LETTERS
OF
JOHN CALVIN

COMPILED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS AND EDITED WITH HISTORICAL NOTES

BY

DR. JULES BONNET.

VOL. II.

TRANSLATED FROM THE LATIN AND FRENCH LANGUAGES.

—————

PHILADELPHIA:
P R E S B Y T E R I A N B O A R D O F P U B L I C A T I O N,
NO. 821 CHESTNUT STREET.


Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by
JAMES DUNLAP, Treas.,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.


CONTENTS.

1545.

LETTER PAGE
CXLIV.To Viret.—Unpopularity of Calvin—various advices,[15]
CXLV.To Monsieur de Falais.—Exhortation to glorify God amid poverty and persecution,[16]
CXLVI.To Madame de Falais.—Congratulations on the constancy manifested by her in the midst of trials—salutations from the suffering Idelette de Bure,[19]
CXLVII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Vanity of trust reposed in the princes of this world—confidence in God,[20]
CXLVIII.To Farel.—Captivity of Farel's brother—ravages of the plague in Geneva,[22]
CXLIX.To Viret.—Dispersion of the School at Geneva—contests at Neuchatel on the subject of church property—Calvin's opinion of Farel,[24]
CL.To Monsieur de Falais.—Prayers for his restoration to health,[26]

1546.

CLI.To Farel.—News from Germany—journey of the French Ambassador to Geneva—details concerning the condition of the town,[26]
CLII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Calvin dedicates to him one of his Commentaries,[29]
CLIII.To John Frellon.—Rupture of the relations between Calvin and Servetus,[30]
CLIV.To Farel.—Reply to various questions—terrible threat against Servetus—imprisonment of one of the leaders of the Libertins,[31]
CLV.To Farel.—Pacification of the Church at Neuchatel—report of the speedy arrival of the Emperor in Savoy—dangers at Geneva—withering mention of Francis I.,[34]
CLVI.To Viret.—Election of a minister at Neuchatel—sickness of Viret's wife,[36]
CLVII.To Viret.—Calvin invites his friend to repair to Geneva after the death of his wife,[37]
CLVIII.To Viret.—Renewed and more pressing invitation to come to Geneva,[38]
CLIX.To Theodore Vitus.—Indication of the various documents wherein are set forth the opinions of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper—earnest desires for union and peace among the Churches—condition of Geneva,[39]
CLX.To Viret.—Instructions to Viret about a journey to Geneva,[42]
CLXI.To Monsieur de Falais.—Calvin's labours—the diet at Ratisbon—the Church of Metz—the Reformation at Heidelberg—Apology for M. de Falais—opinion regarding the sermons of Ochino,[43]
CLXII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Advice regarding the editing of the Apology—details of a loan contracted for M. de Falais—news from Germany and Italy—Farel and Viret at Geneva—death of Juan Diaz,[47]
CLXIII.To Farel.—Troubles at Geneva—imprisonment of the several members of the family of Favre—account of the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg,[52]
CLXIV.To Amy Perrin.—Complaints regarding the conduct of Perrin—firm and courageous declaration by the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in his duty unto death,[56]
CLXV.To Farel and Viret.—Requests in favour of the faithful in France,[58]
CLXVI.To Madame de Falais.—Expression of Christian sympathy and condolence on occasion of the illness of M. de Falais,[60]
CLXVII.To Farel.—Excitement caused at Geneva by the Representation of a Play,[61]
CLXVIII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Proposals of matrimony on behalf of Viret,[63]
CLXIX.To Viret.—Account of the steps taken relative to his marriage,[65]
CLXX.To Viret.—Fresh details regarding the projects for his marriage,[65]
CLXXI.To Viret.—Same subject as the preceding,[68]
CLXXII.To Viret.—Breaking off of the match treated of in the preceding letters,[68]
CLXXIII.To Farel.—Violence of the family of Amy Perrin—declamations of the wife of Froment against the ministers of Geneva,[70]
CLXXIV.To Farel.—Calvin's indisposition—literary labours—apparent reconciliation with Perrin and his family,[72]
CLXXV.To Monsieur de Falais.—Recurrence to the matrimonial projects of Viret—explanations on various subjects,[74]
CLXXVI.To Madame de Falais.—Sad communication to be made to M. de Falais—promise to send several discourses,[76]
CLXXVII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Congratulations on his convalescence—uncertainty of prospects in Germany—confidence in the all-powerful protection of God,[77]
CLXXVIII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Excuses for Viret—uses of sickness—various rumours concerning the war in Germany—explanations on the subject of the Supper,[79]
CLXXIX.To Monsieur de Falais.—Consolations on the death of his sister,[84]
CLXXX.To Madame de Falais.—Assurances of affection for herself and her husband,[85]
CLXXXI.To Viret.—Statement of the expense of a visit to Lausanne, on the occasion of Viret's marriage—ecclesiastical difficulties at Berne,[86]
CLXXXII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Military movements in Switzerland—policy of the Cantons in reference to the Emperor,[88]
CLXXXIII.To Madame de Budé.—Calvin exhorts this lady to leave France, and retire with her family to Geneva,[90]

1547.

CLXXXIV.To the Avoyer Nœguely.—Complaints of the misconduct of several ministers in the Pays de Vaud,[94]
CLXXXV.To Farel.—Mission of Calvin in Switzerland—dispositions of the various Cantons,[95]
CLXXXVI.To Monsieur de Falais.—Search for a house for that gentleman in Geneva—various details—mention of Charles V. and Francis I.,[97]
CLXXXVII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Instructions regarding the Apology—alarming rumours current at Geneva—Calvin's confidence,[100]
CLXXXVIII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Disputes of M. de Falais with Valeran Poulain—reports of the expected arrival of the former in Geneva,[102]
CLXXXIX.To Valeran Poulain.—Severe reprobation of his behaviour towards M. de Falais—reply to a calumny directed against the Reformer,[104]
CXC.To Viret.—Weakness of the Genevese magistracy—expectation of Viret's arrival in Geneva,[106]
CXCI.To Wolfgang Musculus.—Anxiety regarding the Churches of Germany—advice to Musculus,[108]
CXCII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Steps taken at Basle to retract a promise of marriage made to Valeran Poulain,[110]
CXCIII.To Francis Dryander.—Confused state of the Church—hopes and fears for the future,[111]
CXCIV.To Monsieur de Falais.—The sending of a minister—perplexities regarding anticipated events in Germany,[113]
CXCV.To Monsieur de Falais.—Information in regard to a house—advice on the subject of a marriage proposed for a relative of Monsieur de Falais,[114]
CXCVI.To Viret.—Interview of Calvin with a senator of Berne—advantage secured over the party of the Libertins,[116]
CXCVII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Recommendation of John de Budé—uncertainty of the news from Germany,[118]
CXCVIII.To Monsieur de Budé.—He exhorts him to follow the example of the rest of his family, and retire to Geneva,[119]
CXCIX.To Viret.—Citation before the Consistory of the wife of Amy Perrin—case of Gruet—news from Germany,[122]
CC.To Monsieur de Falais.—Solemn lessons afforded by the sad occurrences in Germany—troubles in Geneva—energetic attitude of Calvin,[125]
CCI.To Viret.—Indecision of the Seigneurs of Geneva—inflexibility of Calvin,[128]
CCII.To the Faithful of France.—State of Germany—details regarding the struggles of the Reformer in the cause of the truth at Geneva,[129]
CCIII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Thanksgivings for the happy deliverance of Madame de Falais—false reports concerning the state of Geneva—details regarding the publication of the Apology—indisposition of Calvin, and his regret at being separated from Monsieur de Falais,[132]
CCIV.To Farel.—False report of Calvin's death—proposition (query) by the wife of Amy Perrin—calumnious accusation against Idelette de Bure—journey of Farel to Geneva,[137]
CCV.To Viret.—Mention of a letter from M. de Falais—Emmanuel Tremelli—a book by Viret—journey of Budé and Nicolas des Gallars to Paris,[139]
CCVI.To Monsieur de Falais.—Dedication of the Apology—mention of M. de Mommor—sickness of Maldonado,[141]
CCVII.To Henry Bullinger.—Comments by Calvin on a work by Bullinger—state of Germany and Italy—policy of the Cantons,[143]
CCVIII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Return of Nicolas des Gallars—stay of Farel and Viret at Geneva,[145]
CCIX.To Monsieur de Falais.—Re-assuring intelligence on the state of Geneva—restoration of Maldonado,[146]
CCX.To Farel.—Sad state of the Republic—discouragement of the Reformer,[147]
CCXI.To Viret.—Rising at the Hôtel de Ville—heroic bearing of Calvin—trust in God alone,[148]
CCXII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Printing of The Apology—troubles at Geneva,[150]
CCXIII.To Viret.—Invitation to come to Geneva,[151]
CCXIV.To Farel.—Publication of The Antidote—statement regarding the condition of Geneva,[152]
CCXV.To the Family of Budé.—Consolations on occasion of the Death of one of its Members,[154]

1548.

CCXVI.To Monsieur de Falais.—Cost of printing of The Apology—despatch of several copies,[157]
CCXVII.To Monsieur de Falais.—Particulars regarding his departure, and the purchase of a property near Geneva,[159]
CCXVIII.To Henry Bullinger.—Brotherly explanations regarding the difference on the subject of the Communion,[160]
CCXIX.To Monsieur de Falais.—Obstacles to his departure—delay of some months,[162]
CCXX.To Farel.—Distressing condition of the Swiss churches,[164]
CCXXI.To Farel and Viret.—Disputes among the ministers of Berne—and Calvin's journey thither,[165]
CCXXII.To Viret.—Communications regarding affairs at Berne,[166]
CCXXIII.To Viret.—Ecclesiastical tyranny of the Seigneurs of Berne—sojourn of Idelette de Bure at Lausanne,[167]
CCXXIV.To Henry Bullinger.—New explanations regarding the Supper—violence of some of the Bernese ministers—Calvinism and Buceranism,[168]
CCXXV.To Monsieur de Falais.—Preparations for the marriage of Mademoiselle de Wilergy, his relation,[173]
CCXXVI.To Farel.—Uncertainty regarding the disposition of the Cantons—stay of Monsieur and Madame de Falais in Calvin's house,[175]
CCXXVII.To Viret.—Embarrassment occasioned to Calvin by the treacherous publication of one of his letters to Viret,[176]
CCXXVIII.To a French Seigneur.—Exhortation to come to Geneva, that he might there serve the Lord faithfully,[179]
CCXXIX.To the Protector Somerset.—Duties imposed on the Protector by the high office which he holds—plan of a complete reformation in England—preaching of the pure word of God—rooting out of abuses—correction of vices and scandalous offences,[182]
CCXXX.To Farel.—Election of new magistrates at Geneva—troubles in France—letter from Bucer,[198]
CCXXXI.To John Sturm.—Evidences of faith and Christian steadfastness, amid the dangers that threaten the Church,[200]

1549.

CCXXXII.To Madame de Cany.—Exhortation to a courageous and honest profession of the truth,[201]
CCXXXIII.To Mademoiselle de ....—Exhortations to steadfastness in the faith—acknowledgment of liberality,[205]
CCXXXIV.To the Ministers of the Church of Montbeliard.—Exhortations to discharge to the end their ministerial duties,[208]
CCXXXV.To Henry Bullinger.—Hope of Union with the theologians of Zurich—dedication of several writings,[210]
CCXXXVI.To Bucer.—Consolations to be found in the study of divine and everlasting truth,[212]
CCXXXVII.To the Pastors of the Church of Berne.—Desire of union between the Churches of Berne and Geneva,[214]
CCXXXVIII.To Viret.—Death of Idelette de Bure, the wife of Calvin,[216]
CCXXXIX.To Farel.—Further details regarding the death of Idelette de Bure,[217]
CCXL.To Madame de Cany.—Account of the instructive death of Madame Laurent de Normandie,[219]
CCXLI.To Viret.—Various particulars—recommendation of Francis Hotman, Jurisconsult,[223]
CCXLII.To Henry Bullinger.—Pleading in favour of the alliance of the Reformed Cantons with France,[225]
CCXLIII.To Madame de la Roche-Posay.—He exhorts her and her companions to live in conformity with the law of God,[229]
CCXLIV.To Bucer.—Encouragements and consolations—desire for the conclusion of peace between France and England—excesses of the ultra-Lutheran party in Switzerland and Germany—agreement between the Churches of Geneva and Zurich,[232]
CCXLV.To Lady Anne Seymour.—Thanks to the Duchess of Somerset, the mother of Anne Seymour—exhortation to perseverance in the true faith,[236]
CCXLVI.To Farel.—Reply by the Protector of England to a letter from Calvin,[238]
CCXLVII.To Farel.—Imprisonment of two brothers of M. de Falais—persecution in the Low Countries and in France,[239]
CCXLVIII.To Viret.—Negotiations in reference to the publication of the Consensus—George, Count of Montbeliard,[240]
CCXLIX.To the Pastors of the Church of Zurich.—Urgent recommendation of the adoption of a fixed formulary in the celebration of the Lord's Supper,[241]
CCL.To Bullinger.—Revisal of the Formulary—persecutions in France,[243]
CCLI.To Farel and Viret.—Letter concerning Vergerio—history of Francis Spira,[245]
CCLII.To Farel.—Criticism on a work by Farel,[246]
CCLIII.To Viret.—First mention of Theodore Beza—poverty of Calvin's colleagues,[248]
CCLIV.To John Haller.—A reformer's complaints on the malevolence of the Bernese ministers,[249]
CCLV.To Wolfgang Musculus.—Prohibition of the Vaudois Conferences—remonstrances on the intolerance of the Bernese ministers towards those of France,[251]
CCLVI.To Monsieur de Saint Laurens.—Statement of leading articles of the Reformed Faith,[253]

1550.

CCLVII.To the Protector Somerset.—Congratulations on the royal favour shown to the Duke of Somerset—use to be made of his influence for spreading the Gospel in England,[257]
CCLVIII.To Farel.—Tidings from Germany and England—recommendation of a domestic,[262]
CCLIX.To Farel.—Election of a new Pope,[264]
CCLX.To Francis Dryander.—Counsels and encouragements—collection of Commentaries on Isaiah by Des Gallars,[265]
CCLXI.To Nicolas Colladon.—Settlement of the Colladon family at Geneva,[266]
CCLXII.To the Seigneury of Geneva.—Notice of a publication attributed to Gruet,[268]
CCLXIII.To Melanchthon.—Controversies excited in Germany by the establishment of the Interim—brotherly reproofs,[270]
CCLXIV.To Viret.—Hope of an early visit from Viret—projected excursions in the neighbourhood of Geneva,[275]
CCLXV.To Farel.—Opinion regarding Vergerio—intelligence regarding Bucer—letter to Melanchthon—disputes with Berne—literary publications of Calvin,[276]
CCLXVI.To William Rabot.—Exhortation to the study of the Scriptures,[278]
CCLXVII.To Farel.—Publication of the book on Scandals—persecution by the King of France—Bucer's discouragement,[279]
CCLXVIII.To Farel.—State of religion in England—Calvin's literary labours—arrival of Robert Stephens at Geneva,[282]
CCLXIX.To Monsieur de Falais.—Misconduct of a servant of M. de Falais,[285]

1551.

CCLXX.To Haller.—Explanations on the subject of the abolition of the great festivals at Geneva,[287]
CCLXXI.To Viret.—Criticism of a mandate published by the Seigneurs of Berne,[289]
CCLXXII.To Richard Le Fevre.—Explanations regarding various points of doctrine in dispute between the Romish and the Reformed Churches,[291]
CCLXXIII.To Viret.—Various particulars—literary labours of Theodore Beza,[298]
CCLXXIV.To the King of England.—He exhorts him to persevere in the work of the Reformation in his kingdom—enumeration of abuses, ceremonies, ecclesiastical elections—universities,[299]
CCLXXV.To Bullinger.—He excuses the infrequency of his letters, and urges the publication of the Consensus,[304]
CCLXXVI.To Bullinger.—Thanks for a document—dedication of two commentaries to the King of England—captivity of Bishop Hooper—movements of the Emperor in Germany,[306]
CCLXXVII.To Bullinger.—Mention of a letter to the Duke of Somerset—re-opening of the Council of Trent—symptoms of war in Europe,[308]
CCLXXVIII.To Viret.—Death of Bucer and Joachim Vadian,[310]
CCLXXIX.To Farel.—Renewed expressions of regret for the death of Vadian and Bucer—controversies excited by Osiander—numerous migrations to Geneva—commencement of hostilities in Italy,[311]
CCLXXX.To a French Gentleman.—Sickness of Theodore Beza—Calvin's grief,[314]
CCLXXXI.To the Duke of Somerset.—Protestations of attachment—reforms required in the Church of England—squandering of the revenues of benefices and of the universities,[315]
CCLXXXII.To Viret.—Reply to the attacks of Pighius, and of George of Sicily,[317]
CCLXXXIII.To the Ministers of Neuchatel.—Arrest of a minister from Neuchatel in France—steps for obtaining his release,[318]
CCLXXXIV.To Bullinger.—Edict of Chateaubriand, in France—attacks on Calvin in Geneva,[319]
CCLXXXV.To the Ministers of Switzerland.—Statement of the controversy with Bolsec regarding Election,[322]
CCLXXXVI.To Oswald Myconius.—Recommendations regarding the dispute with Bolsec—request on behalf of the Protestants of France,[326]
CCLXXXVII.To Christopher Fabri.—Calvin's dissatisfaction with the reply of the ministers of Bâle, and the conduct of Monsieur de Falais regarding the affair with Bolsec,[327]
CCLXXXVIII.To Farel.—Recommendation of a schoolmaster—complaints against the ministers of Zurich,[328]
CCLXXXIX.To Lelio Socin.—Refusal to reply to the curious questions proposed to him by Socin,[330]

1552.

CCXC.To Bullinger.—Thanks for the zeal manifested on behalf of the faithful in France—complaints of the conduct of the ministers of Zurich in the affair of Bolsec,[331]
CCXCI.To Farel.—Fresh complaints by Calvin against the ministers of Zurich and Berne—his unpopularity in the latter city—advices to Farel,[335]
CCXCII.To Madame de Cany.—Rigorous and inflexible spirit of Calvin against heresy—praise of Theodore Beza,[338]
CCXCIII.To Bullinger.—Journey of Calvin and Farel in Switzerland—steps in favour of the Reformed in France—return to the affairs of Bolsec,[341]
CCXCIV.To Cranmer.—Agreement to the proposal for assembling a General Synod for the more close union of the Reformed Churches,[345]
CCXCV.To Bullinger.—Fresh details regarding the persecutions in France,[349]
CCXCVI.To the Five Prisoners of Lyons,—Martial Alba, Peter Escrivain, Charles Favre, Peter Naviheres, Bernard Seguin.—Information on various doctrinal points, and assurances of Christian sympathy,[350]
CCXCVII.To Edward VI.—Dedication of a new work, and Christian exhortations,[354]
CCXCVIII.To Cranmer.—Calvin exhorts him to prosecute with fresh zeal the reformation of the Church in England, by purging it of the relics of Popery,[356]
CCXCIX.To John Liner.—Thanks for the zeal manifested by him on behalf of the prisoners of Lyons,[358]
CCC.To the French Church in London.—Exhortations to harmony—Is it lawful to call Mary the Mother of God, and to pray for the Pope?[360]
CCCI.To the Seigneurs of Geneva.—Reply of Calvin to the Syndics of Geneva in the case of Trolliet,[363]
CCCII.To Farel.—Conspiracy of the Libertins—energy of the Reformer—struggles of Viret at Lausanne,[370]
CCCIII.To Viret.—Literary labours of Theodore Beza,[372]
CCCIV.To Ambroise Blaurer.—Troubles at Geneva—sad intelligence from France and Germany—steady in the promises of God,[373]
CCCV.To Melanchthon.—Earnest desires for the continuance of their mutual affection—disputes with Trolliet—longing for agreement in doctrine regarding the Communion and Election,[375]
CCCVI.To Monsieur de Falais.—Rupture of Calvin with the Seigneur,[381]

1553.

CCCVII.To Mathieu Dimonet.—Exhortation to patience and constancy under persecution,[384]
CCCVIII.To Christopher Fabri.—Congratulations on the subject of his approaching marriage—Calvin's regret that he cannot be present at the ceremony,[387]
CCCIX.To John Cheke.—Calvin apologizes for silence, and enjoins him to use his influence with the King for the advancement of the Gospel in England,[389]
CCCX.To the Five Prisoners of Lyons.—Exhortations to constancy—mention of Oritz the Inquisitor,[391]
CCCXI.To Edward VI.—Recommendation of a French gentleman, a prisoner for the sake of the Gospel,[393]
CCCXII.To Farel.—Serious illness and unexpected recovery of Farel—Calvin's joy,[395]
CCCXIII.To Christopher and to Thomas Zollicoffre.—Last steps in favour of the prisoners of Lyons,[396]
CCCXIV.To Cranmer.—He entreats his influence in favour of the person already recommended to the King,[398]
CCCXV.To Monsieur de Marolles.—Christian encouragement and consolation,[399]
CCCXVI.To Viret.—Extinction of all hope in regard to the prisoners of Lyons,[401]
CCCXVII.To Bullinger.—Assurances of respect and fraternal affection,[402]
CCCXVIII.To the Five Prisoners of Lyons.—He exhorts them to steadfastness unto the end, in the assurance of eternal joy reserved in heaven,[404]
CCCXIX.To Madame de Cany.—Expression of Christian sympathy under trial,[408]
CCCXX.To the Prisoners of Lyons.—He impresses on them the duty of maintaining their confession of the truth quietly and modestly,[411]
CCCXXI.To Bullinger.—Expression of regret for the death of the King of England—sad condition of the German Churches,[414]
CCCXXII.To Farel.—Arrest of Servetus, and institution of the process against him,[416]
CCCXXIII.To Denis Peloquin and Louis de Marsac.—Information regarding various controverted points—exhortation to fidelity, even unto martyrdom,[418]
CCCXXIV.To his Dearly Beloved the Pastors of the Church of Frankfort.—Request for the destruction of the copies at Frankfort of the book of Servetus,[422]
CCCXXV.To Viret.—Troubles at Geneva—Berthelier and the chiefs of the Libertins are refused admission to the Lord's Table,[423]
CCCXXVI.To Bullinger.—Deep anxiety on account of the condition of the English Churches—Conference of the Swiss Churches in regard to Servetus,[425]
CCCXXVII.To Sulzer.—Statement of the errors of Servetus, and of the duty of the Christian magistrate to repress them,[427]
CCCXXVIII.To a Captive Lady.—He consoles her under her trials, and exhorts her to use every means to secure her retreat to Geneva,[430]
CCCXXIX.To the Believers in the Isles.—Religious counsels, and announcement of the sending of a minister,[432]
CCCXXX.To Farel.—Acknowledgment of Farel's care for the Church of Geneva,[434]
CCCXXXI.To Farel.—Deliverance by the Swiss Churches regarding Servetus—vain efforts of Calvin to obtain a mitigation of his punishment,[435]
CCCXXXII.To Madame de Pons.—He encourages her to come out of the spiritual bondage in which she is held,[436]
CCCXXXIII.To Viret.—Recommendation of several English refugees in Switzerland,[439]
CCCXXXIV.To Bullinger.—Appeal to the Magistrates of Zurich in reference to ecclesiastical discipline—thanks for the aid afforded by the ministers of that Church in the affair of Servetus,[440]
CCCXXXV.To the Pastors and Doctors of the Church of Zurich.—Account of the struggles at Geneva for the maintenance of ecclesiastical discipline—appeal to the Pastors of Zurich for their influence with the magistrates of that town,[442]
CCCXXXVI.To Bullinger.—Fresh details regarding ecclesiastical discipline—hope of speedy realization—announcement of the publication of a book against the errors of Servetus,[447]
CCCXXXVII.To Farel.—Assistance afforded to the faithful refugees in Switzerland—reply of the Churches on the subject of ecclesiastical discipline,[448]
CCCXXXVIII.To an Italian Lady.—He exhorts her to withdraw, by a voluntary exile, from the persecution and idolatry reigning in Italy,[450]
CCCXXXIX.To a Seigneur of Jersey.—Christian exhortations—sending of a minister,[453]

CALVIN'S LETTERS.


CXLIV.—To Viret.[1]

Unpopularity of Calvin—various advices.

[Geneva, September 1545.]

When a crowd of the godly had come hither, and I heard some things which it was of great consequence you should know, I wished two of them at once to set out for you. You will understand that Satan seeks by every sort of artful contrivance to keep all men from thinking of succouring these people, and to give a keener edge to the ferocity of the King and courtiers, which is already more than sufficiently whetted against them. The Swiss also are uncommonly severe upon me, not only the pensionaries, but all those who have no other wisdom than that of Epicurus, because, by my importunity, I have drawn down upon their nation the hatred of the King. But may there be nothing of such moment as shall retard us in the discharge of our duty beyond what cannot be avoided.

Charles the schoolmaster, on whose account Sebastian abused me, has deserted his post, induced by what prospect I know not. We have appointed Francis his successor; but as he had received one month's payment out of the salary of your school, it seemed the more honourable course that he should previously request permission and his discharge from the Bernese Council, a matter in which, as I trust, there will be no difficulty. A maternal uncle also of our colleague Peter sought a recommendation [for him,] which he brings with him. If you think it called for, you will likewise lend the aid of your suffrage. We have always found him an excellent and ingenuous man, peaceable and modest. He is said, for instance, to have laboured faithfully, and with success, in the vineyard of the Lord in Provence.

Adieu; may the Lord be ever present with you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CXLV.—To Monsieur de Falais.[2]

Exhortation to glorify God amid poverty and persecution.

[September 1545.]

Monsieur,—Although I do not know the state of mind or body in which you are at present, nevertheless, I have good confidence in God that, whether in health or sickness, he gives you strength to overcome all the annoyance you may have to encounter. For you are no novice in the fight, seeing that for a long time past the good Lord has begun to prepare you for it; and nothing has happened to you which you had not looked for beforehand. But it is time to show in reality that when you have set yourself frankly to follow Jesus Christ, you have not done so without being resolved to hold fellowship with him at the cross, since he has done us that honour to be crucified in us, to glorify us with himself. And there is no doubt, even at the time when you were in your own mansion, and in the peaceable enjoyment of your property, you would have had the courage to quit everything had it so pleased him, and that you were of the number of those who use the things of this world as not abusing them, (1 Cor. vii. 31.) But, forasmuch as it is very reasonable that one should be taught by experience to discern what our affection is most set upon, you are to consider that it has been our Lord's will to give you to many others for an example, and, by this means, to glorify his name in you.

On the other hand, we know not what it is to part with everything for the love of him, until he has brought us to the test. True it is, that he who has taken off his affection from the goods of this world has already sold all, and has made himself poor, so far as depends upon himself; but the fruit and the proof of this spiritual poverty are, patiently to endure the loss of worldly goods, and without any regret, when it pleases our heavenly Father that we should be despoiled of them. I do not set these things before you as to one who is ignorant, or who has need of lengthy remonstrances, but for the love that I bear you, of which God is my witness. I take comfort along with you, as I also suffer in your person.

The time then is arrived when you must manifest that you reckon all things no more than dung, that you may reach forward to Him who not only has bestowed on you all his benefits, but also himself. And since God has permitted that you should be disburdened of a part of your worldly goods, you are to consider that he has clearly perceived that, for the present, they would prove a useless fardel for you. I say a part, albeit that, as it were, the whole has been snatched away from you, yet, so that there remains, as I hope, an abundance for your use. These whirlpools, however, which engulf the whole world, have daily greater want than those whose substance they have swallowed down.

In short, you have not been lessened one whit, seeing that our Lord, while teaching you that your inheritance is in heaven, has made provision for what might be useful for the life of the body, by bestowing contentment upon you, and, as regards property, more than was needful to make you contented. If the whole should be taken away from you, there would yet remain the consolation to which we must chiefly betake ourselves, namely, to yield ourselves up entirely. It is certain, that having the Son of God, we suffer no injury in being deprived of all else: for thus highly ought we indeed to prize him. But further, since this kind Saviour has so benignly upheld you, that while calling you to the fellowship of his cross, he has provided for your worldly comfort, it is quite fitting that you submit yourself to his good pleasure, and, besides, rejoice that in being minished, so far as the world is concerned, you are thereby so much the more exalted before him and his angels. For howsoever the world strives, by all means, to bury Jesus Christ in ignominy, his burial cannot be otherwise than glorious, not only in himself, but also in his members. Let us therefore endure personal humiliation, as shall seem good to him. But my letters would never come to an end were I to follow out the drift of this discourse. Therefore, Monseigneur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour, I pray our good Lord that he would so work in you now more powerfully than ever, to make you despise all that is in the world, and to make you breathe upwards direct to him with your whole heart, without being turned aside by anything whatsoever, making you taste what is the worth of the hope which he reserves for us in heaven; and that it may please him to lighten your burden as regards the body, in order that you may be all the better disposed, well to meditate upon the favours he has bestowed upon you, and to take delight in them, acknowledging the love which he has shewn you. My wife, who is sick in bed, begs also to be humbly commended to your kind remembrance. This bearer, who is of the better sort, and of the stamp such as you require, will inform you more at large concerning our state.

Your humble brother, servant, and assured friend,

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXLVI.—To Madame de Falais.

Congratulations on the constancy manifested by her in the midst of trials—salutations from the suffering Idelette de Bure.

From Geneva, this 18th September [1545.]

Madame,—I have not leisure to write at such length as I willingly would, on account of the state in which we are. The present letter shall be solely to praise our good Lord for the trust which he has bestowed on you, enlarging your heart in the midst of anxieties, by which it might have been tried, without your having his comfort from on high. Whatsoever may happen, if we have the patience to hearken to our Saviour, he will always give us wherewithal to rejoice our spirits, and will make us taste and feel, in a lively way, that it is not in vain that he has promised to make us unconquerable in tribulations. Now, then, learn in reality what that beautiful promise is worth, that we are indeed happy, when all the world shall speak ill of us, and shall hate us, and shall persecute us for his name's sake. Therefore it is, that he has prepared you, long before exposing you to danger. To this truth it is that you must now recur, that you may acquiesce in it; and, indeed, he is actually leading you thither by the hand.

Wherefore are we not together, to provoke Satan, by meditating upon the things which may well cause us spiritual rejoicing, and give us matter for glorying more than ever, even when we are utterly discomfited according to the world's estimation? But I am aware that you have no need of my fellowship in that; and besides, I say so, more to content myself than because of your necessity. Above all, understand that now the hour is come when you must shew what a helpmeet you are to Monseigneur your husband, in such a sort that he may always have occasion to bless God, as he has had hitherto, for having provided him with such a support. I say this, because I consider that it is the principal one that God has left him as regards the creature, without having deprived him of all. I see clearly, though absent, by what zeal you are urged forward to acquit yourself of duty, and what trouble you take to employ yourself therein. For which reason, what I now speak is not so much by way of exhortation as, while congratulating, to uphold you in that good courage which God has given.

I address to your care some reply which I have made to the sister of Monseigneur, who is at Mons, to a communication which she sent lately to the wife of Saint-André. If it seem good to you, you can cause forward it to her, with this which I send to the sister of Monsieur David. I submit the whole to your good discretion.

To conclude, Madame and very honoured sister, after having affectionately commended me to your kind favour, and having also presented to you the humble commendations of my wife, who lies sick in bed, I entreat our good Lord to fill you with all grace, daily to increase his glory in you, and to triumph in your constancy, in order that finally we may be also partakers of his glory which he has promised us.

Your servant and humble brother,

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXLVII.—To Monsieur de Falais.[3]

Vanity of trust reposed in the princes of this world—confidence in God.

Monseigneur,—I hope that, when these present shall reach you, they will find you, by the favour of our kind Lord, in such state of mind and bodily health as we desire, and likewise Madame your wife. The news, however, which we have had of the sickness of both has grieved us, and will do so until we receive other which may gladden us. Besides, there is reason indeed that we should live and that we should die to Him who has purchased, in order to be every way glorified in us, and that we shew practically that we are his, submitting ourselves entirely to him in true obedience, which is not in our power to do without resigning and giving up our persons to him, so that he dispose of them as shall seem good to himself. If it please him to prolong life, we must prepare to see much poverty in the Christian Church. We see the dispersion and complete disorder there is in it at present. Hope of amendment there appears none on the side of the world; for to befool one's-self in relying upon princes, that is labour lost. They have, besides, so many hindrances, that they have not leisure to think about what ought to be the chief consideration of all. In short, they are entirely taken up with their civil state, for the sake of which they will persecute Jesus Christ, thinking that there is no other method of maintaining it. It will be nothing new, however, if, though only for shame's sake, they should make a pretence of applying a remedy for such horrible confusion, on account of which both heaven and earth cry out. Wherefore, it only remains for us to pray God that it may please him to strengthen us with true constancy in the midst of these scandals, in such a way that nothing may seduce us, but that we may persevere always. And also, that he would look in pity upon his Church, and put forth the hand to lift her up again, fulfilling that which the prophet has said, that seeing that he had no helper among men, he has put forth the strength of his arm, (Isa. lix. 16.)

In conclusion, let us employ ourselves in his service, labouring without growing weary or losing courage, until he call us away into that blessed rest where we have contentment in himself, delighting ourselves in the labours we shall have undergone, receiving then the recompense of reward which shall be there revealed to us.

Now therefore, Monsieur, after humble commendation to your favour and that of Madame, I beseech the good Lord to uphold you in real prosperity, continuing his graces in you, so that to the end you may be instruments of his glory, and that he may be your sanctification.

Your servant and humble brother ever,

Charles d'Espeville.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CXLVIII.—To Farel.[4]

Captivity of Farel's brother—ravages of the plague in Geneva.

[September 1545.]

You will hear sad news; for this person will inform you that your brother Gautier[5] is lying in fetters, and in imminent peril of his life. The very thing that I always feared, and that I foretold would occur, has happened; and in this I regret that I have not proved a false prophet. But of what avail are such complaints? With regard to helping him, I do not know how far it is in the power of the Bernese to do so, nor what, at this time, they may be willing to undertake. You will know these things better than I. There is no hope of obtaining any seasonable assistance from Germany, unless by means of John Sturm, who, however well disposed he may be towards the cause, is not, so far as things have gone, friendly to your brother. Would that you had thought better, while there was time, of what it is to offend a friend who deserved well. Besides, you are not ignorant of the fact, that there are servile persons who wish, at this time of the day, to approve their obsequiousness to the princes. Yet, if you shall be of opinion that it will be useful to attempt something in that quarter, your influence with Sturm himself is great. You have, however, your own Bucer, to whom he never ventured to refuse anything; but it is a long circuit. Let him, therefore, accelerate the movements of the Bernese, lest the remedy come too late.

We are surprised that we have had no announcement regarding yourself. Viret made me aware of the resolution that had been come to by the brethren; but, as far as I can gather from his letter, nothing has been done in the Council. How long, therefore, will the matter remain in doubt? Here, as you know, we are in great straits: you are away from us; Matthæus is occupied in the hospital for those who are suffering from the plague. In the meantime, while we are calling upon you to come, we have lost our very excellent brother and most faithful colleague Geniston.[6] What if the others should likewise be taken away? What if one only should survive, [I myself?] What if the ministers be shut up by themselves, through the absurd superstition of our townsmen?—just as lately a large number was within a little of being so confined. Consider, therefore, these our difficulties, lest you put us off longer than is right. But what Viret mentions that your people have added, viz: that you are conceded to us, on the condition of our being able to bring about the succession of Toussain, is certainly ridiculous; for what can we do in that matter, or in what way shall we attempt the business? The short of it is, we by no means prescribe a definite time, but we desire you to use your utmost diligence to disengage yourself from the place where you are, in order that you may forthwith repair to us unfettered;[7] for we are now sadly in want of your presence, as you may judge from our condition. The wife of Geniston is, at the same time, in the death-throes, his little girl is wearing away, and his little boy is now given over....

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CXLIX.—To Viret.

Dispersion of the School at Geneva—contests at Neuchatel on the subject of church property—Calvin's opinion of Farel.

24th October 1545.

We shall wait until you either restore Francis to us, or send Erasmus. As, meanwhile, the school is dispersed,[8] you must make haste. If both of these courses appear to you tedious, or attended with difficulty, briefly signify so to us; for I will send for a person from Strasbourg, who, in my opinion, will be suitable, although I would rather have taken one from this quarter. With regard to the assistant-teacher, I do not venture upon anything, because it will be more satisfactory that the person who has the superintendence of the school shall have the unfettered power of selecting whom he chooses.

I had excused myself to Farel, but he remains fixed in his purpose.[9] It would not only be ridiculous, but bordering on imprudence, to undertake to correct in the Neuchatelese a vice which here we are not able to cure. I had given it as my advice, that it would be better to draw up a memorial, in which the Princes should promise that they would be always ready to make restitution, if an agreement could be come to regarding legitimate administration. In the next place, I advised them, under this pretext, to put a stop to those profane alienations, in order that the matter might be left undecided until a more favourable time. Farel replies, that the authority of the Princes will not avail much. What confidence then will our letter produce? He further urges me to enter into communication with Bucer, in order to obtain from the Council of Strasbourg a letter to the Council of Berne to this purport:—That it had been pointed out to them that the Neuchatelese did very wrong in squandering the goods of the Church; and that it was the duty of the Bernese to check this license. He hopes that a letter of that nature would also do good at Berne. I, on the contrary, hardly think that the people of Strasbourg would write such a letter, as they would be afraid of increasing the sore. In the next place, if they should write, do we not know that their admonition would be laughed at? And, although the Bernese were in the highest degree desirous to remedy this fault of the Neuchatelese, with what face could they set about it? I have to implore that they will not venture to reprehend in others that which they pertinaciously defend as lawfully done by themselves. I may therefore say of Farel what Cicero said of Cato, "That he acts indeed with good judgment, but in counsel does not always shew the best." The cause of this is chiefly, that being carried away by the vehemence of his zeal, he does not always discern what is expedient, and either does not foresee dangers, or despises them; and there is to be added the evil, that he cannot bear with patience those who do not comply with his wishes. But what could I do? for I will not be induced to undertake anything which I think will be of injurious tendency.

Christopher will tell you about Champereau,[10] and I will write when the matter has come to an end. Adieu, most excellent brother, and most sincere friend. I have not yet had an opportunity of meeting Amédée. I will, however, fulfil your commission.—Adieu, again, including your wife, aunt, and brothers. The co-presbyters, my wife, and the neighbours respectfully salute you.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 111.]


CL.—To Monsieur de Falais.

Prayers for his restoration to health.

From Geneva, this 26th of October [1545.]

Monseigneur,—I hope that, according to what Antony Maillet has latterly informed us, you are better in body and mind than usual, for which I thank our good Lord, beseeching him fully to confirm you; for I doubt not but the sickness has left a long trail of feebleness. But He who has begun to raise you up, will perfect, as I hope, what he has begun by his infinite goodness, as well to grant the prayers of his servants as to shut the mouth of the wicked, so that they take not occasion to say that you have been overcome by their temptation; for you are aware that they want not great colour for their blasphemy. Therefore, God will shew them that he has fitted you to receive still greater assaults, if there is need; and in the meanwhile, will grant us the favour to enjoy a longer time of you to our singular consolation. When we shall have tidings from yourselves, they will rejoice us still more.

In the meantime, Monsieur, after having humbly commended me to your kind favour and that of Madame, and having presented to both of you the kind remembrances of a woman brought back to life, I beseech our gracious Lord to have you always in his holy keeping, multiplying his graces in you daily, to the glory of his name.

Your humble brother, servant, and entire friend,

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLI.—To Farel.

News from Germany—journey of the French Ambassadors to Geneva—details concerning the condition of the town.

Geneva, 26th January 1546.

There is nothing from your brothers since they passed through this place. I briefly indicated my opinion to Viret about the choice of a colleague for you. I am afraid that further delay may involve a long train of inconveniences, which I should wish to be guarded against. Feron, our brother,[11] so far as I see, will never have quiet of mind until he is translated elsewhere. I had made mention of him to Viret, but it will be for you to consider the matter.

My brother brought back no news from Germany, except that the Ratisbon Assembly pretends that our party continue their deliberations at Frankfort,[12] and the confident report of a league, or at least a friendly alliance, between your party and the King. The Emperor was also said to be laid up with gout in the feet or hands. The King's ambassador in that quarter, when passing through, supped with me. We talked together familiarly, for he acknowledges being under some obligation to me. I again, however, urge you to beware lest our friends prove too compliant. I point to the license that prevails over the whole kingdom, of taking cruel measures against the godly. We will await the issue. You are aware that the Pope is now busying himself that, by means of false pretences, a council may be held at Trent; we do not, however, hear that there is to be a full convocation.

I wish that even one day could be given to a conference on our affairs. As this, however, is for the present impossible, do not needlessly vex yourself, should many reports be spread abroad. There was, indeed, a time when we were on our guard, when our party appointed sentinels for the gates, and were usually more careful in keeping watch.[13] But they inconsiderately gave a signal of alarm, without my knowledge, however, and when I had not the smallest suspicion that anything of the kind would take place.[14] Seizing the opportunity, our neighbours [the Bernese] run to our aid, and most unreservedly offer their assistance. No one had any suspicion of kindness so obliging. Our friends make no communication to me, and after speeches had been made backwards and forwards, an agreement is come to between the parties. Shortly afterwards, there arrives a new embassy with the most monstrous commissions. The captain of the garrison, proffered by the Bernese, with his proposals, having met with a refusal, has quitted the city.[15] I am now aware how many various reports are everywhere circulated, but I see no danger. Should you hear anything, deny confidently the existence of any sort of alliance between us. For presently, when they become ashamed of themselves, they will have recourse to the old arts, saying that they are unjustly defamed, &c. I can hardly persuade our friends that there is need of deeds on our side; nor is this wonderful, for in other things they act foolishly in spite of my remonstrances. Adieu, brother and most sincere friend. Salute for me, in the kindest manner, all your co-presbyters and your family. May the Lord direct all of you by his Spirit, and preserve you safe.

The impostor who had undertaken to carry Bucer's letter to you, stopped at Montbeliard, nor would he ever have conveyed it to you, had not my brother purposely set out for that place, because he had in his keeping another of far greater moment. He is a worker in gold by trade, but a fellow who is deserving of the gallows.

I am so far convalescent as to be able for preaching and lecturing, but am kept busy with arrears.[16]

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLII.—To Monsieur de Falais.[17]

Calvin dedicates to him one of his Commentaries.

[January 1546.[18]]

Monseigneur,—Since my written letter, I have changed my mind, touching the epistle dedicatory of my Commentary, because it is a great trouble and difficulty to be forced to fill up so many pages and no more; I therefore send it altogether, nevertheless, with this condition, that it shall not be printed but by your command. Wherefore, I enclose it in the present letter, in order that Vendelin[19] may not have it but from your hands. Should it not appear fitting that I address it to you, I shall make a new one, on being advertised to that effect. As for the rest, do not be astonished if I speak with brevity of you, for I would fear to touch some thorns in entering further on the subject. But according as circumstances will bear it, we can, should it so please God, on a second impression, discourse fully and say all that there shall be need for. Howbeit, I would greatly desire, if it might so please God, to be with you for three or four days, to confer by word of mouth rather than by writing. Possibly it is folly on my part to think that my presence can be of any service to you. But why so? while the power may be wanting, affection makes me speak thus. These wishes, however, are more easy to form than to fulfil. So let us be content with what God gives us.

Yesterday we had news here of the defeat of four thousand English by five hundred light horse. But it is from France.[20]

Monseigneur, after having humbly commended me anew to your kind favour, and that of Madame, I pray always our Lord that he would uphold you in his glory.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLIII.—To John Frellon.[21]

Rupture of the Relations between Calvin and Servetus.

This 13th of February 1546.

Seigneur Jehan,—By cause that your last letter was brought to me at my going away, I had not leisure to reply to what was inclosed therein. Since my return, at the first leisure that I have had, I have been quite willing to satisfy your desire; not that I have had great hope of late of being profitable to a certain person, judging from the disposition in which I see him to be; but in order to try once more if there shall be any means of bringing him back, which will be, when God shall have wrought in him so effectually, that he has become entirely another man. Since he has written to me in so proud a spirit, I would fain have beaten down his pride a little, speaking more harshly to him than is my wont; but I could scarcely do otherwise. For I do assure you that there is no lesson which is more necessary for him than to learn humility, which must come to him from the Spirit of God, not otherwise. But we must observe a measure here also. If God grants that favour to him and to us, that the present answer turns to his profit, I shall have whereof to rejoice. If he persists in the same style as he has now done, you will lose time in asking me to bestow labour upon him, for I have other affairs which press upon me more closely; and I would make a matter of conscience of it, not to busy myself further, having no doubt that it was a temptation of Satan to distract and withdraw me from other more useful reading. And therefore I beg you to content yourself with what I have done in the matter, unless you see some better order to be taken therein.

Wherefore, after my commendation to you, I beseech our good Lord to have you in his keeping.

Your servant and hearty friend,

Charles d'Espeville.

[Printed—Nouveaux Mémoires de l' Abbé d' Artigny, tom. ii. p. 70.]


CLIV.—To Farel.

Reply to various questions—terrible threat against Servetus—imprisonment of one of the leaders of the Libertins.

Geneva, 13th February 1546.

You will be at ease regarding your brothers since you received the letter of Claude. The messenger who brought it asked whether mine would be ready when I returned from sermon, after three o'clock. I replied in the negative; but I bid him dine at my house with my wife, as I myself had been invited to dine with Macrin. I promised to be with him immediately after dinner, to make a brief reply. He did not come [to my house,] but hurried away without waiting a moment, so that I was confounded by so sudden a departure. And yet the youth had not appeared to me to behave badly in general. I trust the reflection may occur to your brothers, that they have been thus extricated from all their difficulties by the hand of God, in order that they make the greater haste [in the work.] It did not become the Israelites, when a way was opened up to them, to show remissness in immediately girding themselves for flight.[22] Such would have been the burden of my epistle had not the messenger deceived me; but I am confident that they are burning with ardour of their own accord. I now come to your own contests.[23] If the ungodly still occasion you some trouble, when that letter shall arrive, I have briefly expressed in it what I think should be your mode of proceeding. I should wish, however, the matter to be discussed viva voce; and that, thereupon, the result, or something like it, be committed to writing. You will perhaps smile because I suggest nothing out of the common, as you looked for something recondite and elevated at my hands; but I do not wish, nor, besides, is it right to be fettered by your estimate of me. I had rather, however, be foolish by so writing, than by my silence lead you to suppose that your entreaties were neglected by me. If nothing can be effected by reasoning, and in this lawful way, the Bernese must be privately prevailed upon not to allow that wild beast to go out of its den. I do not sufficiently comprehend your meaning regarding a treaty, unless it be, as I conjecture, that you are turning your thoughts to some sort of alliance, with a view to your receiving the assistance of the Bernese; and that just as they guard the liberty of the people by the law of the state, so they may protect ministers in their office by some title which commands respect. If that be provided for, I do not disapprove of [the alliance.] Bear in mind, that recourse should be had to those extraordinary remedies only when there is the exculpatory plea of an ultimate necessity. In the next place, be very cautious lest anything you do be such as may injure your interests in time to come. You may have greater cause of regret in that you once received aid, and were parties to a compact, than if you were to remain in your original servitude. Marcourt has, without doubt, already promised a place for himself; for he publicly proclaims that he does not regard the consent of the brethren, since he is desired, both by magistrates and people, and he has no doubt but that they are indignant against you. Finally, since he prematurely discloses the wickedness of his character, he must be repulsed by all artifices, lest he rise to a position in which he is able to perform what he threatens. With regard to those who gave out that we were establishing here a permanent seat of despotism, under colour of defence, let us suffer this rumour to spread on both sides. Their impudence has been met with civility and mildness, so that they ought to be ashamed of themselves.[24] I trust that they will keep quiet. I seek, as far as I am able, to persuade our friends to remain unconcerned. Servetus lately wrote to me, and coupled with his letter a long volume of his delirious fancies, with the Thrasonic boast, that I should see something astonishing and unheard of. He takes it upon him to come hither, if it be agreeable to me. But I am unwilling to pledge my word for his safety, for if he shall come, I shall never permit him to depart alive, provided my authority be of any avail.[25]

More than fifteen days have now elapsed since Cartelier[26] was imprisoned, for having, at supper in his own house, raged against me with such insolence as to make it clear that he was not then in his right senses. I concealed what I felt, but I testified to the judge that it would be agreeable to me were he proceeded against with the utmost rigour of the law. I wished to go to see him. Access was prohibited by decree of the Senate; and yet some good men accuse me of cruelty, forsooth, because I so pertinaciously revenge my injuries.[27] I have been requested by his friends to undertake the part of intercessor. I refused to do so, except on these two conditions, viz: that no suspicion should attach to me, and that the honour of Christ should remain intact. I have now done. I abide the judgment of the Council.—Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend. We all salute you and your sisters. You will convey to the brethren the best salutations in my name, and that of my brethren in the ministry. May God ever bless you and prosper your labours.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Imp. Library, Coll. Dupuy. Vol. 102.]


CLV.—To Farel.

Pacification of the Church at Neuchatel—report of the speedy arrival of the Emperor in Savoy—dangers at Geneva—withering mention of Francis I.

Geneva, 20th February 1546.

I specially congratulate you and all your friends, yea, ourselves also, and the whole Church of Christ, that the Lord has unexpectedly stilled all tumults, by restraining the ungodly. Viret had already requested me to be prepared at all points in case there should be need of my presence, and assuredly I should not have been behind; but God is twice to be praised, who by his own counsel has adjusted matters that were in so great confusion. We acknowledge that he was present with you when he opened up to you that plan of admonishing the heads of the citizens. We again acknowledge a memorable work of his, in having given to you those who of their own accord were disposed to act well towards you. I feel confident that the matter has been brought to a conclusion in harmony with the desire of all good men. If our service be desired, you know that we are all yours. I now hourly expect your brothers. May the Lord restore them to us safe and with good fortune.[28] A confident report is spread abroad here of the arrival of the Emperor. I hold it for certain that a passage across will by no means be opened up to him without a bloody conflict. It cannot be doubted, that even though our neighbours were willing that we should be left exposed to the danger of becoming the prey of the conqueror, they would nevertheless find it necessary to guard their own territories; although I do not know why our party have so soon become careless, unless they wished to subject themselves to their sway, and thus save themselves from other masters. It is a hard condition that you must give up your liberty in order to secure allies as defenders.[29] Our party erred in one particular, that they made too violent a reply. But what could I do? On me, nevertheless, the odium redounds, though I strove with great vehemence to prevent the ground of it; but I have bid adieu to the perverted judgments of men. I pass on to another subject. Matters will go more severely with Cartelier, because he mixed up with myself part of the Senate. After that I have respectably enough discharged the duty of clemency, I have resolved to halt. The malevolent will heap obloquy upon me, but if there be an opportunity of replying, I have the means of stopping their mouths. No one certainly will allege that any word less than fair fell from me, for among good and bad I have endeavoured to extenuate his offence. The Parliament of Paris, as I hear, now wages war with fire and faggot against Christ.[30] It is indeed certain that a great multitude of the godly are everywhere held in bonds. Sardanapalus,[31] meanwhile, in the midst of his courtezans, feeds his fancy with victories. May the Lord have respect to his Church!

Adieu, most upright brother in the Lord, together with all your fellow-ministers, whom you will respectfully salute in my name, and in that of the brethren. May Christ ever direct you all by right counsel, and bless your auspicious endeavours.—Yours,

John Calvin.


To the four Presidents of the citizens, special compliments in my name. May the Lord bless them exceedingly.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLVI.—To Viret.

Election of a minister at Neuchatel—sickness of Viret's wife.

Geneva, 22d February 1546.

I learned from Farel's last letter, that the commotions at Neuchatel were allayed. And I now feel assured that the matter of the choice of a pastor is concluded; for it had at length been agreed that the ministers should promise on oath to nominate in good faith the person whom they deemed most suitable. It was already considered as almost certain, that Christopher would be the man, provided the Bernese would part with him;[32] and there is hope that they will offer no objection. Farel wrote that the good cause had been not a little aided by the Consul Wateville.

Had they invited us as brethren, I should have been ready at any hour. But I rejoice especially, that you were of more service than you thought you would be; for all loudly assert that your arrival was highly advantageous.

I see that Textor does not hold out much further hope of your wife. You need no more words to admonish you to hold yourself ready to bear with moderation the issue, whatever that may be. Would that I also could fly thither, that I might alleviate your sorrow, or at least bear a part of it![33] But so long a ride would cause me pain. I rather advise, should matters happen otherwise than as we wish, that you come hither for a few days.—Adieu, most sound-hearted brother, along with your wife and family. The Lord comfort and strengthen you all. Amen.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLVII.—To Viret.[34]

Calvin invites his friend to repair to Geneva after the death of his wife.

Geneva, 8th March 1546.

Come, on this condition, that you disengage your mind not only from grief, but also from every annoyance. Do not fear that I will impose any burden upon you, for through my means you will be allowed to take whatever rest is agreeable to you. If any one prove troublesome to you, I will interpose. The brethren, also, make the same promise to you as I do. I will also be surety that the citizens do not interfere with your wishes.

I know not what I ought to imprecate on the wretches who had spread a report of your death. Never did a letter from you arrive more opportunely. Although your death was announced, yet as mention was made of poison, Textor was already in the midst of preparations for the journey, that he might speed to Orbe on fleet horses. A great part of the brethren were present, all overwhelmed with deep affliction. Shortly afterward your letter made its appearance, and such exultation instantly broke forth, that we were hardly masters of our senses. It was fortunate that we did not pass a night of sorrow, else I should not have borne it without danger. But why do I detain you, and not rather incite you to hasten hither as quickly as possible? Adieu, brother and most agreeable friend. Salute respectfully the brethren James, Ribitti, Hubert, Cordier, Celio, Francis, Merlin. The Lord protect you and the remainder of your family.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 111.]


CLVIII.—To Viret.

Renewed and more pressing invitation to come to Geneva.

15th March 1546.

I have hitherto delayed writing to you, because I daily expected you to come hither, as you had promised; nor should I have written even now, as I remain in the same state of expectation, were it not that I might incite you to hasten your journey; for I wonder why it is that you thus put off from day to day. I remember that John de Tournay[35] told me that you had a horse; but why not rather come by boat? Unless David has sold his [horses,] that difficulty could be easily got over, although I believe that one may now be more easily procured than it could have been eight days ago, for fewer couriers have passed this way during these days. Make haste, therefore, that you may recruit a little, and gather heart again with us; for people from your quarter say that you are half dead. Since I can draw you out by no other inducement, I make the announcement, that you shall have no letter from me until you come. Quick, then.—Adieu. Salute all friends. May the Lord shortly bring you in safety to us.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLIX. To Theodore Vitus.[36]

Indication of the various documents wherein are set forth the opinions of Calvin regarding the Lord's Supper—earnest desire for union and peace among the Churches—condition of Geneva.

Geneva, 17th March 1546.

Your letter gave me the greater pleasure, as I had not ventured to look for it, for it was my part to draw a letter from you by being the first to write. But that you, without being called upon, should of your own accord have anticipated me, I take as a proof of your greater friendship towards me. If, however, you would know the reason of my not writing, I refrained more from modesty than negligence. And generally the testimony of Philip [Melanchthon] is with me sufficient; but when no great familiarity intervenes, the crooked policy of the times sometimes makes me apprehensive. Wherefore, I am the more grateful to you for having removed every scruple. I greatly rejoice, also, to find that my pamphlet, De Coenâ, has met with your approbation.[37] It was written in French ten years before. When, without my knowledge, it had been already translated into Latin by two individuals, I at length consented to its publication, being afraid, in fact, that some worse version might forestall it. A style of instruction, simple and popular, and adapted to the unlearned, shews what my purpose was from the first; for I usually write more carefully for those acquainted with Latin. I laboured, however, not only faithfully to express my views, and reduce them within a brief compass, but also to unfold them lucidly, and without technicalities. Since then the Institution, having been revised, was again given to the public, in which, unless I am mistaken, I expound and more fully confirm the same doctrine, under a different form of expression, and with somewhat greater development. I at length also published a Catechism, which is trustworthy and pertinent evidence of the kind of doctrine with which the common people are imbued by me. Would that the people of Zurich, as you say, were willing to give their assent to that confession![38] I do not think Luther is so unyielding but that there might easily be an agreement, and they do not, withal, venture to disapprove of my views. The chief obstacle to their giving a public assent to my doctrine is, that being pre-occupied by a meaning, once and now for a length of time prescribed to them, they so stick to their customary forms as to admit nothing new. But if you consider the tyranny manifested by certain of the adverse party in the attempt to force the world, not only into their peculiar views, but also into a prescribed form of words, the furious insolence they shew, what commotions they excite,—the moderation as well as rectitude by which you are characterized, will lead you to condemn in the matter the absurd conduct of those parties, not less than the people of Zurich. May the Lord by his Spirit dispose us all to true moderation. You know that I am not in the habit of complaining when there is no ground for it; nor do I doubt but that you yourself, as might be expected from your eminent piety, sigh in secret over the same evils, while it is not in your power to remedy them. With respect to the assurances you give me regarding yourself, I wish you in turn to believe, that I am and always will be your sincere friend and brother. I now, with many others, request you to go on strenuously, and make no halt in your progress, until you have handed over to us Genesis completed.[39] For as Luther has just grounds for congratulating himself in having found such an artist to polish his works, so others experience how advantageous the labour is to the public. I may have wished, however, that you had been more sparing in your mention of the Sacramentaries, because I see that the minds of some are thereby exasperated, of whom there was a hope that they would be brought to moderate views. It will be for you to consider what may be more conducive to that end. I will be satisfied if you take my warning in good part, whether or not you act upon it. The Ratisbon Assembly will indeed bring forth smoke for us, which the Lord will soon dispel.[40]

Here we are tranquil unless the Emperor molest us. Some suspect him of having an eye on Burgundy, with the view of threatening the kingdom of France from that quarter, while he would harass Provence by means of the young Duke of Savoy, and send in the English from the other side. I hold myself under the protection of God alone when I see that we are not far from certain danger. Adieu, most honoured sir, and most sincere friend. May the Lord Jesus ever guide and direct you by his Holy Spirit, and bless your labours. All my colleagues respectfully salute you. To yours also you will convey the highest respects in my name, and in that of my colleagues.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. Copy, Library of Zurich, Coll. Simler. Vol. 59.]


CLX.—To Viret.[41]

Instructions to Viret about a journey to Geneva.

Geneva, 26th March, before supper.

The person who delivered yours to me did not know whence it came. I thus received it somewhat later than I wished. I attended to the wish you expressed, that a suitable horse, and one without show, should be sent to you. It would, however, have been sent off sooner, had I not told our people beforehand that you could not leave your place of residence before the morning discourse. I certainly could have wished, if your letter had arrived in time, that you had been sent for sooner. But I supposed that you had set out with Christopher: for that was the reason why I gave you no letter by the messenger belonging to my household. If, after preaching, you can come as far as Nyon, you will be here on Monday before supper; but take care lest you fatigue yourself. You had better come to Nyon on Monday. We shall have you with us in good time, if we get you well. Salute all the brethren.

May the Lord bring you to us safe and in good spirits.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.—Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXI.—To Monsieur de Falais.

Calvin's labours—the diet at Ratisbon—the Church at Metz—the reformation at Heidelberg—apology for M. de Falais—opinion regarding the sermons of Ochino.

[April 1546.][42]

Monseigneur,—I thank you for the care which you have of my health, anxious that I would not overburthen myself, in straining a point to write to you, when I am not in a fit state to do so. But had I only to write to you, it would be to me a very easy labour, if that can be called toil wherein one only finds pleasure. The difficulty arises from the annoyances and interruptions of the train of thought which intervene, to break off a letter in the midst twenty times over, or even more, beyond all bounds. As regards health, I was much more feeble when I wrote to you a while ago than I am at present. But being in a good state of general bodily condition, I am unceasingly tormented with a heaviness, which, as it were, suffers me not to do anything. For, besides the sermons and lectures, there is a month already gone in which I have scarce done anything, in such wise that I am almost ashamed to live thus useless. But if it please God, of his goodness, to make use of me, he will release me and allay this ill, which holds me so fast that I cannot set about any labour of importance, to employ the leisure which he gives me. Nevertheless, he does not cease to exercise me by some means or other, in order that I may not grow rusty through laziness. If, however, he does not graciously restore me to a better condition, I am not likely ever to get on horseback. Even more than that, were I ever to be sent for, I could not stir out of the house in such a state. But, as you observe, they let me alone, from fear of setting astir the frantic blockheads; and on my side, I willingly give up the diets to those who have a liking for them, as for any good they do.[43] I am glad that our Lord has put you out of pain as regards Norberg. As for what remains to be done, you will have an opportunity of considering what it ought to be, having been informed by Jéhan de Rochefort, and after having established your case, as it can be done, in coming forth out of Egypt and out of Babylon. It is like what is said by Moses and by Ezekiel,—in much stir and with haste. I hope, should it so please God, that all is over by this time. I would not have you to be too much astonished at the length of time you have been in receiving letters from him, considering the length of the journey. But if God has been so gracious to him, and to you also, as to make a way of escape out of danger, he will not have tarried so long on the way as not to be, by this time, on his return. Thus, being at rest in regard to that matter, you will take counsel for the future.

As to Constance, I had not spoken to you, but that your present abode did not please you. When the crisis comes, however, Strasbourg is more suitable, and I like it better, were it not for the reason which you allege.

In Metz,[44] I see a great evil, the want of guidance and of cordial interest, albeit that these are rather two evils. But God will find the remedy. We must try every method which he presents to us, and even stir up ourselves, where the means appear to be wanting. And whereas I know that you have no need to be exhorted not to spare yourself, I forbear to do so.

I am not at all amazed, if Master Peter Alexander is bold, having his chin thus held above water, and that besides he is quite accustomed at Heidelberg to hear that doctrine already for a long time past.[45] He is even well aware that he has no other means for advancing himself. Thus it is no wonder if he takes advantage of it where there is no danger at all. But I see quite well that he is not an over-confident man, were it only by his conclusions. What is worse, he makes a stupid blunder in this, that he says, the swearing an oath is forbidden by God; and that with a blasphemy, inasmuch as he attributes authority to Saint Paul to permit what has been prohibited by his Master; but these are matters for the civil magistrate to decide.

The Apology would be much better drawn up where you are than at a distance. This I say not to exempt myself, but inasmuch as I think that such is the case; for I am quite ready to undertake the employment. So also would Master Peter Viret, but his style of writing would not be altogether suited to such an argument, owing to his want of conciseness. And for myself I would have to bite my nails in more than a hundred passages, if we could not confer together so as to resolve by common accord what might be fit to say or to omit. Nevertheless, we shall take care to meet your wish whenever you shall have come to a determination upon the whole case and the state of your affairs. Howbeit, I have retained no memorandum of the particulars beside me. What I have told you about the Emperor, was not so much to find fault with what has been done, as to set forth the reason why it ought not to be inserted so as to be seen. I praise our Lord that the present of my Commentary is agreeable to you. In conformity with your answer, our brother sent his translation to Vendelin, addressing the preface to you, in order that having seen it beforehand, you may judge what course shall appear to you to be expedient.

The request which I made to you so affectionately, not to separate your household from the French Church,[46] was not founded upon any report, but solely upon a passage of your letter where you signify that you were in course of doing so, not perceiving any amendment in that quarter. It suffices, that I am aware of your intention, so as not to be further troublesome to you on that score. I see indeed the reasons you may have, but I take into view the scandal which would thence arise. All is well, since you have condescended to my request.

I would desire, Monseigneur, that the hundred crowns [escus] might be sent to the lady, and they would be returned to you forthwith, sending to the Ladies de Tilly what is resting due to them, since the father shews himself such a one as he is. I would earnestly wish, that in disposing ourselves willingly and patiently to bear the cross, we were framing our shoulders to such a charge. But these are matters about which we shall better talk together than we can write.

I pray you to hold me excused, if I do not as yet signify my opinion of the translation of the Sermons of Messire Bernardino.[47] I may, however, speak a word in your ear, that they are more useful in Italian than in other languages, were it not that the name of the man is of use; and then there is such a variety of minds, that it is not amiss to endeavour to draw some of them by that means. Of the translator, I shall let you know my opinion, please God, in a few words shortly.

As touching the apology of the ladies,[48] I think, Monseigneur, you have my opinion of it signified already in brief, at least I would here declare it, that the author has not observed what the Latins call decorum. For the course of procedure is unbefitting the individuals. Everybody will not perceive this, only those who have their wits about them. This is the reason why I have retained it beside me.

The letters of Diaz[49] were not needed to shew me on what authority you had opened those which he might write to me. For you have sufficient authority without any one else giving it to you. I humbly thank you for the offer which you have so kindly made for the baptism of our child.[50] And now, Monsieur, to conclude, after having humbly, and with all possible kindly affection, commended me to your good favour and that of Madame, and having also presented the humble salutations of my wife, I pray our good Lord to guide you always as he has done, shewing himself the true protector both of you and of all that concerns you.

Your humble brother, servant, and ever your entire friend,

John Calvin.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXII.—To Monsieur de Falais.

Advice regarding the editing of the Apology—details of a loan contracted for M. de Falais—news from Germany and Italy—Farel and Viret at Geneva—death of Juan Diaz.

16th April 1546.

Monseigneur,—You see here what I have done desiring to comply with your wish.[51] That it shall altogether satisfy you I shall not venture to promise myself. It will be quite enough for me if you have the persuasion that I have not failed from lack of good-will. Indeed, I fear you may not find that which you had looked for. But it is not reasonable that I bear the blame of the too great credit which I may have with you. If I had been in a right frame, and had I had leisure, possible it is that I might have done better. But since these two things have been wanting to me, I pray you that you may please hold me as excused. It would not have cost me very much to fill up a much larger extent of paper; but I have studied brevity, thinking that nothing could be better, considering the personage to whom the writing is addressed. It did not occur to Saint André that it wanted anything, except that, on having come to the passage about your retirement, you might insist upon deducting separately in detail the travelling expenses which you had incurred up to that time. I had, indeed, thought of another conclusion to be urged, but because I did not well know how to keep within bounds, I have let it alone. You will exercise your own discretion as to adding an article to that effect, if you think fit, namely, with regard to the property, which you did not venture to make any other request to him about, fearing that it would be trouble thrown away, to speak to him about the property before being reinstated in his good graces, and also because that is the thing you most of all desire and prefer to anything else. In any event, let it please him to have regard to such a family, and not allow himself to be led by those who only seek its destruction. I know not whether it would be of advantage to your brothers[52] to make mention of them. You will consider about that. Towards the end, it would be needful to add an express clause, to remove the suspicion that you had too great regret, declaring that for the honour of God you bear the loss patiently, beseeching God that he would always make you sensibly aware of the work of Jesus Christ, and of the benefits bestowed on you by him, so as to reckon all things but loss and dung in comparison of him. If you determine to enter upon the subject of the property, it appears to me that it would be advisable to mention it thus briefly; I have explained the reason why I have not done so.

But to proceed, Monseigneur, I have detained the man who has brought me your last, hoping that he would be the messenger to carry you this answer. But, at the end of six days, there has occurred a sudden piece of business to Sire Nicolas the present bearer. I have thereupon sent away the other, delivering to his care the two young children, because he could not have arrived so soon. He has been sufficiently admonished, not so much by me as by the others, to settle and choose some manner of livelihood; but I see clearly that he is not yet tired of running about. That arises in part from his too great simplicity,—for he has no great head-piece. Some clodpole, scarcely wiser than himself, had whispered in his ear in passing, that I would be quite able to recommend him to Berne, and put him in the way of his becoming a preacher. I have done everything to repress such an expectation: but he does not leave off his roving about; and although he seems to approve an advice when offered to him, immediately afterwards he begins to do the same thing again. I am sorry for it, for in other respects, I find him well disposed, and without malice.

As for the business of Sire Nicolas, the case is thus:—He had no means of squaring his accounts, but in taking the place which had been adjudged in hypothec to another preferable creditor, having struck off some pieces for law expenses. Thus he would have been excluded, had he not undertaken to reimburse the other party. What is worse, he who held the security was himself under hypothec elsewhere, in danger that his property might be sold, and needed to re-assure his interest therein. The subject is well worth what the said Nicolas has bargained for. The hardship was for him, that he would have had to pay seven hundred crowns before next Easter, and also that it is too large for him. But the necessity made him forget all that. It is true that he has to receive from Sire Antony Sieglessen a sum in satisfaction thereof, but he fears that it may not be ready at so short a term, seeing that he will have to transact with people who have no pity. In that perplexity, he has thought that if, peradventure, Antony de Sieglessen might not so readily be forthcoming with that which he has to receive from him, you would afford him some assistance, for a month, or six weeks' delay, on his giving you the security of Sire Antony and the place, on good and equitable terms. When he asked advice of me, I requested him to try all means before having recourse to you, which he had already indeed determined, as he told me, but that it was his last remedy. In any event, however, he would bring you letters of assurance over the place. To this I have not agreed, fearing lest it might appear to you that it would have the effect of protracting a settlement, promising to him to assure you that the responsibility lies not with himself but with me.

I have wished much to make this statement to you, Monseigneur, on purpose that you should be informed, that he did not rashly go beyond his authority, but that he had been constrained thereto; in order also, that when he could nowise do without your help, you might the more be induced to aid him. I can indeed assure you, that there will be no risk, for the assignment is quite valid. And if money were to be had here, he would not need to stir out of the house. But the country is stripped so bare of money, that it is lamentable, the more so that there is more due to him at Strasbourg than he has need for. I do not take upon me to ask it of you, for that is not my business. In so far as I have endeavoured to remove the doubts which might prevent you, I hope you will take it in good part, and that you will not ascribe it to importunity. Besides that, it is my duty, for I have been the cause, along with Monsieur David, of involving him in this anxiety. For we made the first purchase in his absence, because the said Monsieur David was fully resolved from that time forward to complete the transaction.

I believe that you have been otherwise informed of the death of the Marquis of Guasto.[53] We are not aware what the Emperor intends to do, except that people are coming from Naples toward Genoa. One can scarce think that he would go so far for pastime as to Argiers. And, indeed, I believe, that considering himself secure upon the side of France, and leaving the English to occupy the King's attention, having fully ordered everything to his own advantage in Germany, he would not make a mere feint of going to Argiers.[54]

Master William Farel and Master Peter Viret, in passing from hence, have requested me to present you their humble commendations. They have been here eight days to my great comfort, except in so far as they have made me put off my excusing myself to you. I am glad of your well-disposedness, and principally for your cheerfulness, and also because I hope that it will prove a means of our seeing you. We shall, in the meanwhile, however, pray God, that he would restore you from better to better, albeit that we must not look, neither you nor myself, to be ever of much worth in this world.

We have made Saint-André preacher, at which possibly you will be amazed. He did not look for it; and I believe also, that at the first move his courage would not have inclined him that way. But we have made conscience of it, seeing his zeal and readiness, not to leave him always idle. I hope that God will make use of him for the profit and upbuilding of his Church. He has not been brought to it without a struggle, but perceiving that the call was from on high, he has not resisted it.

To conclude, Monseigneur, after having presented the humble commendations as well of myself as of my wife to your kind favour and to that of Madame, I shall supplicate our good Lord to have you always in his protection, guiding you with a view to his honour, as he has done hitherto, and shewing himself so powerful in you, that we may always acknowledge the fruit of that great victory with which Jesus Christ consoles us.

Your humble servant and brother in our Lord Jesus,

John Calvin.


When I had finished these presents, I received the sad news of the death of good Diaz.[55] But it so happens, that the unhappy Papists shew more and more that they are led by the spirit of their father, who has been a murderer from the beginning.

[Fr. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXIII.—To Farel.[56]

Troubles at Geneva—imprisonment of the several members of the family of Favre—account of the assassination of John Diaz at Neubourg.

[April 1546.]

After your departure the dances caused us more trouble than I had supposed. All those who were present being summoned to the Consistory, with the two exceptions of Corna and Perrin, shamelessly lied to God and us. I was incensed, as the vileness of the thing demanded, and I strongly inveighed against the contempt of God, in that they thought nothing of making a mockery of the sacred obtestations we had used. They persisted in their contumacy. When I was fully informed of the state of the case, I could do nothing but call God to witness that they would pay the penalty of such perfidy; I, at the same time, however, announced my resolution of unbaring the truth, even though it should be at the cost of my own life, lest they should imagine that any profit was to come of lying. Francisca also, the wife of Perrin, grossly abused us, because we were so opposed to the Favres.[57] I replied as seemed proper, and as she deserved. I inquired whether their house was inviolably sacred, whether it owed no subjection to the laws? We already detained her father in prison, being convicted of one act of adultery,[58] the proof of a second was close at hand; there was a strong report of a third; her brother had openly contemned and derided the Senate and us. Finally, I added, that a new city must be built for them, in which they might live apart, unless they were willing to be restrained by us here under the yoke of Christ; that so long as they were in Geneva, they would strive in vain to cast off obedience to the laws; for were there as many diadems in the house of the Favres as frenzied heads, that that would be no barrier to the Lord being superior. Her husband had meanwhile gone to Lyons, hoping that the matter would be silently buried. I thought that they should be forced to a confession of the truth by an oath. Corna warned them that he would by no means suffer them to perjure themselves. They not only confessed what we wished, but that they, on that day, danced at the house of the widow of Balthazar. They were all cast into prison. The Syndic was an illustrious example of moderation; for he publicly spoke against himself and the whole herd so severely, that it was unnecessary to say much to him. He was, however, severely admonished in the Consistory, being deposed from his office until he gave proof of repentance. They say that Perrin has returned from Lyons; whatever he may do, he will not escape punishment. Henry was stripped of his office with our consent. With him there fell out a ludicrous enough altercation. He had admitted that what had been taken down from the witnesses was true. Meanwhile he had recourse to the defence, 'Against an elder admit no accusation unless before two or three witnesses.' I inquired whose saying this was,—'Out of thine own mouth I judge thee, worthless servant;' for that now the case did not lie in the trustworthiness of the witnesses, but in his confession. Besides, when he repudiated the witnesses, that he was pressed by the dilemma, either his confession was true or it was false: if true, there was no further ground for hesitation; but if he had said what was false, he was to be held as answerable for perjury, because he had sworn to something different from the reality. It therefore came to this, that he might say that he had spoken falsely and without regard to principle. When he said that it was unfair that he should be pressed by one who ought to have been his defender, I inquired by what obligation I was bound to him to defend a bad cause, for that I had taken no oath to the Franciscan faction. Much was said to the man, backwards and forwards, but the result was, that he departed loaded with the reproach and odium of all. Being deprived of his ministry, he was, at the same time, thrust into prison, whence, however, he was liberated in three days. There he was a strenuous patron of the dances, that he might embitter, as far as was in his power, the hatred towards me of those who were already more than sufficiently alienated from me. But whatever Satan may essay by the like of him, he will afford a striking example. For two things are already matter of public talk, that there is no hope of impunity since even the first people of the city are not spared, and that I show no more favour to friends than to those opposed to me. Perrin with his wife rages in prison; the widow is absolutely furious; the others are silent from confusion and shame.

Diaz, the Spaniard, whom you saw here, Viret, at the house of Des Gallars, and who, setting out from Neuchatel for Germany, had passed through with the two Senarclens, was most cruelly put to death. When the Emperor was said to be approaching, he had repaired to Neubourg, a town under the rule of Duke Otho Henry. From that place he wrote to me on the 13th of March. He had a brother at Rome of the name of Alphonso, who came thither with the express design of making away with this godly man. They conferred together for some days. When Juan observed that he was of no service, he left Alphonso. The latter, pretending that he had forgotten something, sends a servant to recall his brother, and put him to death in the house. He followed him to the house, nor did he believe the domestic that the slaughter had been perpetrated until he himself had viewed the corpse. Then he hurried off on fleet horses to the county of Tyrol.[59] Duke Otho sent the prefect of the palace to demand that he should be given up to punishment. Unless Ferdinand be willing to throw into confusion all things, both human and divine, he must of necessity avenge so base and abominable an outrage. For the prefect has at the same time surrendered himself a prisoner.

Adieu, dearest brethren; may God ever protect you. Salute all friends. You, Farel, will convey to the heads of the citizens my best greeting. I wish that I could one day creep your length, in whatever way it might be possible.—All ours salute you.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp.—Opera, tom. ix. p. 38.]


CLXIV.—To Amy Perrin.[60]

Complaints regarding the conduct of Perrin—firm and courageous declaration by the Reformer of his resolution to persevere in his duty unto death.

[April 1546.]

I should willingly have met you, Lord Captain, had it not appeared to me that a different course was expedient. You will have an opportunity of hearing the reason from me at a proper place and time. I could have wished, however, that you had appeared at the Consistory, by way of example to others. As in that respect you did not do your duty, because you had perhaps not been warned, I desired you at least to be present at the close of the meeting to-day, that the Syndic Corna and I might there discuss the matter with you. What there was to prevent you I do not see. But this I wish you to consider, that we can not enjoy weight for weight with an unequal balance; and if impartiality must be observed in the administration of human law, any departure from it cannot be tolerated in the Church of God. You yourself either know, or at least ought to know, what I am; that, at all events, I am one to whom the law of my heavenly Master is so dear, that the cause of no man on earth will induce me to flinch from maintaining it with a pure conscience. I cannot believe that you yourself have any other end in view, but I observe that no one has his eyes wide enough open when the case is his own. As far as I am concerned, I desire, in this very matter, to consult not only the edification of the Church and your salvation, but also your convenience, name, and leisure; for how odious would be the imputation which is likely to fall upon you, that you were apparently free from and unrestrained by the common law, to which every one is subject? It is certainly better, and in accordance with my zeal for your welfare, to anticipate the danger than that you should be so branded. I have heard, indeed, what has proceeded from your house, viz., that I should take care lest I stir up a slumbering fire, lest what occurred before should again take place, in the course of the seventh year. But these speeches have no weight with me; for I did not return to Geneva either for the sake of leisure or of gain, nor will it again grieve me to be constrained to leave it. The convenience and safety of Church and State made me willing to return; and if measures are now being taken against me alone, I should wish it to be said, once for all, to all who think me troublesome, "What you do, do quickly." But yet, the unworthy treatment and ingratitude of some parties will not cause me to fail in my duty, and I will lay aside that devoted attachment to this place only with my last breath, of which I take God as my voucher. Nor will I ever so far yield to the humours of any other individual, as hereafter to dispense with his personal attendance. These observations do not refer to you, but to that member of your family that is nearest to you. Nor do I write them with the view of spreading quarrels, but that it may be manifest with what firmness I am about to proceed, whatever may happen. I am especially desirous to impress upon you the necessity of earnestly seeking to acquire the primary virtue of obedience to God, and respect for the common order and polity of the Church. May the Lord protect you by his own defence, and discover to you how greatly even the stripes of a sincere friend are to be preferred to the treacherous blandishments of others!—Adieu.

Your attached and sincere brother,

John Calvin.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 80.]


CLXV.—To Farel and Viret.[61]

Requests in favour of the faithful in France.

Geneva, 1st May 1546.

This pious brother is a citizen of Uzés,[62] a place where many have been utterly ruined by the severity of the ungodly. They have all agreed to try whether any succour is to be found among the Germans. I replied, that I had somewhat greater hope to-day, in that our princes have shewn, by clear indications, their aversion from imprisoning. I had, besides, been reminded that there was a certain person at Worms, sent by the Dauphin, who makes many promises. I am, indeed, aware of the hollowness of courts, but there will be no harm in making trial. I should not have refused what they strenuously insisted upon, viz., that I should undertake this journey, were I not still a prisoner, so slow is the process of my convalescence. I hardly know what progress I have hitherto made towards recovery, unless that my sufferings are allayed.[63] I have, therefore, left this duty to one of you. Whoever of you finds it convenient will provide the expenses. As you, Viret,[64] are on the eve of setting out for Berne, it is right that our friend Farel be relieved by you of this burden, if the Senate give its permission. But if you shall not be free to go, Farel himself, I know, will spare neither himself nor his age; certainly otherwise he will be absolutely indispensable. Wherefore, if leave of absence be denied to Viret, take care you do not fail, Farel, for I have almost given a pledge in your name to the brethren. It remains with you, therefore, to fulfil the pledge, even though it were given rashly. Moreover, because, from the present state of the kingdom, it would be in vain to ask of the King what he ought to do of his own accord, we have judged that he must at least be required to undertake the commission of inquiry. This, again, will be equivalent to interdicting the Parliaments from engaging in it. In the next place, he must be asked to nominate extraordinary impartial judges. If this is obtained, a great step will be made. To aim at anything beyond this would, as I said, be superfluous. If the Chancellor is disposed to favour us, all will be well.[65] But as he is timid and tardy, we must see to it that he is vigorously urged on. Accordingly, not less pains must be taken in these secondary matters than in those of prime importance. But abjuration is always to be expressly excluded; for we do the work of Satan, if we open up a path to the godly whereby they may be permitted to abjure Christ. I diligently commend the whole matter, first to Master James Sturm, whose authority in the conventions is of the highest order; in the next place to Bucer, that he may stimulate those whom he can; again to Sturm and Dr. Ulrich, that they may also interpose the weight of their personal influence. The affair itself will give you counsel. You are not, however, tyros. May the Lord prosper his journey who shall undertake this sacred cause.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXVI.—To Madame de Falais.

Expression of Christian sympathy and condolence on occasion of the illness of M. de Falais.

From Geneva, this 21st of June [1546.][66]

Madame,—Notwithstanding that the addition which you have made to your letter has marvellously saddened me, yet nevertheless it was kind to have informed me of it, for that will serve to bestir us, so that we may pray to God with so much the better heart, as danger is to be feared.[67] And, indeed, I had already heard somewhat thereof by Monsieur Dallein, and Master Peter Viret has confirmed it to me. Beside that in praying to God to look down with pity upon us in this strait, we must look patiently for an outlet such as he shall please to send; and whichsoever way he disposes thereof, that we may be prepared to bear with it in suchwise that it must effectually appear how obedient we are to him. Bethink yourself, also, how by that wearisome sickness and so many relapses, our Lord admonishes you, before the blow, so to strengthen you, that you may not be taken by surprise, whatever may happen. However the event may be, I do well believe that for all that, although he may get the better of it, we must not count, neither he nor myself, upon a long sojourning here below. And possibly you also may very soon after follow us. But, after all, I do not give up hope of more gladsome news.

To conclude, Madame, after having humbly commended me to your good graces, I pray our good Lord to have ever his eye upon you, and to make you know it by experience for your consolation, increasing in you all those graces with which his children ought to be enriched.

Your humble brother, servant, and old friend,

John Calvin.


My wife presents you her humble commendations.

[Orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXVII.—To Farel.[68]

Excitement caused at Geneva by the Representation of a Play.

Geneva, 4th July 1546.

Our plays narrowly escaped being converted into tragedy. When the senate had asked my opinion, I said that I would make no reply unless concerning the common resolution of the brethren. The brethren having been heard, I replied, that for many reasons it did not seem to us expedient that the games should be proceeded with, and at the same time I explained the grounds of our opinion. I said, however, that we did not wish to oppose them, if the senate held out for them. When the day was coming on, Michael, (who had done so once before,) instead of preaching, inveighed against the actors; but so vehement was this second invective, that a concourse of people straightway made towards me with loud shouts, threats, and what not. And had I not by a strong effort restrained the fury of some of them, they would have come to blows. I endeavoured in the second discourse to appease their exasperation, observing moderation, for I judged that he had acted imprudently in having at an unseasonable time chosen such a theme for declamation. But his extravagance was the more displeasing, since I could by no means approve of what he had said. He maintained it to be true; I firmly denied it. There were some of the brethren who encouraged the man in his obstinacy. About nine in the evening, I was told that a hundred or thereabouts would meet on the following day in the council-room. I immediately called the brethren together: we came to the resolution that we ought to accompany Michael. He was hardly suffered to go out along with me. I bring him to the place of meeting; meanwhile I order the others to be sent for. His accusers indicate their refusal to speak while we are present; for they said they had no concern with me, beyond that they regarded me with reverence, and were therefore unwilling to enter into any dispute with me. I strenuously insist that the cause is common, until it appear that Michael has erred in his duty. We are ordered to withdraw to separate sides of the house; from the opposite party arise seditious shouts; they threateningly assert that they would have killed Michael were it not that they revered me. To restrain the tumult, he was detained in the council-room, but in a respectful manner. On the following day, by the favour of the Lord, we quieted all disturbances; for Abel,[69] by the esteem in which he is held, and I by my authority, prevailed with the actors. The senate, however, was on our side. I was so far displeased with it, that it was not more courageous and spirited, for as usual it behaved too timidly; the result is, that the games are now going on. Viret is present as a spectator, who has again returned, according to arrangement, with a view to restore our furious friend to sanity.[70]

Of your brothers I hear absolutely nothing. There is with you one Elie Limousin by name, a native of Rochelle, who has now in a third letter asked me to certify to you what I have known of his former life. Pious people who come from that district declare that he was an upright man, and of honourable life, and also that he was unmarried when he removed thence to us. There is no reason, therefore, why any suspicion of this nature should be a hindrance to his marriage. You will apologize for my not having replied to him, and also for having so cursorily gone over to you what perhaps demanded a longer discourse. Adieu, dearest brother in the Lord, and most sincere friend. Salute respectfully all the brethren; there is no salutation from any one here to you or them, as no one knew I was going to write except Nicolas, the father-in-law of a brother, who came in. May the Lord be ever present with you, and bless your sacred labours.

[Calvin's Lat. Corresp. Opera, tom. ix. p. 43.]


CLXVIII.—To Monsieur de Falais.

Proposals of matrimony on behalf of Viret.

Geneva, 4th July 1546.

Monseigneur,—You see, by the date of the other letters, what a length of time they have lain by me since they were written, forasmuch as the bearer could not find means to fill his letter-case; whereof I wished to inform you, fearing that you might suppose that he had kept them up for such a length of time in his own hands. We are in great anxiety for news concerning you, on account of the rumour which is abroad. The Lord graciously vouchsafe that you may have matter wherewith to gladden us. Now, however, since the bearer has been tarrying for a while, I have taken upon me, Monsieur, to make a request of you. You know that our brother Viret is about to marry. I am in as great anxiety about it as himself. We have plenty of wives here, both at Lausanne and at Orbe; but yet there has not hitherto appeared a single one with whom I should feel at all satisfied. While we have this matter in hand, I would beseech you earnestly, if you have remarked any one in your quarter who appears to you likely to suit him, that you would please let me know of it. I have not thought fit to apply to any other than yourself, seeing that every one has not the prudence which is herein required. You may reply to me, that I am at least acquainted with some one in your neighbourhood; but I shall not venture to breathe a word before having your opinion, which you can tell me in one word, for I shall hold your silence for a non placet.[71] I have not felt the least difficulty in addressing you privately in regard to this, although the subject may be rather delicate, for the necessity of the case would excuse me, were I even somewhat importunate, because there was no one else in whom it appeared safe to confide; and I am well aware that, for your part, knowing of how much consequence the marriage of such a man is for the Church of God, you would not spare yourself any pains therein. Indeed, I would not hinder your acting directly for him, supposing that a suitable party can be found there; but in regard to asking advice, I have taken for granted that you will allow me that liberty.

In conclusion, Monseigneur, after having commended me to your kind favour with such affection as that wherewith I love you, I pray our good Lord to have always a care of you, guiding you in suchwise that you may be more and more serviceable for the advancement of his glory.

Your servant, humble brother, and entire friend,

John Calvin.

[Fr. copyLibrary of Geneva. Vol. 194.]


CLXIX.—To Viret.

Account of the steps taken relative to his marriage.

13th July 1546.

Think of what you are going to do, and then write to me again what resolution you have come to. The more we inquire, the more numerous and the better are the testimonies with which the young lady is honoured. Accordingly, I am now seeking to discover the mind of her father. As soon as we have reached any certainty, I will let you know. Meanwhile, do you make yourself ready. This match does not please Perrin, because he wishes to force upon you the daughter of Rameau. That makes me the more solicitous about pre-occupying the ground in good time, lest we be obstructed by having to make excuses. To-day, as far as I gather, he will enter upon the subject with me, for we are both invited by Corna to supper. I will gain time by a civil excuse. It would tend to promote the matter if I, with your permission, should ask her. I have seen her twice; she is very modest, with an exceedingly becoming countenance and person. Of her manners, all speak so highly that John Parvi lately told me, he had been captivated by her. Adieu; may the Lord govern you by his counsel, and bless us in an undertaking of such moment.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXX.—To Viret.

Fresh details regarding the projects for his marriage.

Geneva, 15th July 1546.

Three days ago, towards the conclusion of supper, mention was made of your marriage, which I had foretold you would be the case. But Dominic Arlot, whose assistance I had employed, presently interrupted the conversation; for he said that the matter was completed. On hearing this our friend instantly sprung up from table, and, in his usual way, gave reins to his indignation; for, says he, his whole body shaking, "Will he then marry that girl of low connections? Could there not be found for him in the city one of better family? Whoever have been the originators or abettors of this business, I regard them as vile and infamous. Of a brother and sister I am thus unwillingly compelled to speak." I, in reply, say, "I could not be the originator of it, inasmuch as the young lady was unknown to me. I acknowledge that I was a promoter of it, and, indeed, the principal one; but that the matter is finally settled, as Dominic has asserted, is not true, beyond this, that I have gone so far in it that to draw back would be dishonourable. In that there is nothing for me to be ashamed of." His fury was thus turned into laughter. But he again began to grow hot, because the matter had been concealed from him by you. He was especially inflamed with a foolish jealousy, because Corna confessed that you and he, while riding, had talked over the thing together. "Is it even so?" he proceeded to say to Corna. "Was it for this I attended him along with you, that he might in the most insulting manner shut out from his counsels the most attached friend he has in the world? [for] I would cheerfully prefer him to myself."

I objected that he himself drew a false conclusion, since you had not disclosed your mind even to Farel. He was, therefore, again pacified, though he talked of the daughter of Rameau, whom he extolled in an extraordinary manner. I nodded assent to all the encomiums, that I might remain firm in regard to the other party.

Consider, now, whether it be expedient for you to come into the city disengaged. For there will be a hateful apologizing, if they proceed to obtrude her upon you. I know how dangerous even it may be to give a promise before the natural disposition of the girl has been ascertained. I am full of anxiety, nor can I easily clear a way for myself. I think, however, that this course would not be ridiculous. Suppose you consent to my asking the young lady in your name, the condition being added, that before the betrothal takes place, you are to meet her, that we may give some certain promise. They will thus not dare to press you. Write in return, therefore, by the earliest possible messenger what your views are, although, at the same time, I give it as my advice that you should not delay long, but come on an early day. Of the lady, I hear nothing that is not highly pleasing. In her father and mother, also, there is nothing blamable. I am the more confirmed, when I see that our opponents have nothing to carp at beyond this, that it was impossible for them to frighten us from our purpose. There are some things about the daughter of Rameau which I fear; nevertheless, as it is your own affair, you will be free to choose. I will never, however, allow that there is any man on earth who has greater concern about his own matters than I have about the present.

This youth came to us from Italy, with the view of giving his attention to sacred literature, if a situation had been found such as he had hoped for. But as he has been disappointed, he wished, before he returned home, to pay you a visit. I have observed in him a truly good disposition. You will say a few words to confirm him in the fear of the Lord, and in reverence for his teaching.—Adieu. May the Lord direct you by his counsel, and bless you in a recommendation of so much moment. Salute respectfully all the brethren.—Yours,

John Calvin.


Forgive me for not having, some time ago, sent to you this letter by our treasurer—I mean Bucer's, for, as the messenger brought it open, I thought that it had been already read by you and Farel. Afterwards, he reminded me that not even Toussain had read it. You will therefore send it to Farel, as soon as you shall have an opportunity. I am surprised that Bucer was not aroused by the murderous outrage so greatly to be execrated, which the Emperor perpetrated when he struck off the heads of the principal senators at Ratisbon. I am also surprised that he has made no mention of the incendiaries, but I set it down partly to his engagements. The other matter he has perhaps passed over on purpose, because he did not dare to commit everything to writing in these dubious times.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXI.—To Viret.

Same subject as the preceding.

[July 1546.]

Only say the word, the thing is settled. I should never have been in such haste, had I not been stimulated by so many remarkable testimonies. But nothing gave me a greater impulse than the desire to be freed from those embarrassments of which you are aware.

Adieu, again.—Yours,

John Calvin.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]


CLXXII.—To Viret.[72]

Breaking off of the match treated of in the preceding letters.

Geneva, 25th July 1546.

What I wrote to you, by the treasurer, regarding the settlement of the matter, was told to me by Peter Ursier, whom I was then employing as negotiator; because I was unwilling to say anything myself, until I had received a more definite commission. But after reading your letter, I waited on the father and daughter, that I might be absolutely certain of success. As soon, however, as reference was made to a change of residence, the father took exception to it, on the ground that something different had been promised him. I said that no promise to that effect had been made with our knowledge; and, moreover, that I had carefully enjoined Peter Ursier not to cajole them by such promises. I pointed out how absurd it would be if we were to leave our churches to follow whither our wives called us; that a marriage consummated under such a condition would be an unhappy, because an unholy, alliance, that would not pass without punishment falling on both you and the girl; finally, that you would never be prevailed upon to afford the first example of so disgraceful a practice, and, therefore, that it was in vain to make the request. I added, that Lausanne was not so far distant from this as to prevent his daughter from being with him as often as might be necessary; that it would, likewise, be more satisfactory to have daily to congratulate his absent daughter than constantly to see and hear her weeping and bewailing the cruelties of her husband, which he observed was the case with so many. He requested space for deliberation, and, at the end of three days, he replied, that he was unwilling to send his only daughter from home. I felt greatly indignant at being so deluded by the folly of those in whom I trusted. I restrained myself, however, and dissembled my anger. But I do not need to offer any more lengthened excuse to you, as I am free from all blame. We may accordingly turn to some other quarter. Christopher spoke to me of a certain widow, who, he asserts, pleases him admirably. If such is the case, I am at rest, and leave it. But if not, indicate your mind. We shall very shortly, also, have a messenger from Strasbourg.—Adieu, brother, and most sincere friend. Salute all the co-presbyters very affectionately. May the Lord preserve you all safe, and direct you by his Holy Spirit even to the end.—Yours,

John Calvin.


Excuse me for not writing by the female servant of Petronilla, for I was not then fully aware of the state of the case; in other words, there was still a gleam of hope.

[Lat. orig. autogr.Library of Geneva. Vol. 106.]