays, harbours, and different parts of the coasts which he might visit, and in making such notations thereon as might be useful to geography and navigation.”[^[41]]

Pickersgill, we see, was not to attempt the discovery of the passage. He was directed to explore the coasts of Baffin’s Bay, with a view only to bring back, the same year, some information, which might be a useful direction toward planning an intended voyage into that bay the ensuing summer, to try for the discovery of a passage on that side, with a view to co-operate with Captain Cook, who, it was supposed (from the tenor of his instructions) would be trying for this passage, about the same time, from the opposite side of America.

Pickersgill, obeying his instructions, at least in this instance, did return that year; but there were sufficient reasons for not sending him out again; and the command of the next expedition into Baffin’s Bay was conferred on Lieutenant Young; whose instructions, having an immediate connection with our voyage, are here inserted.

“Extract of Instructions to Lieutenant Young, commanding

the Lion armed Vessel, dated 13th March, 1777.

“Whereas, in pursuance of the King’s pleasure, signified to us by the Earl of Sandwich, his Majesty’s sloops, the Resolution and Discovery, have been sent out under the command of Captain Cook, in order, during this and the ensuing year, to attempt a discovery of a northern passage, by sea, from the Pacific to the Atlantic Ocean; and, for that purpose, to run up as high as the latitude of 65° north, where, it is hoped, he will be able to arrive in the month of June next; and there, and as much further to the northward as in his prudence he shall think proper, very carefully to search for, and explore such rivers, or inlets, as may appear to be of a considerable extent, and pointing to Hudson’s or Baffin’s Bays, or the North Sea; and, upon finding any passage through, sufficient for the purposes of navigation, to attempt such passage with one or both of the sloops; or, if they are judged to be too large, with smaller vessels, the frames of which have been sent out with him for that purpose: And, whereas, in pursuance of his Majesty’s further pleasure, signified as aforesaid, the armed vessel under your command hath been fitted in order to proceed to Baffin’s Bay, with a view to explore the western parts thereof, and to endeavour to find a passage, on that side, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, and we have thought fit to intrust you with the conduct of that voyage; you are therefore hereby required and directed to put to sea in the said armed vessel, without a moment’s loss of time, and make the best of your way into Baffin’s Bay, and so use your best endeavours to explore the western shores thereof, as far as in your judgment the same can be done, without apparent risk, and to examine such considerable rivers or inlets as you may discover; and, in case you find any, through which there may be a probability of passing into the Pacific Ocean, you are to attempt such passage; and if you succeed in the attempt, and shall be able to repass it again, so as to return to England this year, you are to make the best of your way to Spithead, or the Nore, and remain there until you receive further order; sending us an account of your arrival and proceedings. But if you shall succeed in the attempt, and shall find the season too far advanced for you to return the same way, you are then to look out for the most convenient place to winter in, and to endeavour to return by the said passage as early in the next year as the season will admit, and then to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.

“In case, however, you should not find, or should be satisfied there is not any probability of finding, any such passage; or, finding it, you should not be able to get through in the vessel you command, you are then to return to England, as before mentioned, unless you shall find any branch of the sea leading to the westward which you shall judge likely to afford a communication between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, and which you shall not be able to explore in the course of this year, it being, in that case, left to your discretion to stay the winter in the most commodious situation you can find, in order to pursue the discovery next year, if you shall find it adviseable so to do; and, having discovered such passage, or not succeeded in the attempt, you are to make the best of your way to England, as above directed.”

It was natural to hope, that something would have been done in one or other, or in both these voyages of the Lion, that might have opened our views with regard to the practicability of a passage from this side of America. But, unfortunately, the execution did not answer the expectations conceived. Pickersgill, who had acquired professional experience when acting under Captain Cook, justly merited the censure he received, for improper behaviour when intrusted with command in Davis’s Straits; and the talents of Young, as it afterward appeared, were more adapted to contribute to the glory of a victory, as commander of a line-of-battle ship, than to add to geographical discoveries, by encountering mountains of ice, and exploring unknown coasts.[^[42]]

Both Pickersgill and Young having been ordered to proceed into Baffin’s Bay; and Captain Cook being directed not to begin his search till he should arrive in the latitude of 65°, it may not be improper to say something here of the reasons which weighed with those who planned the voyages, and framed the instructions, to carry their views so far northward, as the proper situation, where the passage, if it existed at all, was likely to be attempted with success. It may be asked, why was Hudson’s Bay neglected on our side of America? and why was not Captain Cook ordered to begin his search on its opposite side, in much lower latitudes? particularly, why not explore the strait leading into the Western sea of John de Fuca, between the latitudes of 47° and 48°; the Archipelago of St. Lazarus of Admiral de Fonte, between 50° and 55°; and the rivers and lakes through which he found a passage north-eastward, till he met with a ship from Boston?

As to the pretended discoveries of de Fuca, the Greek pilot, or of de Fonte, the Spanish admiral, though they have sometimes found their way into fictitious maps, or have been warmly contended for by the espousers of fanciful systems, to have directed Captain Cook to spend any time in tracing them, would have been as wise a measure as if he had been directed to trace the situation of Lilliput or Brobdignac. The latter are, indeed, confessedly, mere objects of imagination; and the former, destitute of any sufficient external evidence, bear so many striking marks of internal absurdity, as warrant our pronouncing them to be the fabric of imposture. Captain Cook’s instructions were founded on an accurate knowledge of what had been already done, and of what still remained to do; and this knowledge pointed out the inutility of beginning his search for a passage till his arrival in the latitude of 65°; of which every fair and capable inquirer will be abundantly convinced, by an attention to the following particulars.

Middleton, who commanded the expedition in 1741 and 1742, into Hudson’s Bay, had proceeded farther north than any of his predecessors in that navigation. But though, from his former acquaintance with that Bay, to which he had frequently sailed in the service of the company, he had entertained hopes of finding out a passage through it into the Pacific Ocean, the observations which he was now enabled to make, induced him to change his opinion; and, on his return to England, he made an unfavourable report. Mr. Dobbs, the patron of the enterprize, did not acquiesce in this; and, fortified in his original idea of the practicability of the passage, by the testimony of some of Middleton’s officers, he appealed to the public, accusing him of having misrepresented facts, and of having, from interested motives, in concert with the Hudson’s Bay Company, decided against the practicability of the passage, though the discoveries of his own voyage had put it within his reach.

He had, between the latitude of 65° and 66°, found a very considerable inlet running westward, into which he entered with his ships; and, “after repeated trials of the tides, and endeavours to discover the nature and course of the opening, for three weeks successively, he found the flood constantly to come from the eastward; and that it was a large river he had got into;” to which he gave the name of Wager River.[^[43]]

The accuracy, or rather the fidelity of this report was denied by Mr. Dobbs, who contended that this opening is a strait, and not a fresh water river, and that Middleton, if he had examined it properly, would have found a passage through it to the Western American Ocean. The failure of this voyage, therefore, only served to furnish our zealous advocate for the discovery, with new arguments for attempting it once more; and he had the good fortune, after getting the reward of twenty thousand pounds established by act of parliament, to prevail upon a society of gentlemen and merchants to fit out the Dobbs and California; which ships, it was hoped, would be able to find their way into the Pacific Ocean, by the very opening which Middleton’s voyage had pointed out, and which he was believed to have misrepresented.

This renovation of hope only produced fresh disappointment. For it is well known, that the voyage of the Dobbs and California, instead of confuting, strongly confirmed all that Middleton had asserted. The supposed strait was found to be nothing more than a fresh water river, and its utmost western navigable boundaries were now ascertained, by accurate examination. But though Wager’s Strait had thus disappointed our hopes, as had also done Rankin’s Inlet, which was now found to be a close bay; and though other arguments, founded on the supposed course of the tides in Hudson’s Bay appeared to be groundless, such is our attachment to an opinion once adopted, that, even after the unsuccessful issue of the voyage of the Dobbs and California, a passage through some other place in that bay was, by many, considered as attainable; and, particularly, Chesterfield’s (formerly called Bowden’s) Inlet, lying between latitude 63° and 64°, succeeded Wager’s Strait, in the sanguine expectations of those who remained unconvinced by former disappointments. Mr. Ellis, who was on board the ships, and who wrote the history of the voyage, holds up this as one of the places where the passage may be sought for, upon very rational grounds, and with very good effects.[^[44]] He also mentions Repulse Bay, nearly in latitude 67°; but as to this he speaks less confidently; only saying, that by an attempt there, we might probably approach nearer to the discovery.[^[45]] He had good reason for thus guarding his expression; for the committee who directed this voyage, admitting the impracticability of effecting a passage at Repulse Bay, had refused allowing the ships to go into it, being satisfied as to that place.[^[46]]

Setting Repulse Bay, therefore, aside, within which we have no reason for believing that any inlet exists, there remained no part of Hudson’s Bay to be searched, but Chesterfield’s Inlet, and a small track of coast between the latitude 62°, and what is called the South Point of Main, which had been left unexplored by the Dobbs and California.

But this last gleam of hope has now disappeared. The aversion of the Hudson’s Bay Company to contribute any thing to the discovery of a north-west passage, had been loudly reported by Mr. Dobbs; and the public seemed to believe that the charge was well founded. But still, in justice to them, it must be allowed, that, in 1720, they had sent Messrs. Knight and Barlow in a sloop on this very discovery; but these unfortunate people were never more heard of. Mr. Scroggs, who sailed in search of them, in 1722, only brought back proofs of their shipwreck, but no fresh intelligence about a passage, which he was also to look for. They also sent a sloop and a shallop, to try for this discovery, in 1737; but to no purpose. If obstructions were thrown in the way of Captain Middleton, and of the commanders of the Dobbs and California, the Governor and Committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, since that time, we must acknowledge, have made amends for the narrow prejudices of their predecessors; and we have it in our power to appeal to facts, which abundantly testify, that every thing has been done by them, that could be required by the public, toward perfecting the search for a north-west passage.

In the year 1761, Captain Christopher sailed from Fort Churchill, in the sloop Churchill; and his voyage was not quite fruitless: for he sailed up Chesterfield’s Inlet, through which a passage had, by Mr. Ellis’s account of it, been so generally expected. But when the water turned brackish, which marked that he was not in a strait, but in a river, he returned.

To leave no room for a variety of opinion, however, he was ordered to repeat the voyage the ensuing summer, in the same sloop, and Mr. Norton, in a cutter, was appointed to attend him. By the favour of the Governor and Committee of the Company, the Journals of Captain Christopher, and of Mr. Norton, and Captain Christopher’s chart of the Inlet, have been readily communicated. From these authentic documents, it appears that the search and examination of Chesterfield’s Inlet was now completed. It was found to end in a fresh water lake, at the distance of about one hundred and seventy miles from the sea. This lake was found also to be about twenty-one leagues long, and from five to ten broad, and to be completely closed up on every side, except to the west, where there was a little rivulet; to survey the state of which, Mr. Norton and the crew of the cutter having landed, and marched up the country, saw that it soon terminated in three falls, one above another, and not water for a small boat over them; and ridges, mostly dry from side to side, for five or six miles higher.

Thus ends Chesterfield’s Inlet, and all Mr. Ellis’s expectations of a passage through it to the Western Ocean. The other part of the coast, from latitude 62°, to the South Point of Main, within which limits hopes were also entertained of finding a passage, have, of late years, been thoroughly explored. It is here that Pistol Bay is situated; which the author who has writ last in this country, on the probability of a north-west passage[^[47]], speaks of as the only remaining part of Hudson’s Bay where this western communication may exist. But this has been also examined; and, on the authority of Captain Christopher, we can assure the reader, that there is no inlet of any consequence in all that part of the coast. Nay, he has, in an open boat, sailed round the bottom of what is called Pistol Bay, and, instead of a passage to a western sea, found it does not run above three or four miles inland.

Besides these voyages by sea, which satisfy us that we must not look for a passage to the South of 67° of latitude; we are indebted to the Hudson’s Bay Company for a journey by land which has thrown much additional light on this matter, by affording what may be called demonstration, how much farther north, at least in some part of their voyage, ships must hold their course, before they can pass from one side of America to the other. The Northern Indians, who come down to the Company’s forts for trade, had brought to the knowledge of our people, the existence of a river; which, from copper abounding near it, had got the name of the Copper-mine River. We read much about this river in Mr. Dobbs’s publications, and he considers the Indian accounts of it as favourable to his system. The Company being desirous of examining the matter with precision, ordered their Governor of Prince of Wales’s Fort, to send a proper person to travel by land, under the escort of some trusty Northern Indians, with orders to proceed to this famous river, to take an accurate survey of its course, and to trace it to the sea, into which it empties itself. Mr. Hearne, a young gentleman in their service, who, having been an officer in the navy, was well qualified to make observations for fixing the longitude and latitude, and make drawings of the country he shall pass through, and of the river which he was to examine, was appointed for this service.

Accordingly, he set out from Fort Prince of Wales, on Churchill River, in latitude 58° 50ʹ, on the 7th of December, 1770; and the whole of his proceedings, from time to time, are faithfully preserved in his written Journal. The publication of this would not be an unacceptable present to the world, as it draws a plain artless picture of the savage modes of life, the scanty means of subsistence, and indeed of the singular wretchedness, in every respect, of the various tribes, who, without fixed habitations, pass their miserable lives, roving throughout the dreary deserts, and over the frozen lakes of the immense track of continent through which Mr. Hearne passed, and which he may be said to have added to the geography of the globe. His general course was to the north-west, in the month of June, 1771, being then at a place called Conge catha wha Chaga, he had, to use his own words, two good observations, both by meridian and double altitudes, the mean of which determines this place to be in latitude 68° 46ʹ north, and, by account, in longitude 24° 2ʹ west of Churchill River. On the 13th of July (having left Conge catha wha Chaga by the 2d, and travelling still to the west of north) he reached the Copper-mine River: and was not a little surprized to find it differ so much from the descriptions given of it by the natives at the fort; for, instead of being likely to be navigable for a ship, it is, at this part, scarcely navigable for an Indian canoe; three falls being in sight, at one view, and being choked up with shoals and stony ridges.

Here Mr. Hearne began his survey of the river. This he continued till he arrived at its mouth, near which his Northern Indians massacred twenty-one Esquimaux, whom they surprized in their tents. We shall give Mr. Hearne’s account of his arrival at the sea, in his own words. “After the Indians had plundered the tents of the Esquimaux of all the copper, &c. they were then again ready to assist me in making an end to the survey; the sea then in sight from the north-west by west to the north-east, distant about eight miles. It was then about five in the morning of the 17th, when I again proceeded to survey the river to the mouth, still found, in every respect, no ways likely, or a possibility of being made navigable, being full of shoals and falls: and, at the entrance, the river emptying itself over a dry flat of the shore. For the tide was then out, and seemed, by the edges of the ice, to flow about twelve or fourteen feet, which will only reach a little within the river’s mouth. That being the case, the water in the river had not the least brackish taste. But I am sure of its being the sea, or some part thereof, by the quantity of whale-bone and seal-skins the Esquimaux had at their tents; as also the number of seals which I saw upon the ice. The sea, at the river’s mouth, was full of islands and shoals, as far as I could see, by the assistance of a pocket telescope; and the ice was not yet broken up, only thawed away about three quarters of a mile from the shore, and a little way round the islands and shoals.

“By the time I had completed this survey it was about one in the morning of the 18th; but in these high latitudes, and this time of the year, the sun is always a good height above the horizon. It then came on a thick drizzling rain, with a thick fog; and, as finding the river and sea, in every respect, not likely to be of any utility, I did not think it worth while to wait for fair weather, to determine the latitude exactly by an observation. But, by the extraordinary care I took in observing the courses and distances, walked from Congecathawhachaaga, where I had two good observations, the latitude may be depended on, within twenty miles at farthest.”

From the map which Mr. Hearne constructed of the country through which he passed, in this singular journey, and which we have been permitted to copy upon our general chart, it appears that the mouth of the Copper-mine river lies in the latitude 72°, and above 25° West longitude from the fort, from whence he took his departure.[^[48]]

The consequences resulting from this extensive discovery are obvious. We now see that the continent of North America stretches from Hudson’s Bay so far to the north-west that Mr. Hearne had travelled near thirteen hundred miles before he arrived at the sea. His most western distance from the coast of Hudson’s Bay was near six hundred miles[^[49]]; and that his Indian guides were well apprized of a vast tract of continent stretching farther on in that direction is certain from many circumstances mentioned in his journal; one of which, as besides establishing this fact, it presents us with a very striking picture of savage life, has been transcribed in the following note.[^[50]]

What is now for the first time authentically laid before the public, with regard to the discoveries made by the Hudson’s Bay Company, was well known to the noble lord who presided at the Board of Admiralty, when this voyage was undertaken; and the intimate connection of those discoveries with the plan of the voyage, of course regulated the instructions given to Captain Cook.

And now, may we not take it upon us to appeal to every candid and capable inquirer, whether that part of the instructions which directed the captain not to lose time, in exploring rivers or inlets, or upon any other account, till he got into the latitude of 65°, was not framed judiciously: as there were such indubitable proofs that no passage existed so far to the south as any part of Hudson’s Bay, and that if a passage could be effected at all, part of it at least must be traversed by the ships as far to the northward as the latitude 72°, where Mr. Hearne arrived at the sea?

We may add as a farther consideration, in support of this article of the instructions, that Beering’s Asiatic discoveries, in 1728, having traced that continent to the latitude of 67°, Captain Cook’s approach toward that latitude was to be wished for, that he might be enabled to bring back more authentic information than the world had hitherto obtained, about the relative situation and vicinity of the two continents, which was absolutely necessary to be known, before the practicability of sailing between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, in any northern direction, could be ascertained.

After all that search in a lower latitude which they who give credit (if any such there now be) to the pretended discoveries of de Fonte, affect to wish had been recommended to Captain Cook, has (if that will cure them of their credulity,) been satisfactorily made. The Spaniards, roused from their lethargy by our voyages, and having caught a spark of enterprize from our repeated visits to the Pacific Ocean, have followed us more than once into the line of our discoveries within the Southern tropic; and have also fitted out expeditions to explore the American continent to the north of California. It is to be lamented, that there should be any reasons why the transactions of those Spanish voyages have not been fully disclosed, with the same liberal spirit of information which other nations have adopted. But, fortunately, this excessive caution of the court of Spain has been defeated, at least in one instance, by the publication of an authentic Journal of their last voyage of discovery upon the coast of America, in 1775; for which the world is indebted to the Honourable Mr. Daines Barrington. This publication, which conveys some information of real consequence to geography, and has therefore been referred to more than once in the following work, is particularly valuable in this respect, that some parts of the coast which Captain Cook, in his progress northward, was prevented by unfavourable winds from approaching, were seen and examined by the Spanish ships who preceded him; and the perusal of the following extract from their Journal, may be recommended to those (if any such there be) who would represent it as an imperfection in Captain Cook’s voyage, that he had not an opportunity of examining the coast of America, in the latitude assigned to the discoveries of Admiral Fonte. “We now attempted to find out the Straits of Admiral Fonte, though, as yet, we had not discovered the Archipelago of St. Lazarus, through which he is said to have sailed. With this intent, we searched every bay and recess of the coast, and sailed round every headland, lying to in the night, that we might not lose sight of this entrance. After these pains taken, and being favoured by a north-west wind, it may be pronounced that no such straits are to be found.[^[51]]”

In this Journal, the Spaniards boast of “having reached so high a latitude as 58°, beyond what any other navigators had been able to effect in those seas.”[^[52]] Without diminishing the merit of their performance, we may be permitted to say that it will appear very inconsiderable, indeed, in comparison of what Captain Cook effected, in the voyage of which an account is given in these volumes. Besides exploring the land in the South Indian Ocean, of which Kerguelen, in two voyages, had been able to obtain but a very imperfect knowledge; adding also many considerable accessions to the geography of the Friendly Islands, and discovering the noble group, now called Sandwich Islands, in the Northern part of the Pacific Ocean, of which not the faintest trace can be met with in the account of any former voyage; besides these preliminary discoveries, the reader of the following work will find, that in one summer, our English navigator discovered a much larger proportion of the north-west coast of America than the Spaniards, though settled in the neighbourhood, had, in all their attempts for above two hundred years, been able to do; that he has put it beyond all doubt that Beering and Tscherikoff had really discovered the continent of America in 1741, and has also established the prolongation of that continent westward opposite Kamtschatka, which speculative writers, wedded to favourite systems, had affected so much to disbelieve[^[53]], and which, though admitted by Muller, had, since he wrote, been considered as disproved by later Russian discoveries[^[54]]; that, besides ascertaining the true position of the western coasts of America, with some inconsiderable interruptions, from latitude 44° up to beyond the latitude 70°, he has also ascertained the position of the north-eastern extremity of Asia, by confirming Beering’s discoveries in 1728, and adding extensive accessions of his own; that he has given us more authentic information concerning the islands lying between the two continents, than the Kamtschatka traders, ever since Beering first taught them to venture on this sea, had been able to procure[^[55]]; that, by fixing the relative situation of Asia and America, and discovering the narrow bounds of the strait that divides them, he has thrown a blaze of light upon this important part of the geography of the globe, and solved the puzzling problem about the peopling of America, by tribes destitute of the necessary means to attempt long navigations; and, lastly, that, though the principal object of the voyage failed, the world will be greatly benefited even by the failure, as it has brought us to the knowledge of the existence of the impediments which future navigators may expect to meet with in attempting to go to the East Indies through Beering’s Strait.

The extended review we have taken of the preceding voyages, and the general outline we have sketched out, of the transactions of the last, which are recorded at full length in these volumes, will not, it is hoped, be considered as a prolix or unnecessary detail. It will serve to give a just notion of the whole plan of discovery executed by his Majesty’s commands. And it appearing that much was aimed at, and much accomplished, in the unknown parts of the globe, in both hemispheres, there needs no other consideration, to give full satisfaction to those who possess an enlarged way of thinking, that a variety of useful purposes must have been effected by these researches. But there are others, no doubt, who, too diffident of their own abilities, or too indolent to exert them, would wish to have their reflections assisted, by pointing out what those useful purposes are. For the use of such, the following enumeration of particulars is entered upon. And if there should be any, who affect to undervalue the plan, or the execution of our voyages, what shall now be offered, if it do not convince them, may, at least, check the influence of their unfavourable decision.

1. It may be fairly considered, as one great advantage accruing to the world from our late surveys of the globe, that they have confuted fanciful theories, too likely to give birth to impracticable undertakings.

After Captain Cook’s persevering and fruitless traverses through every corner of the southern hemisphere, who, for the future, will pay any attention to the ingenious reveries of Campbell, de Brosses, and de Buffon? or hope to establish an intercourse with such a continent as Maupertuis’s fruitful imagination had pictured? A continent equal, at least, in extent, to all the civilized countries in the known northern hemisphere, where new men, new animals, new productions of every kind, might be brought forward to our view, and discoveries be made, which would open inexhaustible treasures of commerce.[^[56]] We can now boldly take it upon us to discourage all expeditions, formed on such reasonings of speculative philosophers, into a quarter of the globe where our persevering English navigator, instead of this promised fairy land, found nothing but barren rocks, scarcely affording shelter to penguins and seals; and dreary seas, and mountains of ice, occupying the immense space allotted to imaginary paradises, and the only treasures there to be discovered, to reward the toil, and to compensate the dangers of the unavailing search.

Or, if we carry our reflections into the northern hemisphere, could Mr. Dobbs have made a single convert, much less could he have been the successful solicitor of two different expeditions, and have met with encouragement from the legislature, with regard to his favourite passage through Hudson’s Bay, if Captain Christopher had previously explored its coasts, and if Mr. Hearne had walked over the immense continent behind it? Whether, after Captain Cook’s and Captain Clerke’s discoveries on the west side of America, and their report of the state of Beering’s Strait, there can be sufficient encouragement to make future attempts to penetrate into the Pacific Ocean in any northern direction, is a question, for the decision of which the public will be indebted to this work.

2. But our voyages will benefit the world, not only by discouraging future unprofitable searches, but also by lessening the dangers and distresses formerly experienced in those seas, which are within the line of commerce and navigation, now actually subsisting. In how many instances have the mistakes of former navigators, in fixing the true situations of important places, been rectified? What accession to the variation chart? How many nautical observations have been collected, and are now ready to be consulted, in directing a ship’s course, along rocky shores, through narrow straits, amidst perplexing currents, and dangerous shoals? But, above all, what numbers of new bays, and harbours, and anchoring-places, are now, for the first time, brought forward, where ships may be sheltered and their crews find tolerable refreshments? To enumerate all these would be to transcribe great part of the journals of our several commanders, whose labours will endear them to every navigator whom trade or war may carry into their tracks. Every nation that sends a ship to sea, will partake of the benefit; but Great Britain herself, whose commerce is boundless, must take the lead in reaping the full advantage of her own discoveries.

In consequence of all these various improvements lessening the apprehensions of engaging in long voyages, may we not reasonably indulge the pleasing hope that fresh branches of commerce may, even in our time, be attempted, and successively carried on? Our hardy adventurers in the whale-fishery have already found their way, within these few years, into the South Atlantic; and who knows what fresh sources of commerce may still be opened, if the prospect of gain can be added, to keep alive the spirit of enterprise? If the situation of Great Britain be too remote, other trading nations will assuredly avail themselves of our discoveries. We may soon expect to hear that the Russians, now instructed by us where to find the American continent, have extended their voyages from the Fox Islands to Cook’s River, and Prince William’s Sound. And if Spain itself should not be tempted to trade from its most northern Mexican ports, by the fresh mine of wealth discovered in the furs of King George’s Sound, which they may transport in their Manilla ships, as a favourite commodity for the Chinese market, that market may probably be supplied by a direct trade to America, from Canton itself, with those valuable articles which the inhabitants of China have hitherto received only by the tedious and expensive circuit of Kamtschatka and Kiachta.

These and many other commercial improvements may reasonably be expected to result from the British discoveries, even in our own times. But if we look forward to future ages, and to future changes in the history of commerce, by recollecting its various past revolutions and migrations, we may be allowed to please ourselves with the idea of its finding its way, at last, throughout the extent of the regions with which our voyages have opened an intercourse; and there will be abundant reason to subscribe to Captain Cook’s observation with regard to New Zealand, which may be applied to other tracks of land explored by him, that “although they be far remote from the present trading world, we can, by no means, tell what use future ages may make of the discoveries made by the present.”[^[57]] In this point of view, surely, the utility of the late voyages must stand confessed; and we may be permitted to say, that the history of their operations, which will be completed in these volumes, has the justest pretensions to be called κτῆμα ἐς ἀεὶ, as it will convey to latest posterity a treasure of interesting information.

3. Admitting, however, that we may have expressed too sanguine expectations of commercial advantages, either within our own reach, or gradually to be unfolded at some future period, as the result of our voyages of discovery, we may still be allowed to consider them as a laudable effort to add to the stock of human knowledge, with regard to an object which cannot but deserve the attention of enlightened man. To exert our faculties in devising ingenious modes of satisfying ourselves about the magnitude and distance of the sun; to extend our acquaintance with the system to which that luminary is the common centre, by tracing the revolutions of a new planet, or the appearance of a new comet; to carry our bold researches through all the immensity of space, where world beyond world rises to the view of the astonished observer; these are employments which none but those incapable of pursuing them can depreciate, and which every one capable of pursuing them must delight in, as a dignified exercise of the powers of the human mind. But while we direct our studies to distant worlds, which, after all our exertions, we must content ourselves with having barely discovered to exist, it would be a strange neglect, indeed, and would argue a most culpable want of rational curiosity, if we did not use our best endeavours to arrive at a full acquaintance with the contents of our own planet; of that little spot in the immense universe, on which we have been placed, and the utmost limits of which, at least its habitable parts, we possess the means of ascertaining, and describing, by actual examination.

So naturally doth this reflection present itself, that to know something of the terraqueous globe is a favourite object with every one who can taste the lowest rudiments of learning. Let us not, therefore, think so meanly of the times in which we live, as to suppose it possible, that full justice will not be done to the noble plan of discovery so steadily and so successfully carried on since the accession of his Majesty; which cannot fail to be considered, in every succeeding age, as a splendid period in the history of our country, and to add to our national glory, by distinguishing Great Britain as taking the lead in the most arduous undertakings for the common benefit of the human race. Before these voyages took place, nearly half the surface of the globe we inhabit was hid in obscurity and confusion. What is still wanting to complete our geography, may justly be termed the minutiæ of that science.

4. Let us now carry our thoughts somewhat farther. It is fortunate for the interests of knowledge, that acquisitions in any one branch generally, and indeed unavoidably, lead to acquisitions in other branches, perhaps of still greater consequence; and that we cannot even gratify mere curiosity, without being rewarded with valuable instruction. This observation applies to the subject before us. Voyages, in which new oceans have been traversed, and in which new countries have been visited, can scarcely ever be performed, without bringing forward to our view fresh objects of science. Even when we are to take our report of what was discovered, from the mere sailor, whose knowledge scarcely goes beyond the narrow limits of his own profession, and whose inquiries are not directed by philosophical discernment, it will be unfortunate indeed, if something hath not been remarked, by which the scholar may profit, and useful accessions be made to our old stock of information. And if this be the case in general, how much more must be gained by the particular voyages now under consideration? Besides naval officers equally skilled to examine the coasts they might approach, as to delineate them accurately upon their charts, artists[^[58]] were engaged, who, by their drawings, might illustrate what could only be imperfectly described; mathematicians[^[59]] who might treasure up an extensive series of scientific observations; and persons versed in the various departments of the history of nature, who might collect, or record, all that they should find new and valuable, throughout the wide extent of their researches. But while most of these associates of our naval discoverers were liberally rewarded by the public, there was one gentleman, who thinking it the noblest reward he could receive, to have an opportunity of making the ample fortune he inherited from his ancestors subservient to the improvement of science, stepped forward of his own accord, and, submitting to the hardships and dangers of a circumnavigation of the globe, accompanied Captain Cook in the Endeavour. The learned world, I may also say the unlearned, will never forget the obligations which it owes to Sir Joseph Banks.

What real acquisitions have been gained, by this munificent attention to science, cannot be better expressed than in the words of Mr. Wales, who engaged in one of these voyages himself, and contributed largely to the benefits derived from them.

“That branch of natural knowledge which may be called nautical astronomy, was undoubtedly in its infancy, when these voyages were first undertaken. Both instruments and observers, which deserved the name, were very rare; and so late as the year 1770, it was found necessary, in the appendix to Meyer’s Tables, published by the Board of Longitude, to state facts, in contradiction to the assertions of so celebrated an astronomer as the Abbé de la Caille, that the altitude of the sun at noon, the easiest and most simple of all observations, could not be taken with certainty to a less quantity than five, six, seven, or even eight minutes.[^[60]] But those who will give themselves the trouble to look into the astronomical observations made in Captain Cook’s last voyage, will find, that there were few, even of the petty officers, who could not observe the distance of the moon from the sun, or a star, the most delicate of all observations, with sufficient accuracy. It may be added, that the method of making and computing observations for finding the variation of the compass, is better known, and more frequently practised by those who have been on these voyages, than by most others. Nor is there, perhaps, a person who ranks as an officer, and has been concerned in them, who would not, whatever his real skill may be, feel ashamed to have it thought that he did not know how to observe for, and compute the time at sea; though, but a short while before these voyages were set on foot, such a thing was scarcely ever heard of amongst seamen; and even first-rate astronomers doubted the possibility of doing it with sufficient exactness.[^[61]]

“The number of places, at which the rise and times of flowing of tides have been observed, in these voyages, is very great; and hence an important article of useful knowledge is afforded. In these observations, some very curious and even unexpected circumstances have offered themselves to our consideration. It will be sufficient to instance the exceedingly small height to which the tide rises in the middle of the great Pacific Ocean; where it falls short, two-thirds at least, of what might have been expected from theory and calculation.

“The direction and force of currents at sea make also an important object. These voyages will be found to contain much useful information on this head; as well relating to seas nearer home, and which, in consequence, are navigated every day, as to those which are more remote, but where, notwithstanding, the knowledge of these things may be of great service to those who are destined to navigate them hereafter. To this head also we may refer the great number of experiments which have been made for enquiring into the depth of the sea, its temperature, and saltness at different depths, and in a variety of places and climates.

“An extensive foundation has also been laid for improvements in magnetism, for discovering the cause and nature of the polarity of the needle, and a theory of its variations, by the number and variety of the observations and experiments which have been made, both on the variation and dip, in almost all parts of the world. Experiments also have been made, in consequence of the late voyages, on the effects of gravity, in different and very distant places, which may serve to increase our stock of natural knowledge. From the same source of information we have learned that the phænomenon, usually called the aurora borealis is not peculiar to high northern latitudes, but belongs equally to all cold climates, whether they be north or south.

“But perhaps no part of knowledge has been so great a gainer by the late voyages, as that of botany. We are told[^[62]] that, at least twelve hundred new plants have been added to the known system; and that very considerable additions have been made to every other branch of natural history, by the great skill and industry of Sir Joseph Banks, and the other gentlemen[^[63]] who have accompanied Captain Cook for that purpose.”

To our naval officers in general, or to their learned associates in the expeditions, all the foregoing improvements of knowledge may be traced; but there is one very singular improvement indeed, still behind, for which, as we are solely indebted to Captain Cook, let us state it in his own words: “Whatever may be the public judgment about other matters, it is with real satisfaction, and without claiming any merit but that of attention to my duty, that I can conclude this account with an observation, which facts enable me to make, that our having discovered the possibility of preserving health amongst a numerous ship’s company, for such a length of time, in such varieties of climate, and amidst such continued hardships and fatigues, will make this voyage remarkable, in the opinion of every benevolent person, when the disputes about a southern continent shall have ceased to engage the attention, and to divide the judgment of philosophers.”[^[64]]

5. But while our late voyages have opened so many channels to an increase of knowledge in the several articles already enumerated; while they have extended our acquaintance with the contents of the globe; while they have facilitated old tracks, and have opened new ones for commerce; while they have been the means of improving the skill of the navigator, and the science of the astronomer; while they have procured to us so valuable accessions in the several departments of natural history, and furnished such opportunities of teaching us how to preserve the healths and lives of seamen, let us not forget another very important object of study, for which they have afforded to the speculative philosopher ample materials: I mean the study of human nature in various situations, equally interesting as they are uncommon.

However remote or secluded from frequent intercourse with more polished nations the inhabitants of any parts of the world be, if history or our own observation should make it evident that they have been formerly visited, and that foreign manners and opinions, and languages, have been blended with their own, little use can be made of what is observed amongst such people, toward drawing a real picture of man in his natural uncultivated state. This seems to be the situation of the inhabitants of most of the islands that lie contiguous to the continent of Asia, and of whose manners and institutions the Europeans, who occasionally visit them, have frequently given us accounts. But the islands which our enterprising discoverers visited in the centre of the South Pacific Ocean, and are, indeed, the principal scenes of their operations, were untrodden ground. The inhabitants, as far as could be observed, were unmixed with any different tribe, by occasional intercourse, subsequent to their original settlement there; left entirely to their own powers for every art of life; and to their own remote traditions for every political or religious custom or institution; uninformed by science; unimproved by education; in short, a fit soil from whence a careful observer could collect facts for forming a judgment, how far unassisted human nature will be apt to degenerate; and in what respects it can ever be able to excel. Who could have thought, that the brutal ferocity of feeding upon human flesh, and the horrid superstition of offering human sacrifices, should be found to exist amongst the natives lately discovered in the Pacific Ocean, who, in other respects, appear to be no strangers to the fine feelings of humanity, to have arrived at a certain stage of social life, and to be habituated to subordination and government which tend so naturally to repress the ebullitions of wild passion, and expand the latent powers of the understanding?

Or, if we turn from this melancholy picture, which will suggest copious matter for philosophical speculation, can we without astonishment observe to what a degree of perfection the same tribe (and, indeed, we may here join, in some of those instances, the American tribes visited in the course of the present voyage) have carried their favourite amusements; the plaintive songs of their women; their dramatic entertainments; their dances; their Olympian games, as we may call them; the orations of their chiefs; the chants of their priests; the solemnity of their religious processions; their arts and manufactures; their ingenious contrivances to supply the want of proper materials, and of effective tools and machines; and the wonderful productions of their persevering labour under a complication of disadvantages; their cloth and their mats; their weapons; their fishing instruments; their ornaments; their utensils; which, in design and execution, may vie with whatever modern Europe, or classical antiquity can exhibit.

It is a favourite study with the scholar to trace the remains of Grecian or Roman workmanship: he turns over his Montfaucon with learned satisfaction; and he gazes with rapture on the noble collection of Sir William Hamilton. The amusement is rational and instructive. But will not his curiosity be more awakened, will he not find even more real matter for important reflection, by passing an hour in surveying the numerous specimens of the ingenuity our newly-discovered friends brought from the utmost recesses of the globe to enrich the British Museum, and the valuable repository of Sir Ashton Lever? If the curiosities of Sir Ashton’s Sandwich-room alone, were the only acquisition gained by our visits to the Pacific Ocean, who that has taste to admire, or even eyes to behold, could hesitate to pronounce, that Captain Cook had not sailed in vain? The expence of his three voyages did not perhaps far exceed that of digging out the buried contents of Herculaneum. And we may add, that the novelties of the Society or Sandwich islands, seem better calculated to engage the attention of the studious in our times than the antiquities, which exhibit proofs of Roman magnificence.

The grounds for making this remark cannot be better explained, than in the words of a very ingenious writer; “In an age (says Mr. Warton[^[65]]), advanced to the highest degree of refinement, that species of curiosity commences, which is busied in contemplating the progress of social life, in displaying the gradations of society, and in tracing the gradations from barbarism to civility. That these speculations should become the favourite topics of such a period is extremely natural. We look back on the savage condition of our ancestors with the triumph of superiority; and are pleased to mark the steps by which we have been raised from rudeness to elegance; and our reflections on this subject are accompanied with a conscious pride, arising, in a great measure, from a tacit comparison of the infinite disproportion between the feeble efforts of remote ages, and our present improvements in knowledge. In the mean time, the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions of antiquity, by forming so strong a contrast with those of our own times, and by exhibiting human nature and human inventions in new lights, in unexpected appearances, and in various forms, are objects which forcibly strike a feeling imagination. Nor does this spectacle afford nothing more than a fruitless gratification to the fancy. It teaches us to set a just estimation on our own acquisitions, and encourages us to cherish that cultivation which is so closely connected with the existence and the exercise of every social virtue.” We need not here observe, that the manners, monuments, customs, practices, and opinions of the present inhabitants of the Pacific Ocean, or of the West side of North America, form the strongest contrast with those of our own time in enlightened Europe; and that a feeling imagination will probably be more struck with the narration of the ceremonies of a Naiche at Tongataboo, than of a Gothic tournament at London; with the contemplation of the colossuses of Easter Island, than of the mysterious remains of Stonehenge.

Many singularities respecting what may be called the natural history of the human species, in different climates, will, on the authority of our late navigators, open abundant sources for philosophical discussion. One question of this sort, in particular, which had formerly divided the opinions of the inquisitive, as to the existence, if not of “giants on the earth,” at least of a race (inhabiting a district bordering on the north side of the strait of Magalhaens), whose stature considerably exceeds that of the bulk of mankind, will no longer be doubted or disbelieved. And the ingenious objections of the sceptical author of Recherches sur les Américains[^[66]], will weigh nothing in the balance against the concurrent and accurate testimony of Byron, Wallis and Carteret.

Perhaps there cannot be a more interesting inquiry than to trace the migrations of the various families or tribes that have peopled the globe; and in no respect have our late voyages been more fertile in curious discoveries. It was known in general (and I shall use the words of Kæmpfer[^[67]]), that the Asiatic nation called Malayans, “in former times had by much the greatest trade in the Indies, and frequented with their merchant ships, not only all the coasts of Asia, but ventured even over to the coasts of Africa, particularly to the great island of Madagascar.[^[68]] The title which the king of the Malayans assumed to himself, of Lord of the Winds and Seas to the East and to the West, is an evident proof of this; but much more the Malayan language, which spread most all over the east, much after the same manner as formerly the Latin, and of late the French, did all over Europe.” Thus far, I say, was known. But that from Madagascar to the Marqueses and Easter Island, that is, nearly from the east side of Africa, till we approach towards the west side of America, a space including above half the circumference of the globe, the same tribe or nation, the Phœnicians, as we may call them, of the Oriental World, should have made their settlements, and founded colonies throughout almost every intermediate stage of this immense tract, in islands at amazing distances from the mother continent, and ignorant of each others’ existence; this is an historical fact, which could be but very imperfectly known before Captain Cook’s two first voyages discovered so many new inhabited spots of land lurking in the bosom of the South Pacific Ocean; and it is a fact which does not rest solely on similarity of customs and institutions, but has been established by the most satisfactory of all proofs, that drawn from affinity of language. Mr. Marsden, who seems to have considered this curious subject with much attention, says, that the links of the latitudinal chain remain yet to be traced.[^[69]] The discovery of the Sandwich islands in this last voyage has added some links to the chain. But Captain Cook had not an opportunity of carrying his researches into the more westerly parts of the North Pacific. The reader, therefore, of the following work will not, perhaps, think that the Editor was idly employed when he subjoined some notes, which contain abundant proof that the inhabitants of the Ladrones, or Marianne islands, and those of the Carolines, are to be traced to the same common source, with those of the islands visited by our ships. With the like view, of exhibiting a striking picture of the amazing extent of this oriental language, which marks, if not a common original, at least an intimate intercourse between the inhabitants of places so very remote from each other, he has inserted a comparative table of their numerals, upon a more enlarged plan than any that has hitherto been executed.[^[70]]

Our British discoverers have not only thrown a blaze of light on the migrations of the tribe which has so wonderfully spread itself throughout the islands in the Eastern Ocean; but they have also favoured us with much curious information concerning another of the families of the earth whose lot has fallen in less hospitable climates. We speak of the Esquimaux, hitherto only found seated on the coasts of Labradore and Hudson’s Bay, and who differ in several characteristic marks from the inland inhabitants of North America. That the Greenlanders and they agree in every circumstance of customs, and manners, and language, which are demonstrations of an original identity of nation, had been discovered about twenty years ago.[^[71]] Mr. Hearne, in 1772, traced this unhappy race farther back, toward that part of the globe from whence they had originally coasted along in their skin boats, having met with some of them at the mouth of the Coppermine River, in the latitude of 72°, and near five hundred leagues farther W. than Pickersgill’s most westerly station in Davis’s Strait. Their being the same tribe who now actually inhabit the islands and coasts on the west side of North America, opposite Kamtschatka, was a discovery, the completion of which was reserved for Captain Cook. The reader of the following work will find them at Norton Sound, and at Oonalashka, and Prince William’s Sound; that is, near 1500 leagues distant from their stations in Greenland, and on the Labradore coast. And lest similitude of manners should be thought to deceive us, a table exhibiting proofs of affinity of language, which was drawn up by Captain Cook, and is inserted in this work[^[72]], will remove every doubt from the mind of the most scrupulous inquirer after truth.

There are other doubts of a more important kind, which it may be hoped will now no longer perplex the ignorant, or furnish matter of cavil to the ill-intentioned. After the great discovery, or at least the full confirmation of the great discovery of the vicinity of the two continents of Asia and America, we trust that we shall not be any more ridiculed, for believing that the former could easily furnish its inhabitants to the latter. And thus, to all the various good purposes already enumerated, as answered by our late voyages, we may add this last, though not the least important, that they have done service to religion, by robbing infidelity of a favourite objection to the credibility of the Mosaic account of the peopling of the earth.[^[73]]

6. Hitherto we have considered our voyages as having benefited the discoverers. But it will be asked, have they conveyed, or are they likely ever to convey any benefit to the discovered? It would afford exquisite satisfaction to every benevolent mind to be instructed in facts which might enable us, without hesitation, to answer this question in the affirmative. And yet, perhaps, we may indulge the pleasing hope, that, even in this respect, our ships have not sailed in vain. Other discoveries of new countries have, in effect, been wars, or rather massacres; nations have been no sooner found out, than they have been extirpated; and the horrid cruelties of the conquerors of Mexico and Peru can never be remembered, without blushing for religion and human nature; but when the recesses of the globe are investigated, not to enlarge private dominion, but to promote general knowledge; when we visit new tribes of our fellow-creatures as friends, and wish only to learn that they exist, in order to bring them within the pale of the offices of humanity, and to relieve the wants of their imperfect state of society, by communicating to them our superior attainments; voyages of discovery, planned with such benevolent views by George the Third, and executed by Cook, have not, we trust, totally failed in this respect. Our repeated visits, and long continued intercourse with the natives of the Friendly, Society, and Sandwich Islands, cannot but have darted some rays of light on the infant minds of those poor people. The uncommon objects they have thus had opportunities of observing and admiring, will naturally tend to enlarge their stock of ideas, and to furnish new materials for the exercise of their reason. Comparing themselves with their visitors, they cannot but be struck with the deepest conviction of their own inferiority, and be impelled, by the strongest motives, to strive to emerge from it, and to rise nearer to a level with those children of the sun who deigned to look upon them, and left behind so many specimens of their generous and humane attention. The very introduction of our useful animals and vegetables, by adding fresh means of subsistence, will have added to their comforts of life and immediate enjoyments; and if this be the only benefit they are ever to receive, who will pronounce that much has not been gained? But may we not carry our wishes and our hopes still farther? Great Britain itself, when first visited by the Phœnicians, was inhabited by painted savages, not perhaps blessed with higher attainments than are possessed by the present natives of New Zealand; certainly less civilized than those of Tongataboo or Otaheite. Our having opened an intercourse with them is the first step toward their improvement. Who knows, but that our late voyages may be the means appointed by Providence, of spreading, in due time, the blessings of civilization, amongst the numerous tribes of the South Pacific Ocean; of abolishing their horrid repasts and their horrid rites; and of laying the foundation for future and more effectual plans, to prepare them for holding an honourable station amongst the nations of the earth? This, at least is certain that our having, as it were, brought them into existence by our extensive researches, will suggest to us fresh motives of devout gratitude to the Supreme Being, for having blessed us with advantages hitherto withheld from so great a proportion of the human race; and will operate powerfully to incite us to persevere in every feasible attempt, to be his instruments in rescuing millions of fellow-creatures from their present state of humiliation.

The several topics which occurred, as suitable to this general Introduction, being now discussed, nothing remains but to state a few particulars, about which the reader of these volumes has a right to expect some information.

Captain Cook, knowing, before he sailed upon this last expedition, that it was expected from him to relate, as well as to execute, its operations, had taken care to prepare such a journal as might be made use of for publication. This journal, which exists in his own hand-writing, has been faithfully adhered to. It is not a bare extract from his log-books, but contains many remarks which it appears had not been inserted by him in the nautical register; and it is also enriched with considerable communications from Mr. Anderson, surgeon of the Resolution. The confessed abilities and great assiduity of Mr. Anderson, in observing every thing that related either to natural history, or to manners and language; and the desire which, it is well known, Captain Cook, on all occasions, showed to have the assistance of that gentleman, stamped a great value on his collections. That nothing, therefore, might be wanting to convey to the public the best possible account of the transactions of the voyage, his journal, by the order of Lord Sandwich, was also put into the hands of the editor, who was authorized and directed to avail himself of the information it might be found to contain, about matters imperfectly touched, or altogether omitted, in Captain Cook’s manuscript. This task has been executed in such a manner, that the reader will scarcely ever be at a loss to distinguish in what instances recourse has been had to Mr. Anderson. To preclude, if possible, any mistake, the copy of the first and second volumes, before it went to the printer, was submitted to Captain King; and after it had been read over and corrected by one so well qualified to point out any inaccuracies, the Earl of Sandwich had the goodness to give it a perusal. As to the third volume, nothing more need be said than that it was completely prepared for the press by Captain King himself. All that the editor of the work has to answer for, are the notes occasionally introduced in the course of the two volumes, contributed by Captain Cook; and this introduction, which was intended as a kind of epilogue to our voyages of discovery. He must be permitted, however, to say, that he considers himself as intitled to no inconsiderable share of candid indulgence from the public; having engaged in a very tedious and troublesome undertaking upon the most disinterested motives; his only reward being the satisfaction he feels, in having been able to do an essential service to the family of our great navigator, who had honoured him in the journal of this voyage, with the appellation of friend.

They who have repeatedly asked why this publication has been so long delayed, need only look at the volumes, and their attendant illustrations and ornaments, to be satisfied that it might, with at least equal reason, be wondered at, that it has not been delayed longer. The journal of Captain Cook, from the first moment that it came into the hands of the editor had been ready for the press; and Captain King had left with him his part of the narrative, so long ago as his departure for the West Indies, when he commanded the Resistance man-of-war. But much besides remained to be done. The charts, particularly the general one, were to be prepared by Mr. Roberts, who gives an account of his work in the note[^[74]]; the very numerous and elegant drawings of Mr. Webber were to be reduced by him to the proper size; artists were next to be found out who would undertake to engrave them; the prior engagements of those artists were to be fulfilled before they could begin; the labour and skill to be exerted in finishing many of them, rendered this a tedious operation; paper fit for printing them upon was to be procured from abroad; and after all these various and unavoidable difficulties were surmounted, much time was necessarily required for executing a numerous impression of the long list of plates, with so much care as might do justice both to Mr. Webber and to his several engravers. When all these circumstances are taken into consideration, we trust that we shall hear no more of the delay; and only be grateful to that munificent Patron of Science, who not only directed the history of the voyage to be published, but to be published with such a splendid train of ornaments, at the public expense, as will still add to the merit of having ordered the voyage itself to be undertaken.

And here it seems to be incumbent upon us to add, as another instance of munificent attention, that care has been taken to mark, in the most significant manner, the just sense entertained of the humane and liberal relief afforded to our ships in Kamtschatka. Colonel Behm, the commandant of that province, has not been rewarded merely by the pleasure which a benevolent mind feels in reflecting upon the blessings it confers; but has been thanked in a manner equally consistent with the dignity of his own sovereign and of ours, to whose subjects he extended protection. A magnificent piece of plate was presented to him with an inscription, worthy of a place in the same book where the history of his humanity to our countrymen is recorded, and which, while it does honour to our national gratitude, deserves also to be preserved as a monument of our national taste for elegant composition. It is as follows:

Viro egregio magno de Behm; qui, Imperatricis Augustissimæ Catherinæ auspiciis, summâque animi benignitate, sæva, quibus præerat, Kamtschatkæ littora, navibus nautisque Britannicis, hospita præbuit; eosque, in terminis, si qui essent Imperio Russico, frustrà explorandis, mala multa perpessos, iteratâ vice excepit, refecit, recreavit, & commeatû omni cumulatè auctos dimisit; Rei navalis Britannicæ Septemviri in aliquam benevolentiæ tam insignis memoriam, amicissimo, gratissimoque animo, suo, patriæque nomine, D.D.D.

MDCCLXXXI.

This public testimony of gratitude reminds the editor, that there are similar calls upon himself. He owes much to Captain King for his advice and direction, in a variety of instances, where Captain Cook’s Journal required explanation; for filling up several blanks with the proper longitude and latitude; of and for supplying deficiencies in the tables of astronomical observations.

Lieutenant Roberts was also frequently consulted, and was always found to be a ready and effectual assistant, when any nautical difficulties were to be cleared up.

But particular obligations are due to Mr. Wales, who besides the valuable communications which have been adopted in this Introduction, seconded most liberally the editor’s views of serving Mrs. Cook, by cheerfully taking upon himself the whole trouble of digesting, from the log-books, the tables of the route of the ships, which add so greatly to the intrinsic merit of this publication.

Mr. Wegg, besides sharing in the thanks so justly due to the committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company, for their unreserved communications, was particularly obliging to the editor, by giving him repeated opportunities of conversing with Governor Hearne, and Captain Christopher.

The honourable Mr. Daines Barrington had the goodness to interest himself, with his usual zeal for every work of public utility, in procuring some necessary information, and suggesting some valuable hints which were adopted.

It would be great injustice not to express our acknowledgments to Mr. Pennant, who, besides enriching the third volume with references to his Arctic Zoology, the publication of which will be an important accession to Natural History, also communicated some very authentic and satisfactory manuscript accounts of the Russian discoveries.

The vocabularies of the Friendly and Sandwich Islands, and of the natives of Nootka, had been furnished to Captain Cook, by his most useful associate in the voyage, Mr. Anderson; and a fourth, in which the language of the Esquimaux is compared with that of the Americans on the opposite side of the continent, had been prepared by the Captain himself. But the comparative Table of Numerals, which is marked No. 2 in the Appendix, was very obligingly drawn up, at the request of the editor, by Mr. Bryant, who, in his study, has followed Captain Cook, and, indeed, every traveller and historian, of every age, into every part of the globe. The public will consider this table as a very striking illustration of the wonderful migrations of a nation, about whom so much additional information has been gained by our voyages, and be ready to acknowledge it as a very useful communication.

One more communication remains to be not only acknowledged, but to be inserted at the close of this Introduction. The testimonies of learned contemporaries, in commendation of a deceased author, are frequently displayed in the front of his book. It is with the greatest propriety, therefore, that we prefix to this posthumous work of Captain Cook the testimony of one of his own profession, not more distinguished by the elevation of rank, than by the dignity of private virtues. As he wishes to remain concealed, perhaps this allusion, for which we intreat his indulgence, may have given too exact direction to the eyes of the public where to look for such a character. Let us, however, rest satisfied with the intrinsic merit of a composition, conveyed under the injunction of secrecy; and conclude our long preliminary dissertation with expressing a wish, or rather a well-grounded hope, that this volume may not be the only place where posterity can meet with a monumental inscription, commemorative of a man, in recounting and applauding whose services, the whole of enlightened Europe will equally concur with Great Britain.

TO
THE MEMORY
OF
CAPTAIN JAMES COOK,
THE ABLEST AND MOST RENOWNED NAVIGATOR THIS OR ANY COUNTRY HATH PRODUCED.

He raised himself, solely by his merit, from a very obscure birth, to the rank of Post-Captain in the royal navy, and was unfortunately killed by the savages of the island Owhyhee on the 14th of February, 1779; which island he had not long before discovered, when prosecuting his third voyage round the globe.

He possessed, in an eminent degree, all the qualifications requisite for his profession and great undertakings; together with the amiable and worthy qualities of the best men.

Cool and deliberate in judging: sagacious in determining: active in executing: steady and persevering in enterprising from vigilance and unremitting caution: unsubdued by labour, difficulties, and disappointments: fertile in expedients: never wanting presence of mind: always possessing himself, and the full use of a sound understanding.

Mild, just, but exact in discipline, he was a father to his people, who were attached to him from affection, and obedient from confidence.

His knowledge, his experience, his sagacity, rendered him so intirely master of his subject, that the greatest obstacles were surmounted, and the most dangerous navigations became easy, and almost safe, under his direction.

He explored the Southern hemisphere to a much higher latitude than had ever been reached, and with fewer accidents than frequently befall those who navigate the coasts of this island.

By his benevolent and unabating attention to the welfare of his ship’s company, he discovered and introduced a system for the preservation of the health of seamen in long voyages, which has proved wonderfully efficacious: for in his second voyage round the world, which continued upwards of three years, he lost only one man by distemper, of one hundred and eighteen, of which his company consisted.

The death of this eminent and valuable man was a loss to mankind in general; and particularly to be deplored by every nation that respects useful accomplishments, that honours science, and loves the benevolent and amiable affections of the heart. It is still more to be deplored by this country, which may justly boast of having produced a man hitherto unequalled for nautical talents; and that sorrow is farther aggravated by the reflection, that his country was deprived of this ornament by the enmity of a people, from whom, indeed, it might have been dreaded, but from whom it was not deserved. For, actuated always by the most attentive care and tender compassion for the savages in general, this excellent man was ever assiduously endeavouring, by kind treatment, to dissipate their fears and court their friendship; overlooking their thefts and treacheries, and frequently interposing, at the hazard of his life, to protect them from the sudden resentment of his own injured people.

The object of his last mission was to discover and ascertain the boundaries of Asia and America, and to penetrate into the Northern Ocean by the North East Cape of Asia.

Traveller! contemplate, admire, revere, and emulate this great master in his profession; whose skill and labours have enlarged natural philosophy; have extended nautical science; and have disclosed the long-concealed and admirable arrangements of the Almighty in the formation of this globe, and, at the same time, the arrogance of mortals, in presuming to account, by their speculations, for the laws by which he was pleased to create it. It is now discovered, beyond all doubt, that the same Great Being who created the universe by his fiat, by the same ordained our earth to keep a just poise, without a corresponding Southern continent—and it does so! “He stretches out the North over the empty place, and hangeth the earth upon nothing.” Job, xxvi. 7.

If the arduous but exact researches of this extraordinary man have not discovered a new world, they have discovered seas unnavigated and unknown before. They have made us acquainted with islands, people, and productions, of which we had no conception. And if he has not been so fortunate as Americus to give his name to a continent, his pretensions to such a distinction remain unrivalled; and he will be revered, while there remains a page of his own modest account of his voyages, and as long as mariners and geographers shall be instructed, by his new map of the Southern hemisphere, to trace the various courses and discoveries he has made.

If public services merit public acknowledgments; if the man who adorned and raised the fame of his country is deserving of honours, then Captain Cook deserves to have a monument raised to his memory, by a generous and grateful nation.

Virtutis uberrimum alimentum est honos.

Val. Maximus, lib. ii. cap. 6.

A

VOYAGE

TO

THE PACIFIC OCEAN.

BOOK I.
TRANSACTIONS FROM THE BEGINNING OF THE VOYAGE TILL OUR DEPARTURE FROM NEW ZEALAND.

CHAP. I.

VARIOUS PREPARATIONS FOR THE VOYAGE.—OMAI’S BEHAVIOUR ON EMBARKING.—OBSERVATIONS FOR DETERMINING THE LONGITUDE OF SHEERNESS, AND THE NORTH FORELAND.—PASSAGE OF THE RESOLUTION FROM DEPTFORD TO PLYMOUTH.—EMPLOYMENTS THERE.—COMPLEMENTS OF THE CREWS OF BOTH SHIPS, AND NAMES OF THE OFFICERS.—OBSERVATIONS TO FIX THE LONGITUDE OF PLYMOUTH.—DEPARTURE OF THE RESOLUTION.

Having, on the ninth day of February, 1776, received a commission to command his Majesty’s sloop the Resolution, I went on board the next day, hoisted the pendant, and began to enter men. At the same time, the Discovery, of three hundred tons’ burthen, was purchased into the service, and the command of her given to Captain Clerke, who had been my second Lieutenant on board the Resolution, in my second voyage round the world, from which we had lately returned.

These two ships were, at this time, in the dock at Deptford, under the hands of the shipwrights; being ordered to be equipped to make farther discoveries in the Pacific Ocean, under my direction.

On the 9th of March, the Resolution was hauled out of dock into the river; where we completed her rigging, and took on board the stores and provisions requisite for a voyage of such duration. Both ships, indeed, were supplied with as much of every necessary article as we could conveniently stow, and with the best of every kind that could be procured. And, besides this, every thing that had been found, by the experience acquired during our former extensive voyages, to be of any utility in preserving the health of seamen, was supplied in abundance.

It was our intention to have sailed to Long Reach on the 6th of May, when a pilot came on board to carry us thither; but it was the 29th before the wind would permit us to move; and the 30th before we arrived at that station, where our artillery, powder, shot, and other ordnance stores were received.

While we lay in Long Reach, thus employed, the Earl of Sandwich, Sir Hugh Palliser, and others of the Board of Admiralty, as the least mark of the very great attention they had all along shown to this equipment, paid us a visit on the 8th of June, to examine whether every thing had been completed conformably to their intentions and orders, and to the satisfaction of all who were to embark in the voyage.

They, and several other noblemen and gentlemen, their friends, honoured me with their company at dinner on that day; and, on their coming on board, and also on their going ashore, we saluted them with seventeen guns, and three cheers.

With the benevolent view of conveying some permanent benefit to the inhabitants of Otaheite, and of the other islands in the Pacific Ocean, whom we might happen to visit, his Majesty having commanded some useful animals to be carried out, we took on board, on the 10th, a bull, two cows with their calves, and some sheep, with hay and corn for their subsistence; intending to add to these, other useful animals, when I should arrive at the Cape of Good Hope.

I was also, from the same laudable motives, furnished with a sufficient quantity of such of our European garden seeds, as could not fail to be a valuable present to our newly-discovered islands, by adding fresh supplies of food to their own vegetable productions.

Many other articles, calculated to improve the condition of our friends in the other hemisphere in various ways, were, at the same time, delivered to us by order of the Board of Admiralty. And both ships were provided with a proper assortment of iron tools and trinkets, as the means of enabling us to traffic and to cultivate a friendly intercourse with the inhabitants of such new countries as we might be fortunate enough to meet with.

The same humane attention was extended to our own wants. Some additional clothing, adapted to a cold climate, was ordered for our crews: and nothing was denied to us, that could be supposed in the least conducive to health, or even to convenience.

Nor did the extraordinary care of those at the head of the naval department stop here. They were equally solicitous to afford us every assistance towards rendering our voyage of public utility. Accordingly, we received on board, next day, several astronomical and nautical instruments, which the Board of Longitude intrusted to me, and to Mr. King, my second lieutenant; we having engaged to that board to make all the necessary observations during the voyage, for the improvement of astronomy and navigation; and, by our joint labours, to supply the place of a professed observator. Such a person had been originally intended to be sent out in my ship.

The Board, likewise, put into our possession the same watch, or time-keeper, which I had carried out in my last voyage, and had performed its part so well. It was a copy of Mr. Harrison’s, constructed by Mr. Kendall. This day, at noon, it was found to be too slow for mean time at Greenwich, by 3ʹ, 31ʺ, 890; and by its rate of going, it lost on mean time, 1ʺ, 209 per day.

Another time-keeper, and the same number and sort of instruments for making observations, were put on board the Discovery, under the care of Mr. William Bailey; who, having already given satisfactory proofs of his skill and diligence as an observator, while employed in Captain Furneaux’s ship, during the late voyage, was engaged a second time, in that capacity, to embark with Captain Clerke.

Mr. Anderson, my surgeon, who, to skill in his immediate profession, added great proficiency in natural history, was as willing as he was qualified to describe every thing in that branch of science which should occur worthy of notice. As he had already visited the South Sea Islands in the same ship, and been of singular service, by enabling me to enrich my relation of that voyage with various useful remarks on men and things[^[75]], I reasonably expected to derive considerable assistance from him in recording our new proceedings.

I had several young men amongst my sea-officers who, under my direction, could be usefully employed in constructing charts, in taking views of the coasts and headlands near which we should pass, and in drawing plans of the bays and harbours in which we should anchor. A constant attention to this I knew to be highly requisite, if we would render our discoveries profitable to future navigators.

And, that we might go out with every help that could serve to make the result of our voyage entertaining to the generality of readers, as well as instructive to the sailor and scholar, Mr. Webber was pitched upon, and engaged to embark with me, for the express purpose of supplying the unavoidable imperfections of written accounts, by enabling us to preserve, and to bring home, such drawings of the most memorable scenes of our transactions, as could only be executed by a professed and skilful artist.

Every preparation being now completed, I received an order to proceed to Plymouth, and to take the Discovery under my command. I accordingly gave Captain Clerke two orders; one to put himself under my command, and the other to carry his ship round to Plymouth.

On the 15th, the Resolution sailed from Long Reach, with the Discovery in company, and the same evening they anchored at the Nore. Next day the Discovery proceeded, in obedience to my order; but the Resolution was ordered to remain at the Nore till I should join her, being at this time in London.

As we were to touch at Otaheite and the Society Islands, in our way to the intended scene of our fresh operations, it had been determined not to omit this opportunity (the only one ever likely to happen) of carrying Omai back to his native country. Accordingly, every thing being ready for our departure, he and I set out together from London on the 24th, at six o’clock in the morning. We reached Chatham between ten and eleven o’clock; and after dining with Commissioner Proby, he very obligingly ordered his yacht to carry us to Sheerness, where my boat was waiting to take us on board.

Omai left London with a mixture of regret and satisfaction. When we talked about England, and about those who, during his stay, had honoured him with their protection or friendship, I could observe that his spirits were sensibly affected, and that it was with difficulty he could refrain from tears. But, the instant the conversation turned to his own islands, his eyes began to sparkle with joy. He was deeply impressed with a sense of the good treatment he had met with in England, and entertained the highest ideas of the country and of the people. But the pleasing prospect he now had before him of returning home, loaded with what he well knew would be esteemed invaluable treasures there, and the flattering hope which the possession of these gave him, of attaining to a distinguished superiority amongst his countrymen, were considerations which operated by degrees to suppress every uneasy sensation; and he seemed to be quite happy when he got on board the ship.

He was furnished, by his Majesty, with an ample provision of every article which, during our intercourse with his country, we had observed to be in any estimation there, either as useful or as ornamental. He had, besides, received many presents of the same nature from Lord Sandwich, Mr. Banks[^[76]], and several other gentlemen and ladies of his acquaintance. In short, every method had been employed, both during his abode in England, and at his departure, to make him the instrument of conveying to the inhabitants of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, the most exalted opinion of the greatness and generosity of the British nation.

While the Resolution lay at the Nore, Mr. King made several observations for finding the longitude by the watch. The mean of them all gave O° 44ʹ Oʺ, for the longitude of the ship. This, reduced to Sheerness, by the bearing and estimated distance, will make that place to be O° 37ʹ Oʺ east of Greenwich; which is more by seven miles than Mr. Lyons made it, by the watch which Lord Mulgrave had with him, on his voyage towards the North Pole. Whoever knows any thing of the distance between Sheerness and Greenwich, will be a judge which of these two observations is nearest the truth.

The variation of the needle here, by a mean of different sets, taken with different compasses, was 20° 37ʹ west.

On the 25th, about noon, we weighed anchor, and made sail for the Downs, through the Queen’s Channel, with a gentle breeze at north-west by west. At nine in the evening we anchored, with the North Foreland bearing south by east, and Margate Point south-west by south.

Next morning, at two o’clock, we weighed and stood round the Foreland; and when it bore north, allowing for the variation of the compass, the watch gave 1° 24ʹ east longitude, which, reduced to the Foreland, will be 1° 21ʹ east. Lunar observations made the preceding evening, fixed it at 1° 20ʹ east. At eight o’clock the same morning, we anchored in the Downs. Two boats had been built for us at Deal, and I immediately sent on shore for them. I was told that many people had assembled there to see Omai; but to their great disappointment he did not land.

Having received the boats on board, and a light breeze at south south-east springing up, we got under sail the next day at two o’clock in the afternoon. But the breeze soon died away, and we were obliged to anchor again till ten o’clock at night. We then weighed, with the wind at east, and proceeded down the channel.

On the 30th, at three o’clock in the afternoon, we anchored in Plymouth Sound, where the Discovery had arrived only three days before. I saluted Admiral Amherst, whose flag was flying on board the Ocean, with thirteen guns, and he returned the compliment, with eleven.

It was the first object of our care, on arriving at Plymouth, to replace the water and provisions that we had expended, and to receive on board a supply of Port wine. This was the employment which occupied us on the 1st and 2d of July.

During our stay here, the crews were served with fresh beef every day: and I should not do justice to Mr. Ommanney, the agent-victualler, if I did not take this opportunity to mention, that he showed a very obliging readiness to furnish me with the best of every thing that lay within his department. I had been under the like obligations to him on my setting out upon my last voyage. Commissioner Ourry, with equal zeal for the service, gave us every assistance that we wanted from the naval yard.

It could not but occur to us as a singular and affecting circumstance, that at the very instant of our departure upon a voyage, the object of which was to benefit Europe by making fresh discoveries in North America, there should be the unhappy necessity of employing others of his Majesty’s ships, and of conveying numerous bodies of land forces, to secure the obedience of those parts of that continent which had been discovered and settled by our countrymen in the last century. On the 6th, his Majesty’s ships Diamond, Ambuscade, and Unicorn, with a fleet of transports, consisting of sixty-two sail, bound to America, with the last division of the Hessian troops, and some horse, were forced into the Sound by a strong north-west wind.

On the 8th, I received, by express, my instructions[^[77]] for the voyage, and an order to proceed to the Cape of Good Hope with the Resolution. I was also directed to leave an order for Captain Clerke to follow us, as soon as he should join his ship; he being, at this time, detained in London.

Our first discoverers of the New World, and navigators of the Indian and Pacific Oceans, were justly thought to have exerted such uncommon abilities, and to have accomplished such perilous enterprises, that their names have been handed down to posterity as so many Argonauts. Nay, even the hulks of the ships that carried them, though not converted into constellations in the heavens, used to be honoured and visited as sacred relics upon earth. We, in the present age of improved navigation, who have been instructed by their labours, and have followed them as our guides, have no such claim to fame. Some merit, however, being still, in the public opinion, considered as due to those who sail to unexplored quarters of the globe, in conformity to this favourable judgment, I prefixed to the account of my last voyage the names of the officers of both my ships, and a table of the number of their respective crews. The like information will be expected from me at present.

The Resolution was fitted out with the same complement of officers and men she had before; and the Discovery’s establishment varied from that of the Adventure, in the single instance of her having no marine officer on board. This arrangement was to be finally completed at Plymouth; and, on the 9th, we received the party of marines allotted for our voyage. Colonel Bell, who commanded the division at this port, gave me such men for the detachment as I had reason to be satisfied with. And the supernumerary seamen, occasioned by this reinforcement, being turned over into the Ocean man-of-war, our several complements remained fixed, as represented in the following table:

On the 10th, the commissioner and pay-clerks came on board, and paid the officers and crew up to the 30th of last month. The petty officers and seamen had, besides, two months’ wages in advance. Such indulgence to the latter, is no more than what is customary in the navy. But the payment of what was due to the superior officers was humanely ordered by the Admiralty, in consideration of our peculiar situation, that we might be better able to defray the very great expense of furnishing ourselves with a stock of necessaries for a voyage which, probably, would be of unusual duration, and to regions where no supply could be expected.

Nothing now obstructing my departure but a contrary wind, which blew strong at south-west, in the morning of the 11th I delivered into the hands of Mr. Burney, first lieutenant of the Discovery, Captain Clerke’s sailing orders; a copy of which I also left with the officer[^[78]] commanding his Majesty’s ships at Plymouth, to be delivered to the Captain immediately on his arrival. In the afternoon, the wind moderating, we weighed with the ebb, and got farther out, beyond all the shipping in the Sound; where, after making an unsuccessful attempt to get to sea, we were detained most of the following day, which was employed in receiving on board a supply of water; and, by the same vessel that brought it, all the empty casks were returned.

As I did not imagine my stay at Plymouth would have been so long as it proved, we did not get our instruments on shore to make the necessary observations for ascertaining the longitude by the watch. For the same reason, Mr. Baily did not set about this, till he found that the Discovery would probably be detained some days after us. He then placed his quadrant upon Drake’s Island; and had time, before the Resolution sailed, to make observations sufficient for the purpose we had in view. Our watch made the island to lie 4° 14ʹ, and his, 4° 13¹⁄₂ʹ west of Greenwich. Its latitude, as found by Messrs. Wales and Baily, on the last voyage, is 50° 21ʹ 30ʺ north.

We weighed again at eight in the evening, and stood out of the Sound, with a gentle breeze at north-west by west.

CHAP. II.

PASSAGE OF THE RESOLUTION TO TENERIFFE.—RECEPTION THERE.—DESCRIPTION OF SANTA CRUZ ROAD.—REFRESHMENTS TO BE MET WITH.—OBSERVATIONS FOR FIXING THE LONGITUDE OF TENERIFFE.—SOME ACCOUNT OF THE ISLAND.—BOTANICAL OBSERVATIONS.—CITIES OF SANTA CRUZ AND LAGUNA.—AGRICULTURE.—AIR AND CLIMATE.—COMMERCE.—INHABITANTS.

We had not been long out of Plymouth Sound, before the wind came more westerly, and blew fresh, so that we were obliged to ply down the Channel; and it was not till the 14th, at eight in the evening, that we were off the Lizard.

On the 16th, at noon, St. Agnes’s lighthouse on the Isles of Scilly, bore north-west by west, distant seven or eight miles. Our latitude was now 49° 53ʹ 30ʺ north, and our longitude, by the watch, 6° 11ʹ west. Hence, I reckon that St. Agnes’s light-house is in 49° 57ʹ 30ʺ north latitude, and in 6° 20ʹ of west longitude.

On the 17th[^[79]] and 18th we were off Ushant, and found the longitude of the island to be, by the watch, 5° 18ʹ 37ʺ west. The variation was 23° 0ʹ 50ʺ, in the same direction.

With a strong gale at south, on the 19th, we stood to the westward, till eight o’clock in the morning; when, the wind shifting to the west and north-west, we tacked and stretched to the southward. At this time, we saw nine sail of large ships, which we judged to be French men-of-war. They took no particular notice of us, nor we of them.

At ten o’clock in the morning of the 22d, we saw Cape Ortegal; which at noon bore south-east, half south, about four leagues distant. At this time we were in the latitude of 44° 6ʹ north; and our longitude, by the watch, was 8° 23ʹ west.

After two days of calm weather we passed Cape Finisterre, on the afternoon of the 24th, with a fine gale at north north-east. The longitude of this Cape, by the watch, is 9° 29ʹ west; and, by the mean of forty-one lunar observations, made before and after we passed it, and reduced to it by the watch, the result was 9° 19ʹ 12ʺ.

On the 30th, at six minutes and thirty-eight seconds past ten o’clock at night, apparent time, I observed with a night-telescope, the moon totally eclipsed. By the ephemeris, the same happened at Greenwich at nine minutes past eleven o’clock: the difference being one hour, two minutes, and twenty-two seconds, or 15° 35ʹ 30ʺ of longitude. The watch, for the same time, gave 15° 26ʹ 45ʺ longitude west; and latitude 31° 10ʹ north. No other observation could be made on this eclipse, as the moon was hid behind the clouds the greater part of the time; and, in particular, when the beginning and end of total darkness, and the end of the eclipse, happened.

Finding that we had not hay and corn sufficient for the subsistence of the stock of animals on board, till our arrival at the Cape of Good Hope, I determined to touch at Teneriffe, to get a supply of these, and of the usual refreshments for ourselves; thinking that island, for such purposes, better adapted than Madeira. At four in the afternoon of the 31st, we saw Teneriffe, and steered for the eastern part. At nine, being near it, we hauled up, and stood off and on during the night.

At day-light, on the morning of the 1st of August, we sailed round the east Point of the island; and, about eight o’clock, anchored on the south-east side of it, in the road of Santa Cruz, in twenty-three fathoms water; the bottom, sand and owze. Punta de Nago, the east point of the road, bore north 64° east; St. Francis’s church, remarkable for its high steeple, west south-west; the Pic, south 65° west; and the south-west point of the road, on which stands a fort or castle, south 39° west. In this situation, we moored north-east and south-west, with a cable each way, being near half a mile from the shore.

We found, riding in this road, La Boussole, a French frigate, commanded by the Chevalier de Borda; two brigantines of the same nation; an English brigantine from London, bound to Senegal; and fourteen sail of Spanish vessels.

No sooner had we anchored, than we were visited by the master of the port, who satisfied himself with asking the ship’s name. Upon his leaving us, I sent an officer ashore to present my respects to the Governor; and to ask his leave to take in water, and to purchase such articles as we were in want of. All this he granted with the greatest politeness: and, soon after, sent an officer on board, to compliment me on my arrival. In the afternoon, I waited upon him in person, accompanied by some of my officers; and, before I returned to my ship, bespoke some corn and straw for the live stock; ordered a quantity of wine from Mr. M’Carrick, the contractor, and made an agreement with the master of a Spanish boat to supply us with water, as I found that we could not do it ourselves.

The road of Santa Cruz is situated before the town of the same name, on the south-east side of the island. It is, as I am told, the principal road of Teneriffe, for shelter, capacity, and the goodness of its bottom. It lies entirely open to the south-east and south winds. But these winds are never of long continuance; and, they say, there is not an instance[^[80]] of a ship driving from her anchors on shore. This may, in part, be owing to the great care they take in mooring them: for I observed, that all the ships we met with there, had four anchors out; two to the north-east, and two to the south-west: and their cables buoyed up with casks. Ours suffered a little by not observing this last precaution.

At the south-west part of the road, a stone pier runs out into the sea from the town, for the convenience of loading and landing of goods. To this pier, the water that supplies the shipping is conveyed. This, as also what the inhabitants of Santa Cruz use, is derived from a rivulet that runs from the hills, the greatest part of which comes into the town in wooden spouts or troughs, that are supported by slender posts, and the remainder doth not reach the sea; though it is evident, from the size of the channel, that sometimes large torrents rush down. At this time these troughs were repairing, so that fresh water, which is very good here, was scarce.

Were we to judge from the appearance of the country in the neighbourhood of Santa Cruz, it might be concluded that Teneriffe is a barren spot, insufficient to maintain even its own inhabitants. The ample supplies, however, which we received, convinced us that they had enough to spare for visitors. Besides wine, which is the chief produce of the island, beef may be had at a moderate price. The oxen are small and boney, and weigh about ninety pounds a quarter. The meat is but lean, and was, at present, sold for half a bit (three-pence sterling) a pound. I, unadvisedly, bought the bullocks alive, and paid considerably more. Hogs, sheep, goats, and poultry, are likewise to be bought at the same moderate rate: and fruits are in great plenty. At this time we had grapes, figs, pears, mulberries, plantains, and musk-melons. There is a variety of other fruits produced here, though not in season at this time. Their pumpkins, onions, and potatoes, are exceedingly good of their kind, and keep better at sea than any I ever before met with.

The Indian corn, which is also their produce, cost me about three shillings and sixpence a bushel; and the fruits and roots were, in general, very cheap. They have not any plentiful supply of fish from the adjoining sea; but a very considerable fishery is carried on by their vessels upon the coast of Barbary; and the produce of it sells at a reasonable price. Upon the whole, I found Teneriffe to be a more eligible place than Madeira for ships bound on long voyages to touch at; though the wine of the latter, according to my taste, is as much superior to that of the former, as strong beer is to small. To compensate for this, the difference of prices is considerable; for the best Teneriffe wine was now sold for twelve pounds a pipe; whereas a pipe of the best Madeira would have cost considerably more than double that sum.[^[81]]

The Chevalier de Borda, commander of the French frigate now lying in Santa Cruz road, was employed, in conjunction with Mr. Varila, a Spanish gentleman, in making astronomical observations for ascertaining the going of two time-keepers which they had on board their ship. For this purpose, they had a tent pitched on the pier head, where they made their observations, and compared their watches, every day at noon, with the clock on shore, by signals. These signals the Chevalier very obligingly communicated to us; so that we could compare our watch at the same time. But our stay was too short to profit much by his kindness.

The three days’ comparisons which we made, assured us that the watch had not materially, if at all, altered her rate of going; and gave us the same longitude, within a very few seconds, that was obtained by finding the time from observations of the sun’s altitude from the horizon of the sea. The watch, from a mean of these observations, on the 1st, 2d, and 3d of August, made the longitude 16° 31ʹ west; and, in like manner, the latitude was found to be 28° 30ʹ 11ʺ north.

Mr. Varila informed us, that the true longitude was 18° 35ʹ 30ʺ, from Paris, which is only 16° 16ʹ 30ʺ from Greenwich; less than what our watch gave by 14ʹ 30ʺ. But, far from looking upon this as an error in the watch, I rather think it a confirmation of its having gone well; and that the longitude by it may be nearer the truth than any other. It is farther confirmed by the lunar observations that we made in the road, which gave 16° 37ʹ 10ʺ. Those made before we arrived, and reduced to the road by the watch, gave 16° 33ʹ 30ʺ. And those made after we left it, and reduced back in the same manner, gave 16° 28ʹ. The mean of the three is 16° 30ʹ 40ʺ.

To reduce these several longitudes, and the latitude, to the Pic of Teneriffe, one of the most noted points of land with geographers (to obtain the true situation of which, I have entered into this particular discussion), I had recourse to the bearing, and a few hours of the ship’s run after leaving Santa Cruz road; and found it to be 12ʹ 11ʺ south of the road, and 29ʹ 30ʺ of longitude west of it. As the base, which helped to determine this, was partly estimated, it is liable to some error; but I think I cannot be much mistaken. Dr. Maskelyne, in his British Mariner’s Guide, places the Pic in the latitude of 28° 12ʹ 54ʺ. This, with the bearing from the road, will give the difference of longitude 43ʹ, which considerably exceeds the distance they reckon the Pic to be from Santa Cruz. I made the latitude of the Pic to be 28° 18ʹ north. Upon that supposition, its longitude will be as follows:

But if the latitude of it is 28° 12ʹ 54ʺ, as in the British Mariner’s Guide, its longitude will be 13ʹ 30ʺ more westerly.

The variation, when we were at anchor in the road, by the mean of all our compasses, was found to be 14° 41ʹ 20ʺ west. The dip of the north end of the needle was 61° 52ʹ 30ʺ.

Some of Mr. Anderson’s remarks on the natural appearances of Teneriffe, and its productions; and what he observed himself, or learnt by information, about the general state of the island, will be of use, particularly in marking what changes may have happened there since Mr. Glas visited it. They here follow in his own words:

“While we were standing in for the land, the weather being perfectly clear, we had an opportunity of seeing the celebrated Pic of Teneriffe. But, I own, I was much disappointed in my expectation with respect to its appearance. It is, certainly, far from equalling the noble figure of Pico, one of the western isles which I have seen; though its perpendicular height may be greater. This circumstance, perhaps, arises from its being surrounded by other very high hills; whereas Pico stands without a rival.

“Behind the city of Santa Cruz, the country rises gradually, and is of a moderate height. Beyond this, to the south westward, it becomes higher, and continues to rise towards the Pic, which, from the road, appears but little higher than the surrounding hills. From thence it seems to decrease, though not suddenly, as far as the eye can reach. From a supposition that we should not stay above one day, I was obliged to contract my excursions into the country; otherwise, I had proposed to visit the top of this famous mountain.[^[82]]

“To the eastward of Santa Cruz, the island appears perfectly barren. Ridges of hills run towards the sea; between which ridges are deep valleys, terminating at mountains or hills that run across, and are higher than the former. Those that run towards the sea, are marked by impressions on their sides, which make them appear as a succession of conic hills, with their tops very rugged. The higher ones that run across, are more uniform in their appearance.

“In the forenoon of the 1st of August, after we had anchored in the road, I went on shore to one of these valleys, with an intention to reach the top of the remoter hills, which seemed covered with wood; but time would not allow me to get further than their foot. After walking about three miles, I found no alteration in the appearance of the lower hills; which produce great quantities of the euphorbia Canariensis. It is surprising that this large succulent plant should thrive on so burnt-up a soil. When broken, which is easily done, the quantity of juice is very great; and it might be supposed that, when dried, it would shrivel to nothing; yet it is a pretty tough, though soft and light wood. The people here believe its juice to be so caustic as to erode the skin[^[83]]: but I convinced them, though with much difficulty, to the contrary, by trusting my finger into the plant full of it, without afterwards wiping it off. They break down the bushes of euphorbia, and suffering them to dry, carry them home for fuel. I met with nothing else growing there, but two or three small shrubs, and a few fig-trees near the bottom of the valley.

“The basis of the hills is a heavy, compact, blueish stone, mixed with some shining particles; and, on the surface, large masses of red friable earth, or stone, are scattered about. I also often found the same substance disposed in thick strata; and the little earth, strewed here and there, was a blackish mould. There were likewise some pieces of slag; one of which, from its weight and smooth surface, seemed almost wholly metalline.

“The mouldering state of these hills is, doubtless, owing to the perpetual action of the sun, which calcines their surface. This mouldered part being afterwards washed away by the heavy rains, perhaps is the cause of their sides being so uneven. For, as the different substances of which they are composed, are more or less easily affected by the sun’s heat, they will be carried away in the like proportions. Hence, perhaps, the tops of the hills, being of the hardest rock, have stood, while the other parts on a declivity have been destroyed. As I have usually observed, that the tops of most mountains that are covered with trees have a more uniform appearance, I am inclined to believe that this is owing to their being shaded.

“The city of Santa Cruz, though not large, is tolerably well built. The churches are not magnificent without; but within are decent, and indifferently ornamented. They are inferior to some of the churches at Madeira; but, I imagine, this rather arises from the different disposition of the people, than from their inability to support them better. For the private houses, and dress of the Spanish inhabitants of Santa Cruz, are far preferable to those of the Portuguese at Madeira; who, perhaps, are willing to strip themselves, that they may adorn their churches.

“Almost facing the stone pier at the landing-place, is a handsome marble column lately put up, ornamented with some human figures, that do no discredit to the artist; with an inscription in Spanish, to commemorate the occasion of the erection, and the date.

“In the afternoon of the 2d, four of us hired mules to ride to the city of Laguna[^[84]], so called from an adjoining lake, about four miles from Santa Cruz. We arrived there between five and six in the evening; but found a sight of it very unable to compensate for our trouble, as the road was very bad, and the mules but indifferent. The place is, indeed, pretty extensive, but scarcely deserves to be dignified with the name of city. The disposition of its streets is very irregular; yet some of them are of a tolerable breadth, and have some good houses. In general, however, Laguna is inferior in appearance to Santa Cruz, though the latter is but small, if compared with the former. We were informed, likewise, that Laguna is declining fast; there being, at present, some vineyards where houses formerly stood; whereas Santa Cruz is encreasing daily.

“The road leading from Santa Cruz to Laguna runs up a steep hill, which is very barren; but, lower down, we saw some fig-trees, and several corn fields. These are but small, and not thrown into ridges, as is practised in England. Nor does it appear that they can raise any corn here without great labour, as the ground is so encumbered with stones, that they are obliged to collect and lay them in broad rows, or walls, at small distances. The large hills that run to the south-west, appeared to be pretty well furnished with trees. Nothing else worth noticing presented itself during this excursion, except a few aloe plants in flower, near the side of the road, and the cheerfulness of our guides, who amused us with songs by the way.

“Most of the laborious work in this island is performed by mules; horses being to appearance scarce, and chiefly reserved for the use of the officers. They are of a small size, but well-shaped and spirited. Oxen are also employed to drag their casks along upon a large clumsy piece of wood; and they are yoked by the head; though it doth not seem that this has any peculiar advantage over our method of fixing the harness on the shoulders. In my walks and excursions, I saw some hawks, parrots, which are natives of the island, the sea-swallow or tern, sea-gulls, partridges, wagtails, swallows, martins, blackbirds, and canary birds in large flocks. There are also lizards of the common, and another sort; some insects, as locusts; and three or four sorts of dragon-flies.

“I had an opportunity of conversing with a sensible and well-informed gentleman residing here, and whose veracity I have not the least reason to doubt. From him I learnt some particulars, which, during the short stay of three days, did not fall within my own observation. He informed me, that a shrub is common here, agreeing exactly with the description given by Tournefort and Linnæus, of the tea shrub, as growing in China and Japan. It is reckoned a weed, and he roots out thousands of them every year, from his vineyards. The Spaniards, however, of the island, sometimes use it as tea, and ascribe to it all the qualities of that imported from China. They also give it the name of tea; but what is remarkable, they say it was found here when the islands were first discovered.

“Another botanical curiosity, mentioned by him, is what they call the impregnated lemon.[^[85]] It is a perfect and distinct lemon, inclosed within another, differing from the outer one only in being a little more globular. The leaves of the tree that produces this sort, are much longer than those of the common one; and it was represented to me as being crooked, and not equal in beauty.

“From him I learnt also, that a certain sort of grape growing here, is reckoned an excellent remedy in phthisical complaints. And the air and climate, in general, are remarkably healthful, and particularly adapted to give relief in such diseases. This he endeavoured to account for, by it’s being always in one’s power to procure a different temperature of the air, by residing at different heights in the island; and he expressed his surprise that the English physicians should never have thought of sending their consumptive patients to Teneriffe, instead of Nice or Lisbon. How much the temperature of the air varies here, I myself could sensibly perceive, only in riding from Santa Cruz up to Laguna; and you may ascend till the cold becomes intolerable. I was assured that no person can live comfortably within a mile of the perpendicular height of the Pic, after the month of August.[^[86]]

“Although some smoke constantly issues from near the top of the Pic, they have had no earthquake or eruption of a volcano since 1704, when the port of Garrachica, where much of their trade was formerly carried on, was destroyed.[^[87]]

“Their trade, indeed, must be considered as very considerable; for they reckon that forty thousand pipes of wine are annually made; the greatest part of which is either consumed in the island, or made into brandy, and sent to the Spanish West Indies.[^[88]] About six thousand pipes were exported every year to North America, while the trade with it was uninterrupted; at present, they think not above half the quantity. The corn they raise is, in general, insufficient to maintain the inhabitants; but the deficiency used to be supplied by importation from the North Americans, who took their wines in return.

“They make a little silk; but unless we reckon the filtering-stones, brought in great numbers from Grand Canary, the wine is the only considerable article of the foreign commerce of Teneriffe.

“None of the race of inhabitants found here when the Spaniards discovered the Canaries now remain a distinct people[^[89]], having intermarried with the Spanish settlers; but their descendants are known, from their being remarkably tall, large-boned, and strong. The men are, in general, of a tawny colour, and the women have a pale complexion, entirely destitute of that bloom which distinguishes our northern beauties. The Spanish custom of wearing black clothes continues amongst them; but the men seem more indifferent about this, and, in some measure, dress like the French. In other respects, we found the inhabitants of Teneriffe to be a decent and very civil people, retaining that grave cast which distinguishes those of their country from other European nations. Although we do not think that there is a great similarity between our manners and those of the Spaniards, it is worth observing, that Omai did not think there was much difference. He only said, that they seemed not so friendly as the English; and that, in their persons, they approached those of his countrymen.”

CHAP. III.

DEPARTURE FROM TENERIFFE.—DANGER OF THE SHIP NEAR BONAVISTA.—ISLE OF MAYO.—PORT PRAYA.—PRECAUTIONS AGAINST THE RAIN AND SULTRY WEATHER IN THE NEIGHBOURHOOD OF THE EQUATOR.—POSITION OF THE COAST OF BRAZIL.—ARRIVAL AT THE CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.—TRANSACTIONS THERE.—JUNCTION OF THE DISCOVERY.—MR. ANDERSON’S JOURNEY UP THE COUNTRY.—ASTRONOMICAL OBSERVATIONS.—NAUTICAL REMARKS ON THE PASSAGE FROM ENGLAND TO THE CAPE, WITH REGARD TO THE CURRENTS AND THE VARIATION.

Having completed our water, and got on board every other thing we wanted at Teneriffe, we weighed anchor on the 4th of August, and proceeded on our voyage, with a fine gale at north-east.

At nine o’clock in the evening on the 10th[^[90]], we saw the island of Bonavista bearing S., distant little more than a league; though, at this time, we thought ourselves much farther off; but this proved a mistake. For, after hauling to the east-ward till twelve o’clock, to clear the sunken rocks that lie about a league from the S. E. point of the island, we found ourselves, at that time, close upon them, and did but just weather the breakers. Our situation, for a few minutes, was very alarming. I did not choose to sound, as that might have heightened the danger without any possibility of lessening it. I make the N. end of the island of Bonavista to lie in the latitude of 16° 17ʹ N., and in the longitude of 22° 59ʹ W.

As soon as we were clear of the rocks, we steered S. S. W., till day-break next morning, and then hauled to the westward, to go between Bonavista and the isle of Mayo, intending to look into Port Praya for the Discovery, as I had told Captain Clerke that I should touch there, and did not know how soon he might sail after me. At one in the afternoon, we saw the rocks that lie on the S. W. side of Bonavista, bearing S. E., distant three or four leagues.

Next morning, at six o’clock, the isle of Mayo bore S. S. E., distant about five leagues. In this situation we sounded, and found ground at sixty fathoms. At the same time the variation, by the mean of several azimuths taken with three different compasses, was 9° 32¹⁄₂ʹ W. At eleven o’clock, one extreme of Mayo bore E. by N., and the other S. E. by S. In this position, two roundish hills appeared near its N. E. part; farther on, a large and higher hill; and, at about two-thirds of its length, a single one that is peaked. At the distance we now saw this island, which was three or four miles, there was not the least appearance of vegetation, nor any relief to the eye from that lifeless brown which prevails in countries under the torrid zone that are unwooded.

Here I cannot help remarking that Mr. Nichelson, in his Preface to Sundry Remarks and Observations made in a Voyage to the East Indies[^[91]], tells us, that “with eight degrees W. variation, or any thing above that, you may venture to sail by the Cape de Verde Islands night or day, being well assured, with that variation, that you are to the eastward of them.” Such an assertion might prove of dangerous consequence, were there any that would implicitly trust to it. We also tried the current, and found one setting S. W. by W., something more than half a mile an hour. We had reason to expect this, from the differences between the longitude given by the watch and dead reckoning, which, since our leaving Teneriffe, amounted to one degree.

While we were amongst these islands we had light breezes of wind, varying from the S. E. to E., and some calms. This shows that the Cape de Verde Islands, are either extensive enough to break the current of the trade-wind, or that they are situated just beyond its verge, in that space where the variable winds, found on getting near the line, begin. The first supposition, however, is the most probable, as Dampier[^[92]] found the wind westerly here in the month of February; at which time the trade-wind is supposed to extend farthest towards the equinoctial. The weather was hot and sultry, with some rain; and, for the most part, a dull whiteness prevailed in the sky, that seems a medium between fog and clouds. In general, the tropical regions seldom enjoy that clear atmosphere observable where variable winds blow; nor does the sun shine with such brightness. This circumstance, however, seems an advantage; for otherwise, perhaps, the rays of the sun, being uninterrupted, would render the heat quite unsupportable. The nights are, nevertheless, often clear and serene.

At nine o’clock in the morning of the 13th, we arrived before Port Praya, in the island of St. Jago, where we saw two Dutch East India ships, and a small brigantine at anchor. As the Discovery was not there, and we had expended but little water in our passage from Teneriffe, I did not think proper to go in, but stood to the southward. Some altitudes of the sun were now taken, to ascertain the true time. The longitude by the watch, deduced therefrom, was 23° 48ʹ W.; the little island in the bay bore W. N. W., distant near three miles, which will make its longitude 23° 51ʹ. The same watch, on my late voyage, made the longitude to be 23° 30ʹ W.; and we observed the latitude to be 14° 53ʹ 30ʺ N.

The day after we left the Cape de Verde Islands, we lost the N. E. trade-wind; but did not get that which blows from the S. E. till the 30th, when we were in the latitude of 2° N., and in the twenty-fifth degree of W. longitude.

During this interval[^[93]], the wind was mostly in the S. W. quarter. Sometimes it blew fresh, and in squalls; but for the most part a gentle breeze. The calms were few, and of short duration. Between the latitude of 12° and of 7° N., the weather was generally dark and gloomy, with frequent rains, which enabled us to save as much water as filled most of our empty casks.

These rains, and the close sultry weather accompanying them, too often bring on sickness in this passage. Every bad consequence, at least, is to be apprehended from them; and commanders of ships cannot be too much upon their guard, by purifying the air between decks with fires and smoke, and by obliging the people to dry their clothes at every opportunity. These precautions were constantly observed on board the Resolution[^[94]] and Discovery; and we certainly profited by them, for we had now fewer sick than on either of my former voyages. We had, however, the mortification to find our ship exceedingly leaky in all her upper works. The hot and sultry weather we had just passed through, had opened her seams, which had been badly caulked at first, so wide, that they admitted the rain-water through as it fell. There was hardly a man that could lie dry in his bed; and the officers in the gun-room were all driven out of their cabins, by the water that came through the sides. The sails in the sail-room got wet; and before we had weather to dry them, many of them were much damaged, and a great expense of canvas and of time became necessary to make them in some degree serviceable. Having experienced the same defect in our sail-rooms on my late voyage, it had been represented to the yard-officers, who undertook to remove it. But it did not appear to me that any thing had been done to remedy the complaint. To repair these defects the caulkers were set to work, as soon as we got into fair settled weather, to caulk the decks and inside weather works of the ship; for I would not trust them over the sides while we were at sea.

On the first of September[^[95]] we crossed the equator, in the longitude of 27° 38ʹ W., with a fine gale at S. E. by S.; and notwithstanding my apprehensions of falling in with the coast of Brazil in stretching to the S. W., I kept the ship a full point from the wind. However, I found my fears were ill grounded; for on drawing near that coast, we met with the wind more and more easterly; so that, by the time we were in the latitude of 10° S., we could make a south-easterly course good.

On the 8th we were in the latitude of 8° 57ʹ S.; which is a little to the southward of Cape St. Augustine, on the coast of Brazil. Our longitude, deduced from a very great number of lunar observations, was 34° 16ʹ W.; and by the watch 34° 47ʹ. The former is 1° 43ʹ, and the latter 2° 14ʹ more westerly than the island of Fernando de Noronha, the situation of which was pretty well determined during my late voyage.[^[96]] Hence I concluded that we could not now be farther from the continent than twenty or thirty leagues at most; and perhaps not much less, as we neither had soundings, nor any other signs of land. Dr. Halley, however, in his voyage, published by Mr. Dalrymple, tells us[^[97]], that he made no more than one hundred and two miles, meridian distance, from the island [Fernando de Noronha] to the coast of Brazil; and seems to think that currents could not be the whole cause of his making so little. But I rather think that he was mistaken, and that the currents had hurried him far to the westward of his intended course. This was, in some measure, confirmed by our own observations; for we had found, during three or four days preceding the 8th, that the currents set to the westward; and, during the last twenty-four hours, it had set strong to the northward, as we experienced a difference of twenty-nine miles between our observed latitude and that by dead reckoning. Upon the whole, till some better astronomical observations are made on shore on the eastern coast of Brazil, I shall conclude that its longitude is thirty-five degrees and a half, or thirty-six degrees west, at most.

We proceeded on our voyage, without meeting with any thing of note, till the 6th of October. Being then in the latitude of 35° 15ʹ S., longitude 7° 45ʹ W., we met with light airs and calms by turns, for three days successively. We had, for some days before, seen albatrosses, pintadoes, and other petrels; and here we saw three penguins, which occasioned us to sound; but we found no ground with a line of one hundred and fifty fathoms. We put a boat in the water, and shot a few birds; one of which was a black petrel, about the size of a crow, and, except as to the bill and feet, very like one. It had a few white feathers under the throat; and the under-side of the quill-feathers were of an ash-colour. All the other feathers were jet black, as also the bill and legs.

On the 8th, in the evening, one of those birds which sailors call noddies, settled on our rigging, and was caught. It was something larger than an English black-bird, and nearly as black, except the upper part of the head, which was white, looking as if it were powdered; the whitest feathers growing out from the base of the upper bill, from which they gradually assumed a darker colour, to about the middle of the upper part of the neck, where the white shade was lost in the black, without being divided by any line. It was web-footed; had black legs and a black bill, which was long, and not unlike that of a curlew. It is said these birds never fly far from land. We knew of none nearer the station we were in, than Gough’s or Richmond Island, from which our distance could not be less than one hundred leagues. But it must be observed that the Atlantic Ocean, to the southward of this latitude, has been but little frequented; so that there may be more islands there than we are acquainted with.

We frequently, in the night, saw those luminous marine animals mentioned and described in my first voyage.[^[98]] Some of them seemed to be considerably larger than any I had before met with; and sometimes they were so numerous, that hundreds were visible at the same moment.

This calm weather was succeeded by a fresh gale from the N. W., which lasted two days. Then we had again variable light airs for about twenty-four hours; when the N. W. wind returned, and blew with such strength, that on the 17th we had sight of the Cape of Good Hope; and the next day anchored in Table Bay, in four fathoms water, with the church bearing S. W. ¹⁄₄ S., and Green Point N. W. ¹⁄₄ W.