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SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION—BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY.

A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS.

BY

JAMES OWEN DORSEY.

CONTENTS.

ILLUSTRATIONS.

A STUDY OF SIOUAN CULTS.

BY JAMES OWEN DORSEY.

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION.

DEFINITIONS OF “CULT” AND “SIOUAN.”

§ 1. Cult, as used in this article, means a system of religious belief and worship, especially the rites and ceremonies employed in such worship. The present article treats of the cults of a few of the Siouan tribes—that is, with two exceptions, of such tribes as have been visited by the author.

“Siouan” is a term originated by the Bureau of Ethnology. It is derived from “Sioux,” the popular name for those Indians who call themselves “Dakota” or “Lakota,” the latter being the Teton appellation. “Siouan” is used as an adjective, but, unlike its primitive, it refers not only to the Dakota tribes, but also to the entire linguistic stock or family.

SIOUAN FAMILY.

The Siouan family includes the Dakota, Assiniboin, Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Kwapa, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, Winnebago, Mandan, Hidatsa, Crow, Tutelo, Biloxi, Catawba, and other Indians. The Sapona, who are now extinct, probably belonged to this family.

The author was missionary to the Ponka Indians, in what is now part of Nebraska, from 1871 to 1873. Since 1878 he has acquired native texts and other information from the Omaha, Ponka, Osage, Kansa, Winnebago, Iowa, Oto, Missouri, and Dakota.

In seeking information respecting the ancient beliefs of the Indians the author has always found it expedient to question the Indian when no interpreter was present.

AUTHORITIES.

§ 2. This study is based for the most part upon statements made by Indians, though several publications were consulted during the preparation of the fifth and sixth chapters.

The following Indians had become Christians before the author met them: Joseph La Flèche, Frank La Flèche, John Big Elk, and George Miller, all Omaha. Joseph La Flèche, who died in 1888, was the leader of the civilization party in the Omaha tribe after 1855. He was at one time a head chief. He spoke several Indian languages, having spent years among other tribes, including the Pawnee, when he was in the service of the fur company. His son, Frank, has been in the Indian Bureau at Washington since 1881. The author has obtained considerable linguistic material from the father and son. The father, with Two Crows, aided the author in the summer of 1882 in revising his sociologic notes, resulting in the preparation of “Omaha Sociology,” which was published in the third annual report of the director of the Bureau of Ethnology. John Big Elk, a full Omaha, of the Elk gens, furnished an article on “Sacred Traditions and Customs,” and several historical papers, published in “Contributions to North American Ethnology, Vol. VI.” George Miller, of the Ictasanda or Thunder gens, is a full Omaha, from whom was obtained nearly half of Chapter III, including most of the Omaha illustrations.

The following Indians were not Christians: Gahige, Two Crows, Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ, and Samuel Fremont, all Omaha; Nudaⁿ-axa, a Ponka; and the Kansa, Osage, Missouri, Iowa, and Winnebago informants.

Two Crows has been connected in several ways with the ancient organizations of his people. He has been a head man, or nikagahi, being thus an ex-officio member of the class which exercised the civil and religious functions of the state. He has been a policeman during the buffalo hunt. He has acted as captain, or war chief, and he is the leading doctor in the order of Buffalo shamans, being the keeper of the “sweet medicine.”

Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ, or He-who-fears-not-the-sight-of-a-Pawnee, is a member of the Black Bear subgens, and he is also one of the servants of the Elk gens, it being his duty to be present at the sacred tent of that gens, and to assist in the ceremonies pertaining to the invocation of the Thunder Beings.

Gahige was the chief of the Iñke-sabĕ, a Buffalo gens, and at the time of his death he was the keeper of the two sacred pipes.

Samuel Fremont is a member of the Eagle subgens. He came to Washington in the autumn of 1888 and assisted the author till February, 1889.

Nudaⁿ-axa is a chief of a part of the Thunder-Being gens of the Ponka. The author has known him since 1871.

The other Indian authorities need not be named, as they are in substantial agreement.

The following authorities were consulted in the preparation of the Dakota and Assiniboin chapter:

Bruyier (John), a Dakota, MS. Teton texts. 1888. Translated by himself. Bureau of Ethnology.

Bushotter (George), a Dakota, MS. Teton texts. 1887-’88. Translated by J. Owen Dorsey. Bureau of Ethnology.

Fletcher (Miss Alice C.), The Sun-dance of the Ogalalla Sioux. In Proc. Am. Assoc. Adv. Sci., Montreal Miss meeting, 1882, pp. 580-584.

Fletcher (Miss Alice C.), several articles in Rept. Peabody Museum, vol. 3, 1884, pp. 260-333.

Hovey (Rev. H. C.), “Eyay Shah,” in Am. Antiquarian, Jan., 1887, pp. 35, 36.

Long (Maj. S. H.), Skiff Voyage to Falls of St. Anthony. In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 1, pp. 18, 19, 55.

Lynd (J. W.), Religion of the Dakotas. In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 2, pp. 57-84.

Pond (G. H.), Dakota Superstitions. In Minn. Histor. Soc. Coll., vol. II, pt. 3, pp. 32-62.

Riggs (S. R.), Theogony of the Sioux. In Am. Antiquarian, vol. II, No. 4, pp. 265-270.

——. In Am. Antiq., vol. V, 1883, p. 149.

——. In Am. Philolog. Assoc. Proc., 3d An. Sess., 1872, pp. 5, 6.

——. Tah-koo Wah-kon, or, The Gospel Among the Dakotas, 1869.

Say (Thos.), in James (E.), Account of Long’s Exped. Rocky Mts., vol. I, Phil., 1823.

Shea (J. Gilmary), Am. Cath. Missions, N. Y. (after 1854).

Smet (Rev. P. J. de), Western Missions and Missionaries, N. Y. (n. d.).

Woodburn (Dr. J. M., Jr.), MS. Letter and Teton Vocabulary, 1890. Bureau of Ethnology.

ALPHABET.

§ 3. With the exception of seven letters taken from Riggs’s Dakota Dictionary, and which are used only in the Dakota words, the characters used in recording the Indian words occurring in this paper belong to the alphabet adopted by the Bureau of Ethnology.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE:

Many of the letters in the original book cannot be represented faithfully in the character set available. The following table explains the conventions used to represent such characters. In the table, ‘x’ is used to mean “any letter”.

a, as in father.
‘a, an initially exploded a.
ă, as in what, or as o in not.
‘ă, an initially exploded ă.
ä, as in hat.
c, as sh in she. See ś.
ɔ, a medial sh, a sonant-surd.
ć (Dakota letter), as ch in church.
ç, as th in thin.
[ç], a medial ç, sonant-surd.
ȼ, as th in the.
e, as in they.
‘e, an initially exploded e.
ĕ, as in get.
‘ĕ an initially exploded ĕ.
g, as in go.
ġ (in Dakota), gh. See x.
ɥ (in Osage), an h after a pure or nasalized vowel, expelled through the mouth with the lips wide apart.
ḣ (in Dakota), kh, etc. See q.
i, as in machine.
‘i, an initially exploded i.
ĭ, as in pin.
j, as z in azure, or as j in the French Jacques.
ʞ a medial k, a sonant-surd.
k’, an exploded k. See next letter.
ḳ (in Dakota), an exploded k.
ŋ (in Dakota), after a vowel has the sound of n in the French bon. See ⁿ.
ɯ (in Kansa), a medial m, a sound between m and b.
ñ, as ng in sing.
hn, its initial sound is expelled from the nostrils and is scarcely heard.
o, as in no.
‘o, an initially exploded o.
[p], a medial b or p, a sonant-surd.
p’, an exploded p.
q, as German ch in ach. See ḣ.
, a medial z or s, a sonant-surd.
ś (in Dakota), as sh in she. See c.
ʇ, a medial d or t, a sonant-surd.
t’, an exploded t.
u, as oo in tool.
‘u, an initially exploded u.
ŭ, as oo in foot.
ṵ, a sound between o and u.
ü, as in German kühl, süss.
x, gh, or nearly the Arabic ghain. See ġ.
ź (in Dakota), as z in azure. See j.
dj, as j in judge.
tc, as ch in church. See ć.
tc’, an exploded tc.
ʇɔ, a medial tc, a sonant-surd.
ts’, an exploded ts.
ʇ, a medial ts, a sonant-surd.
ai, as in aisle.
au, as ow in how.
yu, as u in tune, or ew in few.

The following have the ordinary English sounds: b, d, h, k, l, m, n, p, r, s, t, w, y, and z. A superior n (ⁿ) after a vowel (compare the Dakota ŋ) has the sound of the French n in bon, vin, etc. A plus sign (+) after any letter prolongs it.

The vowels ‘a, ‘e, ‘i, ‘o, ‘u, and their modifications are styled initially exploded vowels for want of a better appellation, there being in each case an initial explosion. These vowels can not be called “breaths,” as no aspiration is used with any of them; nor can they be spoken of as “guttural breaths,” as they are approximately or partially pectoral sounds. They have been found by the author not only in the Siouan languages, but also in some of the languages of western Oregon. In 1880 a brother of the late Gen. Armstrong, of Hampton, Va., who was born on one of the Hawaiian islands, informed the author that this class of vowel sounds occurred in the language of his native land.

ABBREVIATIONS.

The abbreviations in the interlinear translations are as follows:
sub.—subject.
ob.—object.
st.—sitting.
std.—standing.
recl.—reclining.
mv.—moving.
col.—collective.
lg.—long.
cv.—curvilinear.
pl.—plural.
sing.—singular.
an.—animate.
in.—inanimate.

CHAPTER II. DEFINITIONS.

ALLEGED BELIEF IN A GREAT SPIRIT.

§ 4. It has been asserted for several hundred years that the North American Indian was a believer in one Great Spirit prior to the coming of the white race to this continent, and that, as he was a monotheist, it was an easy matter to convert him to Christianity. Indians have been represented as speaking of “The Great Spirit,” “The Master of Life,” etc., as if the idea of the one and only God was familiar to our aborigines during the pre-Columbian period.

While the author is unwilling to commit himself to a general denial of this assertion, he has been forced to conclude that it needs considerable modification, at least so far as it refers to the tribes of the Siouan stock. (See §§ 7, 15, 21-43, 72-79, 92-99, 311, 312, 322-326, 341-346.)

On close investigation it will be found that in many cases Indians have been quick to adopt the phrases of civilization in communicating with white people, but in speaking to one another they use their own terms. The student of the uncivilized races must ever be on his guard against leading questions and their answers. The author has learned by experience that it is safer to let the Indian tell his own story in his own words than to endeavor to question him in such a manner as to reveal what answers are desired or expected.

§ 5. In 1883 the author published an article on “The Religion of the Omahas and Ponkas,” in The American Antiquarian of Chicago. Since then he has obtained additional data, furnishing him with many undesigned coincidences, which lead him to a broader view of the subject.

PHENOMENA DIVIDED INTO HUMAN AND SUPERHUMAN.

§ 6. In considering the subject from an Indian’s point of view, one must avoid speaking of the supernatural as distinguished from the natural. It is safer to divide phenomena as they appear to the Indian mind into the human and the superhuman, as many, if not most natural phenomena are mysterious to the Indian. Nay, even man himself may become mysterious by fasting, prayer, and vision.

One fruitful source of error has been a misunderstanding of Indian terms and phrases. It is very important to attempt to settle the exact meanings of certain native words and phrases ere we proceed further with the consideration of the subject.

TERMS FOR “MYSTERIOUS,” “LIGHTNING,” ETC.

§ 7. The attention of the author having been called to the article on “Serpent Symbolism” of the Iroquoian languages, by Mr. Hewitt[1] of the Bureau of Ethnology, a similar investigation of the Siouan terms was made, the results of which are now presented. In connection with the terms for “serpent,” Mr. Hewitt showed how they are related in the languages with which he was familiar with other terms, such as “demon,” “devil,” “wizard,” “witch,” “subtile,” “occult,” “mysterious,” and “supernatural.”

In Dakota we find the following: Wakaⁿ, mysterious, wonderful, incomprehensible, often rendered “holy” by the missionaries; wakaⁿ-hdi (in Santee), wakaⁿ-kdi (in Yankton), lightning, perhaps containing a reference to a zigzag line or forked lightning; wakaⁿ etcoⁿ, to practice sleight of hand; and waⁿmducka, serpent. There are many derivatives of wakaⁿ, among which are, Taku Wakaⁿ, literally “something mysterious,” rendered “some one mysterious,” or “holy being,” and Wakaⁿ-tañka, literally, “Great mysterious (one),” both of which terms are now applied to God by the missionaries and their converts, though Wakaⁿ-tañka is a name for the Thunder-being.

In Riggs’s alphabet (Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VII), these words are thus written: Wakaŋ, wakaŋhdi, wakaŋkdi, wakaŋ ećoŋ, waŋmduśka, Taku Wakaŋ, and Wakaŋtaŋka. One of the Dakota words for “aged” is kaⁿ (kaŋ in Riggs’s alphabet); but though this refers to persons we can not tell whether it is related to wakaⁿ (or wakaŋ).

In the Ȼegiha, the language spoken by the Ponka and Omaha, Wakanda means “the mysterious” or “powerful one,” and it is applied in several senses. It is now used to denote the God of monotheism. Some of the old people say that their ancestors always believed in a supreme Wakanda or Mysterious Power. It sometimes refers to the Thunder-being. On one occasion, a Ponka shaman, Cramped Hand, said to the author: “I am a Wakanda.” Wakandagi, as a noun, means a subterranean or water monster, a large horned reptile mentioned in the myths, and still supposed to dwell beneath the bluffs along the Missouri River. With this term compare the Dakota Uñkteqi (Uŋkteḣi, of Riggs) and the Winnebago Waktceqi, the latter having given a name to the Water Monster gens (Waktceqi ikikaratcada). Wakandagi is sometimes used adverbially, as, si wakandagi, he is wonderfully stingy! E wakandagi, he (a small child) speaks surprisingly well (for one so young)! ┴aⁿȼiⁿ wakandagi, he runs very well (for one so young)! Maⁿȼiⁿ wakandagi, he (a small child) walks very well! Wakandiȼe, to be in great haste, perhaps contains the idea of putting forth a great effort in order to accomplish something speedily. Wĕs‘ă, a serpent, is not related to the others just given. Nor can the word for “wizard” or “conjurer” be found related to them. In Kansa, Wakanda is used of superhuman beings or powers, as in Omaha and Ponka, but the author never heard a shaman apply the term to himself. Wakandagi has another meaning, mysterious, wonderful, incomprehensible, as, nika wakandagi, mysterious man, shaman, juggler, doctor; nanüŭⁿba wakandagi, mysterious or sacred pipe; wakandagi wagaxe, the sleight-of-hand tricks of the mysterious men and women. Wakanda qudje, the gray mysterious one, the elephant. Wakaⁿ does not mean serpent, but pumpkin, answering to the Omaha and Ponka, wataⁿ, and to the Osage, wakqaⁿ and watqaⁿ. [M]yets‘a (almost, Byets‘a) is the Kansa word for a serpent.

In Osage, Wakaⁿʇa answers to the Kansa Wakanda, and Waɥkaⁿ-ʇa-ʞi is the same as the Kansa, Wakandagi. Wets‘a is a serpent. In Kwapa, Wakaⁿʇaʞi seems to answer to the Kansa Wakandagi.

In ┴ɔiwere (Iowa, Oto, Missouri), Wakaⁿʇa is the same as the Kansa Wakanda. Wakaⁿ means a serpent. Wakaⁿ kiʞraʇɔe, the Serpent gens. Wa-hu-priⁿ, mysterious, as a person or animal; but wa-qo-nyi-taⁿ, mysterious, as an inanimate object.

In the Winnebago, three names for superhuman beings have been found. One is Waʞuⁿse or Waguⁿze, which can not be translated; another is Maⁿ‘uⁿ-na, Earth-maker, the third being Qo-piⁿ-ne qe-te-ră, Great Mysterious One. Qopiⁿne seems related to waqopini (with which compare the ┴ɔiwere, wahupriⁿ), a term used to distinguish people of other races from Indians, just as in Dakota wacitcuⁿ (in Riggs’s alphabet, waśićuŋ), now used for “white man,” “black man,” etc., retains in the Teton dialect its ancient meaning of superhuman being or guardian spirit. Wakawaⁿx, in Winnebago, denotes a witch or wizard. Wakaⁿ-na is a serpent, and wakaⁿ ikikaratca-da, the Serpent gens; Wakaⁿtca, or Wakaⁿtca-ra, thunder, the Thunder-Being; Wakaⁿtcañka-ra, a shaman or mysterious man.

OTHER OMAHA AND PONKA TERMS.

§ 8. Other terms are given as being pertinent to the subject. They occur in the language of the Omaha and Ponka. Qube, mysterious as a person or animal (all animals were persons in ancient times); but a mysterious inanimate object is spoken of as being “waqube.” Uqube means the mysteriousness of a human being or animal. Uqubeaʇaȼicaⁿ, pertaining to such mysteriousness. Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ, pertaining or referring to Wakanda. Nikie is a term that refers to a mythical ancestor, to some part of his body, to some of his acts, or to some ancient rite ascribed to him. A “nikie name” is a personal name of such a character. Iȼa‘eȼĕ, literally, “to pity him on account of it, granting him certain power.” Its primary reference is to the mysterious animal, but it is transferred to the person having the vision, hence, it means “to receive mysterious things from an animal, as in a vision after fasting; to see as in a vision, face to face (not in a dream); to see when awake, and in a mysterious manner having a conversation with the animal about mysterious things.”

§ 9. The names for grandfather, grandmother, and old man are terms of veneration, superhuman beings having these names applied to them in invocations. (See §§ 15, 99.)

SIGNIFICANCE OF PERSONAL NAMES AND KINSHIP TERMS.

In a note upon “The Religious Ceremony of the Four Winds or Quarters, as Observed by the Santee Sioux,” Miss Fletcher[2] remarks: “A name implies relationship, and consequently protection; favor and influence are claimed from the source of the name, whether this be the gens or the vision. A name, therefore, shows the affiliation of the individual; it grades him, so to speak, and he is apt to lean upon its implied power. * * * The sacred import of a name in the mind of the Indian is indicated in that part of the ceremony where the “Something that moves” seems to overshadow and inclose the child, and addresses the wakan man as father. The wakan man replies, calling the god, child, at the same time invoking the supernatural protection and care for the boy, as he lays at the feet of the messenger of Unseen Power the offerings of gifts and the honor of the feast. The personal name[3] among Indians, therefore, indicates the protecting presence of a deity, and must, therefore, partake of the ceremonial character of the Indian’s religion.”

In this ceremony the superhuman being is addressed by the term implying juniority, and the human being, the wakan man, by that associated with seniority, an apparent reversal of the usual custom; but, doubtless, there can be found some explanation for this seeming exception to the rule.

MYTH AND LEGEND DISTINGUISHED FROM THE SUPERHUMAN.

§ 10. The Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes distinguish at the present day between the myth (higaⁿ, higu) and the legend or story (iuȼa, etc.) on the one hand; and what on the other hand is called “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” “uqubeaʇaȼicaⁿ,” and “iȼa‘eȼĕaʇaȼicaⁿ.” The former are told only for amusement and are called, “iusictaⁿ iuȼa,” lying tales. They are regarded as “iqawaȼĕaʇaȼicaⁿ,” pertaining to the ludicrous. With this may be compared the statements of Lang:[4]

“Among the lowest and most backward, as among the most advanced races, there coexist the mythical and the religious elements in belief. The rational factor (or what approves itself to us as the rational factor) is visible in religion; the irrational is prominent in myth.” * * * “The rational and irrational aspects of mythology and religion may be of coeval antiquity for all that is certainly known, or either of them, in the dark backward of mortal experience, may have preceded the other.” The author has found certain Indian myths which abound in what to the civilized mind is the grossest obscenity, and that too without the slightest reference to the origin of any natural phenomena. Myths of this class appear to have been told from a love of the obscene. Nothing of a mysterious or religious character can be found in them. Perhaps such myths are of modern origin; but this must remain an enigma.

§ 11. The Omaha and Ponka are in a transition state, hence many of their old customs and beliefs are disappearing. Some have been lost within the past fifty years, others within the last decade, according to unimpeachable testimony. The Ponka are more conservative than the Omaha, and the Kansa and Osage are more so than the Ponka, in the estimation of the author.

§ 12. Though it has been said that the Indians feared to tell myths except on winter nights (and some Indians have told this to the author), the author has had no trouble in obtaining myths during the day at various seasons of the year.

§ 13. James Alexander, a full Winnebago of the Wolf gens and a non-Christian, told the author that the myths of the Winnebago, called wai-kaⁿ-na by them, have undergone material change in the course of transmission, and that it is very probable that many of them are entirely different from what they were several generations ago. Even in the same tribe at the present day, the author has found no less than three versions of the same myth, and there may be others.

The myth of the Big Turtle is a case in point.[5] The narrator acknowledged that he had made some additions to it himself.

§ 14. No fasting or prayer is required before one can tell a myth. Far different is it with those things which are “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” or are connected with visions or the secret societies. This agrees in the main with what Mr. James Mooney, of the Bureau of Ethnology, has learned from the Cherokee of North Carolina. Mr. Frank H. Cushing has found that the Zuñi Indians distinguish between their folk-lore and their cult-lore, i.e., between their legends and mythic tales on the one hand, and their dramatized stories of creation and their religious observances on the other, a special name being given to each class of knowledge. To them the mythic tales and folk-lore in general are but the fringe of the garment, not the garment itself. When they enact the creation story, etc., they beeve that they are repeating the circumstances represented, and that they are then surrounded by the very beings referred to in the sacred stories. Similar beliefs were found by Dr. Washington Matthews, as shown in his article entitled “The Prayer of a Navajo Shaman,” published in the American Anthropologist of Washington, D.C., for April, 1888.

§ 15. At the same time there seems to be some connection between certain myths and the personal names called, “nikie names.” This will be considered in detail in a future monograph on “Indian Personal Names,” now in course of preparation. One example must suffice for the present. In the [K]aⁿze gens of the Omaha there is a nikie name, Ԁasi duba, Four Peaks. The author did not understand its derivation until he studied the myth of Haxige and observed the prayers made in gathering the stones for the sweat-bath. Each stone was invoked as a venerable man (see § 9), the Four Peaks were mentioned several times, and the two superior deities or chief mysterious ones (Wakanda ʇañga agȼañʞaⁿhaⁿ hnañkace) were invoked.[6]

This last refers to the Wakanda residing above and the one in the ground. It is therefore possible that in past ages the Siouan tribes did not differentiate between the myth and what is “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ.” But we have no means of proving this.

§ 16. Most of the Omaha governmental instrumentalities (“wewaspe”) were “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” but there were things that were “Wakandaʇaȼicaⁿ,” which were not “wewaspe,” such as the law of catamenial seclusion. which were not “wewaspe,” such as the law of catamenial seclusion.

CHAPTER III. CULTS OF THE OMAHA, PONKA, KANSA, AND OSAGE.

BELIEFS AND PRACTICES NOT FOUND.

§ 17. There are certain beliefs and practices which have not been found among the four tribes whose cults are treated of in this chapter. Ancestors were not worshiped. They were addressed reverently when alive, and when they died it was not contrary to custom to refer to them by name, nor did their deaths involve the change of name for a single object or phenomenon. It was a very common occurrence for the name of the deceased to be assumed by a surviving kinsman. This is shown by genealogical tables of a few Siouan tribes, the material for which was collected by the author, and which will form part of his monograph on “Indian Personal Names,” now in course of preparation for publication by the Bureau of Ethnology.

§ 18. They never heard of Satan or the devil until they learned of him from the white people. Now they have adopted the terms, “Wanáxe piäjĭ,” “Iñgȼaⁿxe piäjĭ,” and “Wakanda piäjĭ.” The first is used by the Omaha and Ponka, the others were heard only among the Ponka. They have a certain saying, applicable to a young man who is a liar, or who is bad in some other way: “Wanáxe piä´jĭ égaⁿ áhaⁿ,” i. e. “He is like the bad spirit!” This becomes, when addressed to the bad person, “Wanáxe piä´jĭ éȼikigaⁿ´-qti jaⁿ´,” i.e. “You act just like the (or a) bad spirit.”

§ 19. Though it has been said that hero worship was unknown among the Omaha and Ponka, it has been learned that Omaha mothers used to scare their unruly children by telling them that Icibajĭ (a hero of the ┴e-sĭnde gens) or his friend ┴exujaⁿ (a hero of the [K]aⁿze gens) would catch them if they did not behave. There was no worship of demigods, as demigods were unknown. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche said that phallic worship was unknown, and they were surprised to hear that it had been practiced by any tribe. (See § 132, 164.) As the Ponka obtained the sun-dance from their Dakota neighbors, it is probable that they practiced the phallic cult.

§ 20. Totems and shamans were not worshiped, though they are still reverenced. Altars or altar-stones were unknown. Incense was not used, unless by this name we refer to the odor of tobacco smoke as it ascended to the Thunder-being, or to the use of cedar fronds in the sweat lodge. There were no human sacrifices, and cannibalism was not practiced.

OMAHA, PONKA, AND KANSA BELIEF IN A WAKANDA.

§ 21. According to Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche, the ancestors of the Omaha and Ponka believed that there was a Supreme Being, whom they called Wakanda. “Wakanda t‘aⁿi tĕ eȼegaⁿi, they believed that Wakanda existed.” They did not know where He was, nor did they undertake to say how He existed. There was no public gathering at which some of the people told others that there was a Wakauda, nor was there any general assembly for the purpose of offering Him worship and prayer. Each person thought in his heart that Wakanda existed. Some addressed the sun as Wakanda, though many did not so regard him. Many addressed Wakanda, as it were, blindly or at random. Some worshiped the Thunder-being under this name. This was especially the case when men undertook to go on the war path. [7] Mr. Say recorded of the Kansa: “They say that they have never seen Wakanda, so they cannot pretend to personify Him; but they have often heard Him speak in the thunder. They often wear a shell which is in honor or in representation of Him, but they do not pretend that it resembles Him, or has anything in common with his form, organization, or size.”

SEVEN GREAT WAKANDAS.

§ 22. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿ-pajĭ said that there were seven great Wakandas, as follows: “Ugahana[p]aze or Darkness, Maxe or the Upper World, ┴ande or the Ground, Iñgȼaⁿ or the Thunder-being, Miⁿ or the Sun, Niaⁿba or the Moon, and the Morning Star. The principal Wakanda is in the upper world, above everything.” (This was denied by Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows; see § 93.) The author thought at first that these were the powers worshiped by Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and the members of his gens or subgens; but subsequent inquiries and statements occurring in the course of texts furnish cumulative evidence favoring the view that some or all these powers had many believers among the Omaha and the cognate tribes.

INVOCATION OF WARMTH AND STREAMS.

§ 23. Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ said that Macte or Warmth was a good Wakanda. Ni ȼiⁿ, the flowing Stream, according to him, was thus addressed by a man who wished to ford it: “You are a person and a Wakanda. I, too, am a person. I desire to pass through you and reach the other side.” Two Crows denied this, saying that his people never prayed to a stream; but George Miller said that it was true, for his father, Little Soldier, prayed to a stream when he was on the war path, and that such invocations were made only in time of war.

PRAYER TO WAKANDA.

§ 24. Prayer to Wakanda, said La Flèche and Two Crows, was not made for small matters, such as going fishing, but only for great and important undertakings, such as going to war or starting on a journey. When a man wished to travel he first went alone to a bluff, where he prayed to Wakanda to help him and his family by protecting them during his absence and by granting him a successful journey. At a time when the Ponka were without food, Horse-with-yellow-hair, or Cañge-hiⁿ-zi, prayed to Wakanda on the hill beyond the Stony Butte. The latter is a prominent landmark in northern Nebraska (in what was Todd county, Dakota, in 1871-’73), about 7 miles from the Missouri River and the Ponka Agency (of 1870-’77)[8]. Several Omaha said that the places for prayer were rocks, high bluffs, and mountains. “All Omaha went to such places to pray, but they did not pray to the visible object, though they called it Grandfather.”—(Frank La Flèche.) They smoked towards the invoked object and placed gifts of killickinnick, etc., upon it. Compare with this the Dakota custom of invoking a bowlder on the prairie; calling it Tŭñkaⁿcidaⁿ (Tuŋkaŋśidaŋ), or Grandfather, symbolizing the Earth-being.[9] Though it has been said that a high bluff was merely a place for praying to Wakanda, and that it was not itself addressed as Wakanda, the author has learned from members of the Omaha and Pouka tribes that when they went on the warpath for the first time, their names were then changed and one of the old men was sent to the bluffs to tell the news to the various Wakandas, including the bluffs, trees, birds, insects, reptiles, etc.[10]

ACCESSORIES OF PRAYER.

Among the accessories of prayer were the following: (a) The action called ȼistube by the Omaha and Ponka, riçtowe by the three ┴ɔiwere tribes, and yuwiⁿtapi (yuwiŋtapi) by the Dakota, consisting of the elevation of the suppliant’s arms with the palms toward the object or the face of the being invoked, followed by a passage of the hand downward toward the ground, without touching the object or person (see §§ 28, 35, 36). (b) The presentation of the pipe with the mouthpiece toward the power invoked (see §§ 29, 35, 40). (c) The use of smoke from the pipe (See §§ 27, 36), or of the odor of burning cedar needles, as in the sweat lodge. (d) The application of the kinship term, “grandfather,” or its alternative, “venerable man,” to a male power, and “grandmother” to a female power (see §§ 30, 31, 35, 39, 59, 60, etc.). (e) Ceremonial wailing or crying (Xage, to wail or cry—Dakota ćeya. See § 100).[11] (f) Sacrifice or offering of goods, animals, pieces of the suppliant’s flesh, etc. In modern times the Kansa have substituted the lives of animals, as deer, grouse, etc., for those of human enemies (see §§ 28, 33, etc.).

OMAHA AND KANSA EXPRESSIONS ABOUT WAKANDA.

§ 25. Samuel Fremont said that before the advent of the white race the Omaha had certain expressions which they used in speaking of Wakanda. When an Indian met with unexpected good fortune of any sort the people used to say, “Wakanda has given him some assistance.”[12] Or they might say, “Wakanda knows him.”[13] Sometimes they said, “Wakanda has planned for his own (i. e., for his friend, relation, or subject).”[14] If a Kansa prospers, he says, “Wakan´da aká aⁿmaⁿ´yüxü´dje aka´ eyaú,” i. e., “Wakanda has indeed been looking at me!” And in speaking of the success of another, he says, “Wakan´da aká níka yiñké uyü´xüdje aká eyaú,” i. e., “Wakanda has indeed been looking at the man.”

Samuel Fremont said that when an animal detected the approach of the hunter and consequently fled from him, the man prayed thus:

Hau´

Wakan´da,

wani´ta

wiⁿ

aⁿȼá‘i

éiⁿte

cĭ

iⁿȼégȼize

égaⁿ.

Cĭ

wiⁿ´

waȼíɔnaaⁿȼákiȼe

kaⁿbȼégaⁿ,

Ho,

Wakanda,

quadruped

one

you gave to me

perhaps

again

you take yours back from me

somewhat

again

one

you cause to appear to me

I hope

i. e., “Ho, Wakanda, you may have given me an animal, but now it seems that you have taken it from me. I hope that you will cause another to appear to me.” But if the hunter shot at an animal and missed it, he said nothing.

PONKA BELIEF ABOUT MALEVOLENT SPIRITS.

§ 26. About eighteen years ago, the author was told by the Ponka, whose reservation was then in southern Dakota, that they believed death to be caused by certain malevolent spirits, whom they feared. In order to prevent future visits of such spirits, the survivors gave away all their property, hoping that as they were in such a wretched plight the spirits would not think it worth while to make them more unhappy. At the burial of Mazi-kide, an Omaha, the author observed that some one approached the corpse and addressed it. In referring to this in 1888, Samuel Fremont said that the speaker said, “Wakanda has caused your death.” In telling this, Fremont used the singular. “Wakanda aka.” On repeating this to George Miller, the latter said that it should have been “Wakanda ama,” in the plural, “the Mysterious Powers,” as the Omaha believed in more than one Wakanda before they learned about the one God of monotheism.

This agrees with what was learned about the Dakota by the late missionaries, Messrs. S. R. Riggs and G. H. Pond, and by the late James W. Lynd, as stated in chapter V.

AN OLD OMAHA CUSTOM.

§ 27. [“Abicude,”] said Samuel Fremont, “is a word which refers to an old Omaha and Ponka custom, i.e., that of blowing the smoke downward to the ground while praying. The Omaha and Ponka used to hold the pipe in six directions while smoking: toward the four winds, the ground, and the upper world.” The exact order has been forgotten by Fremont, but Lewis and Clarke have recorded the corresponding Shoshoni custom. Capt. Lewis tells how the Shoshoni chief, after lighting his pipe of transparent greenstone (instead of catlinite), made a speech, after which he pointed the stem of the pipe toward the four points of the heavens, beginning with the east and concluding with the north. After extending the stem thrice toward Capt. Lewis, he pointed it first toward the heavens and then toward the center of the little circle of guests, probably toward the ground, symbolizing the subterranean power.[15]

In addressing the four winds, a peculiar expression is employed by the Omaha:

┴a[p]é	dúba	híȼaȼĕ	ȼáȼiⁿcé, iⁿ	wiñ´ʞaⁿi-gă,	Thou who causest the four winds to reach a place, help ye me!
Wind	four	you cause it to reach there	you (sing.) who move	help ye me.

Instead of the singular classifier, ȼaȼiⁿce, the regular plural, nañkácĕ, ye who sit, stand, or move, might have been expected. (See § 33.)

In smoking toward the ground and upper world, the suppliant had to say, “I petition to you who are one of the two, you who are reclining on your back, and to you who are the other one, sitting directly above us. Both of you help me!” “Here,” said Fremont, “the ground itself was addressed as a person.” Two Crows said that some Omaha appealed to a subterranean Wakanda when their word was doubted, saying, “Iⁿc‘áge hídeaʇa aká aⁿná‘aⁿi,” “The venerable man at the bottom hears me.” The author is unable to say whether this was ┴ande or Wakandagi. (See § 37.)

The following was recorded of the Omaha, and refers to a custom relating to the buffalo hunt.[16]

On coming in sight of the herd, the hunters talk kindly to their horses, applying to them the endearing names of father, brother, uncle, etc. They petition them not to fear the bisons, but to run well and keep close to them, but at the same time to avoid being gored.

The party having approached as near to the herd as they suppose the animals will permit without taking alarm, they halt to give the pipe bearer an opportunity to perform the ceremony of smoking, which is considered necessary to their success. He lights his pipe, and remains a short time with his head inclined, and the stem of the pipe extended toward the herd. He then smokes, and puffs the smoke toward the bisons, and the earth, and finally to the cardinal points successively.

THE SUN A WAKANDA.

§ 28. In the Osage traditions the “mysterious one of day” is invoked as “grandfather.”[17]

He replies that he is not the only Wakanʇa. That the Kansa worshiped the sun as a Wakanda appears from the following: [“On one occasion,] when the Kansa went against the Pawnees, the stick was set up for the mystic attack or ‘waqpele gaxe.’ The war captain addressed the rising sun thus:

“Páyiⁿ

áqli

kŭⁿ´bla

eyaú.

Cŭñ´ge

wábliⁿ

alí

kŭⁿ´bla

eyaú.

Wayü´qpe

ckí

kŭⁿ´bla

eyaú.

Haléje

Pawnee

I stun by hitting

I wish

indeed.

Horse

I have them

I have come back

I wish

indeed.

Pulling down (a foe)

too

I wish

indeed.

Calico (shirt)

uɯíblage.

Haqiⁿ´

uɯíblage.

Haská

cki

Páyiⁿ

áqli-daⁿ´

mík’ü

tá

miñke,

Wákanda-é,

é

[gü´aⁿyakiyé-daⁿ.]

I tell you about it.

Robe

I tell you about it

Blanket

too

Pawnee

I stun by hitting

when

I give to you

will

I who (sit)

O Wakanda!

that

you cause me to be returning

when.

[Transcriber's note: the hyphen in “gü´aⁿyakiyé-daⁿ” was at the end of a line; the word may be “gü´aⁿyakiyédaⁿ”]

“I wish to kill a Pawnee! I desire to bring horses when I return. I long to pull down an enemy! I promise you a calico shirt and a robe. I will give you a blanket also, O Wakanda, if you allow me to return in safety after killing a Pawnee!” When warriors performed the “waqpele gaxe” or the attack on the stick representing the foe, no member of the Lṵ or Thunder gens could participate. On such an occasion the warrior turned to the east and said:

“Aⁿmaⁿ´pye	kŭⁿ´bla	aú.	Haská	uɯíblage	aú,	Wákanda-é,”
To follow me(?) or We follow it(?)	I wish	.	Blanket	I tell you of it	.	O Wakanda

i.e., I wish my party to pass along the road to the foe(?). I promise you a blanket, O Wakanda (if I succeed?).” On turning to the west he said:

“Uⁿ´hŭⁿ	uɯíblage	aú,	Wákanda-é,”
Boiling	I tell you of it	.	O Wakanda

i. e., “I promise you a feast, O Wakanda (if I succeed?).” When it was decided to perform the “waqpele gaxe,” the dudaⁿhañga or war captain made one of the lieutenants carry the sacred bag, and two of the kettle tenders took bundles of sticks, which they laid down in the road. The four remaining kettle tenders remained at the camping place. The next morning all the warriors but those of the Lṵ gens went to the place where the sticks had been laid, drew a circle around the bundles, set up one of the sticks, and attacked it, as if it were a Pawnee. This ceremony often caused the death of real enemies.

Among the Osage and Kansa prayer was made toward the rising sun in the morning and towards the setting sun in the afternoon and evening.

Among the Omaha and Kansa the head of a corpse is laid towards the east. For this reason no Omaha will consent to recline with his head towards that point. The Kansa lodges also are orientated, and so were those of the Omaha (see § 59). The east appears to symbolize life or the source thereof, but[18] the west refers to death; so among the Osage the course of a war party was towards the mythic or symbolic west, towards which point the entrances of the lodges were turned[19] (see §§ 83 and 384).

Gahige, the late Omaha chief, said that when he was young all the Omaha prayed to the sun, holding up their hands with the palms towards the sun and saying, “Wakan´da, ȼá‘eaⁿ´ȼa-gă,” etc., i. e., “O Wakanda, pity me!” They abstained from eating, drinking, and (ordinary) smoking from sunrise to sunset; but after sunset the restrictions were removed.[20]

For four nights the men who thus prayed did not sleep at home. At the end of that period the task was finished. “Íwackaⁿ gáxai,” i. e., they made or gained superhuman power. They could thus pray at any time from the appearance of grass in the spring until the ground became frozen.

THE OFFERING OF TOBACCO.

§ 29. In 1889 George Miller gave an account of what he called “Niní bahaí tĕ,” i. e. the offering or presentation of tobacco. Whether this phrase was ever used except in a religious or superhuman connection is more than the author is able to say. Whenever the Indians traveled they used all the words which follow as they extended the pipe with the mouthpiece toward the sun:

“Haú,

niní

gakĕ

Wakan´da,

Miⁿ´

ȼé

niñkĕ´cĕ!

Ujañ´ge

ȼiȼíʇa

kĕ

égaⁿqti

uáha

té

ă.

Ho

tobacco

that lg. ob.

Wakanda

Sun

this

you who sit

Road

your

the lg. ob.

just so

I follow its course

will

!

Iñgáxa-gă!	Edádaⁿ	ctécte	údaⁿqti	ákipañkiȼa´-gă!	Edádaⁿ	júajĭ	wiⁿ´	ĕdedíte	ʞĭ´	íbetaⁿañkiȼá-gă!
Make it for me	What	soever	very good	cause me to meet it	What	inferior	one	it is there	if	cause me to pass around it

Ȼi´-naⁿ	ámusta	waȼíɔna	ȼagȼiⁿ´,	ní-uȼan´da	ȼéȼaⁿ	ȼéȼaⁿska	édegaⁿ,	edádaⁿ	waníta	ʇan´de
Only thou	directly above (us)	in sight	you sit	island	this place	this large	but	what	quadruped	ground

uckaⁿ´ckaⁿ	ȼaⁿ	bȼúgaqti	níkaciⁿga	ȼaⁿ´	ctĕwaⁿ´	wiⁿ´	aⁿ´ba	ataⁿ´	íȼaɔni´gȼaⁿ	ʞĭ,	égaⁿ-naⁿ.
mv. on it here and there	the	all	person	the	soever	one	day	how long	you decide for him	when	always so.

Ádaⁿ	wi´ʞa-naⁿ	maⁿ´	hă,	Wakan´da”
Therefore	I ask a favor of you	alone	.	Wakanda

This may be rendered freely thus: “Ho, Mysterious Power, you who are the Sun! Here is tobacco! I wish to follow your course. Grant that it may be so! Cause me to meet whatever is good (i. e., for my advantage) and to give a wide berth to anything that may be to my injury or disadvantage. Throughout this island (the world) you regulate everything that moves, including human beings, when you decide for one that his last day on earth has come, it is so. It can not be delayed. Therefore, O Mysterious Power, I ask a favor of you.”

THE PONKA SUN DANCE OF 1873.

In the summer of 1873, when the author was missionary to the Ponka in what was Todd County, Dakota, that tribe had a sun dance on the prairie near the mission house. The scarifications and subsequent tortures and dancing lasted but three hours instead of a longer period, owing to the remonstrances of Bishop Hare, the agent, and the missionary. The head chief, White Eagle, was tied to his pony, after he had been scarified and fastened to the sun pole. Some of his policemen, armed with whips, lashed the pony until it leaped aside, tearing out the lariat that fastened the chief to the sun pole, and terminating his participation in the ceremony. (See Pl. XLVI and § 187.) For obvious reasons the author did not view the sun dance, but he was told about it by some of the spectators. As the chief, Standing Buffalo, had said to Bishop Hare in the council previous to the sun dance, “You white people pray to Wakanda in your way, and we Indians pray to Wakanda in the sun dance. Should you chance to lose your way on the prairie you would perish, but if we got lost we would pray to Wakanda in the sun dance, and find our way again.”

THE MOON A WAKANDA.

§ 30. No examples of invocations of the moon have yet been found among the Omaha and Ponka. But that the moon is “qube” appears from the decorations of robes and tents. (See §§ 45-47.)

The moon is addressed as a “grandfather” and is described as the “Wakanʇa of night” in “Osage Traditions,” lines 55-59.[21]

BERDACHES.

The Omaha believe that the unfortunate beings, called “Miⁿ-qu-ga,” are mysterious or sacred because they have been affected by the Moon Being. When a young Omaha fasted for the first time on reaching puberty, it was thought that the Moon Being appeared to him, holding in one hand a bow and arrows and in the other a pack strap, such as the Indian women use. When the youth tried to grasp the bow and arrows the Moon Being crossed his hands very quickly, and if the youth was not very careful he seized the pack strap instead of the bow and arrows, thereby fixing his lot in after life. In such a case he could not help acting the woman, speaking, dressing, and working just as Indian women used to do. Louis Sanssouci said that the miⁿ-quga took other men as their husbands. Frank La Flèche knew one such man, who had had several men as his husbands. A Ponka child once said to the author, “Miⁿjiñga-ma nujiñga ama ʇi-gaxe-nandi, miⁿquga, ai,” i.e., “If boys make a practice of playing with the girls they become (or are called) miⁿquga.” This term may be rendered “hermaphrodite” when it refers to animals, as “ʇe miⁿquga,” a hermaphrodite buffalo. It must have been of this class of persons, called “Miⁿ-quge” by the Kansa that Say wrote when he said:

Many of the subjects of it (i.e., sodomy among the Kansa) are publicly known, and do not appear to be despised or to excite disgust. One was pointed out to us. He had submitted himself to it in consequence of a vow he had made to his mystic medicine, which obliged him to change his dress for that of a woman, to do their work, and to permit his hair to grow.[22]

After giving an account of the Miⁿquga which agrees with what has been written above, Miss Fletcher[23] tells of “a man who had the misfortune to be forced to this life and tried to resist. His father gave him a bow and some arrows, but the penalty of his vision so wrought upon his mind that, unable to endure the abnormal life, he committed suicide.” (See §§ 212, 353.)

STARS AS WAKANDAS.

§ 31. That the Omaha and Ponka regarded the stars as Wakandas seems probable from the existence of nikie names and the personal mystery decorations. (See §§ 45, 47, and 52.) There are star names in the Night gens of the Kansa, and they point to the mythical origin of the gens. The Kansa made offerings to the morning star. Among the Osage the traditions of the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe and Bald Eagle people mention several Wakanʇas among the stars. These are as follows: Watse ʇuʞa, a “grandfather;” Watse miⁿʞa, a “grandmother;” Miⁿkak’e peȼŭⁿ[p]a, the Seven Stars (Pleiades?), a “grandfather;” the constellation Ta ȼa[p]ȼiⁿ or the Three Deer, a “grandfather;” the morning star, Miⁿkak’e tañʞa (literally, large star), a “grandfather;” the small star, a “grandfather;” the bowl of the Dipper, called “Wa[p]aha ȼiñkce; the Funeral Bier,” a “grandfather,” and the Female Red Bird, a “grandmother,” the eponym of the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe or “Red Eagle” gens. She, too, was probably a star.[24]

§ 32

Gaⁿ

edádaⁿ

ȼiⁿ´

ctĕwaⁿ

ȼahaⁿ´-naⁿi

ni´aciⁿ´ga

ama´,

[p]ahe´

ʇañga´

ȼiⁿ,

ctĕwaⁿ´.

“Wakan´da

And

what

the col. ob.

soever

usually

Indian

the pl. sub.

hill

large

the col. ob.

soever

Wakanda

bȼu´gaqti

wi´ʞai

ă,”

e´-naⁿi.

“Hau,

┴an´de

niñkĕ´

cĕ,

ʞa´ci

jiñ´ga

e´gaⁿ

a´witaⁿ

te´

ă,”

ai´

all

I ask a favor of you (pl.)

!

they said usually

Ho

Ground

you who

sit

some time

little

so

I tread on you

will

!

say

ni´kaciⁿ´ga	ama´.	┴ade´ ui´ȼĕ	du´baha	tĕ´	ctĭ	ȼahaⁿ´-naⁿi.	“┴ade´ ui´ȼĕ	du´baha	nañka´cĕ,
Indians	the pl. sub.	Whence the wind is sent hither(?)	in four places	the	too	they usually pray (to)	Whence the wind is sent hither(?)	in four places	ye who are

iⁿwiñ´ʞaⁿi-gă.”	Gaⁿ´	gage´giȼaⁿ´i	ni´aciⁿ´ga	uke´ȼiⁿ	ama´,	Wakan´da	wa´ȼahaⁿi	tĕ´di.
help ye me	and	they speak in that manner to (one)	Indian	ordinary	the pl. sub.	Wakanda	they pray to them	when

“The Indians used to invoke various objects, including the mountains, saying, ‘O, all ye mysterious powers, I ask a favor of you!’ They prayed to the ground, saying, ‘O, you who are the ground! May I tread you a little while longer!’ i.e., ‘May my life on earth be prolonged!’ When one prayed to the four winds, he would say, ‘Ho, ye four winds, help me!’ Thus did speak when they prayed to the Wakandas.”—(George Miller.)

THE WINDS AS WAKANDAS.

§ 33. The Omaka and Ponka invoked the winds, as has been stated in part of the preceding section. See also the statement of Samuel Fremont (§ 27).[25]

In preparing for the pipe dance the tobacco pouch, two gourd rattles, and the ear of corn have a figure drawn on each of them with green paint; it is the cross, indicating the four quarters of the heavens or the four winds.[26]

KANSA SACRIFICE TO THE WINDS.

“In former days the Kansa used to remove the hearts of slain foes and put them in the fire as a sacrifice to the four winds. Even now (1882) offerings are made to every Wakanda by the Kansa, to the power or powers above, to those under the hills, to the winds, the thunder-being, the morning star, etc. As Aliⁿkawahu and Pahaⁿlegaqli are Yata men (i. e., members of gentes camping on the left side of the tribal circle), they elevate their left hands and begin at the left with the east wind, then they turn to the south wind, then to the west wind, and finally to the north wind, saying to each, ‘Gá-tcĕ, Wakan´da, mik’ü´ eyau´,’ i. e., ‘O Wakanda, I really give that to you.’ In former days they used to pierce themselves with knives and splinters of wood, and offer small pieces of their flesh to the Wakandas.”[27]

OSAGE CONSECRATION OF MYSTIC FIREPLACES.

The author considers that the following statement of the Osage chief, [K]ahiʞe-waʇayiñʞa (of the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe gens), refers to the invocation of the four winds. It appears to have been associated with fire or hearth worship. Whenever a permanent village of earth lodges was established among the Osage and Kansa, there was a consecration of a certain number of fireplaces before the ordinary fireplaces could be made by the common people. The consecrated fireplaces were made in two parallel rows, beginning at the west and ending at the east. Among the Kansa there were seven on one side and six on the other, but among the Osage there seem to have been seven on each side. Among the Osage, the Tsiɔu Wactaʞe and Paⁿɥka gentes were the ‘roadmakers,’ i. e., those who consecrated the two rows of fireplaces. [K]ahiʞe-waʇayiñʞa said, “When the old Tsiɔu man made his speech, he went into details about every part of a lodge, the fireplace, building materials, implements, etc. Four sticks were placed in the fireplace, the first one pointing to the west (see §§ 40, 84). When the first stick was laid down, the Tsiɔu leader spoke about the west wind, and also about a young buffalo bull (Tseʇṵ-ɔiñʞa), repeating the name, Wanie-skă (meaning not gained). When the stick pointing to the north was laid down he spoke of Tsehe-qṵʇe (gray buffalo horns), or a buffalo bull. When the stick at the east was laid down, he spoke of Tse-ʇṵʞa-tañʞa (a large buffalo bull). On laying down the fourth stick, pointing to the south, he spoke of Tse miⁿʞa (a buffalo cow). At the same time a similar ceremony was performed by the aged Paⁿɥka man for the gentes on the right side of the tribal circle. In placing the stick to the east, he mentioned Taʇe [K]aqpa tsĕ (the east wind) and Tahe ca[p]e (dark horned deer). In placing that to the north, Taʇe Ԁaaⁿ tsĕ (the north wind, literally, ‘the pine wind’) and Tahe qṵʇe (the deer with gray horns) were mentioned. In placing that pointing to the west, Taʇe Maⁿha tsĕ (the west wind) and an animal which makes a lodge and is with the Tahe paiʞe (probably a deer name) were mentioned. In placing the stick pointing to the south, he spoke of Taʇe Ak’a tsĕ (the south wind) and Ta wañka he aʞȼaɔi skutañʞa (probable meaning, a large white female deer without any horns).

§ 34. In time of war, prayers were made about the fire (§ 287), when a warrior painted his face red, using the “fire paint,” a custom of the left or Tsiɔu side of the tribe. Those on the right or Hañʞa side used “the young buffalo bull decoration,” and probably offered prayer in connection therewith, in order to be filled with the spirit of their “little grandfather” (the young buffalo bull), as they rushed on the enemy. This will be seen from the words employed by the warrior: “My little grandfather is always dangerous as he makes an attempt. Very close do I stand, ready to go to the attack!”[28]

THE THUNDER-BEING A WAKANDA.

OMAHA AND PONKA INVOCATION OF THE THUNDER-BEING.

§ 35. Among the Omaha and Ponka, when the first thunder was heard in the spring of the year, the Black bear people went to the sacred tent of the Elk gens, and there they assisted the Elk people in the invocation of the Thunder-being. At a similar gathering of the Ponka, the Ponka Black bear people said, “Hau, iⁿc‘áge, ȼiʇúcpa ȼéȼu añ´ga-taⁿ ganáxiwaȼáȼai. Maⁿciáʇahá maⁿȼiñ´gă,” i. e., “Ho, venerable man! by your striking (with your club) you are frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high.”[29]

[Transcriber’s note: The hyphen in “añ´ga-taⁿ” was at the end of a line; the word may be “añ´gataⁿ”.]

THUNDER-BEING INVOKED BY WARRIORS.

The Thunder-being is invoked by all present during the feast preparatory to starting on the warpath, when there is a small party of warriors. Each one addresses the Thunder-being as “Nudaⁿhañga,” leader in war, or war captain.[30]

When a large war party is desired, the Thunder-being is invoked (See history of Wabaskaha, in Contr. N. A. Ethn., Vol. VI, p. 394). Wabaskaha himself prayed, saying, “Oh, Wakanda, though foreigners have injured me, I hope that you may help me.” All who heard him knew that he desired to lead a large war party. When the four captains were chosen, they had to cry incessantly at night as well as by day, saying, “Oh, Wakanda! pity me! help me in that about which I am in a bad humor.” During the day they abstained from food and drink; but they could satisfy their thirst and hunger when night came.

At the feast preparatory to starting off as a large war party, the keepers of the sacred bags sing thunder songs as well as other sacred songs. One of the thunder songs used on such an occasion begins thus:

“Wi-ʇí-gaⁿ naⁿ´-pe-wá-ȼĕ é-gaⁿ,
Wi-ʇí-gaⁿ naⁿ´-pe-wá-ȼĕ é-gaⁿ,
Wé-tiⁿ kĕ gȼi-haⁿ´-haⁿ ʞĭ,
Naⁿ´-pe-wá-ȼĕ ——.”
“As my grandfather is dangerous,
As my grandfather is dangerous,
Dangerous when he brandishes his club,
Dangerous ——.”

When he had proceeded thus far, Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ stopped and refused to tell the rest, as it was very “waqube.” He said that the principal captains of a large war party tied pieces of twisted grass around their wrists and ankles, and wore similar pieces around their heads. But Two Crows, who has been a captain, says that he never did this. (See, however, the Iowa custom in § 75.)

ICTASANDA CUSTOM.

The following “nikie” or ancient custom of the Ictasanda gens was related by George Miller:

Najiⁿ´

daⁿ´ctĕaⁿ´

ʞĭ,

naⁿ´pai

ʞĭ,

gaⁿ´

Wakan´da-ma

nini´

uji´

wa‘i´i

tĕ.

Gaⁿ´

nini´

uji´

wa‘i´i

tĕ´di

e´giȼaⁿ´i

Rain

perhaps

if

they fear seen danger

if

so

the Wakandas (pl. ob.)

tobacco

put in

they gave to them

the (past act)

and

tobacco

put in

they gave to them

when

they said to one

tĕ:	Ȼéȼu	waqpa´ȼiⁿ-qti	a´ȼiⁿhe´,	aⁿwaⁿ´waʇa´ȼicaⁿ	cte´ctewaⁿ	ȼiúde ti´gȼe	gáxai-gă,	ʇigaⁿ´ha.
the (past act)	Here	very poor	I who move	in what direction	soever	to become abandoned (suddenly)	make ye	O grandfather.

[Transcriber’s note: the hyphen in “waqpa´ȼiⁿ-qti” was at the end of a line; the word may be “waqpa´ȼiⁿqti”.]

Ĕ´dedi´ ȼa´ȼiⁿcé	(é) jaⁿmiⁿ´.	Ȼigȼíze-maⁿ´ȼiⁿ,	ĕ´dedí ȼáȼiⁿcé	(é) jaⁿmiⁿ´.	Ȼiaⁿ´ba-ti´gȼe,	ĕ´dedí ȼa´ȼiⁿcé.
You are mv. there	I suspect.	Walking Forked-lightning,	you are mv. there	I suspect.	Sheet-lightning flashes suddenly	you are mv. there

(é) jaⁿmiⁿ´.	Ȼiaⁿ´ba-gí-naⁿ,	ĕ´dedi´ ȼáȼiⁿcé	(é) jaⁿmiⁿ´.	Gáagigȼédaⁿ	ĕ´dedí ȼáȼiⁿcé	(é) jaⁿmiⁿ´.	Gaⁿ´
I suspect.	Sheet-lightning is often returning hither.	you are mv. there	I suspect	(a name referring to passing thunder)	you are mv. there	I suspect.	And

gatégaⁿ

gáxa-bájĭ

ʞĭ´ctĕ

níaciⁿ´ga

ciⁿȼiqáde

ȼégaⁿ

najiⁿ´i,

maqpi´

kĕʇáȼicaⁿ

xagé

najiⁿ´i.

Gaⁿ´

Wakan´da

in that manner

he does not

if

man

(See Note.)

thus

stands,

cloud

toward the lg ob.

crying

stands.

And

Wakanda

amá	wégi[p]ahaⁿ´-bi,	aí.	Níkaciⁿ´ga	taⁿ´waⁿgȼaⁿ	wédajĭ	amá	aȼiⁿ´	naⁿ´pai,	ijáje	gĕ´
the pl. sub.	that they know about them, their own	they say.	Person	gens	elsewhere	the pl. sub.	to have it	they fear seen danger,	name	the pl. in. ob.

ctĕwaⁿ.	Águdi´ctĕ	níkaciⁿ´ga	amá	iȼa‘e´ȼĕ amá	Icta´sanda	úckaⁿ	eʇai´	tĕ	e´gaⁿ	ga´xai.	Waaⁿ´
even.	In some places (not specified)	person	the pl. sub.	those who have visions, etc.	Ictasanda	custom	their	the ob.	so	they do.	song

ĕ´qti

ga´xai

daⁿ´ctĕ

giaⁿ´

najiⁿ´i.

Nini´ba

kĕ

uji´

aȼiⁿ´i

e´gaⁿ

maqpi´

kĕʇáȼicaⁿ

úgaqȼe

they themselves

they make

perhaps

singing their own

they stand.

Pipe

the lg. ob.

filled

they have

as

cloud

towards the lg. ob.

facing

baha´

najiⁿ´i.

Ni´kaciⁿ´ga

ama´

a´ji

ctĭ

ga´xe-naⁿ´i.

Ataⁿ´ctĕ

nini´ba

aȼiⁿ´-bajĭ

gaⁿ´

waaⁿ´

si´aⁿȼe´

holding out to

they stand.

Person

the pl. sub.

different

too

they often do.

Sometimes

pipe

they do not have

so

singing

alone

daⁿ´ctĕ

najiⁿ´-naⁿi.

Kĭ

ni´kaciⁿ´ga

ama´

ȼe´

i´ȼa‘e´ȼĕ ama´

úckaⁿ

eda´daⁿ

údaⁿ

uha´

‘i´ȼĕ

tai´

perhaps

they stand often.

And

person

the pl. sub.

this

those who have visions, etc.

deed

what

good

to follow the course

promise

will

ʞĭ´ctĕ

i´bahaⁿ´i,

cĭ

úckaⁿ

júajĭ

a´kipa tai´

ʞĭ´ctĕ

i´bahaⁿ´i.

Gaⁿ

ni´kaciⁿ´ga

ȼiⁿ

aⁿwaⁿ´waʇa

gaqȼaⁿ´

even

they know,

again

deed

unsuitable

they will meet

even

they know.

And

person

the mv. one

in what direction

large hunting expedition

maⁿȼiⁿ´

ctĕwaⁿ´

nini´

uji´

‘i´i

e´gaⁿ

waȼi´gȼañkiȼai´.

E‘aⁿ´

ujañ´ge

uha´ tai

ʞĭ´ctĕ

i´bahaⁿ

gi´gaⁿȼai´

walks

soever

tobacco

puts in

gives to

as

causes him to prophesy.

How

road

he will follow its course

even

to know

wishes for him

e´gaⁿ

waañ´kiȼai´.

Kĭ

ataⁿ´ctĕ

ni´kaciⁿ´ga

ama´

e´gaⁿi,

a´ȼade-naⁿ´i,

wani´ta

daⁿ´ctĕ

ube´niⁿ

ʞĭ,

wani´ta

as

causes him to sing.

And

sometimes

person

the pl. sub.

just so,

they often pronounce,

quadruped

perhaps

they find out

if

quadruped

d‘u´ba	aⁿ‘i´i	hă,	e´	daⁿ´ctĕaⁿ´i.
some	they have given to me	.	he says	perhaps.

Notes.

383, 4, et passim. Ȼaȼiⁿce ejaⁿmiⁿ, contracted in rapid pronunciation to, ȼaȼiⁿcejaⁿmiⁿ.

383, 4-6. Ȼigȼize-maⁿȼiⁿ, Ȼiaⁿba-tigȼe, Ȼiaⁿba-gínaⁿ, and Gaagigȼedaⁿ are “nikie names” of the Ictasanda or Thunder gens of the Omaha. They may refer to four Thunder beings, one at each point of the compass, or one dwelling in the direction of each of the four winds.

383, 8. Ciⁿȼiqade, with the arms elevated and the hands stretched out, palms down, towards the clouds.

383, 9-10. Nikaciⁿga wedajĭ ama, etc. Other gentes of Omaha fear to mention these Ictasanda names, or to bestow them on members of their gentes.

383, 11. Agudictĕ ... iȼa‘eȼĕ ama, etc. Refers to the Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ ama, or the Thunder shamans, of the other Omaha gentes.

[Translation.]

When the Ictasanda people become fearful during a shower, they fill a pipe with tobacco and offer it to the Thunder-beings. And when they offer the tobacco, they speak thus: “O grandfather! I am very poor here. In some direction or other cause a place to be abandoned by those (who would injure me?). I think that you are there O Ȼigȼize-maⁿȼiⁿ! I think that you are there. O Ȼiaⁿba-tigȼe! I think that you are there. O Ȼiaⁿba-gi naⁿ! I think that you are there. O Gaagigȼedaⁿ! I think that you are there.”

And when they do not offer the tobacco, they stand with the arms elevated and the hands stretched out, palms down, as they cry towards the clouds. And they say that the Thunder-beings know about them, their worshippers.

The Omaha of the other gentes fear to mention these Ictasanda nikie names, or to bestow them on members of their gentes, as well as to invoke the Thunder-being or beings, unless they belong to the order of Thunder shamans. In that case, they can do as the Ictasanda people do. They make songs about the Thunder-beings, and stand singing their own songs. They fill the pipe with tobacco, and stand, holding it with the mouth-piece toward the clouds, as they gaze towards them.

These shamans often act otherwise. Sometimes they do not fill the pipe, and then they stand singing the Thunder songs, without offering anything to the Thunder-beings.

And these shamans know when anything promises to result in good or evil to the person undertaking it. So when a person wishes to join a large hunting party, he fills a pipe with tobacco, and offers it to a shaman, thus causing him to prophesy. As he wishes him to know the result of following a certain course, (i. e., of traveling in a certain direction), he induces the shaman to sing (sacred songs). And sometimes the shaman predicts the very occurrence which comes to pass; if, for instance, he foretells that the inquiring man will kill game, he may say, ‘The Thunder-beings (?) have given me some quadrupeds.’

KANSA WORSHIP OF THE THUNDER-BEING.

§ 36. The following was a custom of the Lṵ or Thunder-being gens. At the time of the first thunder-storm in the spring of the year, the Lṵ people put a quantity of green cedar on a fire, making a great smoke. The storm ceased after the members of the other gentes offered prayers. The Buffalo or Tcedŭñga gens aided the Lṵ gens in the worship of the Thunder-being, by sending one of their men to open the sacred bag of gray hawk skin and remove the mystery pipe. These objects were kept by a Lṵ man, Kinuyiñge, who was not allowed to open the bag.

Pahaⁿle-gaqli, of the Large Hañga gens, and Aliⁿkawahu, of the Small Hañga, are the leaders in everything pertaining to war. Pahaⁿle-gaqli furnished the author with a copy of his war chart, on which are represented symbols of the mystery songs. In the middle of the chart there should be a representation of fire, but Pahaⁿle-gaqli said that he was afraid to draw it there, unless he fasted and took other necessary precautions. The songs used in connection with the chart are very “wakandagi,” or mysterious. They are never sung on common occasions, or in a profane manner, lest the offender should be killed by the Thunder-being. One of the three songs about the sacred pipe, sung when the wrappings are taken from the pipe (See § 85) by Aliⁿkawahu is as follows:

“Ha-há! tcé-ga-nú ha-há!
Ha-há! tcé-ga-nú ha-há!
Ha-há! tcé-ga-nú ha-há!
Hü-hü´!”

(Unintelligible to the author. Said when Aliⁿkawahu presses down on the covers or wrappings of the pipe.)

“Yu! yu! yú! Hü-hü´! Hü-hü´!”

(Chorus sung by all the Large and Small Hañga men.)

This last line is an invocation of the Thunder-being. The arms, which are kept apart and parallel, are held up toward the sky, with the palms of the hands out. Each arm is then rubbed from the wrist to the shoulder by the other hand.[31]

After the singing of these three songs, Pahaⁿle-gaqli carries the sacred clam shell on his back.

The second figure on the chart is that of the venerable man or Wakanda, who was the first singer of all the Hañga songs. When Aliⁿkawahu and Pahaⁿle-gaqli are singing them, they think that this Wakanda walks behind them, holding up his hands toward the Thunder-being, to whom he prays for them.

When the war pipe is smoked by any Hañga man, he holds the pipe in his right hand, and blows the smoke into the sacred clam shell, in his left. The smoke ascends from the clam shell to the Thunder-being, to whom it is pleasant.

The Kansa used to “cry to” the Thunder-being before going on the warpath. When the captain (the head of the Large Hañga gens) smoked his pipe, he used to say,

Haú,	Wákanda-é,	Páyiⁿ-máhaⁿ	miⁿ´	ts’e	kŭⁿ´bla	eyau,”
Ho?	O Wakanda!	Skidi	one	to die	I wish	indeed

i. e. “Ho, Wakanda! I really wish a Skidi” (or, Pawnee Loup) “to die!”

The men of the two Hañga gentes unite in singing songs to stop rain, when fair weather is needed, and songs to cause rain when there has been a drought. (See § 43.)

SUBTERRANEAN AND SUBAQUATIC WAKANDAS.

§ 37. The Omaha and Ponka believe in the Wakandagi, monsters that dwell beneath the bluffs and in the Missouri river. These monsters have very long bodies, with horns on their heads. One myth relates how an orphan killed a Wakandagi with seven heads.[32]

The Omaha have a tradition that a Wakandagi was seen in the lake into which Blackbird creek empties, near the Omaha agency. It is impossible to say whether the Wakandagi and the ┴ande or Ground were differentiated (See § 27). The Kansa Mi-á-lṵ-cka were somewhat like the Wakandagi, though in one respect they resembled the mythical Ԁá-nu-ta of the Omaha, i. e., in having enormous heads. The Kansa speak of the Mialṵcka as a race of dreadful beings with large heads and long hair.[33] They dwelt in remote places, to which they were supposed to entice any unwary Indian who traveled alone. The victim became crazy and subsequently lived as a miⁿquga or catamite. Some of the Mialṵcka dwelt underground or in the water, sitting close to the bank of the stream. The ancient Mialṵcka was a benefactor to the Indians, for he took some wet clay and made first a buffalo calf and then three buffalo bulls, which he ordered the Indians to shoot, after teaching them how to make bows and arrows and to use them.

THE INDAȻIÑGA.

§ 38. The Ponka, in 1871, told the author of a being whom they called the Ĭndáȼiñga. This being was a superhuman character, who dwelt in the forests. He hooted like an owl, and he was so powerful that he could uproot a tree or overturn a lodge. The Ponka had a song about him, and mothers used to scare their children by saying, “Behave, else the Ĭndaȼiñga will catch you!” Joseph La Flèche had heard it spoken of as a monster in human shape, covered with thick hair. As the Ponka for wearing a mask is “Ĭndáȼiñga gáxe,” or “to act the Ĭndáȼiñga,” it may be that this character was an aboriginal bogy. Compare the Dakota Ćaŋotidaŋ, Hoḣnoġića, Uŋgnaġićala, etc. (§ 232.) Omaha mothers used to scare their children by telling them that if they did not behave, Icibajĭ (a hero of the ┴e-sĭnde gens) or ┴exujaⁿ (a hero of the [K]aⁿze gens) would catch them.[34] Another fearful being was Ĭnde-naⁿba, or Two Faces, the very sight of whom killed a woman who was enceinte.[35] This being resembled, in some respects, Ictinike, the deceiver,[36] though Ictinike was usually the counterpart of the Dakota Ikto, Iktomi, or Uŋktomi. (See §§ 228-231.) As a worker of evil Ictinike may be compared with the Dakota Anŭŋg-ite or Two Faces, and the latter in turn resembled the Ĭndáȼiñga of the Ponka. (See §§ 233, 234.)

OTHER KANSA WAKANDAS.

§ 39. The third figure on the Kansa war chart is[37] that of the Wakanda or aged man who gives success to the hunter. He is thus addressed by Aliⁿkawahu and Pahaⁿle-gaqli:

Ts‘áge-jiñ´ga	haú!	Dáble	maⁿ´yiⁿ-aú!	Dádaⁿ	wadjü´ta	níkaciⁿga	ckédaⁿ	wáyakípa-bá[p]aⁿ
Venerable man	Ho!	To hunt large quadrupeds	walk thou	What	quadruped	person	soever	you meet them	and (pl.)

[Transcriber’s note: the hyphen in “maⁿ´yiⁿ-aú” was at the end of a line; the word may be “maⁿ´yiⁿaú”.]

ts’éya-bána-hau!
kill ye	!

[Transcriber’s note: the last hyphen in “ts’éya-bána-hau” was at the end of a line; the word may be “ts’éya-bánahau”.]

i.e., “Venerable man, go hunting! Kill whatever persons or quadrupeds meet you!” They think that this being drives the game towards the hunter.

In the war chart there are seven songs of the Wakanda who makes night songs. Fig. 16 of that chart refers to a song of another Wakanda who is not described. Fig. 18 refers to two shade songs. Shade is made by a Wakanda. Fig. 19 is a dream song. There is a Wakanda who makes people sleepy, an Indian Somnus.

§ 40. OMAHA INVOCATIONS OF THE TRAP, ETC.

Jábe

daⁿ´ctĕ

úji

ʞĭ,

makaⁿ´

ígaxe

maⁿȼiⁿ´i

ʞĭ,

é

niní

bahá

eʇá

tĕ

é.

(The invisible being who first made the

Beaver

for instance

he traps it

if,

medicine

making for that purpose

he walks

if,

that

tobacco

showing

his

the

it.

medicine was thus addressed:	Níkaciⁿga	pahañ´ga	makaⁿ´	ícpahaⁿ	niñkĕ´cĕ,	[p]éjehíde	ckaⁿzé	niñkĕ´cĕ,	niní
	Person	first	medicine	you knew	you who (sit),	medicine	you taught	you who (sit)	tobacco

gakĕ´!

Ȼéȼu

edádaⁿ

ckaⁿzé

niñkĕ´cĕ,

niní

gakĕ´!

Ȼéȼu

edádaⁿ

ckaⁿzé

gĕ

iȼápahaⁿ-majĭ´-qti

wiⁿ´

áiȼágaȼaȼiⁿhé

ȼaⁿ´ja,

that lg. ob.

Here

what

you taught

you who

tobacco

that

Here

what

you taught

the pl. in. ob.

I do not know at all

one

I am carrying on my arm and in my hand as I move

though,

caⁿ´

edádaⁿ

ctécte

íwamakáaȼĕ

té

ă.

Niní

gakĕ´,

aí

níaciⁿga

amá.

(He then prays to the beaver:)

Haú,

Jábe!

Niní

yet

what

soever

I get it easily by means of

will

!

Tobacco

that, lg. ob.,

says

person

the mv. sub.

Ho,

Beaver!

Tobacco

gakĕ´!

Úbahi

e‘aⁿ´

ckáxai

gĕ

bȼúgaqti

ugígȼacaⁿ´i-gă!

Niní

gakĕ´!

(Next, to the medicine:)

Haú,

Ԁéjehíde,

niní

that! lg. ob.

Feeding place

how

you made them

the pl. in ob.

all

travel ye in your own!

Tobacco

that! lg. ob.

Ho,

Medicine,

tobacco

gakĕ´!	‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte	waníta	wiⁿ	uhé eaⁿ´ȼĕ	taté,	eȼégaⁿ	najiñ´-gă.	‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte	[p]áqȼuge	aⁿ´ȼaⁿská	taté,
that! lg. ob.	No matter how it is (or At any rate)	quadruped	one	pass me on the road (to the trap)	shall,	thinking it	stand thou.	At any rate	nostrils	large enough for me (i.e., to smell me.)	shall,

eȼégaⁿ	najiñ´-gă.	Niní	gakĕ´!	(Invocation of the trap:)	Haú,	Maⁿ´zĕ	nañkácĕ!	niní	gakĕ´!	‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte	wiⁿ´
thinking it	stand thou.	Tobacco	that!		Ho,	Iron	ye who (sit)!	tobacco	that! lg. ob.	At any rate	one

wat’éaȼĕ	tá	miñke,	eȼégaⁿ	gȼiⁿ´i-gă.	(Invocation of the pack-strap:)	Haú,	Wé‘iⁿ	niñkĕ´cĕ!	niní	gakĕ´!
I kill it	will	I who,	thinking it	sit ye.		Ho,	Packstrap	you who (sit)!	tobacco	that! lg. ob.

Aⁿ´qti ctécte

wí

waníta

áhigi

weát‘ĕ,

eȼégañ-gă.

Haú,

┴ijébe

íɔnugaʇá

ȼátaⁿcé!

niní

gakĕ´!

‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte

wí

At any rate

I

quadruped

many

I touch them,

think thou.

Ho,

Entrance

at the right side

you who stand!

tobacco

that! lg. ob.

At any rate

I

waníta

aⁿȼaⁿ´bakĭn´de

anájiⁿ

tá

miñke,

eȼégañ-gă.

Haú,

┴e-sĭn´de

ugácke

ȼátaⁿcé!

niní

gakĕ´!

‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte

wí

quadruped

brushing by me

I stand

will

I who (sit),

think thou.

Ho,

Buffalo-tail

tied to it

you who stand!

tobacco

that! lg. ob.

At any rate

I

waníta

aⁿʇáp‘ĕ

anájiⁿ

tá

miñke,

eȼégañ-gă.

Haú,

Unéȼĕ

niñkĕ´cĕ!

niní

gakĕ´!

‘Aⁿ´qti ctécte

wi

waníta

aⁿ´naaí

quadruped

near to me

I stand

will

I who (sit),

think thou.

Ho,

Fireplace

you who (sit)!

tobacco

that! lg. ob.

At any rate

I

quadruped

drops over on me (from the kettle)

agȼiⁿ´	tá	miñke,	eȼégañ-gă.
I sit	will	I who (sit),	think thou.

Notes.

Told by George Miller. In the last invocation, he began to dictate thus:	“Haú,	Náwiⁿxe	dúba	ákipasan´de	nañkácĕ!”
	Ho,	Firebrand	four	meet at a common point	ye who

i. e., “Ho, ye four firebrands that meet at a common point (i. e., in the middle of the fireplace)!” He subsequently changed it to an invocation of the fireplace itself. But it is very probable that there was an invocation of the four firebrands, resembling the ceremonies of the Kansa and Osage (see § 33). George has given all that he remembers of the invocations, but he does not recollect the exact order.

387, 3. [p]eje-hide, “lower part,” or “roots of grass,” an archaic name for “makaⁿ”, medicine. Nini gakĕ—the classifier kĕ shows that a long object, the pipe, is referred to, the tobacco being in the pipe when it is offered to the powers.

388, 1. aiȼagaȼaȼiⁿhe, contr. from áiȼágaȼa áȼiⁿhé, used here in the sense of “abȼiⁿ,” I have.

388, 12. aⁿȼaⁿbakĭnde, eq. to aⁿȼaⁿbista ȼéwaȼĕ, to send them (through) when they are so close that they touch me.

Translation.

The invisible being who first made the beaver medicine and taught its use to mankind, was thus addressed: “Oh, Thou who didst teach how to make the medicine, here is tobacco! Though I have your medicine, the nature of which I do not understand at all, grant that I may easily acquire something or other by means of it! Here is tobacco!”

When he addressed the beavers, he said, “Ho, ye Beavers! Here is tobacco! Let all of you travel in your feeding places which you have made. Here is tobacco!” To the beaver medicine itself, he said, “Ho, Medicine! Here is tobacco! Stand thinking thus, ‘At any rate an animal shall surely pass me and be caught in the trap, and its nostrils shall be large enough to smell me.’” The trap itself was thus addressed: “Ho, ye pieces of iron! Here is tobacco! Sit ye and think thus: ‘At any rate I will kill one!’” To the pack-strap was said, “Ho, pack-strap! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall press against many quadrupeds.’” The right side of the entrance to the tent (?) was thus addressed: “Ho, Thou who standest at the right side of the entrance to the tent! (§ 232) Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall continue to have some one bring dead animals on his back and send through me suddenly, rubbing against me as they pass through.’” To the principal tent pole these words were said, “Ho, Thou who standest with the buffalo tail tied to thee! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate, I shall have a quadruped to come near me.’” When the man invoked the fireplace, he said, “Ho, Fireplace! Here is tobacco! Think thou, ‘At any rate I shall sit and have the water fall on me in drops as it boils over from the kettle containing the quadruped.’”

These invocations may be compared with what the prophet Habakkuk tells us about the Chaldeans, in the first chapter of his prophecy. In his prayer to God, he says, “These plunderers pull out all men with the hook, draw them in with their casting net, and gather them with their draw net, and rejoice and are glad in it. Therefore they make offerings to their casting net, and burn incense to their draw net, for through them their catch is rich and their food dainty.”[38]

FASTING.

§ 41. This topic naturally precedes that of visions or dreams about mystery, animals, and objects. Two Crows and Joseph La Flèche heard the following spoken of as an ancient custom. It was told them in their youth by some of the old men of that day, who had received it from their elders as having been practiced by the tribe for unnumbered generations. When old men had sons, sisters’ sons, or grandsons, who approached manhood, they used to direct those youths to abstain from food and drink, and to put clay on their faces, saying:

“Qaⁿxa´ʇa	xage´	maⁿȼiⁿ´i-gă.	Aⁿ´ba	ȼa´bȼiⁿ	du´ba	jaⁿ´	ʞĭ,	waȼáta-bajíi-gă,	kĭ ní	ȼataⁿ´-bajíi-gă.	Ȼiqu´bajĭ
Far away	crying	walk ye.	Day	three	four	sleep	if,	do not eat (pl.),	and water	do not drink (pl.)	You are not “qube”

cte´ctĕwaⁿ,

caⁿ´

Wakan´da

aká

uȼi´ʞaⁿ

tá aka.

Wa´ȼawaqpáni

maⁿɔniⁿ´i

ʞĭ,

waɔnáhaⁿ-de

ȼaxáxage

ʞĭ,

even if,

still

Wakanda

the sub.

he will

aid you.

You act as if poor

you walk

if,

you pray

when

you cry

if

uȼi´ʞaⁿ ta´ aka,”

he will aid you.

i. e., “Walk ye in remote places, crying to Wakanda. Neither eat nor drink for three or four days. Even though you do not acquire [personal mysterious power], Wakanda will aid you. If you act as poor men, and pray as you cry, he will help you.”

When their throats became dry, their voices gave out. When they had completed their fasts, they went home, being exceedingly emaciated. At that time they could not swallow solid food, so they were obliged to subsist on mush mixed with much water, till by degrees they became able to eat what they pleased. Many thought that this fasting enabled them to have superhuman communications with Wakanda.

Fasting was practiced at other times, but always in order to obtain superhuman assistance or to acquire a transfer of superhuman power. A Ponka war captain exhorted each of his followers thus: “Ahaú! Wackaⁿ´ egañ´-gă! Qu´bekiȼa´-bi ȼiⁿhe´!” i.e., “Oho! Do exert yourself! Be sure to make yourself the possessor of superhuman power by the aid of the animal that you have seen in your vision after fasting!”[39] Members of a small war party had to fast four days, counting from the time that they started on the warpath.[40] Before the large war party was formed to avenge the wrongs of Wabaskaha, the four prospective captains fasted.[41] When the Kansa captain fasted, he could not visit his family, but a small fasting lodge was erected for him at some distance from his own house.[42]

MYSTIC TREES AND PLANTS.

§ 42. The Omaha have two sacred trees, the ash and the cedar. The ash is connected with the beneficent natural powers. Part of the sacred pole of the Omaha and Ponka is made of ash, the other part being of cottonwood. The stems of the niniba weawaⁿ, or “sacred pipes of friendship,” are made of ash. But the cedar is linked with the destructive agencies, thunder, lightning, wars.[43]

When the seven old men took the pipes around the Omaha tribal circle, the bad Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe people wore plumes in their hair and wrapped branches of cedar around their heads, being awful to behold. So the old man passed them by and gave the pipe to the other Maⁿȼiñka-gaxe, who were good. In the Osage traditions, cedar symbolizes the tree of life. When a woman is initiated into the secret society of the Osage, the officiating man of her gens gives her four sips of water, symbolizing, so they say, the river flowing by the tree of life, and then he rubs her from head to foot with cedar needles three times in front, three times at her back, and three times on each side, twelve times in all, pronouncing a sacred name of Wakanʇa as he makes each pass. Part of the Paⁿɥka gens of the Osage tribe[44] are Red Cedar people. The Pañka gens of the Kansa tribe is called “Qŭndjalaⁿ,” i.e., “wearers of cedar (branches) on the head.” Cedar is used by the Santee Dakota in their ceremony of the four winds. (See § 128.) The Teton Dakota believe in the efficacy of the smell of cedar wood or of the smoke from cedar in scaring away ghosts. (See § 272.) In the Athapascan creation myth of Oregon, obtained by the author in 1884, the smoke of cedar took the place of food for the two gods who made the world, and the red cedar is held sacred as well as the ash, because these two trees were the first to be discovered by the gods.[45]

That the Hidatsa have a similar notion about the red cedar is shown by their name for it, “midahopa,” mysterious or sacred tree. Compare [what Matthews tells] about the Hidatsa reverence for the cottonwood with what is recorded above about the Omaha sacred pole.[46] (§ 344.)

The cottonwood tree also seems to have been regarded as a mystic tree by the Omaha and Ponka, just as it is by the Hidatsa. The sacred pole of the two tribes was made from a tall cottonwood.[47] When the lower part of the sacred pole became worn away, about 8 feet remained, and to this was fastened a piece of ash wood about 18 inches long. In preparing for the dance called the Hede watci, the Iñke-sabĕ people sought a cottonwood tree, which they rushed on, felled, and bore to the center of the tribal circle, where they planted it in the “ujeʇi.” Mystic names taken from the cottonwood are found in the Ȼixida and Nika[p]aɔna, the two war gentes of the Ponka tribe, and in the Ȼatada and [K]aⁿze gentes of the Omaha.[48]

That there were other mystic trees and plants, appears from an examination of the personal names of the Omaha, Ponka, and cognate tribes. For instance, ┴ackahigȼaⁿ, a nikie name of the ┴a[p]a, or Deer gens of the Omaha, conveys some reference to a white oak tree, ʇackahi; and in the Nuqe, a Buffalo gens of the Ponka tribe, we find the name ┴abehi, from a plant, bush, or tree found in Nebraska, the leaves of which, resembling those of red cherry trees, are used by the Omaha for making a tea. Further study may show that the Winnebago, who have the name Waziʞa, Pine Person, reverence a pine tree. (Query: May not this name be Cedar Person, rather than Pine Person?)

Among the Iowa, Oto, and Missouri, we find several cedar, corn, and pumpkin names. Several corn and pumpkin names occur in the name list of the Kansa tribe. Corn, elm, and black hawthorn names are found in the Osage name list, as well as cedar names; and their traditions tell of the cedar, red oak, and sycamore, as well as of the corn and pumpkin.[49] (See § 49.)

IȻA‘EȻĔ.

§ 43. This term has been defined in Chapter II (§ 8). It is very probable that fasting for several days tended to produce the condition of mind and body requisite for the supposed superhuman communications. According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and other Omaha, some persons thought that they saw or heard ghosts or various animals. Sometimes men were roused from sleep, imagining that they heard mysterious voices. They claimed to have interviews with U-ga-ha-na-[p]a-ze, or the Ancient of Darkness; Ma-qpi, or the Ancient of Clouds; ┴ande, or the Ground Being; Iñgȼaⁿ, or the Thunder-being; the Sun, the Moon, the Morning Star, the Ancient of Rattlesnakes, the Ancient of Grizzly Bears, the Ancient of Black Bears, the Ancient of Buffaloes, the Ancient of Big Wolves, and the Ancient of Prairie Wolves. Each being or animal thus seen in a dream or vision seems to have been regarded as the special guardian spirit of the person claiming to have had interviews with him. The Iñgȼaⁿ iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Those who had interviews with the Thunder-being, never danced at the meetings of their society. They invited one another to feast, and they sang as they remained seated. The songs referred to the Thunder-being. When they finished eating and singing the ceremonies ended. This order of Thunder shamans claimed the power to make rain (see § 36).

According to Ԁaȼiⁿ-naⁿpajĭ and Little Village Maker, these shamans could also make circles of seven colors around the sun and moon, and the two men just named said that they had seen this done. Joseph La Flèche and Two Crows gave the following explanation: “When there are clouds that obscure the moon, a circle is seen around the moon, and it sometimes resembles a rainbow.” Though Two Crows belongs to the Buffalo society (┴e iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, or Order of Buffalo shamans—see § 89), he said that he had never had an interview with a mysterious buffalo, but that his work in the order was confined to the practice of surgery, he being the keeper of the “makaⁿ skiȼĕ,” or sweet medicine. Notwithstanding this, there are certain buffalo songs, the property of the order, and which they claim to be powerful charms capable of working cures, when used by the surgeons of their order. Said Two Crows to the author, “If they had sent for the doctors of our order we could have cured President Garfield.” The author obtained two of these Buffalo songs from an Omaha, but they are recorded only in singing notation.[50]

Among the Omaha societies are the Cañge iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Horse shamans,[51] the Caⁿʇañga iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Big Wolf shamans,[52] and the Maⁿtcu iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the Grizzly Bear shamans.[53]

According to Francis La Flèche,[54]

“There are three degrees of powers which come to men through visions: First, when the vision takes the form of an animal which addresses the man, he will then have acquired a power which will stead him in danger, and give him success in life. Second, if the vision assumes the appearance of a cloud, or a human shape having wings like an eagle, and a voice addresses the man, he will have the additional power of being able to foretell events. Third, when the vision comes without any semblance and only a voice is heard, the man is given not only the power to achieve success and foretell events, but he can foresee the coming of death. Should a man endowed with the third degree so elect, he can in due form join the Ghost Society; or, if he prefers, he can practice his powers individually.”

His father, the late Joseph La Flèche, told the author in 1882 that the Ghost Dance formerly belonged to the Ponka tribe, from whom the Omaha took it; though it has not been used by the Omaha since about A. D. 1850.[55] The only inference which the author can draw from this statement of the father is that if the Omaha obtained the Ghost Dance from the Ponka, the Ghost Society or order of Ghost shamans is not an original Omaha society. That the two are closely connected is proved by the names, Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ-ma, the (order of) Ghost shamans (or, The Ghost Society), and Wanaxe iȼa‘eȼĕ watcigaxe, The dance of those who have visions of ghosts, or, The Ghost Dance.

The Kansa have the Tce wactce, or Buffalo shaman, and an order of such shamans. When a Kansa had a vision or dream (i-ya-k’e-ye) of an animal, etc., he painted the mystery object on his shield. An old woman used to “iyak’eye” of a flying serpent, the [M]yets‘a táji lícka. The remains of such enormous serpents are found in the Black Hills, “and if one finds such a reptile, he must die.” For an account of the Kansa “wakandagi” see § 66.

The Kwapa or Ukaqpa Indians speak a dialect more closely allied to that of the Omaha and Ponka than to those of the Kansa and Osage. With them, to have superhuman communications is called dȼa-q‘é-dȼĕ; shamans and doctors are níka qúwĕ, mysterious men, and among their societies of such men are the following: Te dȼáq‘edȼĕ, Those having superhuman communications with the Buffalo; the Maⁿtú dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Grizzly Bear; the Iⁿtaⁿ´dȼaⁿ tañ´ʞa dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Panther; and the Jawé dȼaq‘édȼĕ, Those having interviews with the Beaver. There were doubtless other orders, but they are unknown to the author’s Kwapa informant, Alphonsus Valliere, of the Wajiñʞa or Bird gens.[56]

PERSONAL MYSTERY DECORATIONS.

§ 44. The Omaha and Ponka have certain personal mystery decorations, some of which are worn on garments, and others appear on the tents of their owners. The makers and wearers of such decorations must be members of one of the orders of shamans. George Miller’s father, Little Soldier, used to wear a buffalo robe decorated in the style shown in Figs. 156 and 157. It was his personal mystery decoration, which no one else could use. Even members of his gens (the Ictasanda, a Thunder and Reptile gens) feared to imitate it. The father promised to paint this decoration on four white blankets for his son George, but he died before he could paint the fourth one.

FIG. 156.—George Miller’s personal mystery decoration.

George received the first one when he was about seventeen years of age. Before he married he had worn out three. He still has the right to decorate and wear the fourth blanket, according to his father’s intention. He could decorate other white blankets in this style, and wear them, if he wished, but he could not transmit to any one of his children (the grandchildren of Little Soldier) the right to make and wear such a decoration, unless George himself should hereafter see the objects in a dream or vision.