The Monk Sir Froissart in the Breach of the Monastery Wall.

THE
BOY’S FROISSART
BEING
SIR JOHN FROISSART’S CHRONICLES

OF
Adventure Battle and Custom in
England France Spain etc.
EDITED FOR BOYS WITH AN INTRODUCTION
BY
SIDNEY LANIER
EDITOR OF “THE BOY’S KING ARTHUR”
Illustrated by Alfred Kappes
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS
1895

Copyright, 1879,
By CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS.

INTRODUCTION.

PERHAPS no boy will deny that to find the world still reading a book which was written five hundred years ago is a very wonderful business. For the world grows,—faster than a boy; and when you remember how it is only about ten years since you were reading Jack the Giant-killer, and how you are infinitely beyond all that now,—you know,—you readily see that it must be a very manful man indeed who can make a book so strong and so all-time like as to go on giving delight through the ages, spite of prodigious revolutions in customs, in governments, and in ideas.

Now, Froissart sets the boy’s mind upon manhood and the man’s mind upon boyhood. In reading him the young soul sifts out for itself the splendor, the hardihood, the daring, the valor, the generosity, the boundless conflict and unhindered action, which make up the boy’s early ideal of the man; while a more mature reader goes at once to his simplicity, his gayety, his passion for deeds of arms, his freedom from consciousness and from all internal debate—in short, his boyishness. Thus Froissart helps youth forward and age backward.

With this enchanting quality, by which he not only defies, but even reverses, the passage of time, our fine Sir John has always had and will long have readers, both old and young; and if it were not for some peculiarities of his manner, growing mainly out of the habits of his time, there would be no need of any special edition of him for boys. But the latter sort find many halting-places and many skipping-places in him, by reason of his long dialogues, his tranquil way of telling all the particulars, and his gay habit of often relating events in chapter fifty which happened before those in chapter forty. The first two of these faults were virtues in Froissart’s day, when the longer a story the better it helped to pass the time between battles; and the last one probably arose from the manner in which he collected many of his facts,—which was as follows.

You must know that in the year 1357 this lively young Hainaulter, being at that time but about twenty years old, was asked by the Count Robert de Namur to write a history of the wars of those times. The idea tickled his fancy, and he went straightway to work.

If any of you should set about writing a history, you would most likely go up into the library, take down a great many books, pamphlets, and manuscripts, and pore and peer and scribble, until after a while when your back was aching and your eyes burning you would look at your watch and say, “Bless me! it’s two o’clock in the morning,” and so to bed; and such would be your day’s work until the history was finished. But not so with our young Froissart. Instead of painfully burrowing among dusty books, he saddled his horse, strapped on his portmanteau behind, and cantered off along the road through the bright French air, with his faithful greyhound following.[1] Presently he was pretty sure to overtake or be overtaken by some knight or esquire: whereupon Froissart would salute him, politely inquire his name, and ply him with artful questions as to the battles he had fought, the lords he had served, the negotiations he had conducted or assisted in, the events he had witnessed or heard of; and thus the two would converse by the way, the horses meantime embracing the opportunity to slacken pace, and the greyhound taking his chance to nose about here and there on each side the road. When the inn or friendly castle would be reached where lodgment was to be had in the evening, Froissart would jot down notes of all that he had learned from fellow-travellers during the day. Sometimes such a journey would terminate in a long visit at the castle of a great man,—as when he went to see the Count of Foix, referred to in the Third Book of these Chronicles; and then in the long evenings he would learn, either from the actors themselves or from knights or attendants about their persons, the deeds and events with which they had been connected.

Although from Hainault, he was much in England. He loved the society of the great, and was often in it. He was at different times attached to the households of King Edward III. of England, and of King John of France; and became an especial favorite of his countrywoman Queen Philippa, wife to Edward III., who made him the Clerk of her Chamber. He had various offices and preferments, but is most commonly associated with the Church of Chimay in France, of which he was canon. He knew how to please his powerful friends: when he visited the Count of Foix,—who loved dogs, and had sixteen hundred of them about him,—he carried four greyhounds as a present to that nobleman; he bore a beautiful copy of his love-poem “Meliador” to Richard II. of England; he presented the earlier portions of his Chronicles to Queen Philippa, who was fond of letters.

He was romantic and poetical. It would seem that he began his travels early, in order to escape the torments of an unfortunate love for a certain lady which had attacked him when a mere boy, and which endured with more or less strength for some time. He was engaged in writing his Chronicles from the year 1357 certainly to the year 1400, for they include events up to the latter date. Without burdening my young readers’ minds, there are three names of great Englishmen which I cannot forbear begging them to associate with this period. These are, the names of Geoffrey Chaucer, who wrote the “Canterbury Tales” and many other works; of William Langland, or Langley, who probably wrote the wonderful “Book concerning Piers the Plowman;” and of John Wyclif, who did the greatest service both for our religion and our language by giving forth the first complete translation of the Bible into English. Three large and beautiful souls; so large and beautiful, that one could scarcely frame a finer wish for any boy than that he should make friends with them, and live with them when he becomes a man.

Froissart did not confine himself to history: he wrote many poems,—rondeaus, virelays, pastorals, romances. He lived a bright, genial, active, fruitful, and happy life; and died after the year 1400.

As you read of the fair knights and the foul knights,—for Froissart tells of both,—it cannot but occur to you that somehow it seems harder to be a good knight nowadays than it was then. This is because we have so many more ways of fighting now than in King Edward the Third’s time. A good deal of what is really combat nowadays is not called combat. Many struggles, instead of taking the form of sword and armor, will present themselves to you after a few years in the following shapes: the strict payment of debts; the utmost delicacy of national honor; the greatest openness of party discussion, and the most respectful courtesy towards political opponents; the purity of the ballot-box; the sacred and liberal guaranty of all rights to all citizens; the holiness of marriage; the lofty contempt for what is small, knowing, and gossipy; and the like. Nevertheless the same qualities which made a manful fighter then make one now. To speak the very truth; to perform a promise to the uttermost; to reverence all women; to maintain right and honesty; to help the weak; to treat high and low with courtesy; to be constant to one love; to be fair to a bitter foe; to despise luxury; to preserve simplicity, modesty, and gentleness in heart and bearing: this was in the oath of the young knight who took the stroke upon him in the fourteenth century, and this is still the way to win love and glory in the nineteenth.

You will find all these elements of knighthood which I have just named particularly puzzling in many affairs connected with money. This was always so: indeed, I cannot help somewhat sadly reminding you that as you read along in these Chronicles of Froissart’s you will here and there perceive how money is already creeping into the beautiful institution of knighthood in the fourteenth century and corrupting it. After each battle related in this book, Froissart is pretty apt to say something about the great wealth acquired by this or that fighter through the ransom paid him by or for such prisoners as he took. In other words, war is becoming a trade; and in succeeding centuries of European history the young student will quickly notice that the great organized armies were no whit less thieves and rascals than the rogues who composed the Free Companies about whom Froissart will presently speak. The fair ideal of the knight-errant, as he who goes forth in the world to help every one that may need him, and who despises wealth and personal ease whenever they interfere with this great object—an ideal which is presented to us in Sir Lancelot, and, less finely, in other knights of the Round Table—grows dim.

And here I could do no better service to the American boy of the present day than by calling his attention to a certain curious and interesting connection between these present Chronicles of Froissart and Sir Thomas Malory’s History of King Arthur and the knights of the Round Table, which was written in the following century and which must some day come to be known more widely than now as one of the sweetest and strongest books in our language.

The connection I mean is this: that Froissart’s Chronicle is, in a grave and important sense, a sort of continuation of Malory’s novel. For Malory’s book is, at bottom, a picture of knighthood in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; while Froissart’s is a picture of knighthood in the fourteenth century. It is true that Malory’s King Arthur is a personage, if not fabulous, at least unhistorical, while Froissart’s Edward III. is actual flesh and blood, and is almost in sight; it is true that Froissart gives us real events occurring in definite localities during the last three-quarters of the fourteenth century, while Malory drags Joseph of Arimathea alongside of Merlin the Magician, and sets Briton, Saxon, Roman, Frenchman, Scotchman, Irishman, Welshman, and Saracen face to face in scenes which often defy place and time: yet it is no less true that Froissart’s work is a continuation of Malory’s, since what Malory gives us is substantially a view of life in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, which Froissart follows with a view of life in the fourteenth century. A boy who reflects that Sir Thomas Malory wrote a hundred years later than Froissart will be puzzled to know how he comes to give a picture of chivalry a hundred years earlier, until certain facts appear which show in what manner Sir Thomas Malory’s book was made, and what were the habits of the writers whom he followed.

About the year 1147 all England was delighted with a narration which was published by Geoffrey of Monmouth, concerning the deeds of a glorious man whom Geoffrey declared to have been an old king of that country, and whose name he gave as Arthur. Geoffrey, who was a Welsh priest living in England at that time, declared that he had found this account of King Arthur in a Welsh book, and gave it as true history. Whether history or fable,—upon this modern opinion is divided,—his story of the great knight Arthur so charmed the people that the poets and prose-writers, not only of England, but of France, straightway took hold of it, turned it into verse, amplified it, added to it, retold it in long prose tales, and in various ways spread it abroad, until there came to be what is called a cycle—that is, a connected ring—of Arthurian romances. In this cycle all the prominent characters of the modern story made their appearance: besides King Arthur, the fascinated world read of Sir Lancelot du Lake, of Queen Guenever, of Sir Tristram, of Queen Isolde, of Merlin, of Sir Gawaine, of the Lady of the Lake, of Sir Galahad, and of the wonderful search for the Holy Cup called the “Saint Graal,” which was said to have received the blood that flowed from the wounds of our Saviour when he hung on the cross.

I hope that every boy will hereafter become acquainted with the names of many of these old writers who contributed to the collection of romances that make up the Arthurian cycle; but for the present, without perplexing young minds with a long list, I wish to impress four of these names upon your memories. They are Wace, Layamon, De Borron, and Walter Map. I should wish particularly that my young readers would remember the name of Layamon, because he wrote his account of King Arthur in English, and is therefore to be reverenced as the sturdy poet who made a great stand for our native tongue after William the Conqueror had imposed his French dialect upon us.

But now to come to Sir Thomas Malory. These stories of King Arthur, and Sir Lancelot, and Sir Tristram, and Merlin, written by Wace, and Layamon, and Map, and others, were, as I said, carried about and read with great delight through England and France during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries; and the important point to remember here is that the writers who developed them from the original stock furnished by Geoffrey of Monmouth, although professing to tell of things which happened in the early centuries of our era, really did nothing more than present a picture of their own times—that is, of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries—in which nothing was ancient but the names of the figures. This was a notable custom of all the middle-age artists, not only of the artists in words—the poets and prose tale-tellers—but even of the later artists who drew and painted actual pictures. Just as an old picture-maker would represent King Solomon in a costume of the ninth century; or as the old writer of Arthurian romances speaks of the Biblical Joshua as Duke Joshua, thus bringing the old Jew before us with a title some thousands of years younger than his name: so these twelfth and thirteenth century writers merely took the characters of Geoffrey of Monmouth’s story and clothed them as mediæval knights and ladies, while they re-arranged the events similarly into such relations as accorded with their own times. Now, in the fifteenth century, Sir Thomas Malory re-arranged this series of stories about King Arthur, Sir Lancelot, Sir Tristram, the Round Table, and the Holy Cup, which had been written in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and which were really pictures of life in those centuries, though grouped about legendary figures; while Sir John Froissart wrote chronicles which present us pictures of life grouped about the historic characters of his own fourteenth century.

But though, as I said, the ideal of knighthood begins to be lowered in Froissart by the temptations of ransom-money, there are still many beautiful features of it which come out with perfect colors in these following chronicles. The kingliness of Edward III.; the stem lessons of hardihood, of self-help, and of perseverance unto the end, which he teaches his son Edward in refusing to send him re-enforcements when he is so dreadfully bested before Crecy; the beautiful courtesy and modesty with which this same young Edward attends upon King John of France at supper in his own tent on the night after he had taken the king prisoner and routed his army at Poictiers; the pious reverence with which Sir Walter Manny seeks out the grave of his father; the energy with which the stout abbot of Hennecourt hews, whacks, and pulls the blooded knights about; the frequent expostulations of generous gentlemen against the harsh treatment of prisoners; the prayer of the queen in favor of the citizens of Calais, and King Edward’s knightly concession to her ladyhood; the splendor and liberality of the Count de Foix; the unconquerable loyalty of Sir Robert Salle, who prefers a brave death at the hands of Wat Tyler’s rebels, to the leadership of their army; the dash and gallantry of the young Saracen Agadinquor Oliferne, who flies about like a meteor before the besieging crusaders round about the town of Africa: these, and many fine things of like sort, will not fail to strike the most inexperienced eyes.

My main task in editing this book for you has been to choose connected stories which would show you as many of the historic figures in Froissart as possible; though I have tried to preserve at the same time the charm which lies in his very rambling manner. I have not altered his language at all. Every word in this book is Froissart’s; except of course that he wrote in French, and his words are here translated into English. A very noble translation was made in the time of King Henry the Eighth, by Lord Berners, whose name I hope you will remember. I should have greatly preferred to give you his Froissart for the present edition: it is beautiful English, and infinitely stronger, brighter, and more picturesque, than the translation here used; but it would have been difficult for you to read. Yet, in order that you might see what the English of King Henry the Eighth’s time looks like, I have given a chapter of Lord Berners’, on the battle of Crecy, without alteration; and, believing that many of my young readers who may be studying French might be curious to read a little of that language in one of its earlier stages, I have added the same chapter in French from the manuscripts printed by Buchon. For similar reasons, at the chapter describing the battle of Neville’s Cross, I have added an old English ballad upon the same fight, giving it unaltered from Messrs. Hales and Furnivall’s edition of Bishop Percy’s Manuscript.

Again, when the Chronicle reaches King Richard II., I have embraced the opportunity to show you the kind of English which was spoken in Froissart’s time, by adding to one of the chapters the robust “Ballad sent to King Richard” by Geoffrey Chaucer,—begging you to believe that our time cries out to every young American man, as Chaucer to his prince, to

“Do law, love truth and worthiness,
And wed thy folk again to steadfastness.”

Finally, do not think that to read this book is to exhaust Froissart. Only about one-ninth of his Chronicle could be got into the space here assigned; and you have the comfort of knowing that there is a great deal more.

To him, then; and I envy every one of you!

“For herein,”—as old William Caxton, the first English printer, says in his Prologue to Sir Thomas Malory’s history of King Arthur,—“for herein may be seen chyvalrye, curtosye, humanyte, frendlynesse, hardynesse, love, frendshyp, cowardyse, murdre, hate, vertue, synne. Doo after the good, and leve the evil, and it shall bring you to good fame and renommee.”

Sidney Lanier

Baltimore, Md., 1879.

CONTENTS.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

THE CHRONICLES OF ENGLAND, FRANCE, SPAIN, &c.

BOOK I.[2]

CHAPTER I.
The Occasion of the Wars between the Kings of France and England.

HISTORY tells us that Philip, King of France, surnamed the Fair, had three sons, besides his beautiful daughter Isabella married to the King of England. These three sons were very handsome. The eldest, Lewis, King of Navarre during the lifetime of his father, was called Lewis Hutin; the second was named Philip the Great, or the Long; and the third, Charles. All these were kings of France after their father Philip by legitimate succession, one after the other, without having any male heirs: yet on the death of the last king, Charles, the twelve peers and barons of France did not give the kingdom to Isabella the sister, who was Queen of England, because they maintained, and do still insist, that the kingdom of France is too noble to go to a woman, consequently either to Isabella, or to her son the King of England; for they hold that the son of a woman cannot claim any right of succession where that woman has none herself. For these reasons the twelve peers and barons of France unanimously gave the kingdom of France to the Lord Philip of Valois, nephew to King Philip; and so put aside the Queen of England, who was sister to Charles, the late King of France, and her son. Thus, as it seemed to many people, the succession went out of the right line, which has been the occasion of the most destructive wars and devastations of countries in France and elsewhere, as you will learn hereafter: the real object of this history being to relate the grand enterprises and deeds of arms achieved in these great wars; for, from the time of good Charlemagne, King of France, never were such feats performed.

CHAPTER II.
How Earl Thomas of Lancaster, and Twenty-two of the greatest Nobles in England, were beheaded.

KING EDWARD THE SECOND, father to the noble King Edward the Third of whom our history speaks, governed his kingdom very indifferently by the advice of Sir Hugh Spencer, who had been brought up with him from his youth.

This Sir Hugh had managed matters so that his father and himself were the great masters of the realm, and were ambitious to surpass all the other great barons in England; for which reason, after the great defeat at Stirling, the barons and nobles, and even the council of the king, murmured much, particularly against Sir Hugh Spencer, to whom they imputed their defeat on account of his partiality for the King of Scotland. The barons had many meetings on this matter to consult what was to be done. The chief of them was Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, uncle to the king. Sir Hugh soon found it would be necessary for him to check them; and he was so well beloved by the king, and so continually in his presence, that he was sure of gaining belief, whatever he said. He soon took an opportunity of informing the king that these lords had entered into an alliance against him, and that, if he did not take proper measures, they would drive him out of the kingdom; and thus operated so powerfully on the king’s mind, that his malicious intentions had their full effect. The king caused all these lords to be arrested on a certain day when they were met together, and without delay ordered the heads of twenty-two of the greatest barons to be struck off, without assigning any cause or reason. Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, suffered the first. The hatred against Sir Hugh Spencer was increased by this deed, particularly that of the queen, and of the Earl of Kent, brother to the king; which when he perceived, he fomented such a discord between the king and the queen, that the king would not see the queen, or come to any place where she was. This quarrel lasted some time: when the queen and the Earl of Kent were secretly informed, that, if they did not speedily quit the court, they would repent it; for Sir Hugh was endeavoring to stir up much mischief against them. Then the queen, having made preparations for passing secretly to France, set out as if to go on a pilgrimage to St. Thomas of Canterbury; whence she went to Winchelsea, and that night embarked on board a vessel prepared for her reception, accompanied by her young son Edward, the Earl of Kent, and Sir Roger Mortimer. Another vessel was loaded with luggage, &c.; and, having a fair wind, they landed the next morning at Boulogne.

CHAPTER III.
The Queen of England goes to complain of Sir Hugh Spencer to her Brother, the King of France.

WHEN the Queen Isabella landed at Boulogne with her son and her brother-in-law the Earl of Kent, the governor of the town and the abbot waited on her, and conducted her to the abbey, where she and her suite were joyfully received, and remained two days. On the third she continued her route toward Paris.

King Charles, her brother, being informed of her coming, sent some of the greatest lords at that time near his person to meet her; among whom were Sir Robert d’Artois, the Lord of Crucy, the Lord of Sully, and the Lord of Roy, and many others, who honorably received and conducted her to Paris to the king, her brother. When the king perceived his sister (whom he had not seen for a long time) entering his apartment, he rose to meet her, and, taking her in his arms, kissed her, and said, “You are welcome, my fair sister, with my fine nephew, your son:” then, taking one in each hand, he led them in. The queen, who had no great joy in her heart except for being near her brother, would have knelt at his feet two or three times; but the king would not suffer it, and, holding her by the right hand, inquired very affectionately into her business and affairs. Her answers were prudent and wise; and she related to him all the injuries done to her by Sir Hugh Spencer, and asked of him advice and assistance.

When the noble King Charles had heard the lamentations of his sister, who with many tears had stated her distress, he said, “Fair sister, be appeased; for, by the faith I owe to God and to St. Denis, I will provide a remedy.” The queen then kneeled down in spite of the king, and said to him, “My dear lord and brother, I pray God may second your intentions.” The king then, taking her by the hand, conducted her to another apartment, which was richly furnished for her and her young son Edward: he then left her, and ordered that every thing should be provided, becoming the state of her and her son, from his treasury.

CHAPTER IV.
Sir Hugh Spencer causes the Queen Isabella to be sent out of France.

THE queen [had] made all her preparations for her expedition very secretly, but not so much so as to prevent its coming to the knowledge of Sir Hugh Spencer, who thought that his most prudent plan would be to win over to his interest the King of France. For this purpose he sent over trusty and secret messengers laden with gold, silver, and rich jewels. These were distributed among the king and his ministers with such effect, that the king and his council were in a short time as cold toward the cause of Isabella as they had before been warm.

Sir Hugh also endeavored to get the queen into his and the king’s power, and to this end made the king write an affectionate letter to the pope, entreating him to order the King of France to send back his wife. There were similar letters written at the same time to the cardinals. The nearest relations of the pope, and those most in his counsels, managed the pope in such a manner, that he wrote to the King of France to send back Isabella, Queen of England, to her husband, under pain of excommunication. These letters were carried to the King of France by the Bishop of Xaintes, whom the pope sent thither as his legate.

The king, on receipt of them, caused his sister to be acquainted with their contents (for he had held no conversation with her for a long time), and commanded her to leave the kingdom immediately, or he would make her leave it with shame.

CHAPTER V.
The Queen Isabella leaves France, and goes to Germany.

WHEN the queen heard this account, she knew not what to say, or what measures to adopt: for the barons had already withdrawn themselves by the king’s command, and she had no resource or adviser left but in her dear cousin, Robert of Artois; and he could only advise and assist her in secret, as the king had forbidden it. He well knew that the queen had been driven from England through malice and ill-will: but he durst not speak of it to the king; for he had heard the king say and swear that whoever should speak to him in her behalf should forfeit his land, and be banished the kingdom. He was also informed that the king was not averse to the seizure of the persons of the queen, her son Edward, the Earl of Kent, and Sir Roger Mortimer, and to their being delivered into the hands of the King of England and Sir Hugh Spencer. He therefore came in the middle of the night to inform the queen of the peril she was in. She was thunder-struck at the information; to which he added, “I recommend you to set out for the empire, where there are many noble lords who will greatly assist you, particularly William, Earl of Hainault, and his brother, who are both great lords, and wise and loyal men, and much dreaded by their enemies.”

The queen ordered her baggage to be made ready as secretly as she could; and, having paid for every thing, she quitted Paris, accompanied by her son, the Earl of Kent, and all her company, and took the road to Hainault. After some days she came into the country of Cambray. When she found she was in the territories of the empire, she was more at her ease; passed through Cambresis; entered L’Ostrevant in Hainault, and lodged at the house of a poor knight called Eustace d’Ambreticourt, who received her with great pleasure, and entertained her in the best manner he could; insomuch that afterwards the Queen of England and her son invited the knight, his wife, and all his children, to England, and advanced their fortunes in different ways.

The arrival of the queen in Hainault was soon known in the house of the good Earl of Hainault, who was then at Valenciennes. Sir John, his brother, was also informed of the hour when she alighted at the house of the Lord of Ambreticourt. This Sir John, being at that time very young, and panting for glory like a knight-errant, mounted his horse, and, accompanied by a few persons, set out from Valenciennes for Ambreticourt, where he arrived in the evening, and paid the queen every respect and honor.

The queen was at that time very dejected, and made a very lamentable complaint to him of all her griefs; which affected Sir John so much, that he mixed his own tears with hers, and said, “Lady, see here your knight, who will not fail to die for you, though every one else should desert you: therefore will I do every thing in my power to conduct you and your son, and to restore you to your rank in England, by the grace of God, and the assistance of your friends in those parts. And I, and all those whom I can influence, will risk our lives on the adventure, for your sake; and we will have a sufficient armed force, if it please God, without fearing any danger from the King of France.” The queen, who was sitting down, and Sir John standing before her, rose, and would have cast herself at his feet out of gratitude for the great favor he had just offered her; but the gallant Sir John, rising up quickly, caught her in his arms, and said, “God forbid that the Queen of England should ever do such a thing! Madam, be of good comfort to yourself and company; for I will keep my promise: and you shall come and see my brother, and the countess his wife, and all their fine children, who will be rejoiced to see you; for I have heard them say so.” The queen answered, “Sir, I find in you more kindness and comfort than in all the world besides; and I give you five hundred thousand thanks for what you have said and offered me. If you will keep what you have promised me with so much courtesy, I and my son shall be forever bound unto you; and we will put the kingdom of England under your management, as in justice it ought to be.”

The queen set off, accompanied by Sir John, Lord of Beaumont, who with joy and respect conducted her to Valenciennes. Many of the citizens of the town came out to meet her, and received her with great humility. She was thus introduced to William, Earl of Hainault, who, as well as the countess, received her very graciously. Many great feasts were given on this occasion, as no one knew better than the countess how to do the honors of her house. This Earl William had at that time four daughters,—Margaret, Philippa, Joan, and Isabella. The young King Edward paid more court and attention to Philippa than to any of the others; the young lady also conversed more frequently with him, and sought his company oftener, than any of her sisters. The queen remained at Valenciennes during eight days with the good earl and countess Joan of Valois. In the mean time the queen made every preparation for her departure; and Sir John wrote very affectionate letters unto certain knights, and those companions in whom he put the most confidence, in Hainault, in Brabant, and Bohemia, beseeching them, from all the friendship that was between them, that they would accompany him in his expedition to England.

There were great numbers in these countries who were willing to go with him from the love they bore him, and many who refused, notwithstanding his request: and even Sir John himself was much reproved by the earl his brother, and by some of his council, because it seemed to them that this enterprise was of much hazard, on account of the great divisions and enmities which at that time subsisted among the great barons and commons in England; and also because the English are always very jealous of strangers, which made them doubt whether Sir John de Hainault and his companions would ever return. But, notwithstanding all their blame and all their advice bestowed upon him, the gallant knight would not change his purpose; saying that he could die but once; that the time was in the will of God; and that all true knights were bound to aid, to the utmost of their power, all ladies and damsels driven from their kingdoms comfortless and forlorn.

CHAPTER VI.
Queen Isabella arrives in England with Sir John de Hainault.

THE Queen of England took leave of the earl and countess, thanking them much for the honor they had shown her, and kissed them at her departure. The queen, her son, and suite set off, accompanied by Sir John, who with great difficulty had obtained his brother’s permission.

They travelled in such a manner as to arrive at Dordrecht by the time limited for their friends to meet them. At that place they provided themselves with vessels of different sizes; and having embarked their cavalry, baggage, &c., they set sail, first recommending themselves to the care of the Lord. When they left the harbor of Dordrecht, the fleet, considering the force, made a beautiful appearance from its good order, and from the weather being clear and temperate. They came opposite to the dikes of Holland the first tide after their departure. The next day they cast anchor, and furled their sails, intending to follow the coast of Zealand, and to land at a port which they had descried; but they were prevented by a violent tempest, which drove them so far out of their course, that for two days they knew not where they were. In this God was very merciful to them; for, had they landed at the port they intended, they would have fallen into the hands of their enemies, who, apprised of their coming, waited for them at that place to put them to death. At the end of two days the storm abated; and the sailors, descrying England, made for it with great joy, and landed upon the sands, having neither harbor nor safe port. They remained there three days at a short allowance of provisions, while they disembarked their cavalry, and landed their baggage. They were ignorant in what part of England they were, whether that part of the country was friendly to them or not. The fourth day they began their march, putting themselves under the protection of God and St. George; having suffered much from cold and hunger in addition to their late fears, of which they had not yet divested themselves. They marched over hill and dale until they came to some villages. Soon afterwards they saw a large monastery of black friars, called St. Hamons, where they refreshed themselves during three days.

CHAPTER VII.
The Queen of England besieges her Husband in the City of Bristol.

THE news of her arrival, being spread abroad, soon came to the knowledge of those lords by whose advice she had returned. They got themselves ready as soon as possible to join her son, whom they wished to have for their sovereign. The first who came was Henry, Earl of Lancaster, surnamed Wryneck, brother to the Earl Thomas who had been beheaded, and father of the Duke of Lancaster who makes so conspicuous a figure in the following history. This Earl Henry was attended by a great number of men at arms. After him came, from different parts, earls, barons, knights, and esquires, with such an armed force, that they no longer thought they had any thing to apprehend. As they advanced, their forces were still increased; so that a council was called to consider if they should not march directly to Bristol, where the king and the two Spencers then were.

Bristol was at that time a large town, well enclosed, and situated on a good port. Its castle was very strong, and surrounded by the sea. The queen, with all her company, the lords of Hainault, and their suite, took the shortest road for that place. Their forces were augmenting daily until they arrived at Bristol, which they besieged in form. The king and the younger Spencer shut themselves up in the castle: old Sir Hugh and the Earl of Arundel remained in the town.

When the citizens saw the queen’s force, and the affections of almost all England on her side, alarmed at their own perilous situation, they determined to surrender the town on condition that their lives and property should be spared. They sent to treat with the queen on this subject; but neither she nor her council would consent to it unless Sir Hugh Spencer and the Earl of Arundel were delivered up to her discretion, for she had come purposely to destroy them.

The citizens, seeing they had no other means of saving the town, their lives, and their fortunes, acceded to the queen’s terms, and opened their gates to her. She entered the town accompanied by Sir John de Hainault, with all her barons, knights, and esquires, who took their lodging therein: the others, for want of accommodation, remained without. Sir Hugh Spencer and the Earl of Arundel were delivered to the queen, to do with them as it should please her. Her children were also brought to her,—John and her two daughters,—found there in the keeping of Sir Hugh Spencer. As she had not seen them in a long time, this gave her great joy as well as all her party.

The king and the younger Spencer, shut up in the castle, were much grieved at what had passed, seeing the whole country turned to the queen’s party and to Edward, the eldest son.

CHAPTER VIII.

The King of England and Sir Hugh Spencer are taken at Sea as they are endeavoring to escape from the Castle of Bristol.

The king and Sir Hugh Spencer, seeing themselves so closely pressed, and being ignorant whether any succor was coming to them, embarked one morning with a few followers in a small boat behind the castle, intending, if possible, to reach the principality of Wales. They were eleven or twelve days in this small boat; and, notwithstanding every effort to get forward, the winds proved so contrary by the will of God, that once or twice a day they were driven back within a quarter of a league of the castle whence they set out. At length Sir Henry Beaumont, espying the vessel, embarked with some of his companions in a barge, and rowed so vigorously after it, that the king’s boatmen, unable to escape, were overtaken. The king and Sir Hugh Spencer were brought back to Bristol, and delivered to the queen and her son as prisoners. Thus ended this bold and gallant enterprise of Sir John de Hainault and his companions, who, when they embarked at Dordrecht, amounted to no more than three hundred men at arms. By their means Queen Isabella recovered her kingdom, and destroyed her enemies; at which the whole nation, except some few who were attached to the Spencers, was greatly rejoiced.

When the king and Sir Hugh Spencer were brought to Bristol by Sir Henry Beaumont, the king was sent to Berkeley Castle under a strong guard. Many attentions were paid to him, and proper people were placed near his person to take every care of him, but on no account to suffer him to pass the bounds of the castle. Sir Hugh Spencer was delivered up to Sir Thomas Wager, marshal of the army.

The queen and all the army set out for London, which is the principal city in England. Sir Thomas Wager caused Sir Hugh Spencer to be fastened on the poorest and smallest horse he could find, clothed with a tabard such as he was accustomed to wear. He led him thus in derision, in the suite of the queen, through all the towns they passed, where he was announced by trumpets and cymbals by way of greater mockery, till they reached Hereford, where she and her suite were respectfully and joyfully received. The feast of All Saints was there celebrated with the greatest solemnity and magnificence, out of affection to her son, and respect to the noble foreigners that attended him.

When the feast was over, Sir Hugh was brought before the queen and knights assembled. The charges were read to him; to which he made no reply. The barons and knights then passed sentence on him,—that he should be drawn on a hurdle, attended by trumpets and clarions, through all the streets in the city of Hereford, and then conducted to the market-place, where all the people were assembled: at that place he was to be bound upon a high scaffold, in order that he might be more easily seen by the people.

Afterwards his heart was thrown into the fire, because it had been false and traitorous; since he, by his treasonable counsels, so advised the king as to bring shame and mischief on the land, and had caused some of the greatest lords to be beheaded by whom the kingdom ought to have been supported and defended. His head was cut off, and sent to London.

After the execution, the queen and all the lords, with a great number of common people, set out for London. As they approached it great crowds came out to meet them, and received both her and her son, as well as those who accompanied her, with great reverence.

The citizens presented handsome gifts to the queen, as well as to those of her suite where they thought them best bestowed. After fifteen days passed in feasts and rejoicings, the companions of Sir John de Hainault were impatient to return home. When the queen and her companions saw this, they addressed themselves to Sir John de Hainault, and requested him to remain only until after Christmas, and that he would detain as many of his followers as possible. He detained as many of his companions as he could; but small was the number, the greater part refusing to stay on any account.

The queen ordered a large sum of money to be given them for their expenses, besides jewels of high price, which she presented to each according to his rank; so that all were perfectly satisfied. She also paid to each, in ready money, the value of their horses that they chose to leave behind, according to their own estimation, without any demur.

CHAPTER IX.
The Coronation of King Edward the Third.

MOST of the followers of Sir John de Hainault having returned home, the queen gave leave to many of her household to return to their country-seats,—except a few of the nobles, whom she kept with her as her council,—expressly ordering them to come back at Christmas to a great court which at that time she intended to hold. When Christmas came, she held the court above mentioned; and it was very fully attended by all the nobles and prelates of the realm, as well as by the principal officers of the chief cities and towns. In this assembly it was determined that the kingdom could no longer remain without a sovereign; and when all the acts done by the king, or having his consent, had been read, the chiefs of the assembly consulted together, and agreeing that such a man was not worthy to be a king, neither to bear a crown nor the title of king, they unanimously resolved that his elder son and true heir, then present, should be crowned instead of the father. They ordered that his father should be kept a prisoner, having every attention paid to his rank, as long as he should live.

The young King Edward, since so fortunate in arms, was crowned with a royal diadem in the Palace of Westminster on Christmas Day, 1326. He completed his sixteenth year on the feast of the Conversion of St. Paul following.

At this coronation Sir John de Hainault and all his companions, noble or otherwise, were much feasted, and many rich jewels were given to him and those that staid with him. He and his friends remained during these grand feasts, to the great satisfaction of the lords and ladies that were there, until Twelfth Day; when he received information that the King of Bohemia, the Earl of Hainault his brother, and many great lords of France, had ordered a tournament to be proclaimed at Condé. Sir John, therefore, would no longer stay, notwithstanding their entreaties, from the great desire he had to attend this tournament to see his brother and the other princes, especially that gallant and generous prince, Charles, King of Bohemia.

When the young King Edward, his mother, and the barons, saw that it was not possible to detain him any longer, they gave him permission to depart, very much against their will. The king, by the advice of the queen, granted him an annuity of four hundred marks sterling, hereditable rent, to be held of him in fee, payable in the city of Bruges. He gave also to Philip de Chateaux, his principal esquire and chief counsellor, a hundred marks sterling of rent, to be paid at the same time and place. He ordered many knights to accompany him to Dover, and that his passage should be free of all cost. He presented the Countess de Garennes, sister to the Count de Bar, and some other ladies who had accompanied the queen to England, with many rich jewels, on their taking leave.

Sir John and his company immediately embarked on board the vessels prepared for them, to be in time for the tournament. The king sent with him fifteen young and hardy knights to attend him at this tournament, there to try their skill, and to get acquainted with the lords and knights that were to be there. Sir John and his company paid them all the attention in their power, and on this occasion tourneyed at Condé.

CHAPTER X.
Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, defies King Edward.

AFTER the departure of Sir John de Hainault, King Edward and his mother governed the kingdom by the counsels of the good Earl of Kent and of Sir Roger Mortimer. Both of them had been banished with the queen. They also took the advice of Sir Thomas Wager, and of others who were esteemed the wisest in the land. This, however, created much envy, which never dies in England, but reigns there as well as in other places. Thus passed the winter and Lent in perfect peace until Easter; when it happened that Robert, King of Scotland, who, though brave, had suffered much in his wars with England, having often been defeated by King Edward, grandfather of the young king, being at this time very old and afflicted with leprosy, hearing that the king had been taken prisoner and deposed, and his counsellors put to death, thought it a favorable opportunity to send a defiance to the present king, as yet a youth, whose barons were not on good terms with each other, and to attempt the conquest of some part of England. About Easter, 1327, he sent a defiance to King Edward and all the country, informing them that he would enter the kingdom, and burn it as far as he had done before after the defeat of Stirling, in which the English suffered so much.

When the young king and his council received this challenge, they published it throughout the kingdom, and ordered that all the nobles and others should come properly accoutred and accompanied, according to their different ranks, to York, the Day of Ascension following. He also sent a considerable body of men at arms to guard the frontiers of Scotland, and messengers to Sir John de Hainault, begging him very affectionately to assist and accompany him in this expedition, and to meet him at York on Ascension Day with as many companions in arms as he could bring with him.

Sir John and his company reached York by the appointed time, and were welcomed and magnificently entertained by the king, queen, and all the barons. The handsomest suburbs of the city were assigned them for their quarters, and a monastery of white friars was allotted for him and his household. In company with the knight came from Hainault the Lord of Anghien (called Sir Walter), Sir Henry, Lord of Antoing, the Lord of Seignoles, and the following knights,—Sir Fastres de Reu, Sir Robert de Bailleul, Sir William de Bailleul his brother, the Lord of Havereth (castellan of Mons), Sir Alart de Briseil, Sir Michael de Ligne, Sir John de Montigny the younger, and his brother Sir Sause de Boussac, Sir Percival de Severies, the Lords of Gommegines, De Biaurien, and De Folion. There came also from Flanders, first, Sir Hector de Vilains, Sir John de Rhodes, Sir Vaufflat de Guistelle, Sir James de Guistelle his brother, Sir Gossuin de la Muelle, and the Lord of Tarces. Many came from Brabant; as the Lord of Dusle, Sir Thierry de Vaucourt, Sir Rasses de Gres, Sir John de Cassebegne, Sir John Pilestre, Sir William de Courterelles, the three brothers De Harlebeque, Sir Walter de Hautebergue, and several others. Of the Bohemians were, Sir John de Libeaux, Henry his brother, Sir Henry de la Chappelle, Sir Hugh de Hay, Sir John de Limies, Sir Lambert des Prez, Sir Gilbert de Hers. There came also other volunteer knights out of Cambresis and Artois, in hopes of advancement; so that Sir John had five hundred good men in his company, well apparelled and richly mounted.

CHAPTER XI.
A Dissension between the Archers of England and the Hainaulters.

THE King of England, in order to entertain and feast the strangers and their company, held a great court on Trinity Sunday, at the house of the black friars, where he and the queen were lodged, and where each kept their household separate; the king with his knights, and the queen with her ladies, whose numbers were considerable. At this court the king had five hundred knights, and created fifteen new ones. The queen gave her entertainment in the dormitory, where at least sixty ladies, whom she had invited to entertain Sir John de Hainault and his suite, sat down at her table. There might be seen a numerous nobility well served with plenty of strange dishes, so disguised that it could not be known what they were. There were also ladies most superbly dressed, who were expecting with impatience the hour of the ball, or a longer continuance of the feast: but it fell out otherwise; for, soon after dinner, a violent affray happened between some of the grooms of the Hainaulters and the English archers, who were lodged with them in the suburbs. This increased so much that the archers collected together with their bows strung, and shot at them so as to force them to retreat to their lodgings. The greater part of the knights and their masters, who were still at court, hearing of the affray, hastened to their quarters. Those that could not enter them were exposed to great danger; for the archers, to the number of three thousand, aimed both at masters and servants. It was supposed that this affray was occasioned by the friends of the Spencers and the Earl of Arundel, in revenge for their having been put to death through the advice of Sir John de Hainault. The English also, at whose houses the Hainaulters lodged, barricaded their doors and windows, and would not suffer them to enter: nevertheless some of them got admittance at the back doors, and quickly armed themselves, but durst not advance into the street, for fear of the arrows. The strangers immediately sallied from behind their lodgings, breaking down the hedges and enclosures, until they came to a square, where they halted, waiting for their companions, till they amounted to a hundred under arms, and as many without, who could not gain admittance to their lodgings. United thus, they hastened to assist their friends, who were defending their quarters in the great street in the best manner they could: they passed through the hotel of the Lord of Anghien, which had great gates before and behind open into the street, where the archers were dealing about their arrows in a furious manner. Many Hainaulters were wounded with them.

CHAPTER XII.
How the Fight between the Archers and the Hainaulters ended.

HERE we found the good knights, Sir Fastres de Rue, Sir Percival de Severies, and Sir Sause de Boussac, who, not getting admittance into their lodgings, performed deeds equal to those that were armed. They had in their hands great oaken staves, taken from the house of a carter: they dealt their blows so successfully that none durst approach them, and, being strong and valiant knights, beat down, that evening, upward of sixty men. At last the archers were discomfited and put to flight. There remained on the ground dead three hundred men, or thereabouts, who were all from the bishopric of Lincoln. I believe that God never showed greater grace or favor to any one than he did in that day to Sir John de Hainault and his company; for these archers certainly meant nothing less than to murder and rob them, notwithstanding they were come upon the king’s business. These strangers were never in such great peril as during the time they remained at York; nor were they in perfect safety until their return to Wissan; for, during their stay, the hatred of the archers was so greatly increased against them, that some of the barons and principal knights informed the lords of Hainault that the archers and others of the commonalty of England, to the number of six thousand, had entered into an agreement to massacre and burn them and their followers in their lodgings either by night or day, and there was no one on the part of the king, or of the barons, that could venture to assist them. The Hainaulters, therefore, had no other resource left than to stand by each other, and to sell their lives as dearly as possible. They made many prudent regulations for their conduct, were frequently obliged to lie on their arms, to confine themselves to their quarters, and to have their armor ready, and their horses always saddled. They were also obliged to keep detachments continually on the watch in the fields and roads round the city, and to send scouts to the distance of half a league, to see if those people, of whom they had received information, were coming; with orders, that, if they perceived any bodies in motion advancing toward the town, they were immediately to return to the detachments in the fields, in order that they might be quickly mounted, and collected together under their own banner, at an appointed alarm-post. They continued in the suburbs four weeks in this distressing situation; and none except a few of the great lords, who went to court to see the king and his council, or to the entertainments to hear the news, ventured to quit their quarters or their arms. If this unfortunate quarrel had not happened, they would have passed their time very pleasantly; for there was such plenty in the city and surrounding country, that during more than six weeks, while the king and the lords of England, with upward of forty thousand men at arms, remained there, the provisions were not dearer; for as much was to be bought for a penny as before their arrival. Good wines from Gascony, Alsace, and the Rhine were in abundance, and reasonable; poultry and other such provisions at a low price. Hay, oats, and straw, of a good quality, and cheap, were delivered at their quarters.

CHAPTER XIII.
How the King and his Army marched to Durham.

AFTER remaining three weeks from the time of this affray, the king issued a proclamation by his marshals, that every one in the course of the ensuing week should be provided with carts, tents, and every thing necessary for their march toward Scotland. When every one was properly equipped, the king and all his barons marched out of the city, and encamped six leagues from it. Sir John de Hainault and his company were encamped near the king, as a mark of distinction, and to prevent the archers from taking any advantage of him. The king and this first division remained there two days and two nights, waiting the arrival of money for his expenses, as well as to examine whether any thing were wanting. On the third day the army dislodged, and before daybreak marched till they came to the city of Durham, a long day’s journey, at the entrance of a country called Northumberland, which is wild, full of deserts and mountains, and poor in every thing except cattle. The river Tyne runs through it, full of flints and large stones. Upon this river is situated the town called Newcastle-upon-Tyne. The lord marshal of England was there, with a numerous army to guard the country against the Scots. At Carlisle was a considerable body of Welsh, under the command of Lord Hereford and Lord Mowbray, to defend the passage of the Eden; for the Scots could not enter England without passing one of these rivers. The English could get no certain information of the Scots until they arrived at this place: they had passed the river so privately, that neither those of Carlisle nor those of Newcastle had the smallest knowledge of it. These towns are said to be distant from each other four and twenty English miles.

CHAPTER XIV.
Of the Manners of the Scots, and how they carry on War.

THE Scots are bold, hardy, and much inured to war. When they make their invasions into England, they march from twenty to four and twenty miles without halting, as well by night as day; for they are all on horseback, except the camp-followers, who are on foot. The knights and esquires are well mounted on large bay horses, the common people on little galloways. They bring no carriages with them, on account of the mountains they have to pass in Northumberland; neither do they carry with them any provisions of bread or wine; for their habits of sobriety are such, in time of war, that they will live for a long time on flesh half sodden, without bread, and drink the river-water without wine. They have, therefore, no occasion for pots or pans: for they dress the flesh of their cattle in the skins, after they have taken them off; and, being sure to find plenty of them in the country which they invade, they carry none with them. Under the flaps of his saddle, each man carries a broad plate of metal; behind the saddle, a little bag of oatmeal: when they have eaten too much of the sodden flesh, and their stomach appears weak and empty, they place this plate over the fire, mix with water their oatmeal, and, when the plate is heated, they put a little of the paste upon it, and make a thin cake, like a cracknel or biscuit, which they eat to warm their stomachs: it is therefore no wonder that they perform a longer day’s march than other soldiers. In this manner the Scots entered England, destroying and burning every thing as they passed. They seized more cattle than they knew what to do with. Their army consisted of four thousand men at arms, knights and esquires, well mounted; besides twenty thousand men, bold and hardy, armed after the manner of their country, and mounted upon little hackneys, that are never tied up or dressed, but turned, immediately after the day’s march, to pasture on the heath or in the fields. This army was commanded by two valiant captains. The King of Scotland himself, who had been very brave, yet being old, and laboring under a leprosy, appointed for one that gallant prince, so renowned in arms, the Earl of Moray, who bore upon his banner argent three pillows gules; the other was Sir James Douglas, esteemed the bravest and most enterprising knight in the two kingdoms: he bore for arms azure on a chef argent. These two lords were the greatest barons, and most renowned for their prowess and other feats of arms.

CHAPTER XV.
King Edward’s First Expedition against the Scots.

WHEN the English king and all his host had seen the smoke of the fires which the Scots had made, the alarm was immediately sounded, and every one ordered to dislodge and to follow his banners: they all, therefore, withdrew to the fields, armed for immediate combat. Three battalions of infantry were formed; each battalion having two wings, composed of five hundred men at arms, who were to remain on horseback.

It was said that there were eight thousand men at arms, knights and esquires, and thirty thousand men armed and equipped, half of whom were mounted on small hackneys: the other half were countrymen on foot, sent by the towns and paid by them. There were also twenty-four thousand archers on foot, besides all the crew of followers of the army. Thus being drawn up, they marched in battle array after the Scots, towards the place whence the smoke came, until it was night. The army halted in a wood, by the side of a small river, to rest themselves, and to wait for their baggage and provisions.

And all that day the Scots had burnt and wasted and pillaged the country about within five miles of the English host, but the Englishmen could not overtake them. They could not approach near to the Scots, who went wasting the country before them.

At daybreak the next morning every one was armed, and with banners displayed marched in good order over mountains and through valleys, but could never approach the Scots; for there were so many marshes and dangerous places, that it was ordered, under pain of death, that no one should quit his banner except the marshals. When it drew toward night, the cavalry, and those who attended the baggage, more especially the infantry, were so fatigued that they could march no farther.

The king then ordered the marshals to encamp the army there for the night, in order that they might consider what was to be done the next day. The army lay in a wood upon the banks of a small river, and the king was lodged in a poor monastery hard by. When each had chosen a spot of ground to encamp himself on, the lords retired apart, to consider what would be the best method to force the Scots, considering the situation of the country in which they were. It appeared to them that the Scots were sheering off to their own country, burning and pillaging as they went, and that it would be impossible to fight with them in these mountains without a manifest disadvantage, supposing they should overtake them, which they could not; but, as they must repass the Tyne, it was determined in full council, that, if they were to get themselves ready about midnight, and hasten their march next day, they might cut off the passage of the river, and force them to fight at a disadvantage, or remain shut up prisoners in England.

After this resolution had been entered into, each retired to his quarters, to eat and drink what he could find there; and they desired their companions to be silent, in order that the trumpets might be heard: at the first sounding of which, the horses were to be saddled and made ready; at the second, every one was to arm himself without delay; and, at the third, to mount their horses immediately, and join their banners. Each was to take only one loaf of bread with him, slung behind him, after the manner of hunters. All unnecessary arms, harness, and baggage were ordered to be left behind, as they thought they should, for a certainty, give battle the next day, whatever might be the consequences. As it had been ordered, so was it executed; and all were mounted and ready about midnight. Some had but little rest, notwithstanding they had labored hard the day before. Day began to appear, as the battalions were assembled at their different posts. The banner-bearers then hastened on, over heaths, mountains, valleys, rocks, and many dangerous places, without meeting any level country. On the summits of the mountains, and in the valleys, were large marshes and bogs, and of such extent that it is a miracle many were not lost in them; for each galloped forward without waiting for either commander or companion. Those who fell into them found difficulty in getting any one to help them. Many banners remained there; and several baggage and sumpter horses never came out again.

In the course of the day there were frequent cries of alarm, as if the foremost ranks were engaged with the enemy; which those behind believing to be true, they hurried forward as fast as possible, over rocks and mountains, sword in hand, with their helmets and shields prepared for fighting, without waiting for father, brother, or friend. When they had hastened about half a league toward the place from which the noise came, they found themselves disappointed, as the cries proceeded from some herds of deer or other wild beasts, which abounded in these heaths and desert places, and which fled before the banners, pursued by the shouts of the army, which made them imagine it was something else.

In this manner the young King of England, agreeably to the advice of his council, rode all that day over mountains and deserts, without keeping to any fixed road, or finding any town. About vespers, and sorely fatigued, they reached the Tyne, which the Scots had already crossed, though the English supposed they had it still to repass. Accordingly they went over the ford, but with great difficulty, owing to the large stones that were in the river.

When they had passed over, each took up his lodging on its banks, as he could; and at this time the sun was set. There were few among them that had any hatchets, wedges, or other instruments, to cut down trees to make themselves huts; many of them had lost their companions, and even the foot had remained behind, not knowing what road to ask for. They were forced to lie this night on the banks of the river in their armor, and at the same time hold their horses by their bridles, for there was not any place where they could tie them. Thus the horses had nothing to eat, neither oats nor any forage; and the men had only their loaf that was tied behind them, which was wetted by the sweat of the horses. They had no other beverage but the water of the river, except some great lords who had bottles among their baggage; nor had they any fire or light, not having any thing to make them of, except some few lords who had some torches which they had brought on sumpter-horses. In such a melancholy manner did they pass the night, without taking the saddles from off the horses, or disarming themselves. And when the long-expected day appeared, when they hoped to find some comfort for themselves and horses, or to fight the Scots, which they very much wished for, to get out of their disagreeable situation, it began to rain, and continued all the day, insomuch that the river was so increased by noon that no one could pass over, nor could any one be sent to know where they were, or to get forage and litter for their horses, or bread and wine for their own sustenance: they were therefore obliged to fast another night. The horses had nothing to subsist on but the leaves of the trees, and grass. They cut down with their swords young trees, and tied their horses to them. They also cut down brushwood to make huts for themselves.

Having continued a whole week without hearing any tidings of the Scots, who they imagined must pass that way, or very near it, on their return home, great murmurs arose in the army; and many laid the fault on those who had given such advice, adding that it was done in order to betray the king and his host. Upon which, the lords of council ordered the army to make ready to march, and cross the river seven leagues higher up, where the ford was better; and it was proclaimed, that every one was to be in readiness to march the next day, and to follow his banners. There was another proclamation made, that whoever chose to take pains and find out where the Scots were, and should bring certain intelligence of it to the king, the messenger of such news should have one hundred pounds a year in land, and be made a knight by the king himself. When this was made known among the host, many knights and esquires, to the number of fifteen or sixteen, eager to gain such rewards, passed the river with much danger, ascended the mountains, and then separated, each taking different routes.

The next day the army dislodged; marched tolerably well, considering that they were but ill clothed; and exerted themselves so much, that they repassed the river, though with much danger from its being swollen by the rains. Many were well washed, and many drowned. When they had crossed over, they remained there for that night, finding plenty of forage in the fields near to a small village, which the Scots had burnt as they passed. The next day they marched over hill and dale till about noon, when they came to some burnt villages, and some fields where there were corn and hay, so that the host remained there for that night. The third day they marched in the same manner; but many were ignorant where they were going, nor had they any intelligence of the enemy.

They continued their route the fourth day in this order; when, about three o’clock, an esquire, galloping up hastily to the king, said, “Sire, I bring you news of the Scots: they are three leagues from this place, lodged on a mountain, where they have been this week, waiting for you. They knew no more where you were than you did of them: and you may depend on this as true; for I approached so near to them, that I was taken, and led a prisoner to their army, before their chiefs. I informed them where you were, and that you were seeking them to give them battle. The lords gave me up my ransom, and my liberty, when I informed them that you had promised a hundred pounds a year to whoever should first bring intelligence of them, upon condition that he rested not until he brought you this information; and I now tell you that you will find them in the place I have mentioned, as eager to meet you in battle as yourself can be.” As soon as the king heard this news he ordered his army to be prepared, and turned his horses to feed in the fields, near to a monastery of white monks, which had been burnt, and which was called in King Arthur’s time Blanche Land. Then the king confessed himself, and each made his preparations according to his abilities. The king ordered plenty of masses to be said, to housel such as were devoutly inclined. He assigned a hundred pounds’ value of land, yearly, to the esquire, according to his promise, and made him a knight with his own hands, in the presence of the whole army. When they had taken some repose, and breakfasted, the trumpets sounded; and, all being mounted, the banners advanced as the young knight led them on; but each battalion marched by itself in regular array, over hill and dale, keeping their ranks according to order. Thus they continued marching, when about twelve o’clock they came within sight of the Scots army.

As soon as the Scots perceived them, they issued forth from their huts on foot, and formed three good battalions upon the descent of the mountain on which they lodged. A strong, rapid river ran at the foot of this mountain, which was so full of large rocks and stones, that it was dangerous to pass it in haste. If the English had passed this river, there was not room between it and the mountain for them to draw up their line of battle. The Scots had formed their two first battalions on the two sides of the mountain, and on the declivity of the rock, which was not easy to climb to attack them: but they themselves were posted so as to annoy them with stones, if they crossed the river; which, if the English effected, they would not be able to return.

When the English lords perceived the disposition of the Scots, they ordered their men to dismount, take off their spurs, and form three battalions as before. Many new knights were made; and, when the battalions were formed, some of the chief lords brought the young king on horseback along the lines, to encourage the men. The king spoke most graciously to all, and besought them to take every pains to do him honor and preserve their own. He ordered, under pain of death, that no one should advance before the banners of the marshals, or move without orders. Shortly afterwards the battalions were commanded to advance toward the enemy in slow time, keeping their ranks. This was done; and each battalion moved on a considerable space, and came to the ascent of the mountain where the Scots were posted. This manœuvre was intended in order to see whether the enemy would retire, or make any movement; but neither one nor other was to be perceived, and the armies were so near each other that they could see the arms on their fields. The army was ordered to halt to consider what was to be done; and some companions were mounted to skirmish with the enemy, and to examine the passage of the river and their appearance more clearly. They sent heralds to make an offer of retiring on the morrow, if they would pass the river, and fight upon the plain; or, if the Scots would not consent to this, that they would do the same.

When the Scots received this proposal, the chiefs retired to counsel, and returned for answer by the heralds, that they would do neither the one nor the other; that the king and his barons saw that they were in his kingdom, and had burnt and pillaged wherever they had passed; and that, if it displeased the king, he might come and amend it, for they would tarry there as long as it pleased them. When the council of the King of England heard the answer, he ordered it to be proclaimed, that each should take up his quarters where he was, without quitting the ground or his arms: they therefore lay that night very uncomfortably upon the hard ground, among rocks and stones, with their armor on, nor could they get any stakes for the purpose of tying their horses, or procure either litter, or forage, or any bushes to make fires.

The Scots, seeing the English thus take up their quarters, ordered part of the army to remain where the battalions had been drawn up; and the remainder retired to their huts, where they made marvellously great fires, and about midnight such a blasting and noise with their horns, that it seemed as if all the great devils from hell had been come there. Thus were they lodged this night, which was the night of the feast of St. Peter, the beginning of August, 1327, until the next day, when the lords heard mass; afterwards every one armed himself, and the battalions were formed as on the preceding day. When the Scots saw this, they came and lodged themselves on the same ground they had done before; and the two armies remained thus drawn up until noon, when the Scots made no movement to come toward the English, nor did these on their part make any advances, for they dared not to attempt it with so great disadvantage. Several companions passed the river on horseback, as did some of the foot, to skirmish with the Scots, who also quitted their battalions to meet them; and many on each side were killed, wounded, and taken prisoners. In the afternoon the lords ordered every one to retire to their quarters, as it seemed to them that they were drawn up to no purpose. In this manner they remained for three days. The Scots, on their side, never quitted the mountain; but there were continued skirmishes on both sides, and many killed and taken prisoners. In the evenings they made large fires, and great noises with their horns and with shouting. The intention of the English lords was to keep the Scots besieged there; for, as they could not well fight with them, they hoped to starve them. They knew from the prisoners that they had neither bread, wine, salt, nor other provision, except cattle, of which they had plenty, that they had seized in the country: of these they might eat, indeed, without bread, which would not be very palatable. But they had some little flour to make such cakes as have been before mentioned, and which some of the English use on their inroads beyond the borders.

The fourth day, in the morning, the English looked for the Scots on the mountain, but saw none of them, for they found they had decamped secretly at midnight. Scouts of horse and of foot were immediately despatched through the mountains to know what was become of them. They found them, about four o’clock, posted upon another mountain, much stronger than that they had left, upon the same river, near a large wood, to be more concealed, and in order more privately to advance or retreat at pleasure.

As soon as this was known, the English had orders to dislodge, and to march in battle array toward the place where the enemy was posted; and they encamped on a mountain opposite. They formed their battalions, and seemed as if they meant to advance to them. The Scots no sooner perceived this, than they sallied out of their quarters, and came and posted themselves by the side of the river, directly in front; but they were unwilling to advance or come nearer. The English could not attack them in such a situation without great disadvantage and loss. They remained full eighteen days in this situation upon this mountain, whence the lords sent frequent heralds to the Scots, to offer to give them full place of plain ground to draw up their battalions, or else they would accept the same from them; but they would not agree to either of these proposals.

The two armies had little comfort during the time they remained in this position. The first night that the English were posted on this second mountain, the Lord James Douglas took with him about two hundred men at arms, and at midnight crossed the river, at such a distance from the camp that he was not noticed, and fell upon the English army most valiantly, shouting, “Douglas forever! Ye shall die, ye thieves of England!” He and his companions killed more than three hundred; and he galloped up to the king’s tent, and cut two or three of its cords, crying, at the same time, “Douglas! Douglas forever!” when he set off; and in his retreat he lost some of his followers, but not many: he returned to his friends on the mountain. Nothing more of the sort was attempted from that time; but the English in future kept a strong and attentive guard, for they were fearful of another attack from the Scots, and had placed sentinels and scouts to give notice of the smallest movement of the enemy; the chief lords also slept in their armor. There were frequent skirmishes, and many lives lost on both sides. The twenty-fourth day from the time they had received intelligence of the enemy, a Scots knight was taken prisoner, who, sore against his will, gave an account to the lords of the state of the enemy. He was so closely examined, that he owned his lords had given orders that morning for every one to be armed by vespers, and follow the banner of Lord James Douglas; that it was to be kept secret; but he was not for a certainty acquainted with their intentions further. Upon this the English lords held a council; and they judged, from the information of the Scots knight, that the enemy might perhaps come in full force at night to attack them on both sides at once, and from their sufferings by famine, which they could endure no longer, make it a very bloody and doubtful combat. The English formed into three battalions, and posted themselves before their quarters, on three separate spots of ground. They made large fires, in order to see better, and left their pages in their quarters to take care of their horses. They remained under arms all the night, and each was placed under his own standard or banner.

Toward daybreak two Scots trumpeters fell in with one of the patrols, who took them, and brought them before the lords of the council, to whom they said, “My lords, why do you watch here? You are losing your time; for we swear, by our heads, that the Scots are on their march home since midnight, and are now four or five leagues off, and they left us behind, that we might give you the information.” The English said that it would be in vain to follow them, as they could never overtake them; but, fearing deceit, the lords ordered the trumpeters to close confinement, and did not alter the position of the battalions until four o’clock. When they saw that the Scots were really gone, they gave permission for each to retire to his quarters, and the lords held a council to consider what was to be done. Some of the English, however, mounted their horses, passed the river, and went to the mountain which the Scots had quitted, and found more than five hundred large cattle, which the enemy had killed, as they were too heavy to carry with them, and too slow to follow them, and they wished not to let them fall into the hands of the English alive. They found there, also, more than three hundred caldrons, made of leather with the hair on the outside, which were hung on the fires full of water and meat, ready for boiling. There were also upward of a thousand spits with meat on them, prepared for roasting; and more than ten thousand pairs of old worn-out shoes, made of undressed leather, which the Scots had left there. There were found five poor English prisoners, whom the Scots had bound naked to the trees, and some of them had their legs broken. They untied them, and sent them away, and then returned to the army, just as they were setting out on their march to England, by orders from the king and council.

They followed all that day the banners of the marshals, and halted at an early hour in a beautiful meadow, where there was plenty of forage for their horses; and much need was there of it, for they were so weakened by famine, that they could scarce move. The next day they decamped betimes, and took up their quarters still earlier, at a large monastery within two leagues of Durham. The king lay there that night, and the army in the fields around it, where they found plenty of grass, pulse, and corn. They remained there quiet the next day; but the king and lords went to see the church of Durham. The king paid his homage to the church and the bishopric, which he had not before done, and gave largesses to the citizens.

They found there all their carriages and baggage, which they had left in a wood thirty-two days before at midnight, as has been related. The inhabitants of Durham, finding them there, had brought them away at their own cost, and placed them in empty barns. Each carriage had a little flag attached to it, that it might be known. The lords were much pleased at finding them again.

The king and nobles reposed two days at Durham, and the army in its environs, for there would not have been sufficient room to lodge them in that city. They had all their horses well shod, and set out on their march toward York. They made such haste, that in three days they arrived there, and found the queen mother, who received the king and nobles with great joy, as did all the ladies of the court and city. The king disbanded the army, and gave permission for every one to return to his home, and made many acknowledgments to the earls, barons, and knights for the services they had rendered him by their advice and prowess. The knights made out their accounts for horses which had been ruined or lost, or had died, and gave them in to the council; and also a statement of their own expenses, which Sir John de Hainault took upon him as his own debt toward his followers, for the king and his ministers could not immediately collect such a sum as their horses amounted to; but he gave them sufficient for their own expenses, and to carry them back to their own country.

When the Hainaulters had received their demand for horses, they purchased small hackneys to ride more at their ease, and sent their carriages, sumpter-horses, trunks, and servants on board of two ships, which the king had provided for them, and which landed them at Sluys, in Flanders. They took leave of the king, queen, the earls of Kent and Lancaster, and of all the barons, who paid them many honors; and the king had them escorted by twelve knights and two hundred men at arms, for fear of the archers, of whom they were not well assured, as they must pass through the bishopric of Lincoln. Sir John and all his company set out, escorted as above, and by easy journeys came to Dover, where they embarked on board vessels ready provided for them. The Hainaulters arrived at Wissan, where they tarried two days in order to deck out their horses and the remains of their armor; during which time Sir John de Hainault and some other knights went on a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Boulogne. They returned together to Hainault, when they separated, and each went to his own house: but Sir John went to his brother, who was at that time at Valenciennes; he was received by him with great joy, as he was much beloved by him. The Lord of Beaumont then related to him all the above-mentioned history.

CHAPTER XVI.
King Edward marries the Lady Philippa of Hainault.

SHORTLY afterwards, the king, queen, the Earl of Kent, his uncle, Earl Henry of Lancaster, the Earl of Mortimer, and all the barons who were of the council, sent a bishop, two knights bannerets, and two able clerks, to Sir John de Hainault, to beg of him to be the means that the young king, their lord, should marry; and that the Count of Hainault and Holland would send over one of his daughters, for he would love her more dearly, on his account, than any other lady. The count said he gave many thanks to the king, queen, and the lords by whose counsel they were sent thither to do him so much honor; and that he most willingly complied with their request, if the pope and the holy Church of Rome would agree.

They immediately despatched two of the knights and the clerks to the pope at Avignon, to entreat his consent; for without the pope’s dispensation it could not be done, on account of their near relationship; being in the third degree connected, for their two mothers were cousins-german, being the children of two brothers. As soon as they came to Avignon their business was done, for the pope and the college gave their consent most benignantly.

When these gentlemen were returned to Valenciennes from Avignon, with all their bulls, this marriage was directly settled and consented to on each side; and immediate preparations were made for the dress and equipage of such a lady, who was to be Queen of England.

She was then married, by virtue of a procuration which the King of England had sent thither, and went on board a ship at Wissan, and landed at Dover with all her suite. Her uncle, Sir John de Hainault, conducted her to London, where she was crowned; and there were great crowds of the nobility, and feastings, tournaments, and sumptuous entertainments every day, which lasted for three weeks.

CHAPTER XVII.
Douglas is killed fighting for the Heart of King Robert.

AFTER the Scots had in the night quitted the mountain where the young King Edward and the nobles of England had held them besieged, as you have before heard, they marched twenty-two miles without halting, and crossed the Tyne pretty near to Carlisle, where by the orders of the chiefs all disbanded and went to their own homes. Shortly afterwards some of the lords and barons so earnestly solicited the King of England, that a truce was agreed on between the two kings for three years.

During this truce it happened that King Robert of Scotland, who had been a very valiant knight, waxed old, and was attacked with so severe an illness that he saw his end was approaching: he therefore summoned together all the chiefs and barons in whom he most confided, and, after having told them that he should never get the better of this sickness, he commanded them upon their honor and loyalty to keep faithfully the kingdom for his son David, to crown him king when he was of a proper age, and to marry him with a lady suitable to his station.

He after that called to him the gallant Lord James Douglas, and said to him, in presence of the others,—

“My dear friend Lord James Douglas, you know that I have had much to do, and have suffered many troubles, to support the rights of my crown. At the time that I was most occupied I made a vow, the non-accomplishment of which gives me much uneasiness: I vowed, that, if I could finish my wars in such a manner that I might have quiet to govern peaceably, I would go and make war against the enemies of our Lord Jesus Christ. To this point my heart has always leaned; but our Lord gave me so much to do in my lifetime, and this last expedition has delayed me so long, followed by this heavy sickness, that, since my body cannot accomplish what my heart wishes, I will send my heart in the stead of my body to accomplish my vow.

“I will that as soon as I shall be dead you take my heart from my body, and have it well embalmed; you will also take as much money from my treasury as will appear to you sufficient to perform your journey, as well as for all those whom you may choose to take with you in your train: you will then deposit your charge at the Holy Sepulchre of our Lord, where he was buried, since my body cannot go there. You will not be sparing of expense; and, wherever you pass, you will let it be known that you bear the heart of King Robert of Scotland, which you are carrying beyond seas by his command, since his body cannot go thither.”

All those present began bewailing bitterly; and, when the Lord James could speak, he said, “Gallant and noble king, I return you a hundred thousand thanks for the high honor you do me, and for the valuable and dear treasure with which you intrust me; and I will most willingly do all that you command me, with the utmost loyalty in my power. Never doubt it, however I may feel unworthy of such a high distinction.”

The king replied, “Gallant knight, I thank you. You promise it me, then?”

“Certainly, sir; most willingly,” answered the knight. He then gave his promise upon his knighthood.

The king said, “Thanks be to God! For I shall now die in peace, since I know that the most valiant and accomplished knight of my kingdom will perform that for me which I am unable to do for myself.”

Soon afterwards the valiant Robert Bruce, King of Scotland, departed this life. His heart was embalmed, and his body buried in the monastery of Dunfermline.

Early in the spring the Lord James Douglas, having made provision of every thing that was proper for his expedition, embarked at the port of Montrose, and sailed directly for Sluys in Flanders, in order to learn if any one were going beyond the sea to Jerusalem, that he might join companies. He remained there twelve days, and would not set his foot on shore, but staid the whole time on board, where he kept a magnificent table, with music of trumpets and drums, as if he had been the King of Scotland. His company consisted of one knight banneret, and seven others, of the most valiant knights of Scotland, without counting the rest of his household. His plate was of gold and silver, consisting of pots, basins, porringers, cups, bottles, barrels, and other such things. He had likewise twenty-six young and gallant esquires of the best families in Scotland to wait on him; and all those who came to visit him were handsomely served with two sorts of wine, and two sorts of spices,—I mean those of a certain rank. At last, after staying at Sluys twelve days, he heard that Alphonso, King of Spain, was waging war against the Saracen King of Grenada. He considered that, if he should go thither, he should employ his time and journey according to the late king’s wishes; and, when he should have finished there, he would proceed farther, to complete that with which he was charged. He made sail therefore toward Spain, and landed first at Valencia; thence he went straight to the King of Spain, who was with his army on the frontiers, very near the Saracen King of Grenada.

Lord James Douglas throwing the Heart of Bruce among the Saracens.

It happened, soon after the arrival of the Lord James Douglas, that the King of Spain issued forth into the fields, to make his approaches nearer the enemy: the King of Grenada did the same, and each king could easily distinguish the other’s banners; and they both began to set their armies in array. The Lord James placed himself and his company on one side, to make better work and a more powerful effort. When he perceived that the battalions on each side were fully arranged, and that of the King of Spain in motion, he imagined they were about to begin the onset; and, as he always wished to be among the first rather than last on such occasions, he and all his company struck their spurs into their horses, until they were in the midst of the King of Grenada’s battalion, and made a furious attack on the Saracens. He thought that he should be supported by the Spaniards; but in this he was mistaken, for not one that day followed his example. The gallant knight and all his companions were surrounded by the enemy: they performed prodigies of valor, but these were of no avail, as they were all killed.[3] It was a great misfortune that they were not assisted by the Spaniards.

About this time many of the nobles and others, desirous of a settled peace between the Scots and English, proposed a marriage between the young King of Scotland and the sister of the King of England. This marriage was concluded and solemnized at Berwick, with great feasts and rejoicings on both sides.

CHAPTER XVIII.
Philip of Valois crowned King of France.

CHARLES, King of France, died without heirs male. The twelve peers and barons of France assembled at Paris without delay, and gave the kingdom with one consent to Philip of Valois. They passed by the Queen of England, and the king her son, although she was cousin-german to the king last deceased; for they said that the kingdom of France was of such great nobleness that it ought not to fall by succession to a female. They crowned the Lord Philip King of France, at Rheims, the Trinity Sunday following.

CHAPTER XIX.

King Edward is advised by his Council to make War against King Philip of France. He effects great Alliances in Germany, and is made Vicar of the Empire.

The Lord Robert d’Artois[4] was in England very near the king’s person, whom he was continually advising to make war upon the King of France, for wrongfully withholding his inheritance. The king saw clearly that it was impossible for him, and all the force he could bring from his own country, to subdue such a great kingdom as that of France, if he did not obtain powerful friends and assistance in the empire, and in other parts, by means of his money.

The King of England, when the winter was over, embarked, accompanied by many earls, barons, and knights, and came to the city of Antwerp, which at that time was held for the Duke of Brabant. He sent to the Duke of Brabant, his cousin, his brother-in-law the Duke of Gueldres, to the Marquis of Juliers, the Lord John of Hainault, and to all those from whom he expected support and assistance, that he should be happy to have some conversation with them.

When all the lords of the empire were assembled in the city of Halle, they had long deliberations together, and said to the King of England, “Dear sir, there is an ordinance of a very old date, sealed, that no king of France should take and keep possession of any thing that belongs to the empire. Now, King Philip has gotten possession of the castles of Crevecœur in Cambresis, and of Arleux in Artois, as well as the city of Cambray; for which the emperor has good grounds to challenge him through us,—if you will have the goodness to obtain his consent, in order to save our honor.” The King of England replied that he would cheerfully conform himself to their advice.

It was then determined that the Marquis of Juliers should go to the emperor, and with him knights and counsellors from the king, and some from the Duke of Gueldres; but the Duke of Brabant would not send any: he lent, however, his castle of Louvain to the king for his residence.

The Marquis of Juliers and his company returned from the emperor about All Saints’ Day; and, when he sent to inform the king of this, he congratulated him on the good success of his mission. The king wrote him for answer that he should come to him on the feast of St. Martin, and demanded of the Duke of Brabant to name the place where he wished this conference to be holden; who replied, at Arques, near to his own country. Upon this the king gave notice of it, that all his allies might be there.

The town-hall of Arques was hung with rich and fine cloths, like to the presence-chamber of the king. His Majesty was seated five feet higher than the rest of the company, and had on his head a rich crown of gold. The letters from the emperor to the king were publicly read, by which the King of England was constituted and established his vicar and lieutenant, and full powers granted to him to do all the acts of law and justice to every one, in his name, and also to coin money in gold and silver.

On this occasion an ancient statute was renewed and confirmed, which had been made in former times at the court of the emperor. It directed that any one meaning to hurt or annoy another should send him a sufficient defiance three days before he committed any hostile act; and that whoever should act otherwise should be degraded as an evil-doer. When all this was completed, the lords took their leave, and gave each other their mutual promises to be fully equipped, without delay, three weeks after the feast of St. John, to sit down before the city of Cambray; which of right belonged to the emperor, but had turned to the French.

CHAPTER XX.
King Edward and his Allies send Challenges to the King of France.

WINTER was now over, and the summer come, when, the feast of St. John the Baptist approaching, the lords of England and Germany made preparations for undertaking their intended expedition. The King of France also made his preparations to meet them; for he was well acquainted with part of what they intended, though he had not yet received any challenge. King Edward collected his stores in England, where he made his armaments ready; and, as soon as St. John’s Day was passed, transported them across the sea to Vilvorde, whither he went himself. He made all his people, on their arrival, take houses in the town; and, when this was full, he lodged them in tents and pavilions in the fine meadows along the side of the river. He remained thus from Magdalen Day until the feast of Our Lady in September, expecting week after week the arrival of the lords of the empire, especially the Duke of Brabant, for whom all the others were waiting. When the King of England saw that they came not, he caused them to be summoned to be at the city of Mechlin on St. Giles’s Day, according to their promises, and give reasons for their delays.

The lords of Germany, in obedience to the summons, came to Mechlin, where, after many debates, they agreed that the king should be enabled to march in a fortnight, when they would be quite ready; and, that their cause might have a better appearance, they determined to send challenges to King Philip. These challenges were written and sealed by all except the Duke John of Brabant, who said he would do his part at the proper time and place. They were given in charge to the Bishop of Lincoln, who carried them to Paris, and performed his errand so justly and well that he was blamed by no one. He had a passport granted him to return to his lord, who, as said before, was at Mechlin.

CHAPTER XXI.
King Edward creates Sir Henry of Flanders a Knight, and afterwards marches into Picardy.

AS soon as the King of England had passed the Scheld, and had entered the kingdom of France, he called to him the Lord Henry of Flanders, who was but a young esquire, and knighted him; at the same time giving him two hundred pounds sterling a year, properly secured in England. The king was lodged in the abbey of Mont St. Martin, where he remained two days. His troops were scattered round about in the country. The Duke of Brabant was quartered at the monastery of Vaucelles. When the King of France, who was at Compiègne, heard this news, he increased his forces everywhere, and sent the Earl of Eu and Guines, his constable, with a large body of men at arms, to St. Quentin, to guard that town and the frontiers against his enemies. He sent the Lords of Coucy and of Ham to their castles, and a great number of men at arms to Guise, Ribemont, Bouchain, and the neighboring fortresses on the borders of his kingdom; and came himself to Peronne, in the Vermandois. During the time the King of England was at the abbey of Mont St. Martin, his people overran the country as far as Bapaume, and very near to Peronne and St. Quentin: they found it rich and plentiful, for there had not been any wars in those parts.

Sir Henry of Flanders, to do credit to his newly acquired knighthood, and to obtain honor, made one of a party of knights, who were conducted by Sir John de Hainault. There were among them the Lords of Fauquemont, Bergues, Vaudresen, Lens, and many others, to the number of five hundred combatants. They had a design upon a town in the neighborhood, called Hennecourt, whither the greater number of the inhabitants of the country had retired, who, confiding in the strength of this fortress, had carried with them all their movables. Sir Arnold of Bacqueghen and Sir William du Dunor had already been there, but had done nothing; upon which all these lords had collected together, and were desirous of going thither to do their utmost to conquer it. There was an abbot at that time in Hennecourt, of great courage and understanding, who ordered barriers to be made of woodwork around the town, and likewise to be placed across the street, so that there was not more than half a foot from one post to another: he then collected armed men, provided stones, quicklime, and such like instruments of annoyance, to guard them. As soon as the lords above mentioned came there, the abbot posted his people between the barriers and the gate, and flung the gate open. The lords dismounted, and approached the barriers, which were very strong, sword in hand; and great strokes were given to those within, who defended themselves very valiantly. Sir Abbot did not spare himself; but, having a good leathern jerkin on, dealt about his blows manfully, and received as good in his turn. Many a gallant action was performed; and those within the barriers flung upon the assailants stones, logs, and pots full of lime, to annoy them.

It chanced that Sir Henry of Flanders, who was one of the foremost, with his sword attached to his wrist, laid about him at a great rate: he came too near the abbot, who caught hold of his sword, and drew him to the barriers with so much force, that his arm was dragged through the grating, for he could not quit his sword with honor. The abbot continued pulling; and, had the grating been wide enough, he would have had him through, for his shoulder had passed, and he kept his hold, to the knight’s great discomfort. On the other side, his brother knights were endeavoring to draw him out of his hands; and this lasted so long that Sir Henry was sorely hurt: he was, however, at last rescued, but his sword remained with the abbot. And at the time I was writing this book, as I passed through that town, the monks showed me this sword, which was kept there, much ornamented. It was there that I learnt all the truth of this assault. Hennecourt was very vigorously attacked that day; and it lasted until vespers. Many of the assailants were killed or wounded. Sir John of Hainault lost a knight from Holland, called Sir Herman, who bore for arms a fess componé gules, and in chief, three buckles azure. When the Flemings, Hainaulters, English, and Germans, who were there, saw the courage of those within the town, and that, instead of gaining any advantage, they were beaten down and wounded, they retreated in the evening, carrying with them to their quarters the wounded and bruised.

On the next morning the king departed from Mont St. Martin, and ordered, under pain of death, that no damage should be done to the abbey, which was observed. They then entered the Vermandois, and at an early hour took up their lodgings on Mont St. Quentin. They were in a regular order of battle, and those of St. Quentin might have encountered them had they chosen it; but they had no desire to issue out of the town. The scouts of the army went up to the barriers, and skirmished with those who were there. The Constable of France and Sir Charles le Blois drew up their people in order of battle before the barriers; and when the Englishmen, among whom were the Earl of Suffolk, the Earl of Northampton, Sir Reginald Cobham, and many others, saw the manner in which it was done, they retreated to the main army of the king, which remained encamped on the hill until four o’clock the next morning. A council was then held, to consider whether they should march straight into France, or draw toward Tierache, keeping near the borders of Hainault. By the advice of the Duke of Brabant, the latter plan was followed, as from that country they drew all their provision; and they resolved, that if King Philip should follow them with his army, as they supposed he would, they would wait for him in the plains, and give him battle without fail. They then set out from Mont St. Quentin, ranged in a regular order, in three battalions. The marshals and the Germans led the van, the King of England the centre, and the Duke of Brabant the rear. They advanced not more than three or four leagues a day, halting early, but burning and pillaging all the country they passed through.

We must now speak of the expedition of Sir John of Hainault, who had with him full five hundred fighting men. He came first to Guise, which he burnt, and destroyed the mills. In the fortress was the Lady Jane, his daughter, wife of Lewis, Earl of Blois. She begged of her father to spare the lands and heritage of his son-in-law; but in vain, for Sir John would not depart until he had completed the purpose of his expedition. He then returned to the king, who was lodged in the abbey of Sarnaques, while his people overran the country. The Lord of Fauquemont led sixscore German lances to Lonnion, in Tierache, a large level town; the inhabitants of which had almost all retired with what they could carry off into the woods, and there had fortified their position by cutting down large trees. The Germans followed them, and, being joined by Sir Arnold Bacqueghen and his company, they attacked the people of Lonnion in the wood, who defended themselves as well as they could; but they were overpowered and obliged to flee. There were about forty killed and wounded, and all they brought there plundered. Thus was this country ruined without any hindrance; and the English acted as they thought proper.

When the King of England had halted in the champaign country of Tierache, he was informed that the King of France was within two leagues of him, and eager to give him battle. He therefore summoned the chiefs of his army, and demanded of them the best method of preserving his honor, as his intention was to accept the combat. The lords looked at each other, and requested the Duke of Brabant to give his opinion. The duke replied, that he was for fighting, as they could not depart honorably without it; and he advised that a herald should be sent to the King of France, to offer him battle, and to fix the day. A herald who belonged to the Duke of Gueldres, and spoke French well, had this commission. After being informed what he was to say, he rode to the French army, and, coming to the king and his counsellors, told them that the King of England, having halted in the plains, demanded and required the combat of one army against the other. To this King Philip answered willingly, and appointed the Friday following for the day, this being Wednesday. The herald returned back, well clothed with handsome furred mantles, which the king and lords of France had given him for the sake of the news he had brought, and related the good cheer he had received. The day being thus fixed, information of it was given to the captains of either army, and every one made his preparations accordingly.

On the Thursday morning, two knights belonging to the Earl of Hainault, the Lords of Faguinelles and Tupegny, mounted their steeds; and these two, leaving their own army, set out to view that of the English. They rode on for some time boldly along the line of the English army; when it chanced that the horse of the Lord of Faguinelles took fright, ran off in spite of all the efforts of his master, and carried him, whether he would or no, to the quarters of the enemy. He fell into the hands of the Germans, who, soon perceiving he did not belong to their party, surrounded him and his horse, and took him prisoner. He remained prisoner to five or six German gentlemen, who immediately ransomed him. When they found out that he was a Hainaulter, they asked him whether he knew Sir John of Hainault; he replied, Yes, and begged of them, for the love of God, to carry him to him, because he was sure he would be security for his ransom. The Germans were delighted at this, and carried him to Sir John, who pledged himself for his ransom. The Lord of Faguinelles thereupon returned to the army of Hainault, to his earl and other lords. His steed was returned to him through the entreaties of the Lord of Beaumont. Thus passed that day without any other thing occurring worthy of being recorded.

CHAPTER XXII.
The Two Kings retire from Vironfosse without giving Battle.

IT was a matter of much wonder, how two such fine armies could separate without fighting. But the French were of contrary opinions among themselves. Some said it would be a great shame, and very blameable, if the king did not give battle when he saw his enemies so near him, and drawn up in his own kingdom in battle array: others said it would exhibit a singular instance of madness to fight, as they were not certain that some treachery was not intended; besides, if fortune should be unfavorable, the king would run a great risk of losing his kingdom, and, if he should conquer his enemies, he would not be the nearer to gain possession of England or of the land of the allies. Thus the day passed until near twelve o’clock in disputes and debates. About noon a hare was started in the plain, and ran among the French army, who began to make a great shouting and noise, which caused those in rear to imagine the combat was begun in front; and many put on their helmets, and made ready their swords. Several new knights were made, especially by the Earl of Hainault, who knighted fourteen; and they were after called knights of the hare.

In this situation the two armies remained all Friday. In the midst of the debates of the council of the King of France, letters were brought from Robert, King of Sicily, addressed to him and his council. This King Robert was, as they said, a very great astrologer, and full of deep science; he had often cast the nativities of the kings of France and England, and had found by his astrology and the influence of the stars, that, if the King of France fought with the King of England in person, he would surely be defeated; in consequence of which he, as a wise king, and much fearing the danger and peril of his cousin the King of France, had sent, long before, letters most earnestly to request King Philip and his council never to give battle to the English when King Edward should be there in person. These doubts, and this letter from the King of Sicily, made many of the lords of France sore disheartened, of which the king was informed, who nevertheless was very eager for the combat; but he was so strongly dissuaded from it, that the day passed quietly, and each man retired to his quarters.

When the Earl of Hainault saw that there was no likelihood of a battle, he departed with all his people, and returned to Quesnoy. The next day the Germans and Brabanters took their leave, and returned to their homes. The King of England went to Brabant with the duke, his cousin. Thus ended this great expedition, and every man returned to his own house.

When the king’s vessel was ready, he embarked with a numerous attendance at Antwerp, and sailed for London, where he arrived about St. Andrew’s Day, and was joyfully received by his subjects, who were anxious for his return. Great complaints were made to him of the ravages which the Normans, Picards, and Spaniards had committed at Southampton; upon which he answered, that, whenever it came to his turn, he would make them pay dearly for it—and he kept his word before the end of that year.

CHAPTER XXIII.
The Sea-Fight between the King of England and the French, Before Sluys.

THE King of England embarked for Flanders, in order to go to Hainault to assist his brother-in-law in his war against France. He and his whole navy sailed from the Thames, the day before the eve of St. John the Baptist, 1340, and made straight for Sluys. Sir Hugh Quiriel, Sir Peter Bahucet, and Barbenoire, were at that time lying between Blanckenburgh and Sluys with upward of one hundred and twenty large vessels, without counting others: these were manned with about forty thousand men, Genoese and Picards, including mariners. By the orders of the King of France, they were there at anchor, waiting the return of the King of England, to dispute his passage.

When the king’s fleet was almost got to Sluys, they saw so many masts standing before it, that they looked like a wood. The king asked the commander of his ship what they could be; who answered, that he imagined they must be that armament of Normans, which the King of France kept at sea, and which had so frequently done him much damage, had burnt his good town of Southampton, and taken his large ship the “Christopher.” The king replied, “I have for a long time wished to meet with them, and now, please God and St. George, we will fight them; for, in truth, they have done me so much mischief, that I will be revenged on them if it be possible.” The king drew up all his vessels, placing the strongest in the front, and on the wings his archers. Between every two vessels with archers there was one of men at arms. He stationed some detached vessels as a reserve, full of archers, to assist and help such as might be damaged. There were in this fleet a great many ladies from England, countesses, baronesses, and knights’ and gentlemen’s wives, who were going to attend on the queen at Ghent: these the king had guarded most carefully by three hundred men at arms and five hundred archers. When the King of England and his marshals had properly divided the fleet, they hoisted their sails to have the wind on their quarter, as the sun shone full in their faces, which they considered might be of disadvantage to them, and stretched out a little, so that at last they got the wind as they wished. The Normans, who saw them tack, could not help wondering why they did so, and said they took good care to turn about, for they were afraid of meddling with them. They perceived, however, by his banner, that the king was on board, which gave them great joy, as they were eager to fight with him: so they put their vessels in proper order, for they were expert and gallant men on the seas. They filled the “Christopher,” the large ship which they had taken the year before from the English, with trumpets and other warlike instruments, and ordered her to fall upon the English. The battle then began very fiercely; archers and crossbow-men shot with all their might at each other, and the men at arms engaged hand to hand. In order to be more successful, they had large grapnels, and iron hooks with chains, which they flung from ship to ship, to moor them to each other. There were many valiant deeds performed, many prisoners made, and many rescues. The “Christopher,” which led the van, was recaptured by the English, and all in her taken or killed. There were then great shouts and cries, and the English manned her again with archers, and sent her to fight against the Genoese.

This battle was very murderous and horrible. Combats at sea are more destructive and obstinate than upon the land, for it is not possible to retreat or flee: every one must abide his fortune, and exert his prowess and valor. Sir Hugh Quiriel and his companions were bold and determined men, had done much mischief to the English at sea, and destroyed many of their ships. This combat, therefore, lasted from early in the morning until noon; and the English were hard pressed, for their enemies were four to one, and the greater part men who had been used to the sea. The king, who was in the flower of his youth, showed himself on that day a gallant knight, as did the Earls of Derby, Pembroke, Hereford, Huntingdon, Northampton, and Gloucester; the Lord Reginald Cobham, Lord Felton, Lord Bradestan, Sir Richard Stafford, the Lord Percy, Sir Walter Manny, Sir Henry de Flanders, Sir John Beauchamp, Sir John Chandos, the Lord Delaware, Lucie Lord Malton, and the Lord Robert d’Artois, now called Earl of Richmond. I cannot remember all the names of those who behaved so valiantly in the combat; but they did so well, that, with some assistance from Bruges and those parts of the country, the French were completely defeated, and all the Normans and the others killed or drowned, so that not one of them escaped. This was soon known all over Flanders; and, when it came to the two armies before Thin-l’Evêque, the Hainaulters were as much rejoiced as their enemies were dismayed.

After the king had gained this victory, which was on the eve of St. John’s Day, he remained all that night on board of his ship before Sluys; and there were great noises with trumpets, and all kinds of other instruments. The Flemings came to wait on him, having heard of his arrival, and what deeds he had performed. The king inquired of the citizens of Bruges after Jacob von Artaveld; and they told him he was gone to the aid of the Earl of Hainault with upward of sixty thousand men, against the Duke of Normandy. On the morrow, which was Midsummer Day, the king and his fleet entered the port. As soon as they were landed, the king, attended by crowds of knights, set out on foot on a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Ardembourg, where he heard mass, and dined. He then mounted his horse, and went that day to Ghent, where the queen was, who received him with great joy and kindness. The army and baggage, with the attendants of the king, followed him by degrees to the same place.

The king had sent notice of his arrival to the lords that were before Thin-l’Evêque, opposing the French; who, as soon as they heard of it, and of his victory over the Normans, broke up their camp. The Earl of Hainault disbanded all his troops, except the principal lords, whom he carried with him to Valenciennes, and treated most nobly, especially the Duke of Brabant, and Jacob von Artaveld. Jacob von Artaveld, in the full market-place, explained the right King Edward had to the crown of France, to all those lords that chose to hear him, and of what importance it was to the three countries,—that is to say, Flanders, Brabant, and Hainault,—when closely united. He spoke so clearly, and with so much eloquence, that he was praised by all, who agreed that he was worthy to exercise the dignity of Earl of Flanders. These lords then took their leave, and agreed to meet in eight days’ time at Ghent, to see the king. A day of conference was then appointed to be held at Vilvorde.

It was then determined that the King of England should move about Magdalen-tide, and lay siege to the city of Tournay; and all the lords present promised to be there, as well as all the forces from the principal towns. They then set off for their homes, to get ready, and prepare themselves properly for the business.

CHAPTER XXIV.
The King of England besieges the City of Tournay with a Powerful Army.

KING PHILIP, soon after the departure of these lords, was informed of all that had passed, and how King Edward was to come to Tournay: he therefore determined to provide it so well with ammunition, &c., and with so many good knights, that the city should be well served and well advised. He sent directly to the city of Tournay the flower of his chivalry,—the Earl Raoul of Eu, Constable of France; the young Earl of Guines, his son; the Earl of Foix, and his brothers, the Earl of Aymery and Narbonne; the Lord Aymery of Poitiers; the Lord Geoffry of Chargny; the Lord Gerard of Montfaucon; his two marshals, the Lord Robert Bertrand, and Lord Matthew de Trie; the Lord of Caieux, seneschal of Poitou; the Lord of Chatillon; and Sir John of Landas,—who had with them many knights and esquires renowned in arms. The king entreated of them earnestly that they would pay so much care and attention to Tournay, that nothing unfortunate might happen; which they all promised him. They took leave of the King of France, left Arras, and arrived at Tournay, where they found Sir Godémar du Fay, who had been sent thither before them. He received them joyfully, as did those of the town; and, after having well examined the purveyances which were there, as well of artillery as of provision, they ordered great quantities of corn, oats, and other articles of food, to be brought into it from the country round about, so that the city was in a good state to hold out for a long time.

The King of England, when the time for being before Tournay approached, and the corn was nearly ripe, set out from Ghent, accompanied by seven earls from his own country, two prelates, twenty-eight bannerets, two hundred knights, four thousand men at arms, and nine thousand archers, without counting the foot-soldiers. He passed through the town of Oudenarde, crossed the Scheld, and encamped before Tournay, near St. Martin’s Gate, on the road to Lisle and Douay. Soon after came his cousin, the Duke of Brabant, with upward of twenty thousand men, knights and esquires, and the companies from the different towns. The Brabanters were encamped at Pontaries upon the Scheld, as you return from the fields by the gate Valentinois. The Earl of Hainault came with the fine cavalry of his country, with many Dutchmen and Zealanders, who attended upon his person as their lord. The earl was encamped between the King of England and the Duke of Brabant. Jacob von Artaveld came next with more than forty thousand Flemings, not reckoning those from Ypres, Poperingue, Cassel, and Bruges, who were ordered to another part, as you will hear presently. He was quartered near the gate St. Fontaine, on both sides of the Scheld, over which they had thrown a bridge of boats, that they might have free intercourse. The Duke of Gueldres, the Earl of Juliers, the Marquis of Blanckenberg, the Marquis of Nuys, the Earl of Mons, the Earl of Savines, the Lord of Fauquemont, Sir Arnold de Bacqueghen, and all the Germans, were stationed on the side toward Hainault, so that the city of Tournay was very completely surrounded. Each division of the army had open communication with each other; and no one could enter or come out of the city without permission, or without being seen.

CHAPTER XXV.
The Scots recover Great Part of their Country during the Siege of Tournay.

FOR the present we must return to Scotland, and see what is going on there during this siege of Tournay. The reader should be informed that Sir William Douglas, son of the brother of Sir James Douglas, who was killed in Spain, the Earl of Moray, the Earl Patrick of Dunbar, the Earl of Sutherland, Sir Robert Keith, Sir Simon Fraser, and Alexander Ramsay, had remained as governors of the remnant of Scotland that was not in the possession of the English. During the space of seven years they had secreted themselves in the forest of Jedworth, in winter as well as summer, and thence had carried on a war against all the towns and fortresses wherein King Edward had placed any garrisons; in which many perilous and gallant adventures befell them, and from which they acquired much honor and renown. While King Edward was beyond sea, before Tournay, the King of France sent over some forces to Scotland, which arrived safe in the town of Perth; and he entreated the noblemen above mentioned to carry on so bitter a war in England that King Edward should be obliged to desist from his present enterprise before Tournay, promising them every aid and assistance: in consequence of which these lords collected their forces, and made themselves ready. They quitted the forest of Jedworth, traversed Scotland, retook as many fortresses as they were able, passed by Berwick, and, crossing the river Tyne, entered Northumberland, which was formerly a kingdom of itself, where they found plenty of fat cattle. Having wasted and burnt the whole country as far as Durham, and even beyond it, they re-entered Scotland, and gained all the fortresses which the King of England held, except the good town of Berwick, and three other castles which annoyed them much, and which are so strong that you will scarcely find their equals for strength in any country: one is called Stirling, the other Roxburgh, and the third, which may be styled the sovereign of Scotland, Edinburgh. This last is situate upon a high rock, commanding a view of the country round about; and the mountain has so steep an ascent, that few can go up it without stopping twice or thrice. The governor of it at that time was a gallant English knight, called Sir Walter Limousin.

A bold thought came into Sir William Douglas’s mind, which he mentioned to his companions, the Earl of Dunbar, Sir Robert Fraser, who had been tutor to King David of Scotland, and Alexander Ramsay, who all agreed to try to execute it. They collected upward of two hundred lances of Highlanders, went to sea, and purchased oats, oatmeal, coal, and straw, and landed peaceably at a port about three miles from the castle of Edinburgh, which had made a stronger resistance than all the other castles. When they had armed themselves, they issued forth in the night-time; and having chosen ten or twelve from among them, in whom they had the greatest confidence, they dressed them in old, threadbare clothes, with torn hats, like poor tradesmen, and loaded twelve small horses, with a sack to each, filled with oats, meal, or coal; they then placed the rest in ambuscade in an old abbey, that was ruined and uninhabited, close to the foot of the mountain on which the castle was situate. At daybreak these merchants, who were privily armed, took the road with their horses, the very best way they could, toward the castle. When they had got about half-way up the hill, Sir William Douglas and Sir Simon Fraser advanced before the others, whom they ordered to follow in silence, and came to the porter’s lodge. They informed him that they had brought, with many risks and fears, coal, oats, and meal; and, if there were any want of such articles, they should be glad to dispose of them, and at a cheap rate. The porter replied, that the garrison would thankfully have them, but it was so early that he dared not awake either the governor or his steward. At the same time he told them to come forward, and he would open the other gate. They all then passed quietly through, and entered with their loads to the gate of the barriers, which he opened for them.

Sir William Douglas had remarked that the porter had all the great keys of the castle-gates; and had, in an

How Sir William Douglas and his Companions captured the Castle of Edinburgh by Stratagem.

apparently indifferent manner, inquired which opened the great gate, and which the wicket. When the first gate was opened, they turned in their nags, and flung off the loads of two, which consisted of coal, directly upon the sill of the gate, so that it could not be shut; and then seized the porter, whom they slew so suddenly that he did not utter a word. They then took the keys, and opened all the gates, and Sir William Douglas gave a blast upon his horn as a signal for his companions; they then flung off their torn clothes, and placed all the remainder of the coal between the gates, so that they could not be shut. When those in the ambuscade heard the horn, they sallied forth, and hastened forward to the castle. The noise of the horn awakened the watch of the castle, at that time asleep, who, seeing these armed men running up the castle hill, blew lustily on his horn, and bawled out, “Treason! treason! Arm yourselves, my masters, as fast as you can; for here are men at arms advancing to our fortress.” They all roused themselves as quickly as they could, and when armed came to the gate; but Sir William and his twelve companions defended the gate, so that it could not be shut. The combat then grew hotter; but those from without maintained their ground with great valor, until their ambuscade arrived. The garrison made a very gallant defence, killing and wounding many of their enemies; but Sir William and his party exerted themselves so much, that the fortress was taken, and all the English killed, except the governor and six esquires, to whom they showed mercy. The Scots remained in the castle all that day, and appointed for governor a squire of that country, called Sir Simon de Vesci, and left with him many of his countrymen. This news was brought to the King of England while he lay before Tournay.

CHAPTER XXVI.
Sir William de Bailleul and Sir Vauflart de la Croix make an Excursion to Pont-à-Tressin.

THE King of France published a special summons throughout his kingdom, and also in many parts of the empire, for levying of forces. It had so good an effect, that Charles, King of Bohemia, the Duke of Lorrain, the Earl of Bar, the Bishop of Metz, the Bishop of Verdun, the Earl of Montbeliard, the Lord John of Chalons, the Earl of Geneva, the Earl of Savoy, and the Lord Lewis, his brother, came to serve under the King of France, with as many men as they could collect together. There came to him also, the Dukes of Brittany, Burgundy, and Bourbon, the Earls of Alençon, Flanders, Foretz, Armagnac, Blois, Harcourt, and Dammartin, the Lord Charles of Blois, the Lord of Coucy, and many other knights and barons. The King of Navarre afterwards came with a number of men at arms, to serve for the lands he held in France, and for which he was a homager to the king. The King of Scotland was also there, under the appointment of the King of France, and had a handsome body of men given him.

Soon after the King of France had taken up his quarters, with his army, near the bridge of Bouvines, a company of Hainaulters put themselves in motion by the exhortations of Sir Vauflart de la Croix, who told them he knew all the country well, and he could lead them to a part of the French army which they would be sure of conquering. About one hundred and twenty of them, knights and esquires, set out one day through love to each other, to do some deeds of arms, and advanced toward Pont-à-Tressin. They made the Lord of Bailleul their captain, and it was under his banner that they were to enlist.

That same morning, some of the Liegeois made also an excursion, under the command of Sir Robert de Bailleul, brother-german to the above-mentioned Sir William de Bailleul; for he had made a promise to do this, to the Bishop of Liege, and was bound to execute it with his whole company. The Liegeois had passed Pont-à-Tressin, were foraging for their horses, and looking out to see if they could find any chance to profit by. The Hainaulters had rode on, and passed the bridge, without meeting with any one; for there was such a fog that they could not distinguish any thing at the distance of a lance’s-length. When all had passed the bridge, they ordered Sir William de Bailleul and his banner to remain there, and Sir Vauflart de la Croix, Sir Raflet de Monceaux, and Sir John de Verchin, to advance as far as the quarters of the King of Bohemia, and Bishop of Liege, which were near the bridge, and to attack them. The Lord of Rodemach had had the guard that night of the army of the King of Bohemia, and was on the point of retiring, when the light-horse of the Hainaulters appeared. They attacked them, as they came up, very valiantly; and they were repulsed also by the Liegeois. The conflict was sharp, and the Hainaulters behaved themselves well. To secure a retreat, however, to their banner, the Hainaulters drew toward the bridge, where they were followed by those of Liege and Luxembourg, and the engagement was renewed. Sir William de Bailleul was advised to recross the bridge with his banner, for many of his people remained there; and many a gallant deed was performed, many a capture made, and many a rescue. Sir Vauflart, unluckily, was not able to gain the passage of the bridge: so he got out of the crowd, and saved himself the best way he could, by taking a road he was acquainted with, and hiding himself among thorns and quagmires, where he remained a considerable time. The rest still continued the combat; but the Liegeois, and those from Luxembourg, had overthrown Sir William de Bailleul.

While this was passing, Sir Robert’s company, who had been out foraging, returned, and, hearing the noise, came to the bridge. Sir Robert ordered his banner to advance, which was carried by a squire called James de Forsines, crying out, “Moriennes.” The Hainaulters, who were much heated, perceiving the banner of Moriennes, which is quite straight, thought it was their own, which they had been ordered to rally under, for there is but very little difference between the two; the Morienne arms having bars counterbarred with two chevrons, gules, and the chevron of Sir Robert had on it a small cross or. The Hainaulters made a sad mistake, and ran into the midst of Sir Robert’s troop, who received them most fiercely, repulsed and discomfited them. They lost, on their side, Sir John de Vargny, Sir Walter de Pont-à-l’Arche, Sir William de Pipempoix, Sir John de Soire, Sir Daniel de Bleze, Sir Race de Monceaux, Sir Lewis Dampelu, and many other knights and squires. Sir William de Bailleul saved himself in the best manner he could, but he lost a great many of his men. Sir Vauflart de la Croix, who hid himself among the reeds in the marshes, hoped to have remained there until the night, but he was perceived by some troopers who were riding through these marshes: they made such a shouting and noise, that Sir Vauflart came out, and surrendered himself to them, who led him to the army, and gave him up to their commander. He detained him a whole day in his quarters, and would willingly, through pity, have saved him, as he knew his head would probably suffer. But the King of France, having heard of it, wished to take cognizance of it himself: so Sir Vauflart was given up to him, and the king sent him to Lisle, where, as he had done much harm to the inhabitants, they would not accept of any ransom, but put him to death.

CHAPTER XXVII.
The Earl of Hainault attacks the Fortress of Mortagne in Various Manners.

THE King of France was much rejoiced at the arrival of Sir Robert de Bailleul, and his defeat of the Hainaulters. Shortly afterwards, the Earl of Hainault, Sir John his uncle the seneschal of Hainault, with full six hundred lances, Hainaulters and Germans, set out from the siege before Tournay. The earl had sent orders for those of Valenciennes to take another route, and place themselves between the Scarpe and the Scheld, to attack the town of Mortagne. They came there in a large body, and brought with them many engines, to throw things into the place. I have before told how the Lord of Beaujeu had been sent thither as governor. He had expected an attack, from the situation of Mortagne upon the Scheld, and bordering upon Hainault, and had driven upward of twelve hundred piles in the bed of the river to prevent its navigation. It was not long before the earl and his Hainaulters arrived on one side of the town, and the Valenciennois on the other. They made preparations for an immediate attack. The Valenciennois ordered their crossbow-men to shoot, and to advance to the barriers; but they were unable to do so, on account of the wide and deep trenches which had been made before them. They then bethought themselves to cross the Scarpe at any rate below Château l’Abbaie, and, passing near St. Amand, to make an assault upon the gate which opens toward Mande. This they executed, and full four hundred troops crossed the river, and Mortagne’s three gates were besieged. The weakest was certainly that leading to Mande: however, that was tolerably strong.

At that post the Lord of Beaujeu placed himself; for he knew that all the rest were safe. He had armed himself with a very stout lance, having the head of tempered steel, and on the under side a sharp hook, so that, when he made his stroke, he could fix the hook into the jackets or armor of those who attacked, draw them to him, and make them fall into the river. By this means, in the course of the day, he caught and destroyed more than twelve of the assailants. At this gate the conflict was much more severe than anywhere else, and the Earl of Hainault was ignorant of it: he was hard by toward Brisnal, drawn out in order of battle, upon the bank of the Scheld. The lords took counsel how they might draw out the piles, either by force or ingenuity, from the bed of the river, so that they might advance upon it up to the walls of the town. They ordered an engine to be made in a large vessel, for the purpose of drawing them out one after another, and all the carpenters were directly set upon this business. This same day the Valenciennois, on their part, erected a handsome engine, which cast stones into the town and castle, and much annoyed the inhabitants of Mortagne. In this manner passed the first day and the following night. On the morrow they returned to the attack on all sides. The third day the vessel and engine were ready to draw out the piles, and those ordered to that duty were set to work; but they had so much trouble and labor in drawing out one, that the lords thought they should never accomplish it, and therefore made them desist. There was at that time a very able engineer at Mortagne, who, having considered the machine of the Valenciennois, and how much it annoyed the town,—for it was perpetually in action,—made another in the castle, which was not very large, but well made and tempered, and so well pointed that it was used only three times. The first stone fell within twelve paces of the engine of the Valenciennois; the second was nearer to the box; and the third was so well aimed that it struck the machine upon the shaft, and split it in two. The soldiers of Mortagne made a great shouting at this event. The Hainaulters were thus two days and two nights before Mortagne without conquering any part of it. The earl and his uncle thought it advisable to return toward Tournay, which they did; and the Valenciennois went back to their town whence they had come.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
The Earl of Hainault takes the Town of St. Amand during the Siege of Tournay.

THREE days after the Earl of Hainault had returned from before Mortagne, he made a request to his companions that they would come with him to St. Amand; for he had received many complaints of the soldiers of St. Amand having burnt the monastery of Hanon, and of their attempt to do the same at Vicoigne, as well as of many other troubles which they had wrought upon the borders of Hainault. The earl set out from the siege of Tournay with three thousand combatants, and came before St. Amand by the way of Mortagne, which town was only enclosed with a palisade. A knight from Languedoc, and seneschal of Carcassonne, was governor of it; and he had told the monks of the abbey, as well as the inhabitants, that it was not tenable against any body of men, not that he meant to give it up, but on the contrary to defend it as long as he could, and mentioned it merely as a piece of information. These words were not much attended to, or believed: however, he had some time before sent to Mortagne all the jewels of the monastery, and thither went also the abbot and his monks, who were not very well calculated to defend themselves.

The Valenciennois, who had been ordered by the earl their lord to be before St. Amand on a certain day, came with twelve thousand combatants, and, posting themselves before the town, armed all the crossbow-men, and made them advance toward the bridge over the Scarpe. The conflict was here very sharp: it lasted all that day, without the Valenciennois being able to make any impression; but they had a great many of their men killed and wounded, and the besieged, mocking them, called out, “Go your ways, and drink your good ale.” Towards the evening they retired from before the town, much wearied, and surprised that they had not heard any tidings of their lord. They called a council, and resolved to return back to their own town. On the morrow after their departure, the Earl of Hainault arrived, as has been said, by the way of Mortagne, and he immediately began the attack: it was so violent that the barriers were instantly won, and they advanced to the gate which opens toward Mortagne. The earl and his uncle headed this attack: they fought most valiantly, and spared none. Each of them at this place received two such blows from stones thrown down upon them, that their helmets were split through, and themselves stunned. One present then said to the earl, “Sir, we shall never do any thing effectual in this place, for the gate is very strong, the passage narrow, and it will cost you too many of your people to gain it; but if you will order some large beams of wood to be brought, and shod with iron in the manner of piles, and strike with them against the walls of the monastery, I will promise you that you will make breaches in many places. If once we get into the monastery, the town is ours, for there is nothing to stop us between it and the town.” The earl ordered this advice to be followed; for he perceived it was reasonable, and the shortest method of getting possession of the town. Great beams of oak were brought, formed, and sharpened like piles; and to each were ordered twenty or thirty men, who, bearing it in their hands, retreated some paces, and then ran with it with great force against the wall, which they battered down in many places, so that they entered valiantly, and crossed a small rivulet.

The seneschal of Carcassonne was there, with his banner displayed before him, which was gules, with a chef argent, three chevrons in chief, and an indented border, argent; and near him were collected many companions from his own country, who received the Hainaulters very gallantly, and fought as well as they were able; but it was in vain, as they were overpowered by numbers. It may be worth remembering, that, on their entering the monastery, there remained a monk called Sir Froissart, who did wonders, killing and wounding, at one of the breaches where he had posted himself, upward of eighteen, so that no one durst venture to pass through. At last he was forced to fly, for he perceived that the Hainaulters were entering the monastery by various other breaches: the monk therefore made off as fast as he could, and saved himself in Mortagne. As soon as the earl, Sir John, and the knights of Hainault had entered the monastery, the earl ordered no quarter to be given, so much was he enraged at the violences they had committed in his territories. The town was soon filled with soldiers, who pursued all they met from street to street, and from house to house: very few escaped being put to death. The seneschal was slain under his banner, and upward of two hundred men with him. The earl returned that evening to Tournay.

On the morrow the men at arms of Valenciennes and the commonalty came to St. Amand, burnt the town, the monastery, and the great minster; breaking and destroying all the bells, of which there were numbers of very good and melodious ones. The Earl of Hainault made another excursion from the siege of Tournay, with about six hundred men at arms, in order to burn Orchies, Landas, and Le Celle. He afterwards crossed, with his army, the river Scarpe above Hanon, and, entering France, came before a large and rich monastery at Marchiennes, of which Sir Aymé de Vervaulx was governor, who had with him a detachment of crossbow-men from Douay. The attack was violent; for the knight had strongly fortified the first gate, which was surrounded by wide and deep ditches, and the French and monks withinside defended themselves valiantly. The Hainaulters exerted themselves much; and, having procured boats, they by this means gained entrance into the monastery: but a German knight, attached to the Lord of Fauquemont, was drowned; his name was Sir Bacho de la Wiere. At the attack of the gate, the earl, his uncle the seneschal of Hainault, and many others, proved themselves such good knights, that the gate was gained, Sir Aymé slain, and the greater part of the others. Many monks who were there were captured, the monastery pillaged and burnt, as well as the village. The earl after this returned with his army to Tournay.

CHAPTER XXIX.
Sir Charles de Montmorency, and many others of the French, captured at Pont-à-Tressin.

THE siege of Tournay lasted a long time, and the town held out well; but the King of England thought he must gain it, for he knew that there were within it great numbers of men at arms, and a scarcity of provision, which would oblige them to yield through hunger. But others said that they would find supplies through the country of the Brabanters, who permitted frequent and large quantities of provisions to pass through their army, and even to enter the town. Those from Brussels and Louvain were quite weary of remaining there so long, and petitioned the marshal of their army for leave to return to Brabant. The marshal replied that he was very willing to consent to their departure, but they must leave their arms and accoutrements behind them. This made them so ashamed, that they never again repeated their request. During this siege, the Germans made an excursion toward Pont-à-Tressin, where Sir Robert de Bailleul had defeated the Hainaulters. The Lord of Rauderondenc, Sir John of Rauderondenc his son (at that time a squire), Sir John de Randebourgh (a squire also, and tutor to the Lord of Rauderondenc’s son), Sir Arnold de Bacqueghen, Sir Reginald d’Escouvenort, Sir Courrat d’Astra, Sir Bastien de Basties, Candrelier his brother, the Lord Strauren de Leurne, with many others, from the duchies of Juliers and Gueldres, held a conference together, and resolved to make an excursion on the morrow, by break of day; for which purpose they armed and prepared themselves well that night.

Some knights bachelors from Hainault joined them; among whom were Sir Florent de Beaurieu, Sir Latas de la Haye (marshal of the army), the Lord John of Hainault, Sir Oulphart de Guistelles, Sir Robert Glewes from the county of Los (at that time only a squire), and many more; amounting altogether to upward of three hundred good men at arms. They came to Pont-à-Tressin, which they crossed without loss. They then held a council, on what would be the most advantageous plan for them to beat up and skirmish with the army of the French. It was determined that the Lord of Rauderondenc, and his son, Sir Henry de Kalkren, a mercenary knight, Sir Thilman de Saussy, Sir Oulphart de Guistelles, Sir l’Alleman of Hainault, Sir Robert Glewes, and Jacquelot de Thiaulx, should act as light-horse, and skirmish up to the tents of the French; that the rest of the knights and squires, who might amount to three hundred, should remain at the bridge to keep and defend that pass in case of any attack. This advanced body then set out: they were forty persons altogether, well mounted upon handsome and strong chargers. They rode on till they came to the French camp, when they immediately dashed in, and began to cut down tents and pavilions, and do every possible damage by skirmishing with all that opposed them. That night two great barons, the Lord of Montmorency and the Lord of Saulieu, had the watch, and were with their guard when the Germans fell upon them. As soon as they heard the noise, they and their banners moved toward it.

When the Lord of Rauderondenc saw them approach, he turned his horse about, and ordered his pennon and his party to push for the bridge, the French following him closely. In this chase the French captured Sir Oulphart de Guistelles; for he could not follow their track, his sight being indifferent. He was surrounded by the enemy, and made prisoner, as were two esquires of the names of Mondrop and Jacquelot de Thiaulx. The French galloped after them, but the Germans escaped; and, being scarcely more than half an acre separated from them, they could plainly hear them crying out, “Ha, gentlemen! you shall not return as easy as you came.” Then one of his party rode up to the Lord of Rauderondenc, and said, “Sir, consider what you are about, or the French will cut us off from the bridge.” The Lord of Rauderondenc replied, “If they know one road to it, I know another;” and, turning to his right, led his party along a road tolerably well beaten, which brought them straight to the river before mentioned, which is very deep, and surrounded by marshes. On their coming thither they found they could not ford it, so that they must return, and pass over the bridge. The French, thinking to cut off and take the Germans, went on full gallop toward the bridge. When they were come near to it, and saw the large body of men waiting for them, they said to one another, “We are making a foolish pursuit, and may easily lose more than we can gain;” upon which many turned back, particularly the banner-bearer of the Lord of Saulieu, as well as that lord himself. But the Lord of Montmorency would not retire, but pushed forward courageously, and with his party attacked the Germans. This attack was very fierce on both sides, and each party had many unhorsed. While they were engaged, the light troops made a circuit, and fell upon their flank: notwithstanding this, and the hard blows given, the French stood their ground. But Sir Reginald d’Escouvenort, knowing the banner of Montmorency, under which the knight was, with sword in hand, dealing his blows about him, came up on his right hand, and, with his left hand seizing the reins of his horse, stuck spurs into his own, and drew him out of the combat. The Lord of Montmorency gave many blows with his sword upon the helmet and back of Sir Reginald, which at once broke and received them. However, the Lord of Montmorency remained his prisoner; and the Germans fought so well, that they maintained their ground, and made fourscore gentlemen prisoners. They then repassed the bridge without hindrance, and returned to Tournay, where each retired to his own quarters.

CHAPTER XXX.
The Siege of Tournay raised by Means of a Truce.

THE siege of Tournay had lasted a long time (eleven weeks, all but three days), when the lady of John de Valois—sister to the King of France, and mother to the Earl of Hainault—took great pains with both parties to make up a peace, so that they might separate without a battle. The good lady had frequently, on her knees, besought it of the King of France. She at last so far prevailed, by the help and assistance of the Lord Lewis d’Augimont, who was well beloved by both parties, that a day was fixed for a negotiation, when each of the parties was to send five well-qualified persons to treat upon the best means of bringing about a reconciliation. These commissioners were to meet at a chapel situated in the fields, called Esplotin. On the day appointed, having heard mass, they assembled after dinner, and took the lady with them. When they had all entered this chapel, they saluted each other most politely, with every mark of respect: they then began on the business. This first day, however, passed away without any thing being decided. The next day they came to their appointment, began on the treaty as before, and fell upon some arrangement that seemed likely to end to their mutual satisfaction. The third day these lords returned, and agreed upon a truce, to last for one year, between the kings and all the allies that were present.

The truce was immediately proclaimed in each army, to the great joy of the Brabanters, who were heartily tired of the siege. The day after, at daybreak, tents and pavilions were struck, wagons loaded, and every one in motion to depart.

Thus the good city of Tournay remained unhurt; but it had a narrow escape, for there were no more provisions in it than would have been sufficient for three or four days.

CHAPTER XXXI.
King Edward institutes the Order of St. George, at Windsor.

ABOUT this time the King of England resolved to rebuild and embellish the great castle of Windsor, which King Arthur had first founded in time past, and where he had erected and established that noble Round Table from which so many gallant knights had issued forth, and displayed the valiant prowess of their deeds at arms over the world. King Edward therefore determined to establish an order of knighthood, consisting of himself, his children, and the most gallant knights in Christendom, to the number of forty. He ordered it to be denominated “knights of the blue garter,” and that the feast should be celebrated every year at Windsor, upon St. George’s Day. He summoned, therefore, all the earls, barons, and knights of his realm, to inform them of his intentions. They heard it with great pleasure; for it appeared to them highly honorable, and capable of increasing love and friendship. Forty knights were then elected, according to report and estimation the bravest in Christendom, who sealed and swore to maintain and keep the feast and the statutes which had been made. The king founded a chapel at Windsor, in honor of St. George, and established canons there to serve God, with a handsome endowment. He then issued his proclamation for this feast by his heralds, whom he sent to France, Scotland, Burgundy, Hainault, Flanders, Brabant, and the empire of Germany; and offered to all knights and squires that might come to this ceremony passports to last for fifteen days after it was over. The celebration of this order was fixed for St. George’s Day next ensuing, to be held at Windsor, 1344; and the queen was to be present, accompanied by three hundred ladies and damsels, all of high birth, and richly dressed in similar robes.

CHAPTER XXXII.
The King of England sets at Liberty Sir Hervé de Léon.

WHILE the King of England was employed in making preparations for the reception of the lords and ladies whom he expected at this feast, news was brought him of the death of the Lord of Clisson and the other knights. He was so much enraged at it, that he had determined to retaliate upon the body of Sir Hervé de Léon, who was his prisoner; and would surely have executed it, if the Earl of Derby, his cousin, had not remonstrated, and showed in council such good reasons, as, for the sake of his own personal honor, induced him to refrain from this revenge. He added, “My lord, if that King Philip has, through rashness, had the villany to put to death such valiant knights as these were, do not suffer your courage to be tainted by it; for in truth, if you will but consider a little, your prisoner has nothing to do with this outrage: have a goodness, therefore, to give him his liberty at a reasonable ransom.” The king ordered the captive knight to be brought before him, and said, “Ha, Sir Hervé, Sir Hervé! my adversary Philip de Valois has shown his treachery in too cruel a manner, when he put to death so many knights. It has given me much displeasure, and it appears as it were done in despite of us. If I were to take his conduct for my example, I ought to do the like to you, for you have done me more harm in Brittany than any other; but I shall endure it, and let him act according to his own will. I will preserve my own honor unspotted, and shall allow you your liberty at a trifling ransom, out of my love for the Earl of Derby, who has requested it; but upon condition that you perform what I am going to ask of you.” The knight replied, “Dear sir, I will do, to the best of my power, whatever you shall command.” The king said, “I know, Sir Hervé, that you are one of the richest knights in Brittany; and, if I were to press you, you would pay me thirty or forty thousand crowns for your ransom. But you will go to King Philip de Valois, my adversary, and tell him from me, that, by putting so many knights to death in so dishonorable a manner, he has sore displeased me; and I say and maintain, that he has by this means broken and infringed the truce which we had agreed to, and that from this moment I consider it as broken, and send him by you my defiance. In consideration of your carrying this message, I will let you off for ten thousand crowns, which you will pay, or send to Bruges, in five days after you shall have crossed the sea. You will also inform all such knights and squires as wish to attend my feast (for we shall be right glad to see them) not to desist on this account, for they shall have passports for their safe return, to last for fifteen days after it be over.”—“Sir,” answered the knight, “I will perform your message to the best of my abilities; and God reward you and my Lord of Derby for your kindness to me!”

Sir Hervé de Léon did not after this remain long in prison, but, having taken leave of the king, went to Southampton, and embarked on board a vessel, with the intention of landing at Harfleur. A violent storm, however, which lasted fifteen days, prevented it. He lost his horses, as well as those of his servants, which were thrown overboard; and he himself was so ill by it, that he never after enjoyed good health. At last the mariners, with much danger, landed at Crotoy, from whence Sir Hervé and his suite went on foot to Abbeville, where they procured horses; but Sir Hervé was so ill, he could not bear the motion of the horse. He was therefore put in a litter, and came to Paris, to King Philip, to whom he delivered his message word for word. But he did not live long. He died in returning to his own country, in the city of Angers. God have mercy on his soul!

CHAPTER XXXIII.
The King of England sends the Earl of Derby to make War in Gascony.

ST. GEORGE’S DAY drew near, when the grand feast was to be celebrated at the castle of Windsor. The king had made great preparations for it; and there were earls, barons, ladies, and damsels most nobly entertained. The festivities and tilts lasted a fortnight. Many knights came to them from beyond sea, from Flanders, Hainault, and Brabant, but not one from France. During the holding of these feasts the king received intelligence from different countries, particularly from Gascony. The Lord de l’Esparre, the Lord de Chaumont, the Lord de Mucident, were sent thence by the other barons and knights who at that time were dependent on the King of England; such as the Lord d’Albret, the Lord de Pumiers, the Lord de Montferrant, the Lord of Duras, the Lord of Craton, the Lord of Grailley, and many others; and some were likewise sent by the cities of Bordeaux and Bayonne. These ambassadors were most courteously entertained and received by the king and his council; to whom they explained the weakness of the country of Gascony, and that his good friends in that country and the loyal city of Bordeaux wanted aid: they therefore entreated that he would send thither such a captain and force of men at arms as he might think able to make head against the French, who kept the field in opposition to all that were sent to meet them. The king soon afterwards appointed his cousin the Earl of Derby leader of this expedition, and nominated those knights that he had fixed upon to be under him: first the Earl of Pembroke, the Earl of Oxford, the Lord Stafford, Sir Walter Manny, Sir Frank van Halle, Sir Henry Eam of Brabant, Sir Richard Fitzsimon, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir Stephen Tombey, Sir Richard Haydon, Sir John Norwich, Sir Richard Radcliffe, Sir Robert Oxendon, and several more. They were fully three hundred knights and squires, six hundred men at arms, and two thousand archers. The king advised the earl his cousin to take plenty of gold and silver with him, and to bestow it liberally among the knights and squires, in order to acquire their good opinion and affection.

The king also, during the time of these festivals, sent Sir Thomas Dagworth into Brittany to re-enforce the Countess of Montfort, and assist her in preserving that country; for, notwithstanding the truce, he doubted not but that King Philip would begin the war on account of the message he had sent to him by Sir Hervé de Léon. He therefore despatched thither one hundred men at arms, and two hundred archers under the command of Sir Thomas. He likewise ordered the Earl of Salisbury into the county of D’ulnestre; for the Scots had rebelled against him, had burnt much in Cornwall, and had advanced as far as Bristol, and besieged the town of D’ulnestre. However, the Earl of Salisbury marched thither, with three hundred men at arms and six hundred archers well appointed. Thus the king sent forth his people, and directed his treasurers to deliver out to the commanding officers a sufficiency of money for their own expenses, and to pay their fellow-soldiers; and each set out according to the orders he had received.

We will speak first of the Earl of Derby, as he had the greatest charge, which he conducted to Southampton, and, embarking on board the fleet stationed there for him, made sail for Bayonne. It was a handsome city, and had always held out for the English. He arrived there, without accident, on the sixth day of June, 1344, when he disembarked, and landed his stores. They were joyfully received by the inhabitants, and he remained there seven days to refresh himself and his horses. The Earl of Derby and his army left Bayonne the eighth day after his arrival, and set out for Bordeaux, where a grand procession came out to receive him. The earl was lodged in the Abbey of St. Andrew, and his people within the city. When the Count de Lisle was informed of the arrival of the English, he sent for the Count de Comminges, the Count de Perigord, the Count de Carmain, the Viscount de Villemur, the Count Duras, the Count de Valentinois, the Count de Mirande, the Lord of Mirade, the Lord de la Barde, the Lord of Pincornet, the Viscount de Châtillon, the Lord of Chateauneuf, the Lord de Lescun, the Abbot of St. Savin, and for all the other lords who were attached to the King of France. As soon as they were all assembled, he demanded their counsel on the arrival of the Earl of Derby. The lords in reply said they were sufficiently strong to defend the passage of the river Dordogne, at Bergerac, against the English. This answer mightily pleased the Count de Lisle, who was at that time like a king in Gascony, and had been so since the commencement of the wars between the two kings. He had taken the field, captured towns and castles, and waged war upon all who were of the English army. These lords sent immediately to assemble their dependants on all sides, and advanced to Bergerac, where they entered the suburbs, which are large, strong, and partly surrounded by the Dordogne. They had all their purveyances brought to them there in safety.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
The Earl of Derby conquers Bergerac.

WHEN the Earl of Derby had remained at Bordeaux for about fifteen days, he was informed that the barons and knights of Gascony were in Bergerac: he therefore one morning marched that way with his army, and ordered his marshals, Sir Walter Manny and Sir Frank van Halle, to push forward. The English marched that morning no more than three leagues, to a castle called Montcroullier, which belonged to them, and was situated a short league from Bergerac. At this castle of Montcroullier they tarried that day and night. The day following, their scouts were sent as far as the barriers of Bergerac; and on their return they related to Sir Walter Manny that they had reconnoitred the position of the French, which did not appear to them any thing very formidable. This day the English dined early; and during the repast Sir Walter Manny, addressing himself to the Earl of Derby, said, “My lord, if we were good knights, and well armed, we might this evening partake of the wines of these French lords who are garrisoned in Bergerac.” The earl answered that it should not be his fault if they did not. When their companions heard this they said, “Let us hasten to arm ourselves; for we will ride toward Bergerac.” It was no sooner said than done: they were all armed and mounted in an instant. When the Earl of Derby perceived such willingness in his men, he was exceedingly joyful, and cried out, “In the name of God and of St. George, let us march to our enemies!” They then rode on, with banners displayed, during the greatest heat of the day, until they came to the barriers of Bergerac; which was not a place easily to be taken, for a part of the river Dordogne surrounded it. The French lords who were in the town, seeing the English coming to attack them, said they should be well received, and sallied forth in battle-array: they had with them a multitude of foot-soldiers, and country-people badly armed. The English made their approaches in close order, so that they were plainly to be distinguished by the townsmen, and the archers began to shoot thickly. When the foot-soldiers felt the points of the arrows, and saw the banners and pennons glittering in the air, which they had not been accustomed to see, they fell back upon their men at arms. The archers continued to shoot with great quickness, doing much mischief to them. The lords of England then advanced, mounted on their excellent coursers, with lances in rests, and, dashing into the midst of their infantry, drove them down at pleasure, and killed and wounded the French men at arms in abundance; for they could not in any way exert themselves, as these runaways had blocked up the road.

Thus were those of Bergerac driven back again to the suburbs; but with so much loss that the first bridge and bars were taken by storm, and the English entered with them. Upon the pavement were many knights and squires slain and wounded, and many prisoners made of those who came forward to defend the passage. The Lord of Mirepoix was slain under the banner of Sir Walter Manny, who was the first that entered the suburbs. When the Count de Lisle saw that the English had got possession of the suburbs, and were knocking down and killing his people without mercy, he and the other lords of Gascony made a handsome retreat towards the town, and passed the bridge with great difficulty. At this place the engagement was very severe, and lasted a considerable time: the noblemen of France and of England, named in the preceding chapters, combated most valiantly, hand to hand. Neither knight nor bachelor could there conceal himself. Sir Walter Manny had advanced so far among his enemies, that he was in great danger. The English made prisoners of the Viscount de Bousquetin, the Lords of Châtillon, of Chateauneuf, and of Lescun. The French retreated into the fort, let down the portcullis, and, getting upon the battlements, began to throw stones and other things to drive their enemies away. This assault and skirmish lasted until vespers, when the English retreated, quite weary, into the suburbs which they had won; where they found such quantities of provision and wine as might on occasion have lasted them most plentifully for four months.

When the morrow dawned, the Earl of Derby had his trumpets sounded, and his forces drawn out in battle-array, to approach the town, and make a mighty assault, which lasted till noon. They had not much success; for they found that there were within it men who defended themselves valiantly. At noontide the English retreated, perceiving that they only lost their time. The lords then assembled in council, and determined to attack the town on the side next the river, for it was there fortified only by palisades. The Earl of Derby sent, therefore, to the fleet at Bordeaux for vessels, which he ordered to come to him up the Dordogne: there were upward of sixty barks and other vessels lying at Bordeaux, that came to Bergerac. In the evening of the following day the English made their arrangements; and at sunrise all those who were ordered to attack the town, as well as the fleet, were quite ready, under the command of the Lord Stafford. There were many knights and squires who had requested to be on this expedition, in hopes of preferment, as well as a body of archers. They advanced in haste, and came to some large round piles placed before the palisades, which they flung down. The townsmen, seeing this, went to the Count de Lisle, the lords, knights, and squires who were present, and said to them, “Gentlemen, we pray you to take heed what you are about; for we run a great risk of being ruined. If the town be taken, we shall lose all we have, as well as our lives. It will therefore be much better that we surrender it to the Earl of Derby, before we suffer more damage.” The count replied, “We will go to that quarter where the danger is; for we will not consent to surrender it so easily.” The Gascon knights and squires came, therefore, to defend the palisades; but the archers who were in the barks kept up so vigorous an attack with their arrows, that none dared to show themselves, unless they chose to run the risk of being either killed or wounded. In the town there were with the Gascons two or three hundred Genoese cross-bow-men, whose armor shielded them from the arrows. They kept the archers well employed all the day, and many on each side were wounded. At last the English who were in the vessels exerted themselves so much that they broke down a large piece of the palisade: those of Bergerac then retreated, and requested time to consider if they should not surrender the place.

The remainder of that day and night was granted them, upon condition that they should not attempt to repair the breaches; and every one retired to his quarters. The lords of Gascony held that night a long council; and about midnight, having packed up all their baggage, they set out from Bergerac, and followed the road to La Réole, which is not far distant, whose gates were opened to them; and there they took up their quarters.

The English, on the morrow morning, re-embarked on board their fleet, and came to the part where the palisades had been broken down. They found in that place great numbers of the townsmen, who entreated the knights that they would beseech the Earl of Derby to have mercy on them, and allow them their lives and fortunes, and thenceforward they would yield obedience to the King of England. The Earl of Pembroke and the Earl of Oxford replied that they would cheerfully comply with their request; and went to the Earl of Derby, who was not present, and related to him what the inhabitants of Bergerac had desired of them. The Earl of Derby answered, “He who begs for mercy should have mercy shown him: tell them to open their gates, and let us enter, and we will assure them of safety from us and from our people.” The two lords returned, and reported what the earl had said. Upon which the townsmen went to the market-place, where every one, men and women, being assembled, they rang the bells, threw open the gates, went out in procession to meet the Earl of Derby, and with all humility conducted him to the church, where they swore homage and fealty to him, acknowledging him as their lord, for the King of England, by virtue of a procuration which he had with him.

CHAPTER XXXV.
The Count de Lisle, Lieutenant for the King of France, in Gascony, lays Siege to the Castle of Auberoche.

WE will now return to the Count de Lisle, whom we left in La Réole. As soon as he was informed that the Earl of Derby had returned to Bordeaux, and had taken up his residence there, he did not think it probable he would undertake any more expeditions this season. He sent letters therefore to the Earls of Perigord, of Carmain, of Comminges, of Bruniguel, and to all the barons of Gascony that were in the French interest, to desire that they would collect as many people as they could, and come with them properly armed, by an appointed time, to meet him at Auberoche, as he intended to besiege it. They all obeyed his summons; for he was as a king in these parts of Gascony. The knights who were in Auberoche were not aware of this until they found themselves so closely besieged on all sides that no one could go out of the garrison without being seen. The French brought from Toulouse four large machines, which cast stones into the fortress night and day; and they made no other assault: so that in six days’ time they had demolished all the roofs of the towers, and none within the castle dared to venture out of the vaulted rooms on the ground-floor. It was the intention of the army to kill all within the castle, if they would not surrender themselves unconditionally.

News was brought to the Earl of Derby, that Auberoche was besieged; but he did not imagine his friends were so hard pushed. When Sir Frank van Halle, Sir Alain de Finefroide, and Sir John Lendal, who were thus besieged, saw how desperate their situation was, they asked their servants if there were not one among them who would, for a reward, undertake to deliver the letters they had written to the Earl of Derby at Bordeaux. One from among them stepped forward, and said he would be the man who would cheerfully undertake the commission, not through lust of gain, but from his desire to deliver them from the peril they were in. The following night the servant took the letters, sealed with their seals, and sewed them up in his clothes. He was let down into the ditches: when he was at the bottom, he climbed up the opposite side, and took his road through the army, for he could not avoid passing through it. He was met by the first guard, but was not stopped, for he understood the Gascon language well, and named one of the lords of the army, as if belonging to him; so he was suffered to pass on: but he was afterwards arrested, and detained under the tents of some other lords, who brought him to the main watch. He was interrogated, searched, and the letters found upon him, and guarded until morning, when the principals of the army assembled in the tent of the Count de Lisle, where the letters were read. They were rejoiced to find that the garrison were so much straitened that they could not hold out longer; and, seizing the

How the French flung a Servant over the Walls into Auberoche.

servant, they hung the letters round his neck, thrust him into one of the machines, and flung him into Auberoche. The valet fell quite dead amid the other valets of the castle, who were much terrified at it.

About this time the Earl of Perigord, his uncle Sir Charles de Poitiers, the Earl of Carmain, and the Lord of Duras, mounting their horses, rode as near to the walls of the castle as they could, and, calling out to those within by way of derision, said, “Gentlemen, inquire of your messenger where he found the Earl of Derby, and whether he is prepared to assist you, since your man was so eager to quit your fortress, and has returned as quickly.” Sir Frank van Halle replied, “By my faith, gentlemen, if we be so closely confined in this place, we will sally forth whenever it shall please God and the Earl of Derby. I wish to heaven he were acquainted with our situation, for, if he were, the proudest of you all would be afraid of standing your ground; and, if you will send any one to give him this information, one of us will surrender himself to you, to be ransomed as becomes a gentleman.” The French answered, “Nay, nay, matters must not turn out so. The Earl of Derby, in proper time, shall be made acquainted with it; but not until our engines have battered your walls level with the ground, and you shall have surrendered yourselves to save your lives.”—“That, for certain, will never happen,” said Sir Frank van Halle; “for we will not surrender ourselves, should we all die upon the walls.” The French lords then rode on, and returned to their army. The three English knights remained in Auberoche, quite confounded by the force of these engines, which flung such quantities of stones that in truth it seemed as if the thunder from heaven were battering the walls of the castle.

CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Earl of Derby makes the Count of Lisle and nine more Counts and Viscounts Prisoners before Auberoche.

ALL these speeches, the treatment of the messenger, the contents of the letters, and the perilous situation of Auberoche, were known to the Earl of Derby by means of a spy he had in the French army. The earl therefore sent orders to the Earl of Pembroke in Bergerac to meet him at an appointed place and hour; and also to the Lord Stafford and Sir Stephen Tombey, who were at Libourne. The Earl of Derby then, accompanied by Sir Walter Manny and the forces he had with him, took the road to Auberoche as secretly as possible; for he had guides who were acquainted with all the by-roads. They came to Libourne, where they waited a whole day for the Earl of Pembroke; but hearing no tidings of him, and being impatient to succor their friends who were so distressed, the Earl of Derby, the Earl of Oxford, Sir Walter Manny, Sir Richard Hastings, Sir Stephen Tombey, the Lord Ferrers, and other knights, set out from Libourne: riding all night, they came on the morrow within two leagues of Auberoche. They entered a wood; when, alighting from their horses, they tied them to the trees, and allowed them to pasture, in expectation of the arrival of the Earl of Pembroke. They waited all that morning, and until noon, in vain, not knowing what to do; for they were but three hundred lances and six hundred archers, and the French were from ten to twelve thousand men. They thought it would be cowardice to suffer their friends to be lost, when they were so near them. At last Sir Walter Manny said, “Gentlemen, let us who are now here mount our horses, skirt this wood, and advance until we come to their camp: when we shall be close to it, we will stick spurs into our horses, and, with loud shouts, fall upon them. It will be about their hour for supper; and we shall see them so much discomfited, that they can never rally again.” The knights present replied that they would all do as he had proposed. Each went to his horse, re-girthed him, and tightened his armor: they ordered their pages, servants, and baggage to remain where they were.

They advanced in silence by the side of the wood until they came to the other end, where the French army was encamped in a wide valley, near a small river: they then displayed their banners and pennons, and, sticking spurs into their horses, dashed into the midst of the French and Gascon forces, who were quite confounded and unprepared for this attack, as they were busy about their suppers, many having set down to table. The English were well prepared to act; and crying, “Derby, Derby forever!” they cut down tents and pavilions, and slew and wounded all that came in their way. The French did not know where to turn, so much were they surprised; and when they got into the plains, if there were any large body of them, the archers and crossbow-men made such good use of their weapons that they were slain or dispersed. The Count de Lisle was taken in his tent, badly wounded; the Earl of Perigord in his pavilion, and also Sir Charles his uncle; the Lord of Duras was killed, and so was Sir Aymery de Poitiers, but his brother the Earl of Valentinois was made prisoner. Every one took to his heels as fast as he could; but the Earl of Comminges, the Earls of Carmain, Villemur, and Bruniguel, the Lords de la Barde and de la Taride, with others, who were quartered on the opposite side of the castle, displayed their banners, and, having drawn up their men, marched for the plain: the English, however, who had already defeated the largest body of the army, fell upon them most vigorously. In this engagement many gallant deeds of arms were performed, many captures made, and many rescues. As soon as Sir Frank van Halle and Sir John Lendal, who were in Auberoche, heard the noise, and perceived the banners and pennons of their friends, they hastened to arm themselves, and all those that were with them; when, mounting their horses, they sallied out of the fortress, made for the plain, and dashed into the thickest of the combat, to the great encouragement of the English.

Why should I make a long story of it? All those who were of the Count de Lisle’s party were discomfited, and almost all taken prisoners or slain. Scarcely any would have escaped, if night had not closed so soon. Nine earls and viscounts were made prisoners, and so many barons, knights, and squires, that there was not a man at arms among the English that had not for his share two or three. This battle before Auberoche was fought on the eve of St. Laurence’s Day, in the year 1344. The English treated their prisoners like friends: they received many upon their promises to surrender themselves by a certain day at Bordeaux or Bergerac. The English retired into Auberoche; and the Earl of Derby entertained at supper the greater part of the prisoners,—earls, viscounts, barons, and knights. They gave thanks and praises to God for having enabled them to overcome upward of ten thousand men, when they themselves were not more than one thousand, including every one; and to rescue the town of Auberoche, in which were their friends, that must have been captured in two days’ time. On the next morning, a little after sunrise, the Earl of Pembroke arrived with three hundred lances and four thousand archers. He had been informed of the event of the battle as they came along, and said to the Earl of Derby, “Certainly, cousin, you have neither been courteous, nor behaved honorably, to fight my enemies without waiting for me, seeing that you had sent for me; and you might have been assured that nothing should have prevented my coming to you.” The earl replied, “Fair cousin, we were very anxious for your arrival, and we waited for you from the morning until vespers. When we saw no appearance of your coming, we dared not wait longer; for, had our enemies been informed of our arrival, they would have had the advantage over us. But now, thanks to God, we have conquered them, and we pray of you to help us in conducting them to Bordeaux.” They remained that day and night in Auberoche: on the next day early they were armed and mounted, and set off, leaving there a Gascon knight in their interest, as governor, named the Lord Alexander of Chaumont. They took the road to Bordeaux, and carried with them the greater part of their prisoners.

CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Earl of Derby takes Different Towns in Gascony, in his Road toward La Réole.

THE Earl of Derby and his army, upon their arrival at Bordeaux, were received with very great rejoicings: the inhabitants thought they never could enough testify their joy to the earl and to Sir Walter Manny for their enterprise, in which the Count de Lisle and more than two hundred knights were made prisoners. The winter passed over without any action taking place in Gascony that is worthy of being recorded. Easter, which may be reckoned the beginning of the year 1345, was about the middle of May; and the Earl of Derby, who had tarried all the winter in Bordeaux, collected a very large body of men at arms and archers, and declared he would make an expedition to La Réole, where the French had fixed their headquarters. He went the first day from Bordeaux to Bergerac, where he found the Earl of Pembroke ready with his troops. These two noblemen, with their forces, remained for three days in Bergerac, and on the fourth departed. When they were got into the open country they halted their men, counted them, and found that they had about a thousand men at arms and two thousand archers. They pushed forward until they came to a castle called St. Basile, to which they laid siege. Those within, considering that the principal barons of Gascony were prisoners, and that they had no expectations of receiving succors from any place, resolved to swear fealty to King Edward of England. The Earl of Derby continued his route, and took the road toward Aiguillon; but before he arrived there he came to the castle of Rochemilon, which was well provided with soldiers and artillery; nevertheless the earl ordered it to be vigorously assaulted. As the English advanced to the attack, those within threw down upon them stones, bars of iron, and pots full of hot lime, by which many were slain and wounded who adventured themselves too rashly.

When the Earl of Derby perceived that his men were laboring in vain, and getting themselves killed without any advantage, he sounded a retreat. On the morrow he ordered the peasants to bring great quantities of brushwood, fagots, straw, and turf, and to throw them all into the ditches of the castle, and plenty of earth with them. When a part of the ditch was so filled that one might get to the foot of the walls, he assembled three hundred archers, well armed and in battle-array, and sent before them two hundred countrymen, covered with shields, having large pickaxes and hooks: while these first were employed in picking the walls, the archers made such good use of their bows that no one dared to show himself on the battlements. This lasted the greatest part of the day, when the pickaxe-men made so large a breach in the walls, that ten men might enter abreast. The inhabitants of the town and castle were quite confounded: some fled toward the church, and others by a back way out of the town. The fortress was immediately taken and pillaged, and all the garrison were put to death, excepting such as had taken refuge in the church, whom the Earl of Derby pardoned, for they had submitted to his mercy. The earl placed in the castle a fresh garrison, under the command of two English captains, Richard Willes and Robert Scot; and then he came before Monsegur, where he ordered his men to prepare huts for themselves and horses: he continued before it fifteen days.

The governor of the town was Sir Hugh de Bastefol, and there never passed a day without some assault being made upon it. They sent for large machines from Bordeaux and Bergerac; and the stones which they cast into the town destroyed roofs, tiles, and the principal buildings. The Earl of Derby sent every day to let them know, that, if they suffered the town to be stormed, every one would be put to the sword; but, if they would render obedience to the King of England, he would pardon them, and treat them like friends. The townsmen would cheerfully have surrendered, and they went to the governor to consult him, and to sound his intentions; who answered them by ordering them to the battlements, for that he had provision of every sort in sufficiency to hold out for half a year if it were necessary. They left him in apparent good humor; but about the time of vespers they seized him, and closely confined him, assuring him, at the same time, he should never be set at liberty if he did not assist them to make some terms with the Earl of Derby. When he had sworn that he would do every thing in his power, they let him go: he went directly to the barriers of the town, and made signs that he wished to speak with the Earl of Derby. Sir Walter Manny being present came to the governor, who said to him, “Sir Walter Manny, you ought not to be surprised if we shut our gates against you, for we have sworn fealty to the King of France; but not perceiving any one coming from him to stop your career, and believing that you will still proceed further,—for these reasons, in behalf of myself and the inhabitants of this town, we wish you would allow us these terms: namely, that no hostilities be carried on against us for the space of one month; and if in that time the King of France or the Duke of Normandy come into this country in such force as to give you battle, we then shall hold ourselves free from our engagement; but, if neither of them come, we will then enter under the obedience of the King of England.”

Sir Walter Manny went to relate this proposal to the Earl of Derby, who acceded to it upon condition that there should not in the mean time be any repairs made to the fortifications of the town, and that, if any of the English army should want provisions, they might be at liberty to purchase them. Upon this there were sent twelve of the principal citizens as hostages, who were ordered to Bordeaux. The English refreshed themselves with provisions from the town, but none were suffered to enter it. They then continued their march, burning and destroying all the country as far as Aiguillon, the governor of which place came out to meet the earl, and surrendered the town and castle to him, on condition of their lives and fortunes being spared; to the great astonishment of all the country, for it was one of the strongest castles in the world, and almost impregnable. When the squire who had thus surrendered Aiguillon came to Toulouse, which is seventeen leagues distant, the townsmen arrested him on suspicion of treason, and hung him. This castle is situated on the point between two navigable rivers. The earl ordered it to be re-victualled, and the fortifications repaired, in order to its being fit to receive him on his return, and that it might serve for a secure guard to his other possessions. He gave the command of it to Sir John de Gombry. He then came to a castle called Segart, which he took by storm, and put all the foreign soldiers he found in it to death: from thence he came to the town of La Réole.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.
The Earl of Derby lays Siege to La Réole, which surrenders to him.

WHEN the Earl of Derby was arrived at La Réole, he encompassed it closely all round, erecting towers in the plains, and near to every road, that no provision of any kind could enter it. He caused it to be assaulted almost every day. This siege took up much of the summer; and, when the time had expired which those of Monsegur had fixed for surrendering themselves, the Earl of Derby sent thither, and the inhabitants of the town became liegemen to the earl, who in all these cases was the representative of the King of England. Even Sir Hugh de Bastefol served under the earl with the men of Monsegur, for a certain salary, which he received from the said earl, for himself and his fellow-soldiers. The English who were besieging La Réole had lain before it more than nine weeks, and had constructed two large towers of great beams of wood, three stories high: each tower was placed on wheels, and covered over with prepared leather, to shelter those within from fire and from the arrows. In each story were one hundred archers. These two towers, by dint of men’s force, were pushed close to the walls of the town; for during the time they were building they had filled up the ditches, so that these towers could easily pass over them. Those that were in them began immediately to shoot so well and quick, that none dared to appear upon the battlements unless he were well armed, or had a shield. Between these two towers were posted two hundred men with pickaxes and bars, to make a breach in the walls; which they did, and cast away the stones. The inhabitants, seeing this, came upon the walls, and inquired for some of the chiefs of the army to speak to them. The Earl of Derby, being informed of it, sent thither Sir Walter Manny and the Lord Stafford, who found the townsmen willing to surrender the town, on condition of their lives and fortunes being spared.

When the governor, Sir Agos de Bans, a Provençal, found that the inhabitants wanted to surrender the town, he retired into the castle of La Réole with his fellow-soldiers; and, while this treaty was going on, he had conveyed into it great quantities of wine and other provision. He then ordered the gates to be fastened, and said he would never surrender in so shameful a manner. The two knights returned to the Earl of Derby, and related to him that the townsmen were desirous of surrendering upon the terms above named; the earl sent them back, to know what the governor’s intentions were respecting the castle. They returned with the answer, that he had shut himself up in the castle, and would not yield it. After a little consideration the earl said, “Well, well, let us have compassion on the inhabitants: by means of the town, we shall soon gain the castle.” The knights again went to the townsmen, and received their submissions. They all came out to the plain, and, presenting the keys of the town to the earl, said, “Dear sir, from this day forward, we acknowledge ourselves as your loyal subjects, and place ourselves, in every respect, under the obedience of the King of England.” They swore by their heads, that they would not in any manner assist or succor those in the castle, but, on the contrary, distress them all in their power. The earl forbade, under pain of death, that any hurt should be done toward the inhabitants of La Réole. He then entered it with his army, and, surrounding the castle, erected all his machines against it; but they did little mischief, for the castle was very high and built of a hard stone. It was erected a long time since by the Saracens, who laid the foundations so strong, and with such curious workmanship, that the buildings of our time cannot be compared to it. When the earl found that his machines had no effect, he commanded them to desist; and, as he was not without miners in his army, he ordered them to undermine the ditches of the castle so that they might pass beneath. This was not soon done, however.

CHAPTER XXXIX.
Sir Walter Manny finds in La Réole the Sepulchre of his Father.

WHILE they were lying before this castle, and miners only could be employed, Sir Walter Manny was reminded of his father, who formerly had been murdered in his journey from St. James of Compostella; he had heard in his infancy that he had been buried in La Réole or that neighborhood. He therefore made inquiries in the town, if there were any one who could inform him of the truth of this matter; and offered a hundred crowns to him who should conduct him to the spot. This brought forward an old man, who said to Sir Walter Manny, “Certainly, sir: I think I can lead you to the place where your father was buried, or very near to it.” Sir Walter replied, “If you prove your words true I will stick to my bargain, and even go beyond it.”

To explain this matter more clearly, you must know that there was formerly a bishop of Cambray, a Gascon, and of the families of Buc and Mirefoix; and, during the time of his holding that see, a magnificent tournament was held at Cambray, where there were upwards of five hundred knights. A knight from Gascony tilted with the Lord of Manny, the father of Sir Walter: the Gascon knight was so roughly handled and wounded that he never enjoyed his health afterwards, but died. His death was laid to the door of the Lord of Manny, and the bishop and his kindred vowed revenge for it. Two or three years after, some good-hearted people endeavored to reconcile them; and peace was agreed to, on condition that the Lord of Manny should make a pilgrimage to St. James of Compostella by way of penance.

During the time of this journey the Earl Charles of Valois, brother to King Philip the Fair, was besieging La Réole, and had been there some time; for it appertained, as well as many other cities and towns, to the King of England, the father of him who besieged Tournay: so that the Lord of Manny, on his return, went to visit the Earl Charles of Valois,—as William Earl of Hainault had married the Lord Charles’s daughter,—and showed him his letters, for in these parts he was as king of France. It chanced one night, as he was returning to his lodgings, that he was watched and waylaid by the kindred of him on whose account he had performed this pilgrimage, and was murdered at a small distance from the Earl Charles’s hotel. No one knew positively who had done this deed, but the relations of the Gascon knight above mentioned were very strongly suspected: however, they were so powerful that it was passed over and excused, for none took the part of the Lord of Manny. The Earl of Valois had him buried immediately in a small chapel which at that time was without the walls of La Réole; and, when the Earl of Valois had conquered the town, this chapel was enclosed in it. The old man remembered all these circumstances perfectly well, for he had been present when the Lord of Manny was interred. When Sir Walter came to the spot where his father had been buried, with his aged conductor, he found there a small tomb of marble which his servants had erected over him; and the old man said, “You may be perfectly assured that your father was buried and lies under this tomb.” Sir Walter then caused the inscription, which was in Latin, to be read to him by a clerk, and found that the old man had told him the truth. Two days afterwards he had the tomb opened, took out the bones of his father, and, placing them in a coffin, sent them to Valenciennes in the county of Hainault, where they were again buried in the church of the Frères Mineurs, near the choir. He ordered masses to be said, and to be continued yearly.

CHAPTER XL.
The Earl of Derby conquers the Castle of La Réole.

THE Earl of Derby was more than eleven weeks besieging the castle of La Réole: the miners, however, made such advances, that they had got under one of the courts of the castle; but they could not undermine the donjon, for it was built on too hard a rock. The Lord Agos de Bans, the governor, then told his companions they were undermined, and in great danger; who were much alarmed at it, and said, “Sir, you will be in equal peril with ourselves, if you cannot find some method of avoiding it. You are our captain, and we ought to obey you. In truth, we have defended ourselves honorably, and no one can blame us if now we enter into a treaty. Will you therefore talk with the Earl of Derby, and know if he will accept of our surrender, sparing our lives and fortunes, seeing that we cannot at present act otherwise?” Sir Agos went down from the great tower, and, putting his head out of a window, made signs that he wished to speak with some one from the army. A few of the English came near him, and asked what he wanted: he replied that he would speak with the Earl of Derby or Sir Walter Manny. When this was told the earl, he said to Sir Walter Manny and to Lord Stafford, “Let us go to the fortress, and see what the governor has to say to us:” they rode therefore up to it. When Sir Agos perceived them, he saluted each very respectfully, and said, “Gentlemen, you know for fact that the King of France has sent me to this town and castle, to defend them to the best of my abilities. You know in what manner I have acquitted myself, and also that I should wish to continue it on; but one cannot always remain in the place that pleases one best. I should therefore like to depart from hence, with my companions, if it be agreeable to you; and, that we may have your permission, if you will spare our lives and fortunes, we will surrender this castle up to you.” The earl replied, “Sir Agos, Sir Agos, you will not get off so. We know that you are very much distressed, and that we can take you whenever we please, for your castle now only stands upon props. You must surrender yourselves up unconditionally, and so shall you be received.” Sir Agos, answering, said, “Certainly, sir, if we should do so, I hold you of such honor and gallantry, that you will show us every mark of favor, as you would wish the King of France should do toward any of your knights; and, please God, you will never stain your honor and nobility for a few poor soldiers that are within here, who have gained their money with great pain and trouble, and whom I brought with me from Provence, Savoy, and Dauphiné: for know, that if the lowest of our men be not treated with mercy, as well as the highest, we will sell our lives in such a manner as none besieged ever did before. I therefore entreat of you to listen to me, and treat us like brother soldiers, that we may feel ourselves obliged to you.”

The three knights withdrew to a little distance, and conversed a long time together; when, considering the gallantry of Sir Agos, that he was a foreigner, and, besides, that they could not undermine the donjon, they returned, and said to him, “Sir Agos, we shall be happy always to treat every stranger knight as a brother at arms; and if, fair sir, you and yours wish to leave the castle, you must carry nothing with you but your arms and horses.”—“Let it be so, then,” replied Sir Agos. Upon this he returned to his companions, and related what he had done: they immediately armed themselves, and caparisoned their horses, of which they had only six remaining. Some purchased horses of the English, who made them pay dearly for them. Thus Sir Agos de Bans gave up the castle of La Réole, of which the English took possession; and he went to the city of Toulouse.

CHAPTER XLI.
The Earl of Derby takes Castel Moron, and afterwards Villefranche, in Perigord.

WHEN the Earl of Derby had gained possession of the town and castle of La Réole, where he had spent a long time, he pushed forward, but left there an English knight to see after the repairs, that it might be put in a similar situation as when he had come before it. The earl advanced toward Monpouillant, which he instantly ordered to be attacked the moment he arrived. There were in the castle none but the peasantry of the country who had retired thither with their cattle, depending on the strength of the place. They defended themselves as long as they were able; but at last it was taken by escalade, though it cost the earl dear in the loss of many archers and a young English gentleman called Sir Richard Pennort, who bore the banner of the Lord Stafford. The earl gave the command of the castle and its dependencies to a squire of his own, called Thomas Lancaster, and left him with twenty archers. The earl then came to Castel Moron, which he attacked; but, finding he could not make any impression, he took up his quarters before it for that night. On the morrow morning a knight from Gascony came to him, called Sir Alexander de Chaumont, and said, “Sir, pretend to decamp with your army, leaving only a small detachment here before the town; and, from the knowledge I have of its inhabitants, I am sure they will sally forth to attack them. Your men will defend themselves as they retreat, and by placing an ambuscade under these olive-trees, which as soon as they have passed, one part of your army may fall upon their rear, and the other make for the town.” The earl followed this advice, and ordered the Earl of Oxford to remain behind with only a hundred men, giving him directions what he wished to have done. He then ordered all the baggage to be packed up, and to march off, as if he were going to another place. After having posted a strong ambuscade in the valley among the olives and vines, he rode on.

When the townsmen of Castel Moron perceived that the earl and the greater part of his army were marching off, they said among themselves, “Let us hasten to arm, and sally forth to combat this handful of English that stay behind: we shall soon discomfit them, and have them at our mercy, which will bring us great honor and profit.” They all agreed to this proposal; and, hastening to arm themselves, they sallied out, to the number of about four hundred. As soon as the Earl of Oxford and his party saw them coming, they began to retreat, and the French to follow them with great eagerness: they pursued them until they had passed the ambush, when those posted there advanced upon them, calling out, “Manny forever!” for Sir Walter commanded this ambuscade. One part of his detachment fell upon those that had come from the town; and the other made for Castel Moron, where they came about midnight, and found the gates wide open, for the guards thought it was their own people returning. The first-comers therefore seized the bridge, and were soon masters of the town; for the inhabitants that had sallied out were surrounded on all sides, and either slain or made prisoners. Those that had remained in the town surrendered themselves to the Earl of Derby, who received them kindly, and, out of his nobleness of disposition, respited the town from being pillaged and burnt. He made a present of it, and all its dependencies, to Sir Alexander de Chaumont, through whose advice he had gained it. Sir Alexander made his brother, who was a squire, called Antony de Chaumont, governor; and the Earl of Derby left with him his archers, and forty infantry armed with bucklers, in order to enable him the better to guard the town. The earl then came before Villefranche, which he took by storm, as well as the castle. He made an English knight, Sir Thomas Cook, governor of it. Thus did the Earl of Derby march through every part of the country, without any one venturing out to prevent him. He conquered many different towns and castles, and his army gained so much riches, that it was marvellous to think on.

CHAPTER XLII.
Jacob von Artaveld is murdered at Ghent.

JACOB VON ARTAVELD, the citizen of Ghent that was so much attached to the King of England, still maintained the same despotic power over all Flanders. He had promised the King of England that he would give him the inheritance of Flanders, invest his son the Prince of Wales with it, and make it a duchy instead of an earldom. Upon which account the king was at this period—about St. John the Baptist’s Day, 1345—come to Sluys, with a numerous attendance of barons and knights. He had brought the Prince of Wales with him, in order that Jacob von Artaveld’s promises might be realized. The king remained on board his fleet in the harbor of Sluys, where he kept his court. His friends in Flanders came thither to see and visit him; and there were many conferences between the king and Jacob von Artaveld on one side, and the councils from the different capital towns on the other, relative to the agreement before mentioned; as to which, those from the country did not unite in sentiment with the king or with Von Artaveld: they declared they never would consent to such a thing.

Jacob von Artaveld remained some little time longer with the King of England, in order to be made acquainted with all his affairs: he, in return, assured him that he would bring his countrymen over to his opinion. But he deceived himself, and did wrong in staying behind and not being at Ghent at the time when the citizens who had been deputed by the corporations of the town arrived there; for as soon as they were returned, taking advantage of the absence of Von Artaveld, they collected a large meeting of high and low in the market-place, and there explained to them the subject of the late conferences at Sluys, and what the King of England had required of them through the advice of Jacob von Artaveld.

The whole assembly began to murmur against him. They said that if it pleased God they never would be pointed out, or found so disloyal as to disinherit their natural lord in favor of a stranger. They then left the market-place much discontented and angry with Artaveld. Now see how unfortunately it fell out; for if he had gone to Ghent, instead of Bruges and Ypres, and had urged upon them the cause of the King of England, they would all have consented to his wishes, as those of the two above-mentioned towns had done. But he trusted so much to his prosperity and greatness, that he thought he could recover every thing back in a little time.

When, on his return, he came to Ghent about midday, the townspeople, who were informed of the hour he was expected, had assembled in the street that he was to pass through. As soon as they saw him they began to murmur, and put their heads close together, saying, “Here comes one who is too much the master, and wants to order in Flanders according to his will and pleasure; which must not be longer borne.” With this they had also spread a rumor through the town, that Jacob von Artaveld had collected all the revenues of Flanders for nine years and more; that he had kept them securely to maintain his own state, and had, during the time above mentioned, received all fines and forfeitures: of this great treasure he had sent part into England. This information inflamed

The Death of Jacob van Artaveld.

those of Ghent with rage; and as he was riding up the streets he perceived that there was something in agitation against him, for those who were wont to salute him very respectfully now turned their backs, and went into their houses. He began therefore to suspect all was not as usual; and as soon as he had dismounted, and entered his hotel, he ordered the doors and windows to be shut and fastened.

Scarcely had his servants done this, when the street which he inhabited was filled from one end to the other with all sorts of people, but especially with the lowest of mechanics. His mansion was surrounded on every side, attacked, and broken into by force. Those within did all they could to defend it, and killed and wounded many; but at last they could not hold out against such vigorous attacks, for three parts of the town were there. When Jacob von Artaveld saw what efforts were making, and how hardly he was pushed, he came to a window, and with his head uncovered began to use humble and fine language, saying, “My good people, what aileth you? Why are you so enraged against me? By what means can I have incurred your displeasure? Tell me: I will conform myself entirely to your wills.” Those who heard him made answer as with one voice, “We want to have an account of the great treasures you have made away with, without any title or reason.” Artaveld replied in a soft tone, “Gentlemen, be assured that I have never taken any thing from the treasures of Flanders; and if you will return quietly to your homes, and come here to-morrow morning, I will be prepared to give so good an account of them that you must be reasonably satisfied.” But they cried out, “No, no! we must have it directly, you shall not thus escape from us; for we know that you have emptied the treasury, and sent it into England without our knowledge: you therefore shall suffer death.” When he heard this he clasped his hands together, began to weep bitterly, and said, “Gentlemen, such as I am, you yourselves have made me. You formerly swore you would protect me against all the world; and now without any reason you want to murder me. You are certainly masters, to do it if you please; for I am but one man against you all. Think better of it, for the love of God: recollect former times, and consider how many favors and kindnesses I have conferred upon you. You wish to give me a sorry recompense for all the generosities you have had at my hands. You are not ignorant, that, when commerce was dead in this country, it was I who restored it. I afterwards governed you in so peaceable a manner, that under my administration you had all things according to your wishes.” They began to bawl out, “Come down, and do not preach to us from such a height; for we will have an account and statement of the great treasures of Flanders, which you have governed too long without rendering any account; and it is not proper for an officer to receive the rents of a lord, or of a country, without accounting for them.” When Jacob von Artaveld saw that he could not appease or calm them, he shut the window, and intended getting out of his house the back way, to take shelter in a church adjoining; but his hotel was already broken into on that side, and upwards of four hundred were there calling out to him. At last he was seized by them, and slain without mercy: his death-stroke was given him by a saddler called Thomas Denys.

CHAPTER XLIII.
Sir John of Hainault quits the Alliance of England for that of France.

SOON after this, King Philip of France endeavored by a treaty, through the means of the Earl of Blois, to persuade Sir John of Hainault to take part with France. In order to make him alter his opinion of the English, they made him believe that they would not pay him his subsidy for a considerable time. This put Sir John so much out of humor, that he renounced all treaties and agreements which he had entered into with England. The King of France was no sooner informed of it, than he sent to him persons sufficiently authorized, who retained him, as well as his counsel for France, at a certain salary; and he recompensed him in his kingdom with a greater revenue than he derived from England.

CHAPTER XLIV.
The Duke of Normandy marches with a great Army into Gascony, against the Earl of Derby.

THE King of France, having received information of the expeditions and conquests that the Earl of Derby had made in Gascony, issued a special summons for all nobles and others that were capable of bearing arms to assemble in the cities of Orleans and Bourges, and in that neighborhood, by a certain day.

At last these lords were all assembled, with their men, in and near Toulouse, for they were too great in numbers to be lodged in the city: they amounted, in the whole, to upward of a hundred thousand persons. This was the year of grace 1345. Soon after the feast of Christmas, the Duke of Normandy, who was the commander-in-chief of this army, set out to join it, and ordered his marshals, the Lord of Montmorency and the Lord of St. Venant, to advance with the van. They came first to the castle of Miraumont, which the English had conquered in the summer, and most vigorously assaulted it. There were within about a hundred Englishmen for its defence, under the command of John Briscoe.

With the French were the Lord Lewis of Spain, and a number of Genoese crossbow-men, that spared none. Those within could not defend themselves against so superior a force, but were taken, and the greater part of them slain, even their captain. The marshals, having recruited their battalion with fresh men, advanced farther, and came before Villefranche, in the county of Agenois. The army halted there, and surrounded it on all sides. Sir Thomas Cook, the governor, was not there, but at Bordeaux, whither the Earl of Derby had sent for him. However, those within made a vigorous defence; but in the end they were taken by storm, and the greater part of the garrison put to the sword. The army then marched toward the city of Angoulême, leaving the town and castle of Villefranche standing undemolished, and without any guard. The city of Angoulême was closely besieged: the governor of it for the King of England was Sir John Norwich.

CHAPTER XLV.
Sir John Norwich escapes from Angoulême, when that Town surrenders to the French.

THE lords of France remained for a very considerable time before Angoulême. The French overran all the country which had been conquered by the English: they created much trouble, and, whenever they found a fit opportunity, brought to their camp many prisoners and much pillage. The two brothers of Bourbon acquired great praise from all, as they were the foremost in every excursion. When Sir John Norwich, the governor of Angoulême, found that the Duke of Normandy would not break up the siege until he had gained the city, that his provisions were growing short, and that the Earl of Derby showed no signs of coming to his relief; having also perceived that the inhabitants were much inclined to the French, and would have turned to them before if they had dared,—he began to be suspicious of treason, and bethought how he could best save himself and his companions. On the eve of the Purification, he came on the battlements of the walls of the city alone, without having mentioned to any one his intentions, and made signs with his cap that he wanted to speak with some one from the army. Those who had noticed the signal came to know what he wanted: he said he wished “to speak with my lord the Duke of Normandy, or with one of his marshals.” They went to inform the duke of this, who came there, attended by some of his knights. As soon as Sir John saw the duke, he pulled off his cap, and saluted him. The duke returned the salute, and said, “Sir John, how fares it with you? Are you inclined to surrender yourself?”—“I have no intentions to do that,” replied Sir John; “but I could wish to entreat of you, in reverence to the feast of Our Lady, which is to-morrow, that you would grant us a truce for that day only, that neither of us may hurt the other, but remain in peace.” The duke said he was willing to consent to it.

Early the next morning, which was Candlemas Day, Sir John and his companions armed themselves, and packed up all they had. They then ordered one of the gates to be opened, and issued forth; which being perceived by the army, some part of it began to put itself in motion. Sir John, upon this, rode up to them, and said, “Gentlemen, gentlemen, beware that you do no harm to us; for we have had a truce agreed on for this whole day, as you must know, by the Duke of Normandy; and we shall not touch you. If you have not been informed of it, go and inquire; for we can, upon the faith of this truce, ride and go wherever we please.” This information was brought to the duke, and he was asked what was to be done; who replied, “Let them go, in God’s name, whatever way they choose; for we cannot force them to stay. I will keep the promise I made them.” Thus Sir John Norwich passed through the whole French army unhurt, and took the road to Aiguillon. When those who were in garrison there heard in what manner he had escaped, and saved his men, they said he had acted very cunningly.[5] The inhabitants of Angoulême held a council on Candlemas Day, and determined to surrender themselves to the duke. They sent persons properly authorized to treat, who managed so well, that the duke showed them mercy, and pardoned them. He entered the city and castle, where he received their homage, and appointed Sir Anthony de Villiers governor, with a hundred soldiers to defend it. The duke afterwards decamped, and came before the castle of Damazan, which he laid siege to for fourteen days. There were continued assaults; but at last it was taken, and all within it, Gascons and English, put to the sword. The duke gave this castle and its dependencies to a squire from Beausse, named the Borgne de Nully. He then came before Tonniens, which is situated on the Garonne, and which he found well provided with Gascons and English. There were many attacks and skirmishes, and he remained some time before it. However, at last they surrendered, upon condition of preserving their lives and fortunes, and to be conducted in safety to Bordeaux. When these foreigners had left it, the town entered under obedience to the duke, who staid here with his whole army, and on the banks of the Garonne, until after Easter, when he advanced toward Port St. Marie upon the same river. There were about two hundred English to defend the town and this passage, who had strongly fortified it; but they, and all within, were taken by assault. The French, after they had repaired and re-enforced it with men at arms, set out and took the road toward Aiguillon.

CHAPTER XLVI.
The Duke of Normandy lays Siege to Aiguillon with a hundred thousand Men.

THE noblemen of France, under the command of the Duke of Normandy, pushed on until they came before the castle of Aiguillon, when they encamped, and divided their forces in the extensive and handsome meadows on the banks of the river Garonne, which is navigable for great vessels. Each lord was posted with his own people, and every company by itself, according to the orders of the marshals of the army. This siege continued until the beginning of October; and there were upward of one hundred thousand men in arms, including cavalry and infantry. Those within were obliged to defend themselves against this army two or three times every day, and most commonly from noon until eve without ceasing; for there were continually pouring upon them fresh forces, Genoese or others, who gave them no repose. The chiefs of the French army found they could never attack with advantage the fortress, unless they passed the river, which was wide and deep. The duke therefore ordered a bridge to be constructed, that they might cross it. Three hundred workmen were employed at this bridge, who worked day and night. As soon as the knights who were in Aiguillon perceived that this bridge was nearly finished, and that one-half of it was completed, they prepared three vessels, in which they embarked, and, driving away the workmen and guards, instantly destroyed what had taken so much time to make. The lords of France, seeing this, got ready other vessels to attack them, in which they placed a number of men at arms, Genoese crossbow-men, and infantry, and ordered the workmen to continue their works under the support of these guards. When these workmen were thus employed, Sir Walter Manny and some of his companions embarked about noon, and, dashing upon them, made them quit their work, and run off. He soon destroyed all that they had done. This kind of skirmish was continued daily; but at last the French sent such large detachments to guard the workmen, that the bridge was completed in a good and strong manner. The army then passed over it in order of battle, and attacked the castle for the space of one whole day, but did no harm; and in the evening they retreated to their camp, where they were plentifully supplied with every thing.

Those within the castle repaired what damage had been done, for they had plenty of workmen. On the morrow the French resolved to divide their army into four divisions, the first of which should make an attack on this fortress from the dawn until about nine o’clock; the second, from that time until noon; the third, from noon till four o’clock; and the fourth division, from that time till night. This mode of attack was continued for six successive days. However, those within the castle were never so much harassed but that they could defend themselves valiantly; and their enemies gained nothing but the bridge which was before the castle. The French lords, upon this, held a council, and sent to Toulouse for eight of their largest battering-engines, and constructed four other large ones upon the spot. These twelve engines cast stones into the fortress day and night; but the besieged had taken such pains to avoid what mischief they could do, that they only destroyed the roofs of the houses. They had also made counter-engines, which played upon those of their enemies, and in a short space of time totally ruined six of them.

During this siege Sir Walter Manny made frequent excursions beyond the river, with about sixscore companions, to forage, and often returned with his booty in sight of the army. One day the Lord Charles of Montmorency had been on a foraging party, with five or six hundred men, and was conducting a great number of cattle to victual the army, when he met Sir Walter Manny under the walls of Aiguillon. They immediately began an engagement, which was very sharp, and many were killed and wounded on both sides. The French were at least five to one. News was brought of this into Aiguillon, when every one sallied out for the fastest, and the Earl of Pembroke with the foremost; they dashed into the midst of them, and found Sir Walter Manny unhorsed, and surrounded by his enemies, but fighting most valiantly. He was directly rescued and remounted. During the heat of the engagement, the French hastened to drive off the cattle to a place of safety, or they would have lost them; for the English were coming in crowds to succor their countrymen, and, falling upon the French vigorously, they put them to flight, rescued those they had made prisoners, and captured also many from them. The Lord Charles de Montmorency had great difficulty to escape, and retreated as fast as he could, quite discomfited. When it was over, the English returned to Aiguillon.

Such skirmishes frequently happened, for scarcely a day passed without some engagement. The French, having one day drawn out their army, ordered those noblemen that were from Toulouse, Carcassonne, and Beaucaire, and their dependencies, to make an attack with their men, from the morning until noon; and those from Rouergue, Cahors, and Agenois, to continue it from their retreat until the evening. The duke promised to any of his soldiers who should gain the drawbridge of the castle a reward of a hundred golden crowns. The duke, in order to assist this attack, commanded a number of vessels and barges to come down the river, in which many embarked to cross it, while the remainder passed over the bridge. Those in the castle made a gallant defence; but at last some of the French got into a small boat, and, passing under the bridge, fastened strong hooks and chains to the drawbridge, with which they pulled so lustily, that they broke the iron chains which held the bridge, and forced it down.

The French, so eager were they to gain the promised reward, leaped upon the bridge in such haste that they tumbled over each other. The besieged flung down upon them stones, hot lime, large beams, and boiling water, so that many were hurt and drowned in the ditches. The bridge, however, was taken, though it cost them more than it was worth. But they could not gain the gate: therefore, as it was late, they returned to their camp, for they had need of rest; and those within the castle sallied out, and repaired the bridge, making it stronger than ever.

On the next day two principal engineers came to the duke, and said, if he would find them wood and workmen they would build for him four such high towers, as, when they were advanced to the walls of the castle, should overtop them. The duke commanded all the carpenters of the country to be sent for, and handsomely paid. These four towers were constructed, and placed on the decks of four large vessels; but they took a long time in making, and cost much money. Those ordered upon this attack embarked on board the vessels; and, when they were about half way over the river, the besieged let off four martinets, which they had newly constructed to defend themselves against these towers. These four martinets cast such large stones, and so very rapidly, that the men at arms in the towers were much hurt by them; and, having no means to shield themselves, they returned back as fast as they were able. But in their retreat one of the vessels foundered and sunk: the greater number of those that were on board were drowned, which was a great pity, as they were chiefly valiant knights who were eager to distinguish themselves. When the duke found that this scheme did not answer his expectations, he ordered them to disembark from the three remaining vessels. He was at a loss what plan to follow, by which he could gain the castle of Aiguillon; for he had vowed he would never quit the place until he was master of it and the garrison, unless the king his father ordered otherwise. The lords therefore advised him to send the Constable of France and the Earl of Tancarville to Paris, to inform King Philip of the state of the siege, and to know if the king wished the Duke of Normandy to continue before Aiguillon until he had through famine made himself master of it, since he could not gain it by force.

The King of England, having heard how much pressed his people were in the castle of Aiguillon, determined to lead a great army into Gascony. He set about making his preparations, summoned all the vassals in his kingdom, and collected forces from whatever quarter he could, that were willing to enter into his pay. About this time Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who had been banished from France, arrived in England. He was received by the king in his palace; and he assigned over to him a handsome estate in England, to maintain him suitable to his rank. Soon after this the king assembled a large fleet of ships at Southampton, and sent thither his men at arms and his archers. About St. John the Baptist’s Day, 1346, the king took leave of the queen, and, setting out, left her to the care of his cousin the Earl of Kent. He appointed the Lord Percy, and the Lord Neville of Raby, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of Durham, and the Bishop of Lincoln, to be his lieutenants for the northern parts of his kingdom; and he did not take so many forces out of the realm but that there was a sufficiency of men at arms left to defend it, should there be occasion. He took the road to Southampton, where he tarried until he had a favorable wind, when he embarked with his whole army. On board the king’s ship were the Prince of Wales and Sir Godfrey de Harcourt: the other lords, earls, and barons embarked with their men, as they had been ordered. There might be about four thousand men at arms, and ten thousand archers, not including the Irish and the Welsh, who followed the army on foot.

When they embarked,[6] the weather was as favorable as the king could wish, to carry him to Gascony; but on the third day the wind was so contrary, that they were driven upon the coasts of Cornwall, where they cast anchor, and remained for six days and six nights. During this time the king altered his mind with respect to going toward Gascony, through the advice and representations of Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, who convinced him that it would be more for his interest to land in Normandy, by such words as these: “Sir, that province is one of the most fertile in the world; and I will answer on my head that you may land in any part of it you shall please without hinderance, for no one will think of opposing you. The Normans have not been accustomed to the use of arms; and all the knighthood that would have otherwise been there are at present with the duke before Aiguillon. You will find in Normandy rich towns and handsome castles without any means of defence, and your people will gain wealth enough to suffice them for twenty years to come. Your fleet may also follow you up the river Orne as far as Caen. I therefore entreat you will listen and give belief to what I say.” The king, who at that time was in the flower of his youth, and who desired nothing better than to combat his enemies, paid much attention to what Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, whom he called cousin, had said. He commanded his sailors to steer straight for Normandy, and ordered the flag of the admiral, the Earl of Warwick, to be hoisted on board his ship: he took the lead, as admiral of the fleet, and made for Normandy with a very favorable wind. The fleet anchored near to the shores of Coutantin, and the king landed at a port called La Hogue St. Vast. News of his arrival was soon spread abroad: it was told all over the country, that the English had landed with a very great army. Messengers were instantly despatched to Paris, to the king, from the towns of Coutantin. He had already been informed that the King of England had embarked a numerous army, and was on the coasts of Normandy and Brittany; but he was not sure for what particular port he intended to make. As soon, therefore, as he heard the English had landed, he sent for his constable, the Earl of Guignes, and the Earl of Tancarville, who were just come from Aiguillon, and ordered them to set off directly for Caen, to defend that place and the neighborhood against the English.

CHAPTER XLVII.
The King of England marches into Normandy with his Army in three Battalions.

WHEN the fleet of England was all safely arrived at La Hogue, the king leaped on shore first; but by accident he fell, and with such violence that the blood gushed out of his nose. The knights that were near him said, “Dear sir, let us entreat you to return to your ship, and not think of landing to-day, for this is an unfortunate omen.” The king instantly replied, “For what? I look upon it as very favorable, and a sign that the land is desirous of me.”

His people were much pleased with this answer. The king and his army lay that night upon the sands. In the mean time they disembarked their baggage, armor, and horses; and there was a council held, to consider how they could act most advantageously. The king created two marshals of his army: one was Sir Godfrey de Harcourt, the other the Earl of Warwick; and he made the Earl of Arundel his constable. He ordered the Earl of Huntington to remain with his fleet, with a hundred or sixscore men at arms, and four hundred archers. He then held another council respecting the order of march, and determined to divide the army into three battalions, one of which should advance on his right, following the seacoast, and another on his left; and he himself, with the prince his son and the main body, in the centre. Every night the marshal’s battalion was to retire to the quarters of the king. They then began their march, as they had resolved upon. Those who were on board the fleet coasted shores, and took every vessel, great and small, they met with. Both the armies of sea and land went forward until they came to a strong town called Barfleur, which they soon gained, the inhabitants having surrendered immediately for fear of losing their lives; but that did not prevent the town from being pillaged and robbed of gold, silver, and every thing precious that could be found therein. There was so much wealth that the boys of the army set no value on gowns trimmed with fur. They made all the townsmen quit the place, and embarked them on board the fleet; for they did not choose that after they had continued their march they should collect together, and attack them.

After the town of Barfleur had been pillaged, but not burnt, they spread themselves over the country, near the seacoast, where they did whatever they pleased, for there were none to oppose them. They advanced until they came to a considerable and wealthy town called Cherbourg, which they burnt and pillaged in part; but they could not conquer the castle, as it was too strong and well garrisoned with men at arms: they therefore passed on, and came before Montbourg, near Valogues, which they pillaged and then set fire to. In this manner did they plunder and burn a great many towns in that country, and acquired so much riches that it would have been difficult to count their wealth.