Apparent typographical errors have been corrected. Inconsistencies in hyphenation and in the accenting of French words have been retained.

In the appendix listing officers who served with the battalion, some entries are out of alphabetical order; while blank spaces indicate missing dates.

THE HISTORY OF THE 7TH BATTALION
QUEEN'S OWN CAMERON HIGHLANDERS

"Lieutenant-Colonel Sandilands of the 7th Camerons arrived on the hill. Being the senior officer present, he took command and planted the Headquarters flag of his Battalion on the top. It was his business to recall the van of the advance, now lost in the fog and smoke of the eastern slopes, and to entrench himself on the summit. The Redoubt was now out of our hands and the line taken ran just under the crest on the west, and was continued North of Loos by the 46th Brigade. To retire the van was no light task. Two officers whose names deserve to be remembered, Major Chrichton of the 10th Gordons, and Major Barron of the 7th Camerons, volunteered for the desperate mission. They fell in the task, but the order reached the stragglers, and they began to fight their way back. In the midst of encircling fire it was a forlorn hope, and few returned to the British lines on the hill. All down the slopes towards Loos lay the tartans Gordon and Black Watch, Seaforth and Cameron, like the drift left on the shore when the tide has ebbed."—John Buchan, in "Nelson's History of the War."

The 7th Camerons on Hill 70—25th September, 1915.

From the Painting by Joseph Gray, the property of Evan M. Barron, Esq., Inverness.

THE HISTORY
OF THE
7^TH BATTALION QUEEN'S OWN
CAMERON HIGHLANDERS

By

Colonel J. W. SANDILANDS
C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.,

and

Lieut. Colonel NORMAN MACLEOD
C.M.G., D.S.O.

STIRLING:
ENEAS MACKAY, MURRAY PLACE,
1922

Dedicated
to
The Mothers

of our gallant comrades in the 7th
Battalion Queen's Own Cameron
Highlanders who gave their
lives for their country
and the honour of
their regiment

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS.

FOREWORDS.

By Divisional Commanders.

• Lieut.-General Sir F. W. N. M'Cracken, K.C.B., D.S.O.
• Major-General H. F. Thuillier, C.B., C.M.G.
• Major-General H. L. Reed, V.C., C.B., C.M.G.

Having commanded the 15th (Scottish) Division for two years and a quarter, I have followed with deep interest this history of the 7th Cameron Highlanders.

I am convinced that all who read of the gallant deeds performed by this Battalion, in company with the other Battalions of the 15th (Scottish) Division, in the service of their King and Country, will be stirred with an intense feeling of pride in the achievements of their countrymen recorded in this little book.

The Battalion has indeed nobly maintained the splendid traditions of the Queen's Own Cameron Highlanders.

F. W. N. M'CRACKEN.
Lieut.-General.

24/3/22.

This is a great story. A narrative of the adventures in training camps, in billets and trenches, in battles and in periods of rest, of one of the units of that splendid body of men known as the "New Armies" which sprang into being in 1914 under the inspiration of Lord Kitchener. A story of comradeship, endeavour and sacrifice in the great cause.

By far the greater part of it deals with the periods of fighting, and it is doubtful whether any of the New Army units saw more, for the famous 15th Scottish Division, of which the 7th Camerons formed part, was one of the earliest of the new divisions to go to the front and take a place in the line, and its record includes the battles of Loos, the Somme, Arras 1917, Ypres 1917, the German attack on Arras in 1918, and the capture of Buzancy in the Soissons area in August 1918, as part of the 10th French Army under General Mangin.

I had two opportunities during the war of judging the fighting qualities of the 15th Division. The first was when serving with the 1st Division, which attacked alongside the 15th at Loos. The energy and enthusiasm with which the Scotsmen prepared for the attack, and the dash and determination with which they executed it, excited the highest admiration of their regular comrades of the 1st Division. The two divisions served in the same Corps for some months in the ensuing winter, succeeding each other in and out of the water-logged trench lines of the Loos Salient, and the admiration aroused by their action in the battle was deepened by the observation of their soldierly qualities under the trying conditions of trench warfare in winter.

The second time I was a more intimate observer, for I had the supreme privilege of being appointed to the command of the 15th Division in June, 1917, just as it was entering the Ypres Salient to take part in the desperate and bloody fighting of the efforts to capture the Passchendaele Ridge. Its personnel had largely changed, owing to the casualties of the Somme and Arras, but the Scottish fighting spirit was there still, and the dour and stubborn valour with which, after seizing and holding the Frezenberg Ridge, they essayed again and again to win the concrete defences of Borry Farm, Beck House, Iberian House, etc., under indescribable conditions of mud, shell-fire and gas, forms a story which has not yet been fully told.

In this fighting, as in all the other operations of the Division, the 7th Camerons bore a full and gallant share. The last of the German efforts to retake the Frezenberg Ridge was broken up by a skilfully led counter-attack by a company of this Battalion with one of the 8th Seaforths.

The last time I saw the 7th Camerons was after the return of the Division to the Arras Sector in September, 1917, when they were encamped in Blangy Park in the Scarpe Valley. To men who had been through what they had it was, as the narrator says, a delightful change and rest. But rest, although more than well earned, was not accompanied by any slackness or loss of discipline. I was particularly struck by the state of their camp, its excellent order and cleanliness; cooking and sanitary arrangements all that they should be, the men healthy and in good spirits. A rapid recovery after heavy fighting is a mark of a first-class battalion.

Colonel Norman Macleod had the good fortune to serve with the Battalion from the day it crossed the Channel till it was amalgamated with the 6th Camerons in June, 1918 (except a short time when recovering from wounds). He commanded it for 15 months, and subsequently commanded the combined 6th/7th Battalion until the end. It would be a record of which any one might well be proud merely to have taken part in the great events comprised in that period, but to have commanded this splendid battalion, and to have been with it from its first raising in Scotland to its victorious entry into Brussels after the armistice, during all the period it was gathering its imperishable laurels and adding lustre to the name of the historic regiment whose name it bears, is an honour which he probably would not change for any other, however high.

It is well that such stories should be told. To the survivors of the events they narrate they are a reminder of great days and great friendships. To future generations of Scottish lads they will be an inspiration.

H. F. THUILLIER,
Major-General.

30/5/22.

This modest record of the services of a great battalion in the Great War adds yet another page to the glorious history of "The Queen's Own" Cameron Highlanders.

I had the honour to command the 15th (Scottish) Division from October, 1917, to March, 1918. During the first year of that period this Battalion, or perhaps I should say these Battalions, for the 6th, the 7th and the 6/7th Cameron Highlanders are almost inseparable in my mind, were most severely tried on many occasions in battle, most notably in front of Arras in March, 1918, and South of Soissons in July, 1918.

The authors state that the battle of the 28th March, 1918, was probably the heaviest fighting in which the 7th Battalion ever took part. Lieut.-General Sir Charles Fergusson, Commanding the XVII. Corps, when the great German attack was foreseen, had warned the 15th Division that it was in a "Post of Honour," adding: "I am glad that it is in the hands of a Scottish Division, who I know will never let the enemy pass." Again on the 29th March, after the great attack, General Fergusson wired: "I knew you could be relied on to stick it out to the end. There are fresh troops in support of you now, but I want the honour of holding Arras to be yours alone."

General Ludendorff, in his Memoirs, practically attributes the turning point of his hopes of success to the failure of the 17th German Army to capture the heights East and North of Arras, this "in spite of employing a vast amount of artillery and ammunition." I am sure all comrades of the 15th (Scottish) Division will agree that no unit of ours deserved more credit for stopping the Germans in front of Arras than the 7th Cameron Highlanders.

During the period, December, 1918, to March, 1919, the troops were tried in a different way. A time of absolute inactivity prevailed in Belgium, with many temptations for all ranks to be slack and to allow discipline to deteriorate. A natural reaction after the strain of war. There was also a feeling, rightly or wrongly, that in the system of demobilisation length of service at the front was not always considered. During this difficult time the 6/7th Cameron Highlanders retained their splendid discipline and still upheld their claim to the nickname "The Shiny Seventh."

The authors refer to their firm belief in the advantages of the kilt as a service dress. Opinions may differ on this point, but there is no question as to the prestige and confidence which the kilt carries with it.

When we moved suddenly to join the Xth French Army in July, 1918, the British troops were, for some reason, temporarily out of favour in that area, but the sight of the Highlanders, and the sound of the bagpipes, changed this feeling at once, and nothing could have exceeded the enthusiasm with which the 15th Division was received in billets during this period of operations.

Again, on the coldest of days in January, 1919, when troops of three Divisions marched past His Majesty, the King of the Belgians, in Brussels, there was a sudden roar of applause from the half-frozen crowd as the kilted pipers leading the 45th Infantry Brigade, which represented the infantry of the 15th Division, approached. The 6/7th Cameron Highlanders swung past; His Majesty turned to me and said: "Truly magnificent soldiers." Those who read this narrative will agree that this splendid tribute was deserved.

H. L. REED,
Major-General.

2/4/22.

CHAPTER 1.
EARLY DAYS.

Soon after the outbreak of the Great War, Colonel D. W. Cameron of Lochiel received permission to raise Service Battalions of the Cameron Highlanders under Lord Kitchener's New Army Scheme. He proceeded at once to Scotland, and at meetings in Glasgow and Inverness stirring appeals for recruits for the new Battalions were made. These appeals met with so enthusiastic a response that within a week or two the 5th and 6th Battalions were raised, and recruiting for the 7th Battalion was in full swing. Recruits for the 5th and 6th were sent direct to Aldershot, but when it was found that there was every prospect of raising another Battalion, it was decided to make its Headquarters at Inverness, the Capital of the Territorial District of the Cameron Highlanders.

From the outset, Major Seymour Clarke of the Cameron Highlanders, who had returned to duty at the Cameron Depot at Inverness on the outbreak of war, took a great interest in the Battalion, and he did much for it during its early days in Inverness. On 8th October, 1914, Lieutenant-Colonel D. P. Haig, who formerly commanded the 3rd Battalion, was gazetted as the first Commanding Officer of the 7th, but the date of the birth of the Battalion may be said to be 28th September, 1914, on which day Captain James Barron, Captain Mackenzie-Gillanders, and Lieutenant W. H. Kirkland were gazetted to the Battalion. On 30th September, Captain C. D. Stewart, and on 5th October, Captain Norman Macleod, were also gazetted. Unfortunately, Captain Mackenzie-Gillanders and Captain C. D. Stewart were very shortly afterwards invalided out of the service, and for several weeks the Battalion had to carry on with Lieutenant-Colonel Haig and Captains Barron and Macleod as the only senior officers. Captain Barron acted as Adjutant of the Battalion until shortly before it went to France, where he fell at the Battle of Loos while Second in Command; Captain Macleod served with the Battalion throughout most of the War, commanding it for the last 18 months of its existence, and Lieutenant Kirkland fell while commanding a Company at Loos.

The two months spent by the Battalion at Inverness were very strenuous but very happy. It was soon recruited up to full strength, and the type of man it attracted was of a particularly high order and fine physique, as at this time the height and chest measurement for recruits had been increased. A large proportion were students and young professional men from Glasgow, where a Cameron Recruiting Office had been opened as soon as Lochiel received permission to raise the new Battalions, and it was a rule that no man was admitted unless he was a Scotsman. A considerable number of recruits also came from Inverness-shire, including not a few from the town of Inverness, where the Battalion was immensely popular. The Cameron Barracks were, of course, too small to accommodate more than a small proportion of the Battalion, but quarters were found for many in a distillery hard by. Here the comforts of life were lacking, many men having to sleep on a stone floor with only one blanket, but so fine was the spirit of the men that there was little or no grousing. The good people of Inverness, too, vied with one another in doing everything possible for all ranks. The hospitality extended to officers and men alike was unbounded, and many citizens earned the undying gratitude of the Battalion by placing their private baths at their disposal. Moreover, nearly all the halls in the town were formed into Clubs for the use of the men, and in these refreshments were dispensed in right royal fashion. No man who served with the Battalion during these two months is ever likely to forget the porridge and milk, which, in response to a well-nigh universal demand, came to be regarded as the piece de resistance on these occasions.

The first route march of the Battalion was, appropriately enough, to Culloden Moor. Then, and for several months thereafter, the men were in civilian clothes: but as time went on (so great was the keenness to wear the kilt) many members supplied themselves with the Cameron Service Dress at their own expense. By and by week-end leave was granted, but no 7th Cameron wanted to go on leave in "civvies." Few kilts were available at that time, even for those who were eager and willing to buy them, but there was, happily, a nucleus of Regulars at the Barracks who boasted the coveted garb. A tentative suggestion that these proud wearers of the kilt might perchance hire them out to their New Army brethren who were going on leave, met with a ready acquiescence, and so rapidly did the idea catch on that kilts were often booked for weeks ahead. But if a Cameron Highlander is incomplete without a kilt, so is a Cameron Battalion without a Pipe Band. Fortunately, one of the band boys at the Barracks, the son of an old Pipe-Major, was able to play the pipes, and he proudly strutted in front of the Battalion on its first route march to Culloden Moor. Before long other pipers were discovered among the recruits, and the time the Battalion left Inverness it could boast quite a respectable Pipe Band.

On 30th November the Battalion left Inverness for Aldershot. It was with many regrets that it said farewell to the "Capital of the Highlands," where it had been so kindly treated, and where the men had won golden opinions by their behaviour and discipline. In a farewell letter to Colonel Haig the Provost expressed the feeling of the citizens in the following terms:—

"The men of the Battalion have by their exemplary conduct, and their manly and courteous bearing, won favour on all hands, and it is with regret we realise that we are no longer going to have them in our midst."

The Battalion arrived at Aldershot 1136 strong, and were quartered in the Salamanca Barracks, which they shared with another Battalion of the same strength, and where they remained for several weeks. An unsolicited testimonial was given to the physique of the Battalion by an Instructor of the 5th Camerons, who saw them march into Aldershot. He declared that they were one of the finest bodies of men, physically, he had ever seen. At Aldershot a period of intensive training was put in, and the Battalion benefited greatly from the ministrations of Captain Crooks, a splendid instructor and disciplinarian, who voluntarily placed his services at its disposal.

Christmas and New Year were spent at Aldershot. On 15th January, 1915, the Battalion marched into billets at Liphook. The long march was completed in full kit without a single man falling out.

Here Major Norman MacLeod was posted to the Battalion. He had served in the Calcutta Light Horse, and for some time had acted as Musketry Instructor to the Brigade.

About this time the Battalion received its first consignment of kilts, although, as we have indicated, many of the men had already bought the full uniform privately. Owing to the difficulty of getting the different tartans and keeping up a supply in France, the War Office introduced an article called the "universal kilt." It was made of grey-brown cloth, pleated and sewn on to a waist-band of the same material like a girl's skirt. It incorporated all the disadvantages of a kilt without any of the advantages. Luckily this monstrosity was soon killed by the Highland Societies.

On 22nd February the 15th Division was inspected on Frensham Common by a distinguished French visitor under the most depressing weather conditions, as it snowed and rained alternately throughout the day.

The Battalion left Liphook and arrived at Cirencester on the 25th February. The men were practically all billeted in private houses, and never were they more happy and fit than in this fine old town. Who will ever forget the splendid deer park, with its beautiful woods and long, broad grass rides? But the kindness of the people themselves will always be uppermost in our minds. Another unique experience we must record, as it betokens a large-minded tolerance, which is to be the more appreciated and acknowledged because of its rarity even in these times. The two Scottish Battalions could find no place large enough for Divine Service, so the Authorities of the Church of England were approached, and leave was granted for 1200 men to worship in the beautiful old Parish Church. They had their own Presbyterian service under their own Presbyterian chaplain, and the organist led the praise with the old psalm tunes which Scotsmen love so dearly. Had the grand old church, with its lofty pillars, clerestory roof, and walls enshrined with memorial tablets and coats of arms, ever echoed before to such a service, so impressive and unique? Not since the days of Cromwell's Iron Rule, if even then, can the preacher have seen from the pulpit such a sea of manly faces and a sight so inspiring in its character and its associations.

About 8 miles out from Cirencester was the training area, to which we used to march in the morning and return about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, very often to fall in again about 9 or 10 p.m. for night operations. The men were now so fit that, although they had had a strenuous day, they would simply race home the 8 miles at night, singing and chaffing their comrades in front in order to urge on the pace. On 6th April the Battalion left Cirencester for Chiseldon, which was a large hutted camp on Salisbury Plain.

Lieut.-Colonel Haig, on the 22nd April, received the appointment of Commandant of the Staff Musketry Camp at Barry, Lieut.-Colonel J. W. Sandilands, D.S.O., taking over command the same day. It was with great regret that the Battalion parted with Colonel Haig. He was a thorough gentleman and sportsman, and no officer could have been found better suited for the arduous work of handling a Battalion raised under such peculiar circumstances. Lieut.-Colonel J. W. Sandilands had the advantage of having already been out at the Front, where he had commanded a Company in the 1st Battalion, and also the London Scottish. Just previous to his taking over the 7th Battalion, he had been employed as Brigade Major in the 46th Brigade of the 15th Division.

At Chiseldon the Battalion worked strenuously, and were put through their musketry course. On 12th May they marched to Park House, which was a very similar camp to Chiseldon. On 15th May the Brigade marched past Lord Kitchener, who stated that it was the finest, from a physical point of view, which he had yet seen. On 3rd June the Battalion won the 44th Brigade Championship in Highland Games, for which a silver bugle was presented by Brigadier-General M. Grant Wilkinson, M.V.O. This bugle has, along with many other prizes, since been presented to the Depot Cameron Highlanders.

On Sunday, 4th July, orders were received to proceed overseas. This news was the cause of the greatest enthusiasm amongst the men, who were eager to give practical proof of the value of their training. On 8th July the Battalion embarked on S.S. "Arundel" at Folkestone for Boulogne, and was entrained for Houle, where a few days were spent. From Houle it marched to Houchin, the men's feet suffering considerably from new boots and the paved roads. From Houchin we proceeded to Les Brèbis as a detached Battalion, and can therefore claim to be the first Battalion of the 15th Division to enter the shelled area on the Western front.

Les Brebis was being constantly shelled. It was found almost impossible to keep the men in their billets, as, being much interested in this new experience, they would rush into the streets whenever a shell burst, in order to see the effect, and to collect fragments as souvenirs. They very soon got tired of this habit.

On 21st July Lieut.-Colonel M'Dougall of Lunga, who commanded the 10th Gordon Highlanders, was killed while making a tour of the trenches. He was buried at Houchin with full Military Honours. Colonel M'Dougall was a splendid type of Highland officer and gentleman, and was the first officer casualty in the Division.

On the night of the 2/3rd August we took over the trenches for the first time at Maroc, holding the extreme right of the British line. Opposite to us were the now famous Towers of Loos, from which the enemy had good observation over our whole system. The Battalion while in reserve in this sector was billeted in Mazingarbe. While there a Church Parade was held in the grounds of the Chateau, which belonged to a rich mine owner of the district. This, although within range of the enemy's guns, was most beautifully laid out with masses of flowers and lovely lawns, through which a burn ran with cascades and pools in which gold fish sported. The owner resided here during the whole War, and when the Battalion returned in 1918 they found the garden as beautiful as ever.

On the 30th August we proceeded to Nœux-les-Mines. On return to the line the Battalion sustained its first officer casualties. On the 9th September, Lieuts. W. G. Stuart, MacDonell, and MacRae were wounded by trench mortars. Three days later rather serious casualties were caused by the enemy bombarding a saphead which we held.

On the 12th the Battalion was relieved, and went into billets at Verquin. The pipes and drums played "Retreat" each evening in the grounds of the mansion house, and also played in Bethune on the afternoon of the 19th. On the 18th the 4th Battalion marched through Verquin on its way to the trenches, and was given a very hearty reception by the 7th Battalion, the band playing them through the village.

CHAPTER 2.
THE BATTLE OF LOOS.

On the 21st we again went into the trenches, taking over the Grenay-Vermelles line, preparatory to the Battle of Loos. Shelling had now become intense, the bombardment being in full swing. Before going into the line the fact that the attack was going to take place was kept most secret, nobody below the rank of Company Commander being informed of the project. We were, therefore, somewhat surprised to learn, on getting into the line, that the Germans knew all about it. In fact we were told by those in the front line that the enemy was shouting across to our trenches asking what was the cause of the delay!

At 4.45 a.m. on the 25th the Battalion moved out to take part in its first great battle, a battle which is one of the greatest in the history of Scotland, owing to the number of Scottish troops employed. On that day there were five battalions of Camerons engaged. The morning was dull and misty, with practically no wind. At 5.50 a.m. our gas was turned on, and ran alternately with smoke candles. Owing to the lack of wind, however, it is doubtful if the gas did not do more harm than good, numerous British casualties being due to it. At 6.30 a.m. the assault was delivered, the 9th Black Watch and 8th Seaforths leading, with the 7th Camerons in support, and the 10th Gordons in reserve. The advance was practically due East towards the Towers of Loos, these being kept slightly on our right. Within a very short time the Black Watch and Seaforths got clear away.

The Camerons, following, were very shortly streaming through the village of Loos, having crossed the third German line of wire and trenches, which had been regarded as impregnable. Unfortunately, traces of the gallant part played by the Camerons in cutting this wire, which was almost untouched by Artillery fire, were too evident, the ground being strewn with dead and wounded. The houses in Loos were practically battered to pieces. Germans were being bombed out of the cellars, others bayoneted, dozens were surrendering, but nothing seemed to stay the advance of the 44th Brigade.

The Battalion Headquarters were established in a red brick building near the church, which was now a heap of ruins. There the Commanding Officer, with the Signallers and Scouts collected round him, remained in comparative security until suddenly a number of the heaviest type of high explosive shells rained down on them. All dashed for a cellar, in which was found a German soldier. Soon after it was decided to go down into the lower cellar, where we found a German officer still telephoning. It was evident that he had directed the Artillery fire upon our Headquarters. His telephone apparatus was for a long time afterwards in the possession of, and used by, the Battalion Signallers.

As the Commanding Officer was going through the village he came across two Companies of the 7th Royal Scots Fusiliers, who attached themselves to him, and all went on together to Hill 70. On their arrival at the foot of the Hill, information was received that 300/400 of the Brigade—most of them Camerons—had pressed forward over the Hill and were heavily engaged with the enemy's lines at St. Laurent. It must be remembered that the orders received before going into action were that the Battalion was to press on to the Cité St. Auguste, beside St. Laurent, which was given to them as their final objective.

Major Crichton of the 10th Gordons handed over the command of the Hill to Colonel Sandilands, who, at once realising the gravity of the situation, decided to establish a line on the reverse slope of Hill 70. Luckily here there was a sort of natural line of defence, consisting of a bank about 3 feet high, running roughly North and South along the Hill. This proved an invaluable feature to hold on to, as men instinctively rallied to it. Major Barron, 2nd in command, 7th Camerons, and Major Crichton (10th Gordons) volunteered to go forward and order the advance party, who had charged over the Hill, to retire. Both officers fell in the task, but their orders reached the advanced line, and the men began to fight their way back. Major Crichton was killed outright, while Major Barron, who was wounded and taken prisoner, died of his wounds in a German Field Hospital.

The Commanding Officer being satisfied that his right was protected by the London Regiment which was astride the Loos Crassier, ordered the Royal Scots Fusiliers to dig in for all they were worth. There is little doubt that if these two Companies had not acted contrary to the strict letter of their orders, in coming on with Colonel Sandilands, things might have gone badly with the 15th Division. About 8 a.m. the Battalion Flag, which consisted of one of the Divisional yellow distinguishing flags, with a patch of Cameron tartan taken from an old kilt sewn on to it, was planted on Hill 70, and remained flying till midnight, when we withdrew. Throughout the operations the flag was carried by Scout-Sergeant Lamb, and on more than one critical occasion he rallied men of all regiments by waving them back to the Hill. This flag has been presented to the Depot, and is now in the Officers' Mess at Inverness. About midnight, when the line had been fairly well dug, those in front were ordered to retire. It was on the forward slope of Hill 70 that the greatest number of casualties in the 7th Camerons occurred. The confusion which of necessity arises after an assault of this nature can be realised from the fact that on Hill 70 the Commanding Officer had under his command representatives from no less than nine different Battalions.

At 3 p.m. all were cheered by seeing large bodies of troops coming over the Hill, apparently to relieve us. They turned out to be part of the 1st Division, who had been delayed in the attack on our left, and not a relief. At 6 p.m. word was received that we were to be relieved by the 62nd Brigade, but owing to some error they did not arrive until early next morning.

At 8 p.m. the Commanding Officer discussed the situation with the Brigadier, and satisfied him that the position on Hill 70 was secure for the night, and, in view of the fact that the few Camerons who still remained could not influence the situation, received orders to hand over the command to Lieut.-Colonel M'Lean of the 10th Royal Scots, and to withdraw his own men. At midnight he ordered his little band of weary Camerons to retire. Not many who came out that night will very readily forget it. In drenching rain, pools of mud, and incessant shelling, they picked their way amongst the dead by the light of burning houses, and they plodded wearily on, powerless to take any notice of the wounded who lay waiting for stretcher-bearers. Mistaking the road, they made a detour through Maroc, finally fetching up at the old Headquarters, which, although it consisted merely of a badly shelled house, appeared like a sanctuary. Without calling a proper Roll the men were numbered off, and it was found that there were 4 officers and 75 other ranks present out of 20 officers and 827 rank and file who had started off so proudly 24 hours earlier. Throughout the night and early morning stragglers kept coming in, and there were finally collected 6 officers and about 290 other ranks.

Philosophe was reached about 3 a.m., and we were lucky to find the cookers waiting for us, and, after having some tea, both officers and men slept on the ground, too exhausted to take any notice of the mud or water. The usual rumours of going back for a long rest were prevalent, a rest which was often talked about but never matured. However, about 8 a.m. 26th September, a Staff Officer came over and said that the battle was going far from well, and that there was no alternative but to send the remnant of the Battalion back into the fight. It is impossible to realise the feelings of men under such circumstances. They fell in, and went straight back, picking their way through Quality Street, which by this time was literally running with blood and blocked with wounded. On they went amidst a hail of gas shells, pushing their way through bunches of disorganised troops—raw recruits who had never before experienced the sights of a battlefield, and arriving finally at the old German front-line, where they found the trench so full of gas that they had to dig themselves in behind the parados. They held this position well on into the Monday morning, when they were finally relieved. Twenty-four hours after this these men marched out of Mazingarbe, headed by the pipes and drums, with their buttons cleaned and their equipment polished in so smart a manner that they were mistaken for a new draft, and were greeted with shouts from those whom they passed: "Wait till you have been in the trenches, and you won't look like that."

Our casualties for the day were:—

Colonel Sandilands received the following letter from Colonel The Mackintosh of Mackintosh:—

"Invergordon, 12th October, 1915.

Dear Sandilands,

"Let me express the feelings of all here. We are proud of the dash and gallantry shewn by the 7th Battalion Cameron Highlanders under your command at the taking of Hill 70 at the Battle of Loos. To command such officers and men is indeed enviable—they have added fresh glory to the Cameron Highlanders, and their deeds will live in history.

"From my son, who was A.D.C. to General Sir Arthur Paget, Commanding the Salisbury Division, I heard what Field Marshal Lord Kitchener said about the 7th Battalion: 'It is far the finest Battalion of the new Army I have seen,' no mean compliment from such an authority who knows how to judge soldiers.

"Yours truly,

"A. MACKINTOSH OF MACKINTOSH, Colonel,
"3rd Cameron Highlanders."

The next three days were spent in the support line, which was not very much more comfortable, but distinctly safer. The following three days we had a bad time. The rain came down in torrents during the relief, and continued incessantly for 40 hours. It is very difficult even to imagine the misery and discomfort which the men suffered. The so-called trenches were full of water and mud up to the men's knees. It was almost impossible for the ration and water parties to get either up or down.

During the second afternoon of this downpour the German Artillery got on to our front line trench, blew in a machine-gun emplacement and knocked down a considerable portion of the parapet, one man being killed and two wounded. The parapet was rebuilt during the night. Next morning nothing particular happened, but in the afternoon the German guns again opened a heavy enfilade fire, resulting in 11 men being killed and 21 wounded, and the parapet being very badly knocked about. It was a very trying experience for new troops, and there is little doubt that the Battalion deserved great credit for taking their punishment so well.

The following day we were relieved, and went back into the support trenches, and finally marched back to Noeux-les-Mines on 7th November. On 17th November Major R. B. C. Raban joined the Battalion as Second in Command. Christmas and New Year were celebrated at Allouagne, and here too was held a Divisional Boxing Exhibition, the principal event being an exciting 10 rounds fight between Private O'Rourke of the Camerons, and Sergt. Macleod of the Seaforths, the latter winning.

On the 14th January, 1916, the Battalion returned to the trenches, taking over section 14 bis on Hill 70. During this tour there was attached to us "C" Company of the 6th Royal Irish Regiment for instruction. Mining operations had now started in earnest, and this involved heavy trench mortar and shell fire, causing numerous casualties. It was during this tour of duty that we found and buried the body of Lieut.-Colonel A. F. Douglas Hamilton, V.C. He was lying just where he had been killed, and, although it was remarkable that his body had not been discovered before, yet it was a source of satisfaction to all that he should have finally been buried by the officers and men of the Regiment in which he had served, and of which he was so proud. On the 23rd March "B" Company proceeded to Labuissiere for duty at 1st Corps Headquarters. The Battalion was to have been inspected by the Commander of the 1st Corps on the 24th March, but owing to snow it was cancelled. Next day we railed to Lillers, and marched to billets in Allouagne. On the 3rd April Major R. Raban left, on being appointed to the Command of the 13th Royal Scots, and was therefore struck off the strength.

On the 13th April Colonel Sandilands relinquished the Command of the Battalion on being promoted Brigadier-General Commanding the 104th Infantry Brigade. He was given a great send off by the officers and men of the Battalion, who lined the street of Allouagne in his honour.

The following article, which was written by Colonel Sandilands as a brief review of the period during which he commanded the Battalion, appeared in the April Number of The 79th News, 1916:—

A YEAR'S COMMAND.

It is now just a year since I took over command of the 7th Battalion, but in some ways it seems like ten years since I arrived at Chiseldon.

Out of the 1000 men serving then, how many are there still with us in the trenches?

Whatever officers and men there may be, must recall at times the old days which we spent so happily together. The training on the Downs, the long dusty march to Park House: these are now things of the past.

As we wade about in mud and water, it seems like a dream to think of Tower Hill, where we used to lie amongst the trees, well concealed from Generals, and eat our dinners from the cookers, which in those days were strange machines of unknown habits.

The Highland Brigade Championship; the Officers' Riding School; the gramophone in the Canteen; the sixpenny novels; Officers Mess garden, which never produced a blade of grass; finally, the Sunday when we got our orders to go to France, the suppressed excitement of the Channel crossing, our triumphant march through Boulogne with pipes and drums in full swing—how many of us are still alive who remember these days?

It is amusing now to think of the difficulty we had in taking over billets at Houle, and the deadly silence in which we marched from Gonnehem, on the night when the regimental dog was lost, with his tartan coat and regimental badges.

How many men are still left from those who rushed out of the houses at Brèbis to see the shells bursting, and who dug at Maroc in the firm belief that they were exposed to untold dangers? What letters used to be written home in those days to fond mothers, describing the hardships, the terrific shell fire, and the groans of the dying. No doubt these mothers were moved to tears at the thoughts of what their sons were suffering, little knowing of the peace and quiet of the trenches at Maroc and Quality Street.

But if the same mothers could have seen their sons in the trenches at Hulluch in October, they would have good reason to weep. Liquid mud up to one's knees; the parapets consisting of half-buried Germans; a perfect hail of shells at intervals throughout the day and night!

In those days it took me three solid hours to drag myself through the mud and water on my morning round of perhaps 2 miles. Officers and men alike were caked with mud.

What an afternoon that was when the parapet was blown in and we lost 12 killed and 25 wounded in a few minutes! I shall never forget seeing boys who might well have been still at school, pinched with hunger and cold, sitting crouched under a waterproof sheet, fumbling with their frozen fingers, trying to open a letter from home. This letter was probably their one gleam of light in their horrible surroundings; and yet they never complained, but stuck to it like Camerons. I used to curse in my heart the loafers at home who ought to have been out here, instead of leaving it to lads who never should have been exposed to a winter in the trenches.

Who is there left in the Battalion that used to come to the garden at Verquin to listen to the drums and pipes playing Retreat, in the days when we first began to know that we were to take part in one of the greatest battles of the age?

The little broken-down house, which was the Battalion Headquarters at Philosophe the night before Loos, is still there. Quality Street, instead of being a peaceful little village where one lived in comparative safety, is now battered every day by German shells.

How many men are there still in the ranks who clambered over the parapet on the 25th, and joined in that mad rush which struck terror into the Bavarian regiments who were up against us? I do not suppose that in any case there can be many who have a clear recollection of what actually did happen in the charge, or on that fateful afternoon when the remnant of the 44th Brigade hung on to Hill 70, silent and grim in their determination to hold the Hill for Scotland. The bank behind which we first began to dig is still there, and easily recognised, just between the firing and support line.

What a weary little party returned to Philosophe that night! What a shambles Quality Street was next morning when we went back through it to hold the old German line.

Even Christmas at Allouagne, the concerts in the Recreation Room, and the boxing in the Hospital yard, are beginning to fade away in the distance.

Although we have recently been lucky, yet there are many of our comrades who marched off from Noeux-les-Mines in January, but will never answer their names again at Roll Call. Some have been buried at Loos, within a few yards of where we fought on the 25th, and some have been buried in the trenches.

I often wonder whether the men of the Battalion realise the link that is being formed amongst us. Do they realise, when the war is over, the longing to see some of their old officers again will be such as to defy description? Do they realise that little acts of unselfishness and kindness, performed every day in the trenches, will be amongst their most treasured remembrances, no matter whether they go out into the world or return to a life of ease and comfort? Then it may be that for the first time the old saying, "Once a Cameron always a Cameron," will come home to them in its full intensity.

J. W. S.

29/2/1916.

CHAPTER 3.
HULLUCH LOOS SECTOR.

On the 26th April the Battalion returned to the trenches under the command of Major T. L. Cunningham, relieving the 7th Royal Sussex Regiment in the Quarry Sector. By this time the mining operations had made the front line into a series of craters, and the shelling of the enemy had become increasingly severe. The following day the R.E. blew up the right leg of "Hairpin." We lost several men in the bombardment which followed, the usual practice after exploding a mine being that the enemy would start firing trench mortars, which would be replied to by our field guns, the enemy in return firing his whizzbangs and howitzers on our front line system. The 4th of May saw 3 more mines exploded in the Hairpin crater, after which our bombers advanced to secure the lip of the crater. The enemy counter-attacked, and a very severe fight took place between our bombers and the enemy, in which we finally drove him back to his original position, while we held the crater. After the attack the enemy gave our trenches a long and severe bombardment, which caused many casualties.

The Battalion was relieved on the 11th May by the 7th K.O.S.B.'s, and proceeded to La Bourse in Divisional Reserve. Here the men enjoyed good baths, the time being filled up with odd parades and finding the inevitable working parties for the front line of trenches. On the 13th May Major C. H. Marsh, D.S.O., of the 18th Lancers, who had lately commanded the 7th K.O.S.B.'s, took over command of the Battalion from Major Cunningham, who had been in command since the departure of Brigadier-General Sandilands.

Colonel J. W. Sandilands, C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O.,

commanded from 22nd April, 1915, to 13th April, 1916.

On the 14th May the Battalion was put under the orders of the 46th Brigade, and on the 19th relieved the A. and S. H. in the left sub-sector of the "Hohenzollern." Mining operations were still in full swing, the enemy exploding a mine near "Argyll Sap," which filled in the "Hogs Back" and part of "Northumberland Trench." It was a complete surprise, and many men were buried and injured by the falling debris, "C" Company suffering the worst, there being 3 killed and 45 wounded. The Battalion was to have been relieved that night, but the relief had to be postponed in order that the saps and trenches might be cleared before handing over. About the 22nd May everyone began to expect a Boche attack, as the Intelligence Reports constantly contained references to large enemy working-parties and abnormal transport movements. In one instance as many as 5,000 men were reported as being seen moving in our direction. Two prisoners were also taken, who confirmed the report that the enemy intended attacking and using gas. Apparently our counter-action proved effective, as no attack ever took place.

On the 28th June, in the right sub-sector of the "Hohenzollern," 4 patrols from "C" and "D" Companies, under the commands of Second-Lieuts. Drew, Goudie, Currie and M'Crostie, attempted to raid the enemy's lines after a discharge of gas. Three of the patrols found the wire uncut and the trench strongly held by the enemy. "A Bangalore Torpedo," which was to be used to cut the wire, was unfortunately hit in the trench, and, exploding as the raiders were getting into position, killed the men who were carrying it. The fourth patrol, however, under Lieut. Goudie, succeeded in reaching the enemy's front line. This they bombed, and then returned to our own lines. One of the patrol being killed, Lieut. Goudie, Sergeant Small, and Private Heely tried to bring back the body, but had to abandon the attempt owing to the enemy's heavy machine gun fire. The total casualties were 9 men killed and 19 other casualties.

On the 18th July our Engineers blew up "Border Redoubt" at the junctions of "Riflemen's Alley" and "Alexandria Trench." Instructions had been given that after the explosion the far lip of the crater was to be consolidated. This proved a difficult job, but we were ordered to persevere with it. The explosion formed two craters, which were heavily bombarded with rifle grenades and aerial darts by the enemy, who evidently had no intention of trying to consolidate the crater himself. Three different attempts were made to get into the further crater, and within a few seconds, on each occasion, every man was a casualty, as the whole movement was under observation of the enemy. However, after many hours arduous work, lying flat on the stomach and scraping with an entrenching tool, a trench of sorts sufficient to hold the far lip of the crater was formed. The work was arduous and trying, as well as dangerous, but the officers and men stuck to it bravely. The following afternoon a Staff Officer came up with beautifully drawn plans for consolidating the near lip of the craters, a scheme which, if originally carried out, would have saved many lives.

Amongst the wounded was Major Cunningham, who had been with the Battalion since it came to France in 1915, and who had commanded the Battalion from the time General Sandilands left until Colonel Marsh was appointed. He was a good officer, a fearless man, and liked by all.

On 22nd July the Battalion was relieved by the Royal Berkshire Regiment, and proceeded to Houchin. It was not realised at the time that we were leaving this area for good, but as it turned out we were not to return again to Hulluch-Loos sector until practically the end of the war. The men were glad to get away from a sector where all the worst modern appliances of war were used in abundance. Here they had spent their first winter, and fought their first great battle, and the names of Hulluch Alley, Gordon Alley, etc., will be imprinted in their memories for many a day. These long communication trenches were nearly always half-full of muddy water, but, luckily, as we were wearing kilts, it was an easy matter to either lift them up or to take them off, hang them round the shoulders, and by this means arrive comparatively dry in the front line, which was not the fate of the trousered Battalions. When going into the line these Battalions were soaking wet before they arrived there, and if coming out, not only arrived wet at their billets, but had to carry all the extra weight of the mud, etc., which had saturated into their puttees and trousers—a thing that told considerably on tired troops marching for several miles.

It was certainly a very trying sector. There was never a tour without several casualties from mines, "Flying Pigs," and, especially, aerial darts, which infernal machines, many were convinced, were covered with a poisonous paint. We shall hazard no opinion on this point, but it is curious to note that many a man who only received the slightest wounds from them died from the effects. The work was exceedingly hard, as the trenches were constantly being blown in or filled up with debris of mines and explosives. Working parties had to be found to repair this damage, as well as to carry the spoil out of the mines. Mine carrying parties were detailed in 8-hours shifts, every man working one shift in 24 hours. The work consisted of going down the mine shaft and carrying up bags of spoil which were then emptied. The carrying of lumps of chalk in the sand-bags up the stairs became not only sore on the back, but exceedingly wearisome to the legs. In addition to this the same men had to be used for trench repairs, carrying parties for trench stores, rations, etc., so that it can be easily understood that there was little time for sleep or rest.

In spite of all this, many men were sorry to leave the district where they had made a number of good friends among the mining villagers in their billets. Especially did they enjoy a rest in Bethune, where some of the attractions of the town could be indulged in. They would sooner have taken the risks and hard work of this area, and get back to billets which were occupied by women and children, than have enjoyed the safeness of some of the quieter areas where life was much more monotonous.

One has often heard grumbles at the French peasant for such things as making a charge for the use of buckets to draw water with. But when one learned the number of buckets which were lost a certain sympathy grew towards the owner. It was surprising how domesticated most of the men became, helping in the houses and playing with the children, for Jock is a kind-hearted fellow.

The possibilities for bathing in this area were also good. Many of the large coal mines had a splendid system of baths at the minehead. The French miner keeps his clothes at the mine, and when he has done his day's work there is a good spray bath heated by the exhaust steam waiting for him. After that he puts on his ordinary clothes, leaving his working clothes to be dried for the next day. There were also large wooden towers used for cooling and condensing purposes, the water dropping from the top into a tank 40 or 50 feet long and about 6 feet deep. These made splendid bathing ponds, where the men were able to enjoy a swim, even when the weather was inclined to be cold, as the water was always more or less warm.

"Hutments," such as existed towards the end of the war, had not yet come into use, so that men were billeted in houses and farms, some occupied and some not. There were few sadder sights, or one which brought home the horrors of war, than some of those deserted mining villages. The once pretty little gardens now buried under the bricks, mortar, and beams of the shattered houses, through which an odd flower would force its way, the roses still clinging to the broken garden railings. Inside the house was strewn with women's clothing, children's toys, perambulators, etc., pointing out how hurriedly the once happy home had been sacrificed in order to escape the enemy's shells, or even greater cruelties, for the Hun was no respecter of women or children. What anguish of heart these poor women must have suffered. Hay lofts made good billets, but trouble lay for the unwary, as there was no floor, the hay being supported on the top of beams. If the layer of hay was thin through you went. A stout sergeant, while taking roll call one night, thus suddenly disappeared. Luckily his fall was broken by landing on the back of a cow sleeping below, much to its surprise and annoyance.

CHAPTER 4.
THE SOMME BATTLE, 1916.

We now received definite orders that we were to leave the area and to move in a southerly direction. We were not told where we were going, but as we knew the Battle of the Somme had started, it was not difficult to guess. The only point which might have raised any doubt in our minds was the fact that the men had been worked almost to a standstill in the sector which we were leaving, and they had been encouraged to do so by being informed on more than one occasion by the Higher Command that this activity was the part they were called upon to play in order to assist in the great attack which was going on further south. However, we had all become old soldiers by this time, and therefore quite expected to learn that, in spite of such promises, it had become necessary to employ us in the battle line, and we set off cheerfully southwards with the full intention of once more proving to the Boches what we could do in the lighting line. In fact, many would have been sorry, in their hearts, had a big battle taken place without our Battalion having a hand in it. It would have been looked upon as a reflection on the Battalion that a big fight could possibly be carried through without our aid!

We started this march on the 23rd July, and proceeded to Dievel, where we had two days' rest. From there we continued the march through Gouy, Occoches, Autheux, Maours, Mirvaux and Lahoussoue, arriving near Albert on the 8th August. This march was one of the most enjoyable periods which the Battalion spent in France. The weather was extremely hot, and the marching was done in the early morning, generally starting an hour or so before dawn, and completing the march by 9 or 10 a.m. This saved us trudging along in the burning heat, and also allowed the men the remainder of the day for rest or amusement. The route was well behind the line, through villages which had not been destroyed. As a rule we were not billeted in the houses, but bivouaced in fields, if possible beside a river, where the men were able to bathe and play games. It was noticeable how physique and spirits improved as the march went on, and by the time we reached Albert we were all on the top of our form.

At Albert we once more bivouaced in a field on the south side of the main road, about one mile west of the town. By this time we were quite experienced at making shelters out of all kinds of odds and ends. When at Albert we adopted the plan of wearing the smoke-helmet as a sporran. This was not only a very convenient way of carrying it behind the lines, but when the satchel was properly washed it also looked very smart. It was soon possible to realise the severity of the fighting, as there was abundant evidence of the action which had taken place over the area. There was hardly a square yard of ground that was not ploughed up by shell, the whole area being composed of holes of different sizes. On the 17th we moved forward. As we marched through Albert we saw that wonderful sight of the statue of the Virgin and Child which had been on the top of the cathedral tower originally, but, having been hit by a shell, now stood out at right angles overlooking the square. The Child, held out at arms length over the head of the blessed Virgin, appeared to be gazing at and invoking a blessing on the troops passing below. We were now to take the switch-line, which formed part of the German system of trenches in front of Contalmaison. We had previously prepared our jumping-off trenches, which we left at 8.55 a.m., following strong artillery barrage. The German front-line was taken without much difficulty, many of the enemy surrendering. We reached our objective and started digging in, but the enemy developed a bombing attack from a trench on our right, and Captain MacRae, along with Lieut. Orr, started counter-bombing. Our supply of bombs began to give out, but happily there were large numbers of German bombs lying about, and with these we were able to do good execution, especially as we found that we could get a longer range with these than with our own. Luckily, when we were getting short handed from casualties, we were able to get the assistance of two platoons of the 9th Gordons to carry bombs from the rear up to our bombers.

In the meantime it was apparent that, owing to casualties, we were not sufficiently strong to hold the elbow and force the trench where the Germans had formed a block. Unfortunately, the Stokes Gun Team had been put out of action. Lieut. Anderson, who was in charge of the guns, did magnificent work for a time, feeding and firing the guns himself while the team were sent away to fetch more ammunition. Our casualties had now been severe, and it was evidently necessary to form a further attack to clear the remainder of the trenches if we were to maintain the ground already won. This was organised with the assistance of a party of the Seaforth Highlanders who had arrived as a carrying party. About this time it was noticed that the Germans were massing near the Martinpuich-Pozieres road, but our artillery soon brought their fire on to them and broke them up. Our counter-attack was launched at 5.50 p.m., and was entirely successful.

Our casualties were heavy, 5 officers being killed and 9 wounded, while among the rank and file 44 were killed, 16 were missing believed killed, and 167 wounded. For this action we received several congratulations, that from the G.O.C. 4th Army stating:—

"Please convey the Army Commander's congratulations to the 15th and 1st Divisions on their successes and the enterprise they are displaying, which is invaluable at this stage of the battle."

We carried on in this area up till the 19th September, when we were relieved by the 8th Yorks of the 23rd Division, and went back into Divisional reserve at Framvillers.

Here we remained carrying out training until the 5th October, when we once more marched up and bivouaced at Beaucourt, going into the front line on the 11th, which by this time had been advanced as far as Le Sars. On the 13th October the Regimental Sergeant-Major, A. K. Scott, D.C.M., was killed. He had joined the Battalion early in 1914, and had been with it ever since. He was an exceptionally good R.S.M., a strict disciplinarian, handling those under him with tact, a splendid organiser for whom no amount of work seemed too much. A brave man and a born soldier, he was respected and beloved by all who came in contact with him. The weather now was broken and the ground was becoming a quagmire, owing to the innumerable shell-holes being full of water. Our front line consisted of a series of these shell-holes, which made all movements by day impossible, and at night, owing to the lack of any sort of landmarks, it was the simplest thing possible to lose one's way. The reserve positions were at Contal-maison. It was a long weary march from the front line back to this point, threading one's way in the dark between the shell-holes. Afterwards there was a duckboard track, but as it was well known to the enemy it was often shelled. It was especially hard upon Lewis Gun Teams and Bombers, who had to carry their supplies of drums and ammunition and bags of bombs. We tried once or twice leaving our ammunition and taking over the relieving Battalion's so as to save carrying, but the men always complained that the ammunition, etc., handed over to them was dirty, and they would prefer to stick to their own.

It was exhausting enough walking through the mud in ordinary kit, but the physical exertion became almost unendurable at the end of two or three hours when a man, in addition to his rifle and 120 rounds, had to carry a heavy load which caused him to sink deep in the mud at every step. One was filled with admiration at the pluck and endurance of the young lads who did it.

It was intended that we should carry out another attack, but, although the Battalion moved twice up to the line for this purpose, on each occasion it had to be postponed, as the weather had rendered the ground impassable. Jumping-off trenches, however, were prepared. On one occasion, when the attack looked imminent, the Battalion was brought back into the line, the Brigadier stating that the parties who had been put on to the work had not been able to make much progress, and that he felt sure that if we took it on it would be completed. This nice compliment compensated us for being brought back into the line before our time, and spurred on the men to finish the task—which they did.

On the 4th November we once more went into Divisional Reserve at Bresle. Here we took over a camp which had been kept in splendid order. Even the tent boards had been thoroughly scrubbed by those before us, which created in our minds a very favourable impression of the outgoing Battalion. The camp stood on high ground outside the village. We were given the choice of being billeted in the village or occupying the camp, but the advantages of all being together in a clean place more than compensated for not going into billets which at the best appeared very dirty. The cold, however, was intense, the water being frozen solid inside the tent every morning. The officers rather envied the men sleeping in a crowded tent, as they had a better chance of being warm. So far, unfortunately, we had only been able to get one blanket per man. The cold did not, however, affect the men's health. The way in which health improved even in the trenches when the frost came was remarkable. No doubt it must have saved the spreading of infection, as in the line there were still a great many dead lying unburied, and every shell-hole was full of stagnant water.

We carried out a varied programme of training, being lucky enough to have a rifle-range close at hand. By this time the Army was once more realising the advantages of the rifle, which had for some time been sadly neglected in favour of the bomb, an instrument which is exceedingly useful in trench warfare where the sap-heads and trenches are a few yards from each other, but perfectly useless in more or less open warfare. The average man could not throw a bomb more than 20/30 yards, and at that range it was almost as dangerous to the thrower as to the enemy. It was extraordinary, however, what a hold it got of the troops, a large part of even the home training evidently being devoted to it. Our main object now was to make the men realise that their best friend was their rifle. There is a story told of one instance where a man was seen chasing a Boche within 30/40 yards of him in order to try and get within easy bombing distance! It apparently never struck him that with his rifle the Boche was a certain target at this distance.

We also had good ground at Bresle for practice in the construction of strong points. At this time plenty of amusement could always be got by visiting the officer's riding school, carried on from 7 to 8 in the morning. The whole day, however, was not devoted merely to instructional training, part of every afternoon being devoted to sports, especially football. Even in the hottest weather or after a long march the men would hardly be in their billets before somebody had the football out.

The Brigade Games were held here, and everyone went in for all sorts of training with the object of trying to win the Championship. The sports were held in the field below our camp on the 21st November, the Championship events being the 100 yards, the mile, the cross country race, the long and high jumps, the tug-of-war, putting the weight, tossing the caber, and football. The points scored were:—

So that we, for the third time, won the silver bugle, as the Champions of the Brigade. The tug-of-war was a most tremendous affair, the final of which was an all over pull, lasting about 25 minutes. The Camerons' team in the first period of the pull were over with the exception of three men, but by degrees they slowly recovered themselves, and finally, by a sort of cross between a war dance and a quick march, they pulled the other team over the line. The excitement was intense! The training for this event was very amusing. On both sides the trainers were old soldiers who had competed with each other many times before in India and elsewhere. If either Sergt.-Major while training his team saw the other approaching, it did not matter how far off, the training would promptly cease, as they were certain that the opponent was out to gain tips! Sergt.-Major Vass was responsible for the splendid training of the winning Cameron team.

While at Bresle we had the honour of being inspected by the G.O.C. in C., Field Marshal Sir Douglas Haig. He complimented us highly on the part we had taken in the Battle of the Somme, and expressed himself as greatly pleased with the appearance of the Battalion.

On the 1st December we moved back once more into Albert, via Laviville and Millencourt, preparatory to going into the line. While behind the line we had a strenuous time cleaning and repairing the roads. The Corps Commander issued a special Order, stating that "He wished to place on record his great appreciation of the work done by the troops on the roads, railways, and tramlines during our last six weeks in the Corps area, and that with the adverse conditions he fully realised the great amount of extra work which it involved, but trusted that all ranks would realise how essential the work was in view of future operations, and, further, for their own welfare."

Moving into "Scots Redoubt," on the 16th, we once more took up our duty in the front line. By this time trench feet began to appear—a trouble which always existed during the mud, cold and wet of winter. It was a satisfaction to know, however, that the Highland Brigade suffered less in this respect than any other brigade in the Division, the possible reason being the wearing of hose tops instead of puttees. When the puttee gets wet it is very apt to shrink and press upon the leg, interfering with the circulation. The Highlanders, however, were able to wear two pairs of hose tops, thereby keeping the men's legs warm without interfering with the circulation, by pressing the feet into boots when wearing two pairs of socks. They acted the same way as mittens do for the hands. It is pleasing to realise that the Highland garb once more proved of value as a fighting kit. In order to prevent trench feet all men had to rub their feet and legs with whale oil. This order had to be carried out most strictly, fault always being found if it was not done.

On one occasion, when some men were in the outpost line for 12 hours—which consisted of a small shell-hole full of water—one of them developed trench feet on his return. Fault was found because he had gone 12 hours without oiling his feet, even although he had done so immediately before going on and coming off duty. On it being pointed out that it was impossible for a man to go through this performance while standing in water in an exposed shell-hole, the reply came back that there was no reason why he should not stand on one foot, lift the other out of the water, oil it and put it back again! A performance which no doubt seemed simple to those behind the lines, but was not so easily carried out in practice. Another point which was insisted on was trying to get the men to put on dry socks. Of course it was quite impossible to dry the socks in the line, but some genius behind the lines was struck with the brilliant idea that the men should carry a sock in each trouser pocket, which would be an effective way of drying them. This order was circulated around the whole of the Highland Brigade, without anybody realising the difficulty that a man in the kilt would have in finding his trouser pockets!

No movement could take place near the outpost lines in daylight, which necessitated the C.O. and others, if they wished to see the outpost and forward lines, making a tour just before sunrise. Hardly was there a day that the Brigadier and his staff did not go round these posts, no matter whether they were deep in mud or snow. There being no continuous line of trenches, it was the simplest thing to lose one's way. One morning an officer who had just relieved one of the posts, bringing with him the rum ration, set out to walk over to the next post in order to give them their ration. It was a foggy morning with snow on the ground, and, unfortunately, he missed the post and wandered on into the German lines, the Battalion thereby losing a very capable officer and also the rum ration, which from the men in the post's point of view, was possibly the more serious. The enemy, however, were apt to do the same, and on more than one occasion we got German prisoners who had wandered from their own line.

We were unfortunate enough to have to spend Christmas in the front line, but were relieved on Christmas night, and moved back to Shelter Wood. It was quite impossible to hold our Christmas and New Year dinner there, as the camps were hardly more comfortable than the front line. The mud was indescribable, and it was with the greatest difficulty that ordinary rations could be got. Thanks to the sea of mud, it was not possible to distinguish between the points where the road was solid and where there was a shell hole. It was no uncommon sight to see a mule team up to their necks in water. Sometimes it even necessitated the wretched animals being destroyed. One of the senior officers took it upon himself to try and cope with the mud in the camp, and was promptly appointed "O.C. Mud!" His system was to cut trenches into which the mud was pushed by means of a kind of shovel, then everybody stood along the trench armed with more of these shovels and kept the mud on the move till it reached the edge of the camp. The idea was good, but unfortunately mud seemed to be created as quickly as it was removed, and for those moving about at night these trenches with their slimy contents were regular traps.

In consequence of the difficulties of transport all stores were very short, especially coal. One had, therefore, to resort to all kinds of means in order to get fuel. Luckily, what once had been beautiful woods were situated near the camp, but now all the trees were smashed and torn up by artillery. There were strict orders, however, that no wood should be cut without permission being received from the French Woods and Forests Department, Paris. The acting C.O. used, therefore, to sally forth into the wood with a party of men to collect fuel, much to the fear of the Adjutant, who always expected to see him arrested for doing so. He, however, calmed his conscience (if that was necessary) by only removing the fallen timber.

It was our fate to spend Hogmanay of this year once again in the front line. It was generally expected that the Boches would do something to celebrate the occasion, but luckily our prophecies proved wrong.

We could look back on the old year 1916, with pride. We had done a lot of hard work and strenuous fighting. In spite of heavy casualties, the Battalion was as keen and efficient as ever. Our successes had added to our esprit de corps. We were no longer a new Battalion without a history. We could now draw inspiration from the feats of arms we had ourselves accomplished, as well as from that of the old Regiment to which we were all so proud to belong.

Sometimes one wonders if the ardour of the work, apart from its discomfort and danger, is fully realised by those who never experienced it. How often has one heard those at home remark: "Oh, yes, while you fellows are fighting, we are doing our bit at home—we have curtailed our holidays, and we don't get away from our work till 6 and 7 at night." Even Staff Officers would impress on you the long hours they worked, and without doubt most of them did work hard: an officer at G.H.Q. would be in his office by 9 a.m., and, with the exception of meal hours and an hour for necessary exercise, he would not leave his duties till after 10 p.m. While all this is admitted, yet it would be wrong to imagine that the Regimental Officer did not also have long hours. Moreover, when his work was done he had no comfortable bed in which to rest. Even to take one's clothes off was looked upon as a luxury. It might be of interest, therefore, to put on record an ordinary day's work of a Company Commander in the line.

During the day he was kept busy with inspecting his line, visits from Staff Officer, making up returns, answering correspondence, organising night working parties, indenting for material, and the many other matters of the daily routine. At night again, when the rations came up, the C.Q.M.S. would arrive for instructions regarding pay, rations, detailing of men for leave, courses, etc. After that he had working parties to visit, sentries to be inspected, examining localities which could not be visited in daylight, officers coming from patrols to interview, prepare and write out patrol and other reports which had to be at Brigade Headquarters before 6 a.m. These are some of the duties which occupied him during the night. From this it can be realised that the officer in the line generally got two or three hours sleep at odd intervals during the night, and with luck another two hours during the day. And remember that he had to sleep often in a damp shelter or draughty dug-out in his wet clothes without even a valise to lie on, many a time with not so much as a blanket to roll round him. When behind the line in "rest billets" he was more comfortable, as he would have his "flea-bag" on the floor of a Nissen hut, but still he was hard worked. His day was occupied with training, clothing, etc., and his evening with preparing training programmes and the many other details of running a Company. There were also night working parties of which he would have to take his turn every third or fourth night, when he would be up until 3 or 4 in the morning. From this the civilian who thinks he was hard worked by doing eight hours a day without any days off (on big pay) can realise that the soldier was doing as much, if not more, with all the discomforts and risks over and above.

On the 18th January Lieut.-Colonel D. E. M. M. Crichton took over command of the Battalion, Colonel Marsh having gone down the line sick. We were all sorry to part with Colonel Marsh, who was a good soldier, and who had been with us through all the fighting in the Somme. He was suffering from fever, the result of many years service in India, and which had been aggravated by the exposure of wintering in the Somme. Life under the best circumstances was most miserable, but to have all the depression of fever on the top of it must have been exceedingly trying, although many of us at the time did not know what he had to endure.

One of our experiences about this time was a dug-out fire, some brilliant genius putting a brazier on the top of a box of Verey-lights, which after a time went off and started shooting about the dug-out. The dug-out was situated in the front line in the Le Sars sunken road, which was generally a sea of mud, often overflowing down into the dug-out. One would have thought that it was impossible for any of the timber saturated with mud and water to burn. This soon proved to be wrong, as the fire worked its way up one of the stairs, getting a splendid down-draught from the others. The place was soon a roaring furnace. The officers and men set about building up a barricade with sandbags. This was an exciting experience, for the Verey-lights kept shooting about as the fire increased in intensity, and might at any moment have set fire to the boxes of bombs, etc. One of the men actually ordered an officer out with the remark, "it was no place for him," when he began to realise the danger. Perhaps this was not strictly in accordance with the idea of army discipline, but at any rate it shewed the good spirit and affection that existed between the officers and men.

At the beginning of February we were relieved by the 5th Australian Brigade, the 18th Australian Battalion relieving the Camerons. We went back through Becourt to Contay, where we went into corps reserve, nominally for a rest, but practically for intensive training. In this little village we at last got the opportunity of holding our long-delayed Christmas and New Year dinner, which took place by Companies. The 2nd in Command and the Padre proceeded to Amiens to purchase provisions for the revels—pigs, wine, beer, etc. The first had to be bought alive in the Pig Market, where acquaintance was struck up with the most villainous looking Frenchman. The porkers were chosen from the fat ones that squealed the loudest when poked in the ribs by the Padre's stick. The dinners were a great success. The Parish Priest was a guest at the Officer's dinner, and appeared to be a good judge of wine, and thoroughly to enjoy his meal, besides being a very jolly old gentleman.

CHAPTER 5.
BATTLE OF ARRAS, 1917.

Our rest was not for long, however, as we started once more to move north on the 15th February, leaving the Somme area for good. All will look back upon the Somme as a sort of horrible nightmare of mud and water, of scarcity of fresh meat rations, fuel, etc., of long and weary marches up to Le Sars and back again to the camps in "Scots Redoubt" and Metz Wood, where the conditions were almost as bad as in the front line. Not a place where the men could be entertained, not a Y.M.C.A. or other hut within miles of the front line, not a civilian to be seen. The Lewis Gunners had a specially hard time of it pulling their hand carts through the mud and shell-holes. The design was selected at home, doubtless with great care, but they must have been tested on the Guards' Parade or other sound ground. For the work in hand it would be difficult to imagine a worse pattern than that of these carts with their thin iron wheels set close in to the side of the cart and without any guiding pole or shafts. Luckily they were soon abandoned. The cold in the line during the winter was intense. Owing to the muddy conditions the men could not take their great coats with them, but they were now so hardy that this exposure did not affect their health.

Now and then an officer was able to "lorry jump" back to Amiens, and spend the evening round Charlie's Bar, or dine at a most excellent restaurant, where the dinners and wines were good and the waitresses pleasing to look upon. In fact, the sight of a woman, however ugly, was a delight. We fitted up at Albert a house which acted as a kind of rest billet for those suffering from slight ailments. The Town Major was always threatening to turn us out, but we contrived to keep sufficiently in his favour to prevent this catastrophe. We managed to fit up a long passage as a drying room, with the assistance of some water pipes which the R.E.'s kindly dumped in the square in front of the house, and which we quietly appropriated during the night. This house proved of the greatest value, as the temporarily sick were employed in washing socks and hose tops, which were dried in this room, so that every night we were able to send up a supply of dry socks, etc., to the men in the line in exchange for their dirty wet ones. No doubt this rest had an excellent effect on the men's health, and saved many from having to go to hospital.

The transport were generally in lines about La Boiselle Crater. Sometimes those in the front line imagined that the transport had a "cushy" time. But one is rather apt to think that the "other man" has the best of a bargain. No doubt they did not suffer the casualties of front-line troops, but their hours were long and weary. By night they struggled up with the rations, etc., often through shell fire, their carts up to the axles in mud, and the mules sometimes being nearly drowned by falling into shell-holes, out of which it was a long and weary business to extricate them. During the day they had to clean and feed their animals and collect the rations from the "train." They thus were working practically night and day, in all weathers and during all hours. It was wonderful how the men and animals were able to carry on.

We left Contay with regret. This was the first place where we had seen any sort of civilian life for months; and we had just settled down and begun to make friends with the inhabitants when we had to move on. The Mayor came and expressed his regret that we were going away, and told us that the inhabitants had greatly appreciated the good conduct and kindness of the men. We marched to Moucheaux, via Beauval, Gazaincourt, Bouquemaison and Crosiette. Here we settled down once more to train, as we learned that we were to take part in a big attack. This attack was delayed, as it could not take place until the new railway line from Doullens to Arras was completed. We soon received orders that practically the whole of the Battalion was to move to Milly under Major Macleod, to form a working-party on the railway cutting there. The men thoroughly enjoyed this change of employment, which consisted of three shifts of eight hours each per 24 hours, digging at the cutting. There is nothing a soldier appreciates more than to know the number of hours he will be employed and how long he is going to get to himself. He hates being messed about. There was also an element of competition in the work, as the total earth excavated by each shift was duly recorded, and the rivalry between Battalions and "shifts" to reach highest out-put was very keen.

At first we had great difficulty with our rations. By some mistake no arrangements had been made for these. The D.A.Q.M.G., when appealed to, said he would indent for us, but that according to the regulations they could not be supplied for 3 days. After the Major had ridden round the country for some hours he found a Railhead Officer, who, realising the situation, and not being quite hidebound to the Regulations, gave us some tins of bully beef and biscuits. Next day the hunt commenced again, and finally Corps H.Q. put the matter right. Theoretically, there is no difference between rations of Corps and other troops, but there is no doubt we never got rations anything like those we received when acting as Corps troops.

On 24th February, 1917, the Battalion Headquarters moved to Maizeres, the working party returning from Milly on 2nd March. On the 6th, the Brigade was inspected by the Commander-in-Chief at Ambrine. The Brigade was drawn up in quarter column in fighting dress. The Commander-in-Chief expressed himself highly pleased with the appearance and steadiness of the Brigade, and gave directions that this should be communicated to all ranks.

On the 11th March the 44th Brigade relieved the 45th Brigade in support in Arras, the route being by Penin, Tilloy, Hermaville, St. Pol-Arras Road. The sheer destruction of the Boche was very apparent. Before the war the great straight roads had been lined with splendid trees. These for miles he had cut down and left on the road side. Even the fruit trees, for which this district was famous, had all been ruthlessly destroyed. As the Battalion got near Arras the roads became very congested with traffic, and the men had to move off the highway or dodge between traffic in order to get on. By the time we passed under the Baudimont Gate the hour when the troops were allowed out of billets had arrived. The streets were absolutely packed with men and vehicles. Although Arras was practically in the front line the inhabitants remained in their shops, and though shutters were up and no lights could be shown a brisk trade was still carried on inside the shops. One of the peculiar things was that the Boche seldom shelled the town after daylight. If he had done so he would certainly have caused heavy casualties, and as he must have heard the roar of heavy traffic, it is difficult to understand why he did not take this opportunity of doing serious damage.

Our first experience in the line at Arras was in the cemetery defences, a somewhat gruesome place, and subject to the usual attentions of the Boches to such a place. One man went to hospital with what seemed to be a small piece of shell in his cheek, but when the M.O. extracted it, it was discovered to be a tooth, apparently belonging to one of the rightful inhabitants! Good shelter was to be had inside some of the tombs.

On 18th March "D" Company carried out a raid on the enemy's lines. The zero hour was 2.50 a.m., and Captain W. D. Stuart was in command, along with Lieut. Semple and Lieut. Morton. The 9th and 12th Division co-operated by similar raids on their fronts. The object of the raid was to destroy enemy dug-outs, and to obtain identifications and information regarding the enemy's lines.

The raiding party took up position along tapes which had been previously laid out by Captain Stuart. The raiders advanced in two parties (each two platoons) through separate gaps in the enemy's wire. They met with no difficulty in forming up, although an enemy party of about 40 strong had been seen working in front of their wire shortly before. An enemy machine gun kept firing through the gaps in the wire, but this was luckily put out of action by a direct hit from a shell. Both parties succeeded in getting through the wire and entering the enemy's trenches without encountering the enemy. The fire trench was found to be badly damaged, and the control trench, a few yards in the rear, was discovered to be very wide and deep (about 10 feet). The party working to the north came across six dug-outs. Voices were heard in them all. Each dug-out was bombed by means of Stoke shells. Wire frames acting as blocks had been erected in both the fire and communication trenches, and these made movement along the trenches difficult. In most cases the parties had to climb out of the trenches and go round the top.

The party working south found ten dug-outs; two entrances had been blown in by the artillery bombardment, the remainder were destroyed with Stoke shells. No dead were found in the trenches, but all dug-outs were still occupied by the enemy. A machine gun in an emplacement was destroyed. No gas cylinders were seen nor identifications obtained. A party of 30 or 40 Boches were seen and fired at as they retired through our box barrage. This was thought to be the wiring party which had been seen earlier in the evening. One of the dug-outs which we destroyed caught fire. The majority of the party returned to our trenches at 3.25 a.m., though one officer and a Lewis gunner, who were carrying a wounded man, did not return till later. The enemy barrage did not come down till 3 a.m., when the support line—Islington Street—and the cemetery were heavily shelled. The enemy put up the usual number of lights, those well behind the line bursting into golden rain. Our casualties amounted to 1 killed, 1 missing believed to be killed, and 35 wounded. Two died of wounds.

The following special orders were issued:—

"The G.O.C. 15th Division wishes to convey his appreciation to all ranks who took part in this morning's raid, and his congratulations on the success achieved.

"The Corps Commander wishes to congratulate all concerned in the preparation, execution and success of the raid carried out by the 7th Cameron Highlanders."

The C.O. issued a special order congratulating Captain W. G. Stuart, M.C., 2nd Lieuts. Semple and Morton, Sergeant A. M'Donald, Lance-Corporal J. Kelly and Privates G. M'Lean and W. Marston on the gallant and conspicuous part they took in the raid. A special order was also issued by the Army Commander congratulating the 44th and 46th Brigades on the successful raids carried out during the month.

From the 3rd to the 7th of April the Battalion was billeted in the cellars of the Grand Place, Arras, preparatory to the battle. The shelling by the enemy was now considerable, but we only suffered two casualties. Before the attack the Padre held a Communion Service in one of the large cellars, in which many of the officers and men partook. It was indeed a unique and solemn Service. Every now and then the sound of a shell bursting amongst the houses above, or in the Grand Place, would drown the words of the Padre and shake the cellar. At 11.30 p.m. on the 8th the Battalion moved from the cellars down into sewers, along which they travelled to the communication trenches, and so to their assembly trench in front of the cemetery. The Battalion headquarters were in the cellars of a house in Rue de Douai.

At 3.20 a.m. on the 9th the Battalion was reported in position ready for the attack. The zero hour was 5.30 a.m. The attack commenced with the 8/10th Gordons on the right, the 9th Black Watch on the left, and the 7th Camerons in support. The advance was carried out behind an intense barrage. The German's first system was gained with slight loss, the Camerons occupying "O.G.1" and "O.G.2." At 7.30 a.m. the attack upon the second objective was commenced. The 9th Black Watch on the left were for a time held up at the Railway Triangle, where there was heavy fighting, and this also prevented the Gordons from reaching their objective. The Camerons were then ordered to support the assaulting battalions, and with their assistance all objectives were gained. About 3 p.m. the Camerons were ordered to relieve the Black Watch on the left. The Battalion was re-organised, "B" and "D" Companies moving forward, two platoons to "Hecq Trench," and two platoons to "Helle Trench." "A" and "B" Companies moved to "Cable Trench," which they started to consolidate about 1 p.m. Orders were then received to proceed eastwards to Feuchy, in support of the 45th Brigade. This move was carried out and completed by 4 p.m. Later it was arranged that the position occupied by us was to be taken over by the 6th Camerons (45th Brigade), and we were to move back to the trenches we had previously occupied. So ended the first phase of the battle.

At 12.45 a.m. on the 11th we heard that the attack was to be continued at 5 a.m. At 3 a.m. orders came through from Brigade to move into a position occupying part of the "Brown" line which had been captured previously by the 46th Brigade. This position was occupied by "A" Company on the right, "C" Company on the left, "B" Company right support, and "D" Company left support. At 11 a.m. the Companies attacked in artillery formation, moving half-right for "Orange Hill." As soon as the crest of the hill was reached we came under heavy machine gun and shrapnel fire, which for a time delayed the advance, but the Battalion finally worked forward and occupied a system of trenches about H29 central. About 2.54 p.m. a message reached us that the barrage was to again commence at 2.50 p.m., and the Brigade was to attack at 3. This gave only a few minutes to get the necessary orders issued, but about 3 p.m. the Battalion commenced the attack. Once again they came under exceptionally heavy machine gun and shrapnel fire, but they succeeded in reaching a position running roughly between Lone Copse and Monchy. Here word was brought about 4.40 p.m. that the enemy was reported to be preparing a counter attack, and at once everyone was busy putting the trenches in a state of defence. However, it was stated shortly afterwards that the counter attack was no longer to be expected.

A great portion of the Battalion entered Monchy, where they were placed under command of a Colonel of the Essex Yeomanry, who was in charge of the troops there. No one who was in Monchy is likely to forget the sight. The casualties had been heavy amongst both men and horses, some of the latter being literally blown to pieces. Later, orders were issued to O.C. Companies to withdraw and link up with the Gordons from a line about 100 yards in front of the sunken road. This movement being completed about 3 a.m. On the 12th, the Battalion was relieved by a Company of the Worcester Regiment, and moved back into "Helle Trench," which was reached about 5.30 a.m. There it remained till 3 p.m., when it was finally relieved and moved into billets in Arras. The strength of the Battalion taking part in these operations was 23 officers and 521 other ranks; of these 12 officers and 175 other ranks became casualties. The officer casualties were:—

We all felt very sorry for Lieuts. Semple and Morton, as these two splendid young officers had only on the day before the attack been awarded the Military Cross for their conspicuous gallantry in the raid which had taken place a few days previously. They were killed while the sincere congratulations of all ranks still sounded in their ears.

A special order was issued by the Commander-in-Chief:—

"My warmest congratulations on the important success achieved by you yesterday. The manner in which the operations were carried out reflects the greatest credit on Commander, staff and troops. Please convey to all employed my appreciation of the great skill and gallantry shown by them."

The Corps Commander also issued a special order, expressing his appreciation and thanks for the splendid work done both in the preparation for, and execution of, the attack. He was particularly gratified by the energy displayed by all ranks after the third objective was captured.

The Divisional Commander issued the following special order:—

"15th Divisional Commander feels sure that this generous acknowledgment of the work of the Division will be highly valued by all. He wishes to add his own thanks. He is proud to have under his command a Division in which officers, N.C.O.'s and men are inspired with so fixed a determination to do their duty. The task given to the 15th Division in the Battle of Arras was a very heavy one, entailing hard work in preparation and great gallantry in attack. The difficulties of the operation only inspired all ranks to greater effort, and brilliant success has been achieved. The crushing defeat of the enemy on 9th April was due to the discipline, hard work, untiring energy, and magnificent gallantry of all ranks. Another page of honour has been added to the glorious record of the Division. The Divisional Commander wishes to thank every officer, N.C.O. and man, and he feels that it is indeed an honour to command the victorious 15th Division."

The signallers and runners during the battle of Arras had a severe time, owing to the heavy shell and machine gun fire. The system of deep buried cable had not yet been developed, all wires being laid over the open. They were therefore being constantly cut by shell fire, and the signallers had to be out continually, both night and day, repairing them. This also necessitated the use of runners to carry messages during the periods of the heavy bombardment. Signallers and runners were picked men, as the work was not only arduous and dangerous, but required both judgment and commonsense. We were lucky with the men chosen, as they on this and all other occasions did their work well, showing courage and devotion to duty.

At the close of this phase of the battle, Lieut.-Colonel Crichton went down the line sick, the command of the Battalion being taken over by Major MacLeod. The Battalion was billeted in Arras up till the 23rd April, re-organising and absorbing fresh drafts. They also practised the attack in open order, and did a certain amount of rifle practice in the "butte de tir." We left our billets in Grand Place on the night of the 22nd, relieving the 8/10th Gordons. We were to attack the enemy on the 23rd, the first objective being the "Blue" line. At 3.20 a.m. the Battalion was in position, "D" Company being on the left, "A" Company on the right, "B" and "C" Companies in support. On our right were the Seaforths, on the left the Argyll and Sutherland Highlanders (45th Brigade).

The zero hour was 4.45 a.m., when the Battalion commenced to attack under a heavy barrage. The enemy almost at once opened a barrage on our front line, and also an intense machine gun fire from an emplacement on our immediate front and from the high ground on the south side of Scarpe River. The machine gun emplacement on our front was to have been knocked out by our trench mortars, which were to open rapid fire on it half a minute before we attacked; but this scheme was not carried into effect, and we suffered very heavy casualties when the men got over the top and rushed the gun at the point of the bayonet. The fact that Lieut. Anderson, the trench mortar officer, was killed probably accounted for the failure of the trench mortar to knock out the machine gun. Lieut. Anderson was a most skilled and gallant officer, beloved by all, and his death must have had a disconcerting effect on his men. He was a cheery individual, and had often rendered very valuable service in the attack. We missed him both as a soldier and as a man. After rushing the gun at the point of the bayonet, our right was held up by machine gun fire. Our left, in the meantime, pushed on to Bullet Trench, seizing the south end of it, taking about 40 prisoners and capturing a machine gun. Here about 5.30 a.m., finding they were out of touch both on their left and right, they dug themselves in. The centre of the Battalion for a time had been held up by the machine gun fire, but succeeded finally in advancing and fortifying a post about the sunken road (5.45 a.m.) A small party on the right, with the assistance of Captain Morrison of the Black Watch, formed another post in the sunken road. By 10.30 a.m. those who were holding the post in Bullet Trench had managed, with the assistance of a few stokes and rifle grenades, to clear the trench up to the Cambrai Road, three posts being formed in the trenches.

For a time our right was insecure, as the Black Watch, who had attacked the village of Guemappe, had not succeeded in holding it, and had been driven out by the enemy. About 12 mid-day a new barrage was formed, under which we pushed forward the posts in the sunken road, advancing to a part of "Hammer Trench." These posts, being on high ground slightly in front of the village, spotted the enemy forming up for a counter attack against the Black Watch, and our Lewis Gunners were able to do considerable execution before the counter attack was broken up. The 46th Brigade advanced through the 44th, and again our Lewis gunners were able to do good work in firing on the enemy as he retired from the trenches on the right. After re-organising the Battalion moved back to behind the "Brown" line about 2 a.m. on the 24th.

Everyone believed we were now done with fighting for the time being, as our casualties had been heavy, and we were all congratulating each other on being the lucky ones who had got through it. Next day, however, the Commanding Officer received orders that we were to go back into the line in order to take Cavalry Farm on the 26th, as another Battalion had failed to do so. No doubt it was necessary, as there were no fresh troops available, but no one, unless he has done it, can realise the feelings of a Commanding Officer when he has to order the men to turn round and go back into the fight under such circumstances. But he was proud of his men who, tired as they were, once more turned back and faced the enemy without a grumble.

Lieut. Colonel Norman Macleod, C.M.G., D.S.O.,

commanded from 23rd April, 1917, to 10th June, 1918.

Owing to casualties in the previous fighting, we had now only three Company Officers left, besides the Commanding Officer and Lieut. Legate, who was acting as Adjutant. A request was made to be allowed to bring up fresh officers from the transport lines, but this was refused. Unfortunately, just as the Battalion was moving off, one of the three officers became a casualty, leaving only two, neither of whom had been in action before the previous day's fighting. When we reached the lines and found that the Battalion was to carry out the attack on Cavalry Farm, the Commanding Officer suggested to Brigade that he would go forward to Company Headquarters, as the Battalion had been practically reduced to the strength of a Company, especially in officers. However, the Brigade would not agree to this.

The intention was that the Battalion was to take Cavalry Farm and the trenches to the east of it. The 45th Brigade were to attack to the north of Cambrai Road, and take a German strong point so as to protect our left, while the Black Watch were to advance on our right and form a line of posts. As soon as the Battalion had captured the farm, the 9th Pioneer Gordons were to make a communication trench up to it. The attack commenced at 11 p.m. We managed to capture the farm, but on getting past it we found the trench to the east strongly held by the enemy. These we attacked, but almost immediately found ourselves between two fires, coming from the trenches in front and from machine guns close on our left rear, situated in the strong point which the 45th Brigade had failed to capture. The result was that we had to fall back on the farm. In the meantime the Gordons, having heard that we had taken the farm, came up to commence their trench. They also came under the same heavy cross fire as was holding up our advance, and had to withdraw. The Major in Command and many others become casualties.

This information being received at the Battalion Headquarters, the Commanding Officer decided to go forward and try to re-organise the attack. The communication trench was filled with 9th Gordons, and it became necessary to advance over the open, which was a slow process, as the ground was being swept by machine guns. On reaching the front line it was found crowded with troops, in consequence of the Seaforths, who were in support, having moved forward into the front line when our Battalion had advanced to the attack. They were now mixed up with our men who had come back. The Seaforths were ordered to withdraw to the support line, with the exception of one Company which was retained to assist us in holding the front line. It was practically impossible to take the trenches east of the farm unless the strong point on the north side of the road was attacked and captured. Having therefore formed posts in the farm and to the right, to link up with the Black Watch, he proceeded to the 45th Brigade Company, who had failed to capture the strong point on the north side of the road, and from which position the enemy were able to fire into our rear when we had gone forward. They informed him that they did not intend to attack the strong point again. This made it impossible for us to continue the attack beyond the farm with any chance of success. That evening the Battalion was relieved by the Seaforths, and moved into support. The next day the Battalion was occupied in burying dead. This work was difficult, as the enemy, seeing the movement, kept up intermittent shelling. However, we managed to collect 64 bodies of Camerons, which we buried in one grave. The Commanding Officer took the service, but had to limit the number of men present owing to the danger of casualties from shelling.

In order to save space, the majority of men were buried lying on their side. A touching feature was the fact that someone had taken each man's arm and put it round the body lying next to him. From the top of the trench one could imagine that the men were sleeping, embraced in each other's arms, more especially as they were buried in their kilts just as they had fought, no blankets or other covering being available. Altogether it was a most moving scene. The machine gun, which has already been referred to, and which should have been knocked out before the attack, had taken its toll, as most of these bodies were found round about its emplacement. One could well appreciate the desperate gallantry of the men who rushed it. We had the satisfaction, however, of knowing that many of the enemy's gun crew had been bayoneted by our men.

A good example of the grit of the young officer and also the difficulty of obtaining accurate information regarding casualties was experienced. Lieut. Mackay was missing, and though several men were certain that they had seen him dead in a certain shell-hole, his body could not be found. One reliable N.C.O. was so certain of its position that he guaranteed, if he were allowed to go out, he would return directly with the body. His re-request was granted, but proved a failure. As a matter of fact, Mackay was found dead a considerable distance further on. He had been severely wounded where the men saw him, and they had been wrongly convinced that he was dead. He had been killed finally by a direct hit. He must have suffered severe wounds first of all, as his right hand, which had been blown off, and other wounds, had been dressed. Such wounds would have more than justified anyone going back to the dressing station, but this brave young officer, although stunned and wounded to such an extent that his own men thought he was dead, had evidently advanced with the remainder of the Battalion as soon as he had regained consciousness.

During the second phase of the operations, 4 Headquarter officers, 9 Company officers, and 570 men were engaged, of whom 7 Company officers and 369 men became casualties. Great praise is due to two young officers who went through the whole of the battle (their first engagement), and who individually led the Battalion in the attack on Cavalry Farm. We must refer to Captain W. G. Stuart, who was killed on this occasion—better known as "W.G." He came out with the Battalion in 1915, and had taken part in all the fighting in which the Division had been engaged. A quiet, unassuming man, with a strong personality, he was known and loved not only by the officers and men of his own Battalion, but throughout the Brigade. He seldom had a man of his Company before the C.O. In fact, the apparent pain which it gave to "W.G." to think that a man had done anything to bring disgrace on his beloved Company was the greatest punishment that man could have. The men would have done anything for him, and discipline was maintained out of love and regard for their Captain.

If the Battalion on our left had succeeded in obtaining their objective, or had at least silenced the enemy, the attack on the farm would probably have proved a success. On the night of the 28/29th of April the Battalion was relieved by the 3rd London Regiment, and withdrew into billets in the Grand Place. The fighting had been long and severe, and if fresh troops had been available to go through on the completion of the first "phase" the success might have been even greater. At the close of the fighting at that time one was able to move a considerable distance forward at night without encountering the enemy, who must have been holding his line very lightly and far back. He had recovered himself, however, when the second phase started. It is interesting to read with what surprise and despondency General Ludendorf, the Chief of the German Staff, writes concerning the battle. He says:—

"On that day (9th April) I celebrated my birthday. I looked forward to the expected offensive with confidence, and was now deeply depressed. Was this to be the result of all our care and trouble during the past half year? A day like April the 9th threw all calculations to the winds."

Such an expression of opinion is high praise to the troops whose vigour and bravery brought such a disaster to the enemy.

It may be remembered that at that time the latter part of the battle of Arras was almost over-shadowed in the press by the very gallant and successful attack by the Canadians when they took Vimy Ridge. It is instructive, however, to read in General Ludendorf's Memoirs the statement:—

"On the 11th they took Monchy, and during the following night we evacuated the Vimy Ridge."

So ends the battle of Arras.

CHAPTER 6.
THE SALIENT, 1917.

On 29th April, 1917, the Battalion moved out of Arras to Semincourt, via Rues St. Aubert, Denvielle, and Bernville. Here training was carried out until the 8th, when the Battalion moved to Grande Rullecourt. On the 21st May the 15th Division were transferred to the 19th Corps, and moved to Vacqueril. On the 22nd they again moved to St. Georges via Conchy and Wail. On the 6th instant, Lieut.-Colonel Crichton officially relinquished command of the Battalion, which was taken over by Major MacLeod, who had been acting C.O. since the second phase of the Battle of Arras. We remained in St. Georges carrying out field training till the 20th of June. This summer it was supposed that the British had adopted the German system of "storm troops," and that the 15th Division was one of these. Whether this was true or not, there is no doubt that we were employed in all the big engagements, and when we were not fighting we were out training for the next attack.

While at St. Georges we held Brigade Sports. Captain Lumsden, who had been acting as Adjutant for some time in place of Captain A. R. Chapman, who had been appointed Staff Captain 46th Brigade, was now confirmed in the appointment. Captain Chapman, who was one of the original officers, had acted as Adjutant for some time, and by his keenness, efficiency, and good temper had proved himself a most suitable officer for the work. We parted with him with regret, and wished him all success on the Staff.

On 18th June, Major-General Sir F. W. N. M'Cracken, K.C.B., D.S.O., relinquished command of the Division, and issued the following special order:—

"In bidding farewell to the 15th Division, I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to all ranks for their continued assistance to me throughout the period of over two years since I assumed Command.

"The standard of discipline and training which has enabled the results already obtained will, I am convinced, lead in future to still greater success. The maintenance of this standard, added to the high sense of duty of all ranks in the Division, will inevitably enable the same to obtain the final victory before returning to the land of their birth, which is already so justly proud of their fine achievements.

"I shall at all times watch their movements with the deepest interest, and I wish them every possible success in the future."

It was with great regret that we parted with General M'Cracken, who had so ably commanded the Division since its arrival in France, and whose ability in no little way helped to achieve success in many hard fought battles. The command of the Division was taken over by Major-General H. F. Thullier, C.B., C.M.G.

On the 21st June we left St. Georges and began to move northward. The first night we stayed with three Companies at Croix and one at Siracourt; next day we went on to Pernes, and the next to Borecq, with two Companies at Ecquedeque, where we spent the Sunday. On the Monday we moved to Steenbecque, and from there to St. Sylvestre Cappel. On the 27th the Battalion went into Reserve in the 9th Corps area, camping about two miles southwest of Vlamertinghe. A special order was issued by the G.O.C. 15th Division, who expressed himself as very pleased with the march, discipline and appearance of the Battalion. In spite of the fact that they had no breakfast, the long march was completed, with only one man falling out.

On the 2nd of July we moved forward into the support line via Reigersburg Chateau, "C" Company being in "Half Moon" trench, "B" and "D" in the Ecole, "A" Company in the Convent Ypres, and Headquarters on the Menin Road. This was our first experience of the Salient, and we got a hot reception, being heavily shelled, and suffering several casualties while going in. In the Salient there were no trenches, as the ground was too wet for digging, and breastworks had to be built. From the support we moved into the front line, with Headquarters at Dragoon Farm, and with support companies in St. James' trench, Milcote, Posier defences and road. Coming out of the line, we returned to Eerie Camp. From there we marched to Poperinghe, trained to Arnecke, and thence we marched again to Le Choche. Here we carried out training on the Rubroucke training ground. On the 17th the Battalion moved to Winnezele under orders of the 46th Brigade. From there we moved to Toronto Camp, via Watou and Poperinghe, halting for an hour on the road for breakfast.

On the 23rd we once more took over the front line with Headquarters under the railway at South Lane, in a dug-out which was exceedingly wet, and the men had to be kept constantly at the pumps. That portion of the dug-out which the C.O. and signallers occupied was a small side shaft without any ventilation, so that a man had to be kept at the top of the stair pumping air down to us. As a rule this gentleman was rather sleepy, and had to be encouraged with powerful language. On one occasion, however, air came blowing in with great force. We soon discovered that some gas shells had exploded near the mouth of the dug-out which had effectually wakened up the warrior at the pump, and he, with a sudden spurt of energy, was diligently pumping the gas down. We were now busy constructing works preparatory to the attack, all of which had to be carefully camouflaged.

On the 24th a successful little raid was carried out by twelve other ranks of "A" Company under command of 2nd Lieut. J. Miller. Taking a course parallel to the railway, they found the enemy's trenches much battered, but the wire, though flattened, was difficult to get over. A machine gun emplacement was discovered on the railway embankment. Its crew fled, two being killed as they were running away, and one brought back as a prisoner carrying the machine gun. Our casualty was one man slightly wounded.

At this time we were actively patrolling every night as well as carrying out work parties. On the 25th we got orders for relief, but these were cancelled later, and we were told we had to remain in the front line. On the night of the 27/28th, orders were received that we were to carry out a large raid on the enemy's front on the afternoon of the 28th, two Companies being employed in this operation. This was a very tall order. In the first place, we had never had an opportunity of patrolling the part of the front over which the raid was to be carried out. On the map, it appeared as if part of it was an old pond. Neither did we know the condition of the enemy's wire, etc. In addition to this the Battalion had been in the line for some time, and the men were therefore very tired. Further, the time allowed for preparation was so short that it was practically impossible to get up and issue the usual paraphernalia for a raid.

The task appeared to be beyond our powers, and the C.O. reported this to the Brigade, who more or less agreed with him. The Brigadier made representations to the Division, but the answer came back that the raid had to be carried out. No doubt this was inevitable, but it must be remembered that it was usual for a Battalion doing a raid of this size to be taken out of the line and given time to rehearse it, examine the ground, and consider the whole problem with the Artillery Commander, etc. What must be, must be, and we found ourselves with only a few hours wherein to decide on our line of action, issue the necessary orders, and, as far as possible, collect such stores as were available, a somewhat difficult matter, as movement during the day generally led to shelling. The orders were that the raid was to go to a considerable depth, the final objective being the enemy's reserve lines (the first objective in the general attack which was to take place shortly). The raiding party consisted of "D" Company with three platoons of "A" Company, under command of Captain J. L. C. Jenkins. A smaller party of 14 other ranks, under 2nd Lieut. Elliot, were ordered to raid the railway embankment on our right and look for a suspected machine gun.

The zero hour was 7 p.m., the raiding party being lined up at 6.45. At zero the artillery trench mortar and machine guns opened an intense barrage on the enemy's front, and the raiders at the same time left our trenches and followed the barrage. The enemy's front line system was found to be badly knocked about, any of the enemy who had survived the bombardment being either killed or taken prisoners. The raiders then pushed on over the support lines to the reserve lines. Many of the enemy were encountered, and these too were either killed or taken prisoners. A machine gun was also captured. The small party who raided the railway embankment bombed a culvert and dugout which was occupied. They did not discover the machine gun, but they took a few prisoners. Both parties returned, having inflicted many casualties on the enemy and taken 1 officer and 39 other ranks prisoners and 1 machine gun. Several other prisoners were driven in to the Battalion on our left. Our casualties were very slight, being 1 O.R. killed, 2 missing, and 6 wounded. 2nd Lieut. A. Fraser and Lieut. Elliot were both wounded.

Altogether the raid was a huge success, which was all the more creditable considering the very difficult circumstances under which it was carried out. No doubt the element of surprise helped the result. Many raids are given away by the preparations, especially by officers, both Staff and Regimental, coming for days and looking over the top in order to examine the ground. The Battalion received warm congratulations on the success of the raid from the G.O.C. 15th Division. At last we were relieved on the 29th by the 8/10th Gordons, and went into Brigade reserve. Next evening the Battalion moved into position of assembly for the attack, "A" Company with two platoons at "A.R.A." dump, 30 men at "Thatch Barn," 30 men in "Half Moon" trench, "B" Company in "St. James' trench," "C" Company in "Half Moon" trench, and "D" in "Hedge trench" south of "West Lane," the Battalion Headquarters being in South Lane. The Battalion got into position without any casualties. This was the first night that the enemy's artillery was more or less silent, owing no doubt to the fact that our artillery was gas shelling their batteries. "A" Company was used for a carrying party, the remainder of the Battalion remaining in their assembly position until 10 a.m.

Shortly after zero hour, "Thatch Barn" dump was blown up by the enemy, causing many casualties to the carrying party. This considerably disorganised the party and added greatly to their work. The conditions caused by the shelling and the muddy nature of the ground made it impossible to carry full loads. It was also found that the "Yukon Pack," while enabling men to carry heavy loads, was inclined to make them top-heavy, and on the uneven and slippery ground they easily lost their balance and fell. This either necessitated extra men without packs assisting them to their feet again, or else they had to take the packs off in order to get up, and then reload. This caused considerable delay. The extra weight also made the men's feet sink deep in the mud, rendering marching extremely difficult and exhausting. Most of the party was made up of a draft without any previous training with the "Yukon Pack."

Three out of the four Company Officers and a Company-Sergt.-Major became casualties, the Company being reduced to 26 other ranks. Lieut. Mackay, who was in command, shewed great pluck and determination in the way he organised the parties and got the materials forward. He was wounded himself in the leg, but insisted on going up to the forward dump to see the work properly handed over before going to the dressing station to have his wounds attended to. In addition to the actual pain involved, his wound was unfortunately saturated with dirt, the result being that this fine young officer died a few days later from the effects. Besides being a good officer, he was a splendid young fellow. He had just left one of the great public schools and had taken a scholarship at Oxford, which was waiting for him on his return.

About 10 a.m. the remaining three companies of the Battalion advanced and occupied the German front system of trenches. At 1 p.m. the Headquarters moved forward to the German reserve lines. The enemy shelling was severe, but they were lucky enough to find an old German concrete machine gun post for a new Headquarters. One platoon went forward about 2 o'clock to construct a strong point under an R.E. officer. When they got there, however, they found they were drawing so much shell fire that the R.E. officer decided not to proceed with the work. About 5 a.m. next morning the Battalion moved forward to support, relieving the Seaforth Highlanders, who replaced the Black Watch in the front line, the latter taking our place in the reserve. The position of the Battalion now was two Companies in the Trench immediately behind North Station Buildings, and one Company in the strong points.

We were suffering considerably from the mud, many of the rifles were almost choked with it, and even ammunition could not be put into the magazine without a portion of the mud on the men's hands going in along with it. The Commanding Officer, on going round in the morning, insisted on getting the arms cleaned as far as possible, a precaution which proved itself of considerable advantage later on, for the enemy counter-attacked about 3 p.m. Captain Symon got his Company out in front of the trench ready to counter-attack. This movement was conformed to by the Company on the left. As soon as he saw that the enemy had broken through our front line Captain Symon gave his orders to charge with fixed bayonets. The enemy were driven back, and we even gained a little ground.

The enemy put down a fairly heavy barrage on our front trench and immediately behind it. There was also a considerable amount of machine gun and rifle fire, as well as some sniping from a distance. We took four prisoners, and killed many of the enemy who were seen retiring on the hill opposite. As our right flank was now in the air no further advance, on our part, could be made, and we had to form a flank defence along the Ypres-Roulers railway. The two Companies remained in the front line. That night we were relieved in support by the 8/10th Gordons and took over the remainder of the front line, which we held for the following two days, until relieved on the night of the 3rd/4th by two Companies of the Munster Fusiliers.

During the attack we had found little use for the Mills bomb, partly because there were few trenches to attack, and partly because the men had now got more confidence in their rifles. The Rifle Grenadiers were carrying rifle grenades in sand bags in their hands. Many of these got lost, so that it was decided that it would be better to carry fewer grenades in future and that these should be worn in the equipment, the waistcoat pattern being considered the best for the purpose. In the counter-attack the men fired their rifles from the hip, which possibly had a good moral effect, although cold steel was the deciding factor. The casualties during the operations from the 31st July to 3rd August were 7 officers killed, and 285 other ranks.

On the 4th August the Battalion moved to Winnezwele by bus. Here we were inspected by the G.O.C. 15th Division. We were drawn up in three sections, the first of officers and other ranks who took part in the operations, the second of those who were with details, and the third of drafts. The G.O.C. expressed his appreciation of the excellent work performed by the Battalion in the recent operations under very exceptional circumstances. Here on the 14th we held regimental sports. "A" Company was successful in winning the tug-of-war and the "six-a-side football" match. The sergeants beat the officers in the tug-of-war. The officers, however, were successful in winning the tug-of-war against all comers from the Brigade. The Company championship in points was as follows:—"B" Company, 50; "A" Company, 26; "C" Company, 24; and "D" Company, 20. The best all round athlete was C.S.M. Keith, "B" Company. At the close of the sports, the prizes were presented by Brigadier-General Marshall. The Divisional Band played at intervals during the forenoon, and the massed pipes of the Brigade played at the close of the sports. Everything went off without a hitch, and great credit is due to Lieut. Gibb and his Committee for the way they arranged and carried out the programme.

On the 20th we once more returned to the line in order to continue the offensive, the disposition of the Brigade being, 8th Seaforths on the right, 7th Camerons on the left, and the 8/10th Gordons in support. The route taken by the Headquarters was via Reigersberg Chateau and No. 4 track. The Battalion, less four platoons, proceeded via the White Chateau. The Headquarters were in Pommern Redoubt. The zero hour was 4.45 a.m., when the attack was launched and carried on for about 200 yards west of Hill 35. Here the Battalion came under very heavy machine gun and rifle fire from Gallipoli Farm and Iberin Farm, where they were held up. The Battalions on the right and left also being held up, we consolidated the position which we had gained, with the assistance of the 8/10th Gordons, while the 9th Pioneer Gordons constructed a strong point immediately in our rear. We held this position till the night of the 22nd/23rd, when we were relieved by the 9th Black Watch, and proceeded to the support position in Rupprecht Farm, with the Battalion Headquarters at Verlorenhock. The next day we were relieved by the 8/10th Gordons and proceeded to Eerie Camp. Our casualties were, 4 officers killed, 5 officers wounded, 3 other ranks killed, and 132 wounded. The time was now employed in re-constructing the Battalion and carrying out preliminary training. The Division then received orders to move south.

General Sir H. P. Gough, K.C.B., Officer Commanding the 5th Army, stated in a farewell message to the 15th Division that "he parted with them with great regret. The reputation of the Division has been earned on many battlefields, and has never stood higher than now. He wishes it all good fortune and many further successes in the future. Will ye no come back again?"

While the Battalion was on the march for the Wateau Area to entrain, it was inspected by the G.O.C. of the 5th Army, who expressed to the Commanding Officer his very high appreciation of the work of the Battalion, and warmly congratulated him on this account, and on the successful raids they had carried out. It was with no feeling of regret that we marched south leaving the Salient behind us, where it was not only a case of fighting the enemy, but also of fighting an almost worse enemy in the elements. It is quite impossible to describe the conditions of that half-inundated land and the sea of mud which was stirred up by the heavy shelling on the ground over which we had to attack.

The following is a vivid description by General Ludendorff in his "Memoirs" of the fighting in the Salient. While written of his own Army, it is also applicable to ours:—

"The fifth act of the great drama in Flanders opened. Enormous masses of ammunition, such as the human mind had never imagined before the war, were hurled on the bodies of men who passed a miserable existence, scattered in mud-filled shell-holes.

"The horror of the shell-hole area of Verdun was surpassed. It was no longer life at all, it was mere unspeakable suffering. Through this world of mud the attackers dragged themselves slowly but steadily. Caught in the advance zone, by our hail of fire, they often collapsed. Then the mass came on again, rifles and machine guns being jammed with mud. Man fought against man, and only too often the mass was successful.... The enemy lost heavily. When we occupied the battlefield in the Spring of 1918 they lay in their thousands. We knew that the enemy suffered heavily, but we also knew he was amazingly strong and, what was equally important, had an extraordinary stubborn will."

As there were no dugouts, and the men were living in shelters only, every tour saw a considerable number of casualties. The enemy had the Menin Road and other tracks carefully taped, and the area behind the front line received almost more attention from the enemy's artillery than the front line itself. The Headquarters were generally in the remains of houses partly protected by concrete, but which would have easily been destroyed by a direct hit. In fact, on more than one occasion the officers at Headquarters left the protection of these buildings and sat in a field watching the enemy bombard them. This, however, proved good for the morale of the front line troops, who often used to be "bucked up" at seeing the Headquarters getting it hot.

The reserve billets in Ecole outside Ypres, and the cellars of the convent in Ypres, did not afford much comfort, for, while they were fairly well protected, the approaches were constantly being shelled, so that the men were more or less confined to the cellars.

We were the first Division to experience the effects of Mustard gas. When we first learned of its power of burning the skin, it was thought that we would probably suffer badly in the kilt. However, it is satisfactory to know that the kilt once again proved its efficiency as a fighting garment. While we have no statistics, we believe it is true that we did not suffer more than the trousered regiments in this respect, the reason being that it was generally the parts of the body where the skin was tender that got burnt. The skin of the legs having got hardened by exposure to the weather, was generally able to withstand the effects of gas in the same way as the hands and face. Again, most of the cases of burning were caused by men sitting down on the ground which was saturated with the gas. The kilt, being thick, the gases could not easily penetrate it, and no doubt its swinging in the air, when the men got up, helped to dispel them. In fact, the men did not suffer much from the effects of burning unless the shell burst close enough to sprinkle them with the liquid.

We regret to record the fact that within a short time of our handing over our Headquarters in Pommern Redoubt, which was a most unhealthy spot, Major Murray, Commanding the Black Watch (better known as "Haggis," and after whom the Divisional rest camp was called), and some of his staff, were killed by a direct hit at the entrance of the shelter. The Headquarters, which consisted of an old German machine gun concrete emplacement, were very low. We could not stand up in them. There was no ventilation except through the door, and when they were filled with signallers, officers, etc., with one or two candles burning, the heat and exhaustion of the air became terrible. After the first phase we experienced great difficulty in getting back the wounded, of whom there were a great number. One must say a word in praise of the splendid work done on this and many other occasions by the stretcher bearers. Lacking the excitement of fighting, they carried on their humane work often under heavy shell fire, always showing a splendid example of devotion to duty. Owing to the mud in the Salient, their work here was exceedingly arduous as well as dangerous. It often took four men to carry a stretcher back to the aid post, and even then it was a slow job. Their work, therefore, during some of the heavy fighting was practically continuous night and day. Often very weary, yet never complaining, they doggedly carried on. Not many of them received honours, although many well deserved them. The mud so delayed the removal of the wounded that some of them lay in dugouts and shelters for a couple of days. At last the Division sent up a large number of men under a Colonel of the R.A.M.C., who finally got them taken down. His energy was splendid. He wandered about at early dawn, even in No Man's Land, looking for the wounded in shell holes, closely followed by his faithful little dog.

The Headquarters at one time were in an old Boche strong point. Unfortunately, as it was the only place protected, some of the men in the trench round about it would rush to it for shelter, whenever heavy shelling started. As many as possible squeezed inside, but it seldom contained all, and as it was no doubt the enemy's target we had several casualties in the trench outside. It was little use telling the men not to come, for each hoped to be fortunate enough to find room inside, and the desire for security overmastered all else. The floor of the dugout was a foot deep in water, which kept slowly getting deeper as the water in the trench increased, and its smell was horrible, as it was partly mixed with the blood of the men killed outside. There was only one bed, which was occupied for the two days we were there by a wounded officer. We all had to sit and sleep on boxes with our feet perched on petrol tins. The usual result of trying to sleep in this position was that we had hardly got off when our feet would slip from the tin into the water, wakening us up, after which we had to start again.

The Adjutant, Signallers and Orderly Room Sergeant had a trying time in carrying on their work. One often admired the way in which the Orderly Room Clerk performed his duties on this and other occasions. Numerous returns had to be sent into Brigade, operation orders, orders for work parties and ration parties had to be written out by him, generally in triplicate at least. There he was stowed away in a corner, without a table, writing on his knee with nothing but a bag to keep his papers in, often working late into the night by the light of a solitary candle balanced on a piece of wood stuck into the wall of the dug-out, yet always doing his work efficiently and well without a grumble or complaint.

The transport had some very severe experiences also in getting up rations, which was no easy job. Carrying parties found many difficulties. There was a great deal of work to be done, and therefore ration parties had to be reduced to a minimum. In the dark it was no easy matter to find the map locations where the rations were dumped, as there was nothing to distinguish one shell-hole from another. On more than one occasion the carrying parties were so wearied with the struggle through the mud with heavy loads that they had to leave the rum ration behind, a convincing proof that they were at the last gasp.

Although possibly some of the Division may have been a little shaken by their terrible experiences in the fighting during the third battle of Ypres, this was not the case with the Camerons. We had met with great success in all our raids, we had countered the German's determined counter-attack which had driven in our front line, and, while we had certainly suffered heavy casualties during the battle, we had always been able to make ground. In the last phase many of the officers and men had just joined the Battalion from drafts, and their baptism was indeed severe. We therefore marched away with a feeling of elation, although everyone was naturally fagged out and glad of the prospect of a short rest from the mud and dirt.

It is difficult to give a general description of the front line in France and Belgium. It ranged from the breastworks and mud of Ypres to the crater areas and sap heads at Hulluch; where mines exploding were a daily occurrence, and the dead formed part of the parapet; or to the shell-hole area of the Somme, where the enemy looked down on the top of us and could get direct observation for his shell fire. Civilians and even Staff Officers doing a tour of the trenches were very properly sent to quiet areas, and so often formed wrong impressions. Thus a well known officer, who has written an account of the life at G.H.Q., gives the following interesting information concerning the trenches.

"Behind the parapet it was almost as safe, and on dry days as pleasant, as on a marine parade. A solid fortification of sand bags, proof against any blow except that of a big high explosive shell, enclosed each side of a walk, drained, paved with duck boards, and lined with dug-outs, in places adorned with little flower beds."

Possibly these amenities existed somewhere, but certainly all the years we were in France we never came across such a front line. "Big High Explosives!" Why, it did not often require more than a "pip squeak" to push in the parapet! A heavy shower of rain was sufficient to cause it to collapse from its own weight!

The same writer says if he were

""Seeking the fit adjective that could be applied to it in its superlative, it would certainly not be 'exciting,' nor yet 'dangerous.' The life was exciting, and it was dangerous a little."

He then goes on to describe the duties as not so dangerous as that of a policeman who has to stop a runaway horse! He evidently never served in a front line where for days the Boche put down a practice barrage, or where he was in the habit of following you along the trench with a shower of aerial darts; or in a front line which you knew was mined, and it was a question whether you or he were going to be blown up first. But enough! Let the casualty lists for each tour in the line speak for themselves. As for excitement, recommend us to night patrolling with Very Lights and an active enemy.

The Battalion marched from Watau at 7 a.m. on 1st September, 1917, via Godwaers-velde, and Cemelhof to Gaestre Railway Station, where they entrained at 2.5 p.m. for Arras, which was reached at 9 p.m., and marched back to billets at Montenescourt. On the 7th of September we once more entered the Arras sector, relieving the 10/11th H.L.I. at Blangy Park. We now settled down into this area, and a delightful place it was after our experience in the Salient. The park at Blangy must have contained many fine residences. The grounds were well wooded, although much destroyed, and there were remains of what were formerly beautiful gardens. The river Scarpe flows through the woods and fills several artificial ponds, where the men were able to spend much of their time bathing and basking in the sun.

Major-General Reed, V.C., had now taken over command of the Division, Major-General Thulliers having received an important appointment at home in connection with the production of gas.

On the 14th October we were instructed to send over two small fighting patrols, consisting of 1 officer and 4 O.R.'s each. The idea was that, while a raid was being conducted on our right, these patrols should cross "No Man's Land," enter the German trench, and, if possible, seize some identifications. It was not intended that they should search the German trench, but simply rush over and back again. The raid was to be assisted with a preliminary discharge of thermite shells and a ten minutes' bombardment with trench mortars. It was to take place during daylight, though the proposition to our minds did not appear very hopeful. "No Man's Land" was fairly wide, and one could be sure that the enemy would be fully alert, as the raid on the right was bound to attract his attention.

Lieut. E. D. Hoskins and Lieut. A. Chisholm were chosen to command the raiding parties for which there were many volunteers. The first patrol, under Lieut. Chisholm, got over the top and suffered 2 casualties going across "No Man's Land." The officer was killed near the enemy trench, and only one of the party returned. The second party, under Lieut. Hoskins, got safely across "No Man's Land" and were seen to jump into the enemy trench, but none of them ever returned. It was learned later that Lieut. Hoskins and the others were all killed. Out of the raiders, therefore, only one escaped. We also sustained the further casualties of 4 killed and 6 wounded by the bombardment. These were the only really unsuccessful raids which the Battalion ever undertook. We felt they were foredoomed to failure. No enemy were going to allow a small party of four men to walk across "No Man's Land" in broad daylight. It is reported that Lieut. Hoskins turned to his men before going over the top and said: "I am a Catholic, and am going to say a petition before going over; I don't know what you fellows are, but I advise you also to say your prayers, as none of us will ever come back alive." They went across, and were all killed in the enemy's lines, no doubt fighting as brave men would.

On the 19th, "A" Company returned from the third Corps Musketry Camp, where they had been under training, and were congratulated by the C.O. on the successful results of their shooting. They gained the first and second prizes both in the "rapid firing" and in the "knockout" competitions, and they also won the second prize in the "snap" shooting competition for teams of six, and in the "pill box" competition. In the 17th Corps boxing competition Private E. Davies and Private D. Tate both won their heats on points, these being the only two men we entered. This was a very creditable performance. About this time men from the Lovat Scouts, of whom there were a good many in the Battalion, were being formed into a Battalion of "Observers." It was understood they would live behind the line as Corps troops and only have to come up to observe from observation posts which were not generally in the front line, and then only if the weather was clear. Naturally there was a rush for the job, for living behind the line with no more night working parties was too good a thing to miss. In the long run, however, not many men were actually taken away from us.

We were glad to hear of the success of the actions further north, and about the 20th of November the position was so promising that we were under orders to be prepared to move at fifteen minutes notice, in the event of the enemy retiring on our front. Unfortunately, however, this never came off. During the tour in the trenches from the 8th to the 20th of November we had a very strenuous time in improving trenches and erecting wire. The Brigadier expressed his appreciation of the manner in which all ranks had carried out these duties.

In November Brigadier General Marshall left the Brigade to take over an important home appointment. He had endeared himself to us all. Constantly in the front line in all weather he had a practical knowledge and sympathy with the discomforts and difficulties which the troops had to contend with. Kindly and most considerate yet inspiring all with confidence by his undoubted ability and cheerful manner, it was with great regret that we learned of his departure.

CHAPTER 7.
THE BRITISH WITHDRAWAL AND GERMAN ATTACK, 28th MARCH, 1918.

By the end of December, 1917, rumours began to circulate regarding a great German offensive. Everyone had to sleep with their clothes on, all troops, even in the reserve billets in Arras, had to "stand to" before sun rise every morning until orders to "stand down" were received from Brigade. Sleeping in your clothes is never comfortable or refreshing. Practically every night large working parties had to be sent up to the trenches, often not returning till the early hours, so that shortly after the men had got comfortably settled down they had to get up again and "stand to" fully equipped ready to move. This "stand to" often lasted several hours. The advantage, therefore, which was supposed to be had in the rest billets was much discounted.

We were fated once again to spend our New Year in the trenches, but on the 2nd of January we were relieved by 2nd Guards Brigade. We had done our best to make the trenches as clean as possible in order that they might take over a system worthy of the Guards. It is satisfactory to know that the G.O.C. Guards Division informed the G.O.C. 15th Division that he had never had such a satisfactory take over as on this occasion from the 15th (Scottish) Division. It was doubtful if some of the men appreciated the hard fighting qualities of the Guards Brigade, looking upon them as show troops. This is exemplified by a story of a rather dirty Jock who was baling mud out of a trench. One of the splendid clean Guardsmen, who had come up as orderly with some officers, tried to get into conversation with him by remarking that they were coming up to relieve them. The muddy Jock asked him, "Who are ye?" and he replied, "Oh, we are the Guards," and the Jock, proceeding with his digging, rejoined: "Ah! weel! ye can write hame an' tell yer mither ye've seen the sodjers."

On relief the Battalion went into billets in the Ecole des Jeunes Filles. Here on the 9th and 10th the Battalion had their Christmas dinners, which were a great success and much enjoyed. During the proceedings the C.O. addressed the troops and gave a brief review of the operations which the Battalion had taken part in during the past year, also the new honours they had won for the regiment. He wished them all the best of luck for the coming year. We must record the very great kindness and assistance shewn us by Mademoiselle G. Marmier, who always did all she could to add to the comforts of the troops. On this occasion she made many fine paper flowers to decorate the Christmas dinner tables with. After the dinners the men were entertained in the theatre, where "the Jocks," our Divisional troupe, performed the pantomime "Robinson Crusoe."

The weather was now very cold, in fact when we handed over to the Guards the ground was deep in snow. On the 23rd February we carried out a small raid on the enemy's trenches at 3.30 a.m. The party consisted of 28 other ranks of "A" Company under command of 2nd Lieut. A. R. M'Donald. The raid proved a success. The German trenches were found to be unoccupied, but 4 men were caught in a sap head, one of whom was killed and 3 brought back as prisoners, so we succeeded in getting the identification which was required. Our casualties were nil. For this we received the congratulations of both the Corps and Brigade Commanders.

We now fully expected an attack by the Boche, and everyone was kept on the strain, working hard in preparing belts of wire and improving trench systems. For many weeks neither officers nor men had their clothes off, and the work in the reserve area was almost as strenuous as in the front line. We knew that the Germans had been successful further south, and we were holding what was becoming an acute salient. One can quite understand the nervousness of those behind the line, but those in the front areas were confident of their powers to resist the Boches and in the strength of the defensive systems. On the occasion when the Guards relieved us one of their officers was much impressed with the serious spirit with which he found the Staff behind the line treating the matter. After going round the front line, however, he remarked that the cheerfulness of the troops had put new heart into him.

Indeed, the front line troops (probably in their ignorance) treated the anxiety of those behind with a good deal of levity. An amusing method of dealing with the rumours flying around called the Thermometer game was invented. This consisted in assigning so many degrees or marks to the person reporting a "windy" story according to its source. Whoever got 100 degrees first won. For instance, a terrible story from the cook's mate or transport men was valued at about 10 points; from a brigade-major about two, and a higher staff officer about one.

The Staff, it is to be feared, did not appreciate this chaff, and orders were issued that Regimental Officers were not to refer to the Staff as having the "wind up," as they were only taking necessary precautions. However, it shewed the troops were in good spirits.

On the evening of the 22/23rd of March we were surprised to receive an order that we were to withdraw with all stores to the Army line, the movement to be completed by 3 a.m. The Battalion happened to be occupying La Fosse Farm with the caves below, and also the strong points. We had, therefore, a considerable amount of ammunition, etc., in the part of the line held by us. Further, we were instructed to guard our right flank carefully. As we knew that the enemy had driven in the line further south of us, this warning was appreciated. "D" Company, who were occupying Fork, Spade, and Gordon Trenches, were to be left behind to fight the rear guard actions when the Boche discovered we had withdrawn. O.C. "D" Company also had orders to destroy the Headquarters dug-out at Crater Subway, and the electric lighting plant in the Fosse Farm was to be rendered unworkable. Over and above this, R.E.'s were to blow a mine placed under the Cambrai Road.

As soon as it was dark motor lorries and vehicles of all descriptions were brought up to the farm, and we at once started loading them. Luckily for us there was a Y.M.C.A. Canteen in the caves, the officers in charge of which left it when they heard we were retiring. The C.O., taking advantage of this, allowed every man who brought down a box of ammunition from the strong points to help himself to cigarettes. With this encouragement, men carrying ammunition came back in quick succession, and by the time we finally retired, about 3.30 a.m., all ammunition trench stores, etc., with the exception of a few gum boots, had been loaded and withdrawn.

It was difficult to understand how the Boche did not hear the noise of the retiral. If he had done so, and had trained his guns on the Cambrai Road, he would have caused endless confusion and casualties. The road was simply packed with motor lorries, guns and vehicles of all descriptions, with the retiring infantry dodging in and out between them. The congestion was extremely bad at the cross roads at Tilloy, where the different streams of traffic met. While recognising that this movement was necessary from a military point of view, still it was hard to persuade the men to see this, almost as difficult as it is for anyone who was not there to realise their disappointment and surprise. They had worked hard for months in preparing this position. They had carried up tons of wire and constructed belts of it many yards wide. They now felt all this work had gone for nothing. Supremely confident that they would have held this position against all odds, they regretted that they had not an opportunity of proving it. They evidently did not appreciate the dangers of an exposed flank. We got into our new position shortly before sunrise, and from there we could see our artillery, in the morning light, still getting back their guns, but the enemy was not even then aware of the movement.

We knew that an attack by the Germans was almost inevitable. All preparations possible were being made, and it was easy to understand the importance of the orders that the ground we held must be "held at all costs." While it is true that there were many defensive lines behind us, right back almost to the sea, yet we believed that there were practically no troops in our immediate support to man them, so that, if the Boche once more broke through us, it was likely to prove a disaster. Furthermore, if our position was lost the enemy would outflank Vimy Ridge, which would probably necessitate our withdrawing from it. We had gone through a long spell of hard work in the trenches, and had been kept in a state of suspense for several months without a chance of ever getting our clothes off. The men, however, were in good fettle, but the Battalion contained a number of young lads from 18½ to 19, who had been sent out in drafts in the early Spring. They had not been proved in battle or seen any action, and it was impossible to say how they might act, although we had every confidence in them.

On the evening of the 27th March the Brigadier visited our Battalion Headquarters with the joyful news that it looked as if the Boche had given up the idea of attacking us meantime, as he was moving his guns from their battery positions, presumably with the intention of taking them somewhere else. Unfortunately this conclusion proved wrong, for in reality they must have been taking their guns out to move them into position for the attack. When the Brigadier left, the C.O. went round the front line with the good news. He remained in the front line till about 2 a.m. Just as he was leaving, a post reported that a short time earlier they had discovered a party of Boche in front of our wire, apparently cutting it. They had been driven off with a Lewis gun, and had not been seen since. On examining the wire, which was a fairly broad belt, there were certainly signs that this had been their intention.

About 3 a.m. on the 28th, the enemy opened an intense bombardment on our front and immediate support lines, using gas shells on the left Company's front, south of Cambrai Road. This had lasted for about half an hour, when the bombardment was moved on to the back area, including the town of Arras. It was learnt afterwards that this was largely composed of gas shells. About 4 a.m. the bombardment of the front line having become less, the officer on duty patrolled the whole of the left Company's front up to the Cambrai Road, afterwards returning to the right, when he reported that the whole Company were standing to. There had been a fair number of casualties. Once again our front was heavily bombarded, mostly with trench mortars. This bombardment was exceedingly severe, especially on the left, south of the Cambrai Road. The N.C.O. who was on duty (the officer on duty having been killed) stated afterwards that he had again tried to patrol his front, but found the trenches so flattened that it was hard to say where they had been, and the ground resembled a ploughed field. He believed nearly everyone in this sector was either killed, buried or wounded.

At 5.15 a.m. the enemy again put down a very intense trench mortar barrage on the left, which probably killed any men left in the front trench south of the Cambrai Road. At the same time the enemy could be seen jumping from shell-hole to shell-hole in front of Le Fosse Farm. We now fired S.O.S. signals, and opened rapid fire on the enemy. On the centre of our front line the enemy were about 100 yards away in front of the wire. The men in this part of the line afterwards stated that they were still confident that they could hold them up. Suddenly, however, it was seen that the enemy were working round our flank. An attempt was at once made to form a flank defence, but the casualties had been so great that this was found impossible, and practically no officers were left. Those remaining, therefore, had to fall back rapidly. So quickly did the enemy come round the flank that the signallers and others in the advance Battalion Headquarters (old 44th Brigade) were not able to get out in time to escape.

The extreme right of the Battalion had also been severely shelled along with the left of the 3rd Division. Here, too, the enemy broke through. From the Battalion Headquarters we now saw the lines of the 3rd Division front being driven back, and shortly afterwards our own men were seen retiring. The officer on the right had thrown back a platoon to try and form a flank defence, but soon found the enemy working round his rear and forcing him to withdraw. The withdrawal was carried out in an orderly fashion, a covering fire being kept up with Lewis guns and rifles, the men behaving splendidly, which says a lot for their morale, as by this time most of the officers had been killed, and it must be remembered that many of the men were young recruits who had just come through their first experience of a hurricane bombardment.

At no time was the shelling so severe on the centre of our line as it was on the flanks. It is more than probable that the bombardment was so withering that the men on the flanks were wiped out before the enemy attacked. This seems to be proved by the fact that no officer or man belonging to the three platoons on the left or the platoon on the right, and only 1 man of the next two platoons, returned; in other words, only 7 men returned out of 6 platoons. The smoke and dust were such, however, that no one could see more than a few yards, and in any case it was impossible for us to see what was occurring to the north of the Cambrai Road, as at this point it is raised by an embankment.

The front line Companies Headquarters were in machine gun nest dug-outs in front of our wire. They were rushed early in the attack. No-man's-land certainly was a bad place for Company Headquarters, but there was no better location available. By 8.15 a.m. we had formed a new front line running north along the switch line, being in touch with the 8/10th Gordons on our right and the 6th Camerons on our left. By this time there were probably not more than 150 other ranks and 3 Company officers remaining. As, however, the 6th Camerons were on our left, some of the men naturally got intermixed with them. The Battalion Headquarters were by this time in the front line, and all the Headquarter officers and men were used in the defence of the line. It was one of the advantages of having the Battalion Headquarters worked more or less on the principle of a Company, that this was so easily carried out: each Headquarter officer had his own section of men, and the men knew under whose command they had to place themselves.

The C.O. now consulted with Captain Wood, commanding the Company of the 8/10th Gordons, who at once took in hand the collection of ammunition, which was rather short in the new trench, from the dump at Shamrock Corner and the old trench systems. This distribution was successfully carried out. It is only right that we should refer to the splendid assistance given to us by Captain Wood. He was one of the few remaining officers who came out with the Division. He therefore had a wide experience in fighting, and shewed as usual that coolness, disregard for danger, and sound judgment with which we all associate him.

After the consultation the C.O. decided to try and counter-attack the enemy and establish a line along the old support trench in the Brown Line. We sent off messages asking for artillery support for 9.30 a.m., when we proposed making the counter-attack. We could not get Brigade on the 'phone, the wires having probably been cut. We sent off pigeons, but the bombardment had been too much for them, and it was only after considerable amount of stone throwing that we got them to fly at all. We sent messages also with the buzzer set, but the annoying thing about both pigeon and power buzzer messages is, that one never knows whether they have been received or not. The artillery support never came, and we held back the counter attack till 10.30, as we did not wish to advance in case we should walk into our own fire. As a matter of fact not one of our messages ever got through.

About 10.30 a.m. the C.O. received a message from the O.C. "A" Company 6th Camerons, who were on our left, stating that his flank was now in the air, and that the enemy were as far back as Feuchy Chapel Crossroads on his left and rear, and he asked what he should do. Instruction were sent him to try to form a flank defence so as to get in touch on his left, but to hold his ground at all costs whatever happened. This information definitely decided us to give up the idea of counter-attacking. In order to get a clear idea of the situation, the C.O. went along the front line to the 6th Camerons, and found they were holding the front in good strength. There was not much doing in their immediate front, but evidently some of the enemy had penetrated along the Cambrai Road to their left rear. Three Vickers gun teams which were in the trench were instructed to get into position where they could defend the flank, if necessary. On returning to the Battalion he ordered a certain number of men to get back into the strong points directly behind the line, and thus increased the depth of our defence.

About 1 p.m., as the line was now well organised, the Headquarters were withdrawn to those of the 8/10th Gordons. The instructions issued previously were that if the front line went the Headquarters were to withdraw immediately. As it turned out, however, it was not possible to withdraw the Headquarters earlier, as they had to be used in the defence of the line. Almost as soon as we arrived (1.30 p.m.) orders were received that the whole line was to be withdrawn to the "Army" line, and instructions were sent forward accordingly. Orders afterwards came through that we were to hold the position we had, but by the time they arrived we had already moved back. The Headquarters were again withdrawn to those of the Reserve Battalion (8th Seaforths), and shortly afterwards we withdrew the Battalion to some old trenches. Lieut. Gibb, however, and a few men remained with the 8/10th Gordons, and during the afternoon this party accounted for many casualties amongst the enemy by sniping them with the Lewis gun which had been attached to Headquarters. At 1 o'clock in the morning we received orders that what remained of the Battalion were to go back and join the Transport at Wanquetim. We could not muster more than 30. Only one Company Officer got back. Some more men came in next morning, but the total number that returned from the fight never reached 100. Luckily, several officers and men who had been left out at the transport line form a nucleus round which to reconstruct the Battalion.

To sum up: the enemy's barrage fire successfully annihilated our right and left flank, the evident intention being to surround those left in the centre. All the officers of the front Company being casualties, the line was methodically withdrawn under N.C.O.'s. The support Companies had more or less the same experience. No officer or other rank returned from the platoons on the flanks, and out of the 4 Companies 1 officer and about 150 other ranks returned to the switch line. The men at all times shewed a good fighting spirit. The rapid fire, together with the subsequent sniping which was brought to bear on the enemy must have caused him heavy casualties. It was noticed early in the fight that the enemy brought up a light gun with pack animals. He also mounted several machine guns, which caused heavy casualties when the line was withdrawn from the switch line. The total casualties for the day were:—

• Officers, 3 killed, 3 wounded, 10 missing.
• Other Ranks, 1 killed, 72 wounded, 299 missing.