THE MONGOLS [[4]]
THE MONGOLS
A HISTORY
BY
JEREMIAH CURTIN
AUTHOR OF “MYTHS AND FOLK-LORE OF IRELAND,” “HERO-TALES OF IRELAND,” “MYTH AND FOLK-TALES OF THE RUSSIANS, WESTERN SLAVS, AND MAGYARS,” “CREATION MYTHS OF PRIMITIVE AMERICA,” ETC.
With a Foreword by
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
1908
[[6]]
Copyright, 1907,
By A. M. Curtin.
All rights reserved
Published December 1907
Printers
S. J. Parkhill & Co., Boston, U. S. A. [[v]]
Theodore Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, I dedicate to you the present volume entitled “The Mongols, a History.” I do this because on September 5th, 1901, in the city of Burlington where you addressed Vermont veterans, I asked permission to make the dedication and you gave it. You were Vice-President at that time.
I made this request because I have great respect and admiration for you as a man, as a leader of men, and a scholar; and because of the way in which I came first to know you.
In 1891 you, as Chairman of the Civil Service Commission, were in Washington. I had just returned to that city from a work of two years among Pacific Coast Indians. Of these, two tribes in California had asked me to intercede for them with the President, who in those days was Benjamin Harrison. These Indians were among the truly wretched and suffering. One tribe of them had been almost exterminated through a massacre inflicted by white men. The other reduced to a feeble remnant through various man-killing processes. Still they were worthy of earnest attention. Their myths have a beauty and a value which should preserve them till literature perishes. These two tribes were the Wintu and the Yana whose account of the world and its origin I published later on in “Creation Myths of Primitive America.”
On reaching Washington I went to Frederick T. Greenhalge, my classmate, who then represented a part of Massachusetts in Congress, but afterward was one of that Commonwealth’s renowned governors. Greenhalge tried to induce a strong man or two from the Senate or House to assist us to act on the President, but, though promises were made, no man came with support, and we went alone to the White House. The case had been stated clearly on two pages which I held ready for delivery. When I had given the reason [[vi]]of my coming the President answered: “I see no way to help you. What can I do in this matter?” “You can give,” replied I, “the executive impulse. Send this statement to the Secretary of the Interior, and direct him to act on it.” “That will suffice,” added Greenhalge. “I will do it,” said the President, after thinking a moment. He took my paper, jotted down the directions I had suggested, and sent them to the Secretary.
We came away greatly satisfied, and halted some moments at the head of the staircase. The President’s chamber was on the second story. All at once in the large room below us I saw a young man, alert in his bearing and perfectly confident. He gazed at the ceiling and walls of the room, and was thoroughly occupied. There was no one else in the apartment. I asked Greenhalge to look at him. “That man,” said I, “looks precisely as if he had examined this building, and finding it suitable has made up his mind to inhabit it.” “He is a living picture of that purpose,” replied Greenhalge. “But do you not know him? That is Theodore Roosevelt, Chairman of the Civil Service Commission, I must make you acquainted. But first listen to a prophecy: That man down there who wants this house will get it. He will live here as President.”
On reaching the foot of the staircase Greenhalge met you and made us acquainted. We conversed for some moments, and then you were called to the President. You and I did not meet for some years after that day at the White House. You were toiling at problems of government and service, looking ahead always, looking to things over which you are brooding and toiling this moment. Some of the problems have been solved, others still demand solution.
My work led me to various parts of the earth, and around it. But at home or abroad I watched your activity with care and deep interest. Not very long after that prophecy I read for the first time this statement concerning you: “We need just such a man to be President.” These words, uttered casually at that juncture, were like the still small voice, their might was in their quality.
When a few years of service, unique in many ways, had brought you to the Navy you accomplished your task in that place and went farther immediately. By this time your name and the office of President were associated in the minds of many people. Next came the Cuban war with experience and triumph. And then you [[vii]]were governor at Albany. While still in that office you were named for Vice-President, and elected. Later you were President. But only when elected by the people could you act as seemed best to you and not as antecedents commanded.
I have watched and studied your career with deeper interest than that of any man who has ever been President of the United States. There is no case in our history of such concordance between the judgment of a people and the acts of a man. “Thou hast been faithful over a few things, I will make thee ruler over many.”
Jeremiah Curtin.
St. Hyacinthe, P. Q., September 6, 1906. [[ix]]
FOREWORD
The death of Jeremiah Curtin robbed America of one of her two or three foremost scholars. Mr. Curtin, who was by birth a native of Wisconsin, at one time was in the diplomatic service of the Government; but his chief work was in literature. The extraordinary facility with which he learned any language, his gift of style in his own language, his industry, his restless activity and desire to see strange nations and out of the way peoples, and his great gift of imagination which enabled him to appreciate the epic sweep of vital historical events, all combined to render his work of peculiar value. His extraordinary translations of the Polish novels of Sienkiewicz, especially of those dealing with medieval Poland and her struggles with the Tartar, the Swede and the German, would in themselves have been enough to establish a first class reputation for any man. In addition he did remarkable work in connection with Indian, Celtic and other folk tales. But nothing that he did was more important than his studies of the rise of the mighty Mongol Empire and its decadence. In this particular field no other American or English scholar has ever approached him.
Indeed, it is extraordinary to see how ignorant even [[x]]the best scholars of America and England are of the tremendous importance in world history of the nation-shattering Mongol invasions. A noted Englishman of letters not many years ago wrote a charming essay on the Thirteenth Century—an essay showing his wide learning, his grasp of historical events, and the length of time that he had devoted to the study of the century. Yet the essayist not only never mentioned but was evidently ignorant of the most stupendous fact of the century—the rise of Genghis Khan and the spread of the Mongol power from the Yellow Sea to the Adriatic and the Persian Gulf. Ignorance like this is partly due to the natural tendency among men whose culture is that of Western Europe to think of history as only European history and of European history as only the history of Latin and Teutonic Europe. But this does not entirely excuse ignorance of such an event as the Mongol-Tartar invasion, which affected half of Europe far more profoundly than the Crusades. It is this ignorance, of course accentuated among those who are not scholars, which accounts for the possibility of such comically absurd remarks as the one not infrequently made at the time of the Japanese-Russian war, that for the first time since Salamis Asia had conquered Europe. As a matter of fact the recent military supremacy of the white or European races is a matter of only some three centuries. For the four preceding centuries, that is, from the beginning of the thirteenth to the seventeenth, the Mongol and Turkish armies generally had the upper hand in any contest with European foes, appearing in Europe always as invaders and often as conquerors; while no ruler of Europe of their days had to his credit such [[xi]]mighty feats of arms, such wide conquests, as Genghis Khan, as Timour the Limper, as Bajazet, Selim and Amurath, as Baber and Akbar.
The rise of the Mongol power under Genghis Khan was unheralded and unforeseen, and it took the world as completely by surprise as the rise of the Arab power six centuries before. When the thirteenth century opened Genghis Khan was merely one among a number of other obscure Mongol chiefs and neither he nor his tribe had any reputation whatever outside of the barren plains of Central Asia, where they and their fellow-barbarians lived on horseback among their flocks and herds. Neither in civilized nor semi-civilized Europe, nor in civilized nor semi-civilized Asia, was he known or feared, any more, for instance, than the civilized world of to-day knows or fears the Senoussi, or any obscure black mahdi in the region south of the Sahara. At the moment, Europe had lost fear of aggression from either Asia or Africa. In Spain the power of the Moors had just been reduced to insignificance. The crusading spirit, it is true, had been thoroughly discredited by the wicked Fourth Crusade, when the Franks and Venetians took Constantinople and destroyed the old bulwark of Europe against the Infidel. But in the crusade in which he himself lost his life the Emperor Barbarossa had completely broken the power of the Seljouk Turks in Asia Minor, and tho Jerusalem had been lost it was about to be regained by that strange and brilliant man, the Emperor Frederick II, “the wonder of the world.” The Slavs of Russia were organized into a kind of loose confederacy, and were slowly extending themselves eastward, making settlements like Moscow in the midst of various Finnish [[xii]]peoples. Hungary and Poland were great warrior kingdoms, tho a couple of centuries were to pass before Poland would come to her full power. The Caliphs still ruled at Bagdad. In India Mohammedan warred with Rajput; and the Chinese Empire was probably superior in civilization and in military strength to any nation of Europe.
Into this world burst the Mongol. All his early years Genghis Khan spent in obtaining first the control of his own tribe, and then in establishing the absolute supremacy of this tribe over all its neighbors. In the first decade of the thirteenth century this work was accomplished. His supremacy over the wild mounted herdsmen was absolute and unquestioned. Every formidable competitor, every man who would not bow with unquestioning obedience to his will, had been ruthlessly slain, and he had developed a number of able men who were willing to be his devoted slaves, and to carry out his every command with unhesitating obedience and dreadful prowess. Out of the Mongol horse-bowmen and horse-swordsmen he speedily made the most formidable troops then in existence. East, west and south he sent his armies, and under him and his immediate successors the area of conquest widened by leaps and bounds; while two generations went by before any troops were found in Asia or Europe who on any stricken field could hold their own with the terrible Mongol horsemen, and their subject-allies and remote kinsmen, the Turko-Tartars who served with and under them. Few conquests have ever been so hideous and on the whole so noxious to mankind. The Mongols were savages as cruel as they were brave and hardy. There were Nestorian [[xiii]]Christians among them, as in most parts of Asia at that time, but the great bulk of them were Shamanists; that is, their creed and ethical culture were about on a par with those of the Comanches and Apaches of the nineteenth century. They differed from Comanche and Apache in that capacity for military organization which gave them such terrible efficiency; but otherwise they were not much more advanced, and the civilized peoples who fell under their sway experienced a fate as dreadful as would be the case if nowadays a civilized people were suddenly conquered by a great horde of Apaches. The ruthless cruelty of the Mongol was practised on a scale greater than ever before or since. The Moslems feared them as much as the Christians. They put to death the Caliph, and sacked Bagdad, just as they sacked the cities of Russia and Hungary. They destroyed the Turkish tribes which ventured to resist them with the merciless thoroughness which they showed in dealing with any resistance in Europe. They were inconceivably formidable in battle, tireless in campaign and on the march, utterly indifferent to fatigue and hardship, of extraordinary prowess with bow and sword. To the Europeans who cowered in horror before them, the squat, slit-eyed, brawny horsemen, “with faces like the snouts of dogs,” seemed as hideous and fearsome as demons, and as irresistible by ordinary mortals. They conquered China and set on the throne a Mongol dynasty. India also their descendants conquered, and there likewise erected a great Mongol empire. Persia in the same way fell into their hands. Their armies, every soldier on horseback, marched incredible distances and overthrew whatever opposed them. They struck down the [[xiv]]Russians at a blow and trampled the land into bloody mire beneath their horses’ feet. They crushed the Magyars in a single battle and drew a broad red furrow straight across Hungary, driving the Hungarian King in panic flight from his realm. They overran Poland and destroyed the banded knighthood of North Germany in Silesia. Western Europe could have made no adequate defense; but fortunately by this time the Mongol attack had spent itself, simply because the distance from the central point had become so great. It was no Christian or European military power which first by force set bounds to the Mongol conquests; but the Turkish Mamelukes of Egypt in the West, and in the East, some two score years later, the armies of Japan.
In a couple of generations the Mongols as a whole became Buddhists in the East and Moslems in the West; and in the West the true Mongols gradually disappeared, being lost among the Turkish tribes whom they had conquered and led to victory. It was these Turkish tribes, known as Tartars, who for over two centuries kept Russia in a servitude so terrible, so bloody, so abject, as to leave deep permanent marks on the national character. The Russians did not finally throw off this squalid yoke until thirty years after the conquest of Constantinople by the Ottoman Turks, the power of the Tartars waning as that of the Ottomans approached its zenith. Poland was now rising high. Its vast territory extended from the Baltic to the Black Sea. It was far more important than Muscovy. In the “Itinerary” of that widely travelled Elizabethan, Fynes Morrison, we learn that the Turks dreaded the Polish armies more than those of Germany, [[xv]]or of any other nation; this was after the Hungarians had been conquered.
The scourge of the Mongol conquests was terrible beyond belief, so that even where a land was flooded but for a moment, the memory long remained. It is not long since in certain churches in Eastern Europe the litany still contained the prayer, “From the fury of the Mongols, good Lord deliver us.” The Mongol armies developed a certain ant-like or bee-like power of joint action which enabled them to win without much regard to the personality of the leader; a French writer has well contrasted the great “anonymous victories” of the Mongols with the purely personal triumphs of that grim Turkish conqueror whom we know best as Timour the Tartar, or Tamerlane. The civil administration the Mongols established in a conquered country was borrowed from China, and where they settled as conquerors the conduct of the Chinese bureaucracy maddened the subject peoples almost as much as the wild and lawless brutality of the Mongol soldiers themselves. Gradually their empire, after splitting up, passed away and left little direct influence in any country; but it was at the time so prodigious a phenomenon, fraught with such vast and dire possibilities, that a full knowledge of the history of the Mongol people is imperatively necessary to all who would understand the development of Asia and of Eastern Europe. No other writer of English was so well fitted to tell this history as Jeremiah Curtin.
Theodore Roosevelt.
Sagamore Hill, September 1, 1907. [[xvii]]
CONTENTS
PAGE
Geographical spread of the word Mongol.—Beginning of the Mongol career.—Mythical account of Temudjin’s origin.—Kaidu, ancestor of the great historical Mongols.—Origin of the Urudai and Manhudai tribes.—Family of Kaidu.—Origin of the Taidjuts.—Bartan, grandfather of Temudjin.—Yessugai, father of Temudjin.—Kabul’s visit to China.—Capture and escape of Kabul.—Shaman killed for the death of a patient.—Death of Ambagai.—Death of Okin Barka.—March of Kutula against China.—Kaidan, Tuda and Yessugai hold a council.—Attack of the Durbans.—Bartan, the father of Yessugai, dies.—Triumph of Yessugai 1
Rivalry between descendants of Kabul and Ambagai.—Kidnapping of Hoelun by Yessugai.—Birth and naming of Temudjin.—Yessugai finds a wife for Temudjin.—Death of Yessugai, 1175.—Neglect of Hoelun.—Targutai draws away Yessugai’s people.—Temudjin begins his career by the murder of his half-brother.—Capture of Temudjin by the Taidjuts.—Temudjin’s escape from captivity.—Assistance rendered by Sorgan Shira.—Marriage of Temudjin to Bortai.—Friendship of Temudjin and Boörchu.—Alliance of Togrul and Temudjin.—Chelmai, son of Charchiutai.—Capture of Bortai by the Merkits.—Pursuit of Temudjin.—Origin of the worship of Mount Burham.—Assistance of Togrul in recovering Bortai.—Ancestors of Jamuka.—Temudjin made Khan.—Appointment of officers.—Temudjin’s first victory in battle.—Temudjin’s brutal punishment of prisoners.—Juriats join Temudjin’s forces.—Marriage of Temudjin’s sister to Podu.—Marriage of Temudjin’s mother to Munlik.—Barins withdraw from alliance.—Efforts of Temudjin to win the friendship of Jamuka 16
Attack of Temudjin and Togrul upon the Lake Buyur Tartars.—Togrul is given the title of Wang Khan.—Attack of Temudjin upon the Churkis.—Origin of the Churkis.—Death of Buri Buga.—Adopted sons of Hoelun, mother of Temudjin.—Temudjin and Wang Khan attack the Merkits, 1197.—Desertion of Wang Khan.—Wang Khan’s men routed by Naimans.—Rescue of Wang Khan by Temudjin.—[[xviii]]Second defeat of the Naimans.—Temudjin and Wang Khan become as father and son to each other.—Wang Khan and Temudjin march against the Taidjuts, 1200.—Taidjuts are joined by several neighboring tribes.—Offering made by Taidjuts and their allies when taking oath.—Defeat of Taidjuts and Merkits by Temudjin.—Jamuka is made Khan.—Effort of Jamuka to surprise and kill Temudjin, 1201.—Shamans cause wind and rain to strike Temudjin.—Defeat of Jamuka.—Punishment of Temudjin’s brother, Belgutai, for exposing plans.—Temudjin marches against the Tartars.—Marriage of Temudjin to Aisugan.—Defeat of Tukta Bijhi, a Merkit chief.—Temudjin asks for Wang Khan’s granddaughter for Juchi.—Efforts of Jamuka to rouse the jealousy of Sengun, son of Wang Khan.—Sengun tries to break the alliance between his father and Temudjin.—Discovery of a plot to kill Temudjin.—Attack of Wang Khan and Sengun upon Temudjin.—Victory of Temudjin.—Death of Huildar.—Message of Temudjin to Wang Khan.—Message of Temudjin to Sengun.—Message of Temudjin to Jamuka.—Attack of Temudjin upon Wang Khan.—Defeat of Wang Khan and Sengun.—Temudjin rewards his warriors.—Temudjin takes as wife the daughter of Jaganbo, Wang Khan’s brother.—Death of Wang Khan and Sengun, 1203 37
Attack upon Temudjin by Baibuga, his father-in-law.—Council held by Temudjin, 1204.—Battle with the Naimans, autumn of 1204.—Capture of Kurbassu, the wife of Baibuga.—Surrender to Temudjin of tribes allied to Jamuka.—Subjection of the Merkits.—Marriage of Temudjin to the daughter of Dair Usun.—Revolt and pursuit of the Merkits.—Death of Tohtoa.—Defeat and capture of Jamuka.—Death of Jamuka.—Temudjin is made Grand Khan, takes the title Jinghis.—Temudjin rewards his officers.—Temudjin gives his wife to Churchadai.—Temudjin distrusts his brother, Kassar.—Defence of Kassar by his mother, Hoelun.—Death of Hoelun.—Temudjin alarmed at the power of Taibtengeri, a Shaman.—Murder of Taibtengeri.—Jinghis Khan’s (Temudjin) campaign against Tanguts.—Jinghis Khan’s position secured in Northeastern Asia.—Kara Kitai, geographically.—The Uigurs.—Triumphs of Jinghis alarm China.—Mission of Jinghis’ envoys to the Uigurs.—Indignation of the Uigurs.—Mongols invade Tangut, 1207.—Tangut King gives his daughter in marriage to Jinghis.—Return of Jinghis.—Arslan Khan of the Karluks gives homage to Jinghis.—Marriage of Arslan to Altun Bijhi, Jinghis’ daughter 62
China, 618 to 907, A.D.—Fall of Tang dynasty.—The Kitans.—Parin proclaims himself Emperor, 916.—House of Sung unites nearly all China, 960.—Tribute paid by the Sung Emperor to the Kitans, 1004.—Victory over the Kitans by Aguta in 1114.—Founding of a new State, Kin kwe, by Aguta.—Death of Aguta.—Invasion of North China by Kin Emperor, 1125.—Kin Emperor besieges Kai fong fu, 1126.—Sung Emperor seized and sent to Manchuria.—Message of Jinghis Khan to the sovereign of China.—Jinghis sets out to subdue the Chinese Empire, 1211.—Sons of Jinghis.—Army equipment.—Advance of 1,200 miles to the Great Wall of China.—Friendship of the Onguts.—Insurrection of the Kitans.—Chong tu invested.—Jinghis sends Subotai against the Merkits.—Jinghis [[xix]]resumes activity in China, 1213.—Attack of Tangut on China, 1213.—Mongols attack lands bordering on the Hoang Ho, 1214.—Defence of Chong tu.—Mongols attack Nan king.—Defeat of the Merkits.—Corea’s submission to Jinghis, 1218.—Death of Boroul, 1217.—Origin of Mukuli, one of Jinghis’ greatest generals.—Jinghis’ fourth attack on the Tanguts, 1218.—Origin of Kara Kitai.—Victory of Yeliu over Kashgar.—Invasion of Kwaresm by Yeliu.—Treachery of Gutchluk.—Execution of Gutchluk by Chepé.—Kara Kitai attacked by Shah Mohammed.—The World-Shaking Limper (Tamerlane).—Attack of Kara Kitans by Mongols.—Death of the Gurkhan of Kara Kitai, 1136 79
Addition of Kara Kitai to Mongol domains.—End of Seljuk rule.—Kutb ud din Mohammed made Kwaresmian Shah.—Mohammed seizes Balk and Herat.—Invasion of the lands of the Gurkhan by Mohammed, 1208.—Defeat and capture of Shah Mohammed.—Mohammed and Osman make an attack on the Gurkhan.—Success of the Kwaresmian Shah.—Mohammed gives his daughter in marriage to Osman, ruler of Samarkand.—Kwaresmians killed by Osman.—Storming of Samarkand by Mohammed.—Death of Osman.—Seizure of a part of the Gur Kingdom.—Assassination of Ali Shir by command of Mohammed, his brother, 1213.—Winning of Ghazni by Mohammed, 1216.—Discovery of letters from the Kalif warning the Gurs against Mohammed.—Efforts of Nassir the Kalif to stop Kwaresmian growth.—Limited power of the Kalif.—Envoy sent by Mohammed to the Kalif.—Ali ul Muluk is recognized as Kalif.—Murder of Ogulmush by command of the Kalif.—Annexation of Irak by Mohammed.—Mohammed advances on Bagdad.—Retreat of Mohammed.—Mohammed alarmed by Mongol movements.—Mohammed receives envoys from Jinghis Khan, 1216–17.—Sunnites and Shiites.—Determination of the Kalif to ask Jinghis to defend the Sunnites.—Invitation to Jinghis branded on the head of the envoy.—Message of Jinghis to Shah Mohammed.—Arrest of Mongolian merchants.—Second message from Jinghis to Mohammed.—Murder of Bajra, Jinghis Khan’s envoy.—Turkan Khatun, the mother of Shah Mohammed.—Trouble caused by Turkan Khatun.—A Mongol tempest.—Conspiracy of Bedr ud din.—Arrangement of the Mongol army.—Investment of Otrar, November, 1218.—Capture of Otrar, April, 1219.—Slaughter of the Turk garrison at Benakit.—Escape of Melik Timur.—Investment of Bokhara, June, 1219.—Surrender of Bokhara.—Feeding of Mongol horses in the Grand Mosque.—Storming of the fortress.—March of Jinghis on Samarkand.—Surrender of Samarkand.—Pursuit of the Kwaresmian ruler 93
Indecision of Shah Mohammed.—Escape of Mohammed to Nishapur.—Submission of Balkh.—Proclamation of the Shah to Nishapur.—Pursuit of Mohammed.—Withdrawal of Mohammed from Nishapur.—Sack of Nishapur.—Flight of Mohammed to an island in the Caspian.—Death of Shah Mohammed, January 10, 1221.—Escape of Turkan Khatun to the mountains.—Succession of Jelal ud din.—Surrender of Ilak and of Turkan Khatun.—Siege and capture of the Kwaresmian capital.—Attack made on the Talekan district by Jinghis.—Siege of Ghazni.—March of Tului against Khorassan, 1220.—Attack on Nessa.—Attack and capture of Merv.—Revenge of [[xx]]Togachar’s widow.—March of the Mongols against Herat.—Turkmans near Merv escape and form the nucleus of the Ottoman Empire.—Jelal ud din at Ghazni, 1221.—Death of a grandson of Jinghis.—Revenge of Jinghis.—Retreat of Jelal from Ghazni.—Pursuit of Jelal by Jinghis.—Battle at the Indus between Jelal and Jinghis.—Leap of Jelal into the Indus.—Siege of Herat, 1222.—Mongol army marches on Herat a second time 113
Jinghis passes the winter near the Indus, 1222–23.—Resolve of Jinghis to return to Mongolia, 1223.—Myths regarding this resolution.—Command of Jinghis to kill useless prisoners.—March of Chepé Noyon to Tiflis.—Command of Jinghis to Chepé Noyon to exterminate the Polovtsi.—March of Chepé to Tiflis.—Chepé’s alliance with the Polovtsi.—Betrayal of the Polovtsi, their flight to Russia.—Mystislav aids the Polovtsi against the Mongols.—Defeat of the Russians on the Kalka, 1224.—Terror of Southern Russia.—Jinghis at his home on the Kerulon, 1225.—Mukuli’s conquest of lands belonging to the Kin dynasty, 1216.—Death of Mukuli, 1223.—Jinghis enters Tangut, 1226.—Siege of Ling chau.—Submission of Ling chau.—Death of Jinghis Khan, 1227.—Burial of Jinghis.—Jinghis Khan’s disposal of his Empire.—Kurultai of election held on the Kerulon, 1229.—Accession of Ogotai. His plans of expeditions.—Offerings made to the shade of Jinghis.—First work of Ogotai 131
Condition of Persian Irak at the time of Jinghis Khan’s death.—Flight of Jelal ud din to Delhi.—Marriage of Jelal to the daughter of Iletmish.—Effort of Jelal to take possession of his inheritance.—Founding of the Kara Kitan dynasty of Kerman.—Marriage of Jelal to the daughter of Borak.—Advance of Jelal into Fars.—Marriage of Jelal to the daughter of the Atabeg of Shiraz.—Effort of Jelal to overcome his brother, Ghiath.—Jelal marches against Nassir, Kalif of Islam.—Capture of Dakuka by Jelal, 1225.—Possession of Tebriz by Jelal.—Expedition against Georgia, 1225.—Second march of Jelal to Tiflis, 1226.—Conquest of Georgia.—Jelal attacks Kars.—Defeat of a Mongol division by Jelal.—Attack of the Mongols on Jelal in Ispahan, 1227.—Murder of Mohammed, a favorite of Jelal.—Ghiath ud din strangled by Borak.—Jelal demands tribute from the Shirvan Shah.—Attack of Jelal on the combined armies of Georgia and Armenia.—Second siege of Khelat by Jelal.—Death of Nassir the Kalif, 1225.—Succession of Zahir as Kalif and then of Mostansir.—Jelal invested with the title of Shah in Shah.—Capture of Khelat by Jelal, 1230.—Defeat of Jelal at Kharpert.—March of Jelal on Khelat.—March of Jelal on Gandja.—Attack and defeat of Jelal by Mongols.—Death of Jelal, 1231.—End of Kwaresmian dynasty 145
Ravage of Amid and Mayafarkin by Mongols.—Devastation of Azerbaidjan.—Capture of Erbil by Mongols.—Mongols in Arabian Irak, 1238.—Capture of Gandja by Mongols, 1235.—Capture of Tiflis by Mongols, 1239.—Mongols advance to the Tigris.—Visit of Prince Avak and his sister, Tamara, to Ogotai, 1240.—Mongols in Syria, 1244.—[[xxi]]Capture of regions north of Lake Van.—Sheherzur sacked by Mongols.—The Mongols driven off from Yakuba by Bagdad troops.—Refusal of Queen Rusudan to leave Usaneth.—Death of Rusudan.—Installation of Kuyuk, 1246.—Death of Kei Kosru, 1245.—Struggle of Rokn ud din for rule in Rūm.—Death of Alai ud din.—Mangu Grand Khan of the Mongols, 1251.—Visit of Rokn ud din to Sarai.—Entrance of Baidju into Rūm.—Great ruin effected by Mongols in Asia Minor.—Appointment by Juchi of Chin Timur as Governor of Kwaresm.—Ravaging by Kwaresmian bands in Khorassan.—Attack upon the Kankalis by Chin Timur.—Visit of the Prince of Iran to Ogotai.—Authority transferred from Chin Timur to Sari Bahadur.—Reinstatement of Chin Timur.—Chin Timur’s choice of Kurguz as chancellor.—Death of Chin Timur, 1235.—Visit of Kurguz to Ogotai.—Kurguz appointed to collect taxes.—Residence of Kurguz at Tus.—Command of Ogotai to raise up Khorassan, and repeople Herat.—Struggle between Sherif and Kurguz.—Death of Kurguz.—Succession of Sherif.—Sherif’s oppression of the people of Tebriz.—Death of Sherif, 1244.—Visit of Argun to the Kurultai which elected Kuyuk, 1251.—Election of Mangu, 1251.—Argun’s reception in Merv.—Shems ud din’s reign in Herat.—Death of Rokn ud din.—Death of Shems ud din, 1244.—Death of Kutb ud din, 1258.—Position of Persia in 1254 172
The Ismailian known in Europe as Assassins.—Death of Mohammed, 632.—Omar made Kalif, 634.—Murder of Aly, 661.—Election of Muavia in Damascus.—Winning of Egypt by Muavia.—Yezid, son of Muavia, named heir.—Death of Muavia. Succession of Yezid, 680.—Death of Muslim.—Hussein camps on the plain of Kerbala.—Death of Hussein, October, 680.—Babek, 816.—Seizure of Babek by Motassim, 835.—Execution of Babek.—Origin of Abdallah.—Spread of the peculiar beliefs of Abdallah.—Amed, son of Abdallah.—Rise of Karmath.—Fights in the East and West.—Obeidallah, first Fatimed Kalif, 909.—Winning of Egypt and Southern Syria by descendants of Obeidallah, 967.—Addition of Aleppo to the Fatimed Empire, 991.—Founding of the Eastern Ismailians, or Assassins, by Hassan Ben Sabah.—Omar Khayyam and Nizam ul Mulk.—Death of Alp Arslan.—Seizure of the fortress of Alamut by Hassan Sabah, 1090.—Rivalry of Hassan and Nizam ul Mulk.—Death of Nizam ul Mulk and Melik Shah, 1092.—Peculiar belief of Hassan Sabah.—Assassins in Syria.—Friendship of Risvan, Prince of Aleppo, for the Order.—Assassination of the Prince of Mosul, 1113.—Death of Risvan.—Akhras attempts to exterminate the Assassins.—Revenge of the Assassins.—Surrender of the fortress of Sherif, 1120.—Death of Hassan Sabah, 1124.—Kia Busurgomid succeeds Hassan Sabah.—Possession of Banias by Assassins.—Hugo De Payens, Grand Master of the Templars in Jerusalem, 1129.—Death of Togteghin.—Succession of his son, Tajulmuluk.—Efforts to murder Tajulmuluk.—Execution of the Assassins 197
Murder of Aksonkor Burshi, Prince of Mosul, 1126.—Murder of Busi, Prince of Damascus.—Murder of Sindjar’s vizir by Assassins, 1127.—Vengeance of Assassins.—Death of a Fatimid Kalif by the daggers of the Assassins, 1134.—Death of Kia Busurgomid, 1138.—Appointment of Mohammed to succeed his father.—Murder of Mostershed.—Death [[xxii]]of Rashid, his successor.—Assassin doctrine as delivered to Sindjar.—Succession of Mohammed, 1138.—Nur ed din in Syria.—Attack against Damascus, 1154.—Friendship of Nur ed din for the Abbasids.—Triumph of Nur ed din in Haram.—Arrival of Shawer in Damascus.—Shawer’s request for aid against the Crusaders.—Plot of Shawer to destroy Shirkuh.—Death of Shirkuh, 1169.—Saladin’s origin.—Saladin first vizir of the Kalif.—Exposure of the secrets of the Assassins by Hassan II.—Efforts of Hassan to establish his descent from Kalifs of Egypt.—Death of Hassan.—Death of Nur ed din, 1174.—Egypt governed by Saladin in the name of Salih.—Defeat of the troops of Aleppo, by Saladin, 1175.—End of the Fatimid Kalifat.—Saladin attacked by Assassins.—Attack of Massiat by Saladin.—Compromise of Sinan.—Death of Mohammed II.—Succession of Jelal ud din Hassan, son of Mohammed, 1213.—Jelal’s return to the true faith.—Death of Jelal ud din, 1225.—Succession of his son, Alai ed din.—Death of Alai ed din.—Succession of Rokn ud din.—Attack of Hulagu upon the Assassins.—Surrender of Rokn ud din.—Visit of Rokn ud din to the court of Mangu, 1257.—Death of Rokn ud din 222
Message of Hulagu to Kalif of Bagdad, 1257.—Kalif rebukes Hulagu.—Hulagu’s envoys insulted by the people.—Second message of the Kalif to Hulagu to warn him against making war on the Abbasids.—Attempted treason of Aké, commandant of Daritang.—Possession of the Daritang road by Hulagu.—Prediction of the astrologer.—Capture of Luristan by the Mongols.—Advance of Feth ud din to meet the Mongol division.—Opening of canals from the Tigris by the Mongols.—Triumph of Hulagu.—Submission of the Kalif of Bagdad.—Bagdad sacked by the Mongols.—Death of Kalif of Bagdad, 1258.—Appointment of Ben Amran as prefect.—Alb Argun’s accession to the throne of Luristan.—Summons of Hulagu to Bedr ud din, Prince of Mosul.—Presents given by the Prince of Mosul to Hulagu.—Death of Salih, 1249.—Death of Turan Shah, successor of Salih.—Accession of Eibeg to the throne of Egypt.—Attempt of Nassir to drive Eibeg from the throne.—Message of Hulagu to Nassir.—Advance of Hulagu’s army into Syria.—Accusation of Hulagu against Kamil, the Eyubite prince.—Summons sent by Hulagu to the Prince of Mardin.—Message of Nassir to Mogith.—Succession of Mansur, son of Eibeg.—Kutuz becomes Sultan.—Siege of El Biret.—Mongols camp near Aleppo.—Assault and capture of Aleppo, January 25, 1260.—Damascus left defenceless by Nassir 247
News of the death of Mangu, 1259.—Desire of Kutuz to take the field against the Mongols.—Imprisonment of Hulagu’s envoy.—Meeting of the two armies on the plain of Ain Jalut, 1260.—Defeat of the Mongols by Kutuz.—Arrival of Kutuz in Damascus.—Pursuit of the Mongols by Beibars.—Death of Kutuz, 1260.—Enthronement of Beibars.—Youth of Beibars.—Yshmut, son of Hulagu, demands the surrender of Mayafarkin.—Death of Kamil.—Attack of Yshmut on Mardin.—Kalif’s investiture of Beibars with the sovereignty.—Departure from Cairo of the Sultan and the Kalif, 1262.—Entrance of Mostansir into Hitt.—Attack of Sanjar on the Mongols who were [[xxiii]]moving against Mosul.—Death of Sanjar.—Siege of Mosul.—Slaughter of the inhabitants of Mosul.—Death of Prince of Mosul.—Death of Salih.—Visit of Salih, the Melik of Mosul, to Beibars in Egypt.—Enthronement of Beibars.—Berkai’s criticism of Hulagu.—Defeat of Hulagu by Nogai.—Return of Hulagu to Tebriz.—Letter of Beibars to Berkai.—Detention of envoys by Michael Palæologus.—Desire of Berkai for an alliance against Hulagu.—Attack of Hayton, King of Cilicia, on Egyptian territory.—Death of Seif ud din Bitikdji, 1263.—Troubles in Fars.—Reception of Seljuk Shah at the Oxus, by Hulagu.—Death of Abu Bekr, 1260.—Accession of Mohammed Shah to the throne of Fars, 1262.—Death of Seljuk Shah.—Uns Khatun placed on the throne of Fars, 1264.—Sherif ud din claims to be the Mahdi promised by the Shiites.—March of the Mongols against Sherif ud din.—Siege of El Biret, 1264.—Death of Hulagu, 1265.—Death of Hulagu’s wife Dokuz Khatun.—Berkai’s second campaign to the Caucasus, 1264.—Death of Berkai, 1266.—Nogai’s army retreats on Shirvan 267
Kin Emperor sends offerings to the spirit of Jinghis Khan, 1229.—Mongols continue warfare in China.—Siege of Li ho chin by Mongols, 1227.—King Yang attacked by Mongols, 1229.—Defeat of the Mongols by Yra buka, 1230.—Advance of Ogotai and Tului on China.—Ogotai anxious to seize Honan.—Surrender of Fong tsiang.—Arrival of Yra buka, the Kin general at Teng chu, 1234.—Tului’s report to Ogotai of the situation in Honan.—Siege of Yiu chin by Tului.—Capture and death of Yra buka.—Ogotai visits Tului.—Ogotai asks the Kin Emperor to submit.—Advance of Mongols on Shan chiu.—Fall of Honan.—Siege of Nan King.—Appearance of the plague.—Flight of the Emperor from his capital.—Attack of the capital by Subotai.—Defence of Pian king.—Surrender of Pian king.—Execution of Baksan.—Appearance of Mongols near Tsai chiu.—Attack of Tsai chiu by Tatchar, son of Boroul.—Nin kia su yields the throne to Ching lin.—Death of Nin kia su.—Death of Ching lin.—Death of Tului, October, 1232.—End of dominion of the Kins in China, 1234 295
Kurultai summoned by Ogotai at Talantepe, 1234.—Kurultai summoned by Ogotai at Kara Kurum, 1235.—Batu marches West.—An army sent to Cashmir and India.—Expedition against China.—Assassination of Tsui li.—Recall of Subotai.—Reoccupation of Ching tu by the Chinese, 1239.—Sack of Ching tu by Mongols.—Entrance into Hu kuang of Kutchu, 1236.—Death of Kutchu.—Attack on Liu chiu by Chagan, a Mongol general, 1238.—Withdrawal of Chagan.—Three victories of Meng kong over Mongols, 1239.—Offers of peace by Wang tsie, a Mongol envoy.—Death of Ogotai, 1241.—Influence of Abd ur Rahman over the widow of Ogotai.—Delay of Batu in coming to the Kurultai.—Election of Kuyuk as Emperor.—Death of Turakina, Ogotai’s widow.—Death of Fatima, a favorite of Turakina.—Batu learns of the death of Kuyuk, 1248.—Kurultai called by Batu.—Mangu, son of Tului, saluted as Emperor, 1251.—Refusal of Ogotai’s sons to recognize the legality of the Kurultai which appointed Mangu.—Discovery of a plot to assassinate Mangu.—Death of Siurkukteni, mother of Mangu, 1252.—Desire of Mangu to [[xxiv]]kill the partisans of Ogotai’s sons.—Removal of all Uigurs favorable to Ogotai’s descendants by Mangu.—Mangu gives Honan to Kubilai, 1252.—Tali the capital of Nan chao under Mongol rule.—Return of Kubilai to Mongolia.—Journey of Uriang Kadai to Mangu’s court to report on work done in the South, beyond China.—Return of Uriang Kadai, 1254.—Summons of Uriang Kadai to Chen chi kung, sovereign of Tung king (Gan nan), to own himself tributary to Mangu.—Surrender of Kiao chi, the Gan nan capital, to Uriang Kadai.—Chen chi kung resigns in favor of his son, 1253.—Popularity of Kubilai in China.—Jealousy of Mangu.—Recall of Kubilai, 1257.—March of Mangu to the Sung Empire.—March of Mangu against Ku chu yai, a fortress west of Pao ning.—Mangu’s conquest of Western Su chuan.—Death of Mangu, 1259.—Kubilai at Ju in Honan, 1259.—Effort of Arik Buga, master at Kara Kurum, to usurp power.—Treaty of Kia se tao and Kubilai.—Encampment of Kubilai outside the walls of Pekin.—Election and enthronement of Kubilai.—Battle between Kubilai and Arik Buga.—Defeat of Arik Buga 310
March of Arik Buga to Kara Kurum.—Attack of Arik Buga on Kubilai northeast of Shang tu.—Defeat of Arik Buga.—Reverses of Arik Buga.—Appeal of Arik Buga to the mercy of his brother, 1264.—Death of Arik Buga, 1266.—Claim of Kaidu, grandson of Ogotai, to headship of the Mongols.—Decision of Kubilai to conquer all China.—Revolt of Litan, one of Kubilai’s generals.—Death of Litan.—Kubilai moves against Southern China, 1267.—Kubilai’s command to At chu to besiege Siang yang, 1268.—Attack of Mongols on Fan ching, 1273.—The Emperor’s discovery of the siege of Siang yang by the Mongols.—Control of Fan ching by the Mongols.—Surrender of Siang yang by Liu wen hwan.—Death of Tu tsong, the Emperor, August, 1274.—Surrender of many cities to Bayan.—Surrender of Su chuan, 1278.—Bayan advises Kubilai to continue operations in China.—Arrival of the Emperor and Empress at Kubilai’s court.—March of Bayan against Lin ngan.—Election of Y wang as governor of the Empire.—Command obtained from the Emperor, by Bayan, ordering Sung subjects to submit to the Mongols.—Chinese defections follow Mongol successes.—Effort of Alihaiya to bribe Ma ki to surrender Kwe lin fu, the capital of Kiang se.—Defeat and capture of Ma ki.—Death of Toan tsong, 1278.—Kuang Wang is made Emperor under the name Ti ping.—Destruction of the army of the Sung Emperor.—Blocking of Chinese vessels by Mongol barges.—Capture of more than 800 Chinese vessels.—Death of Chang shi kie.—Kubilai finds himself master of China, January 31, 1279 336
Struggle of Kubilai with Kaidu lasting from the death of Arik Buga to the death of Kubilai.—End of the Sung dynasty.—Departure of troops for Corea.—Mongol fleet encounters a storm.—Return of the fleet.—Attack and defeat of the King of Burma.—Death of Sutu, a distinguished Mongol general.—Kubilai plans a second Japanese expedition.—Victory of Kubilai’s forces over the Tung king men in seventeen engagements.—Visit of Yang ting pie to the islands south of China, 1285.—Arrival of the ships of ten kingdoms in Tsinan chiu.—Desire of Tok Timur to put Shireki, son of Mangu, on the throne, [[xxv]]1277.—Tok Timur attacked by Bayan.—Flight of Tok Timur.—Tok Timur asks aid of Shireki; failing to get it he sets up Sarban.—Forming of a new league against Kubilai by Kaidan with Nayan as leader.—Capture and death of Nayan.—Gift of Kara Kurum to Bayan, as headquarters.—Kubilai’s departure from Shang tu for the West.—Recall of Bayan.—Kubilai sends a thousand ships to attack Java.—Effort of Wang chu to free the Chinese Empire.—Death of Ahmed, Kubilai’s Minister of Finance.—Execution of Wang chu.—Execution of Sanga.—Death of Kubilai, February, 1294.—Election of Timur.—Death of Bayan at the age of fifty-nine.—Treaty of Timur with the King of Tung king.—Spread of revolt.—Death of Kaidu, 1301.—Daughter of Kaidu.—Homage rendered Chabar as Kaidu’s successor.—Timur acknowledged as overlord.—War between Chabar and Dua, 1306.—Death of Dua.—Gebek, son of Dua, proclaimed successor.—Attack of Chabar on Gebek.—Defeat of Chabar 361
Accession of Ananda, grandson of Kubilai.—Removal of Ananda.—Succession of Khaishan, under the name of Kuluk.—Death of Khaishan, 1311.—Batra is proclaimed under the name Bayantu.—Cause and beginning of the ruin of Mongol power in China.—Appointment of Shudi Bala as successor of Bayantu.—Death of Bayantu in 1320.—Assassination of Shudi Bala. The first death by assassination in the Imperial family.—Succession of Yissun Timur.—Appointment of Asukeba as heir.—Death of Yissun Timur.—The widow of Yissun Timur proclaims Asukeba.—Effort of Tob Timur to secure the throne for his brother, Kushala.—Defeat of the partisans of Asukeba.—Exile of the Empress.—Sudden death of Kushala while feasting, 1329.—Tob Timur is made Emperor.—Death of Tob Timur.—Death of the young son of Kushala.—Accession of Togan Timur, Kushala’s eldest son.—Revolt in Honan, Su chuan and Kwang tung.—Removal of Tob Timur’s tablet from the hall of Imperial ancestors, 1340.—Completion of the annals of the Liao, the Kin, and the Sung dynasties.—Insurrection in South China, 1341.—Fang kwe chin, a pirate, harries the coast of Che kiang.—Declaration of Han chan tong of the appearance of Buddha to free China from the Mongol yoke.—Death of Han chan tong.—Departure of Mongols from the Yang tse region.—Capture of Han yang and Wu chang in Hu kwang by Siu chiu hwei.—Recapture of Hang chiu by the Mongol general, Tong pu.—Appearance of Chang se ching in Kiang nan.—Siu chiu hwei proclaims himself Emperor.—Defeat of a Mongol general by Ni wen tsiun.—Appearance of Chu yuan chang, the man destined to destroy Mongol rule, and found the Ming dynasty.—Capture of Nan king, Yang chiu and Chin kiang by Chu.—Defeat of adherents of Ming wang, the pseudo Sung Emperor, by Chagan Timur, a Mongol general.—Control of Hu kwang and Kiang si by Siu chiu hwei.—Chin proclaims himself Emperor.—Plans of Chagan Timur to capture Nan king.—Aiyuchelitala named as heir by Togan Timur.—Invitation of Ali hwei to Togan Timur to yield what is left of Mongol power.—Defeat of Tukien Timur.—Assassination of Chagan Timur by Wang se ching.—Appearance of Ming yu chin as Emperor.—March of Chu, the coming Emperor of China, against Chin yiu liang.—Defeat of Chin yiu liang.—Surrender of cities to Chu.—Effort of Polo Timur to capture Tsin ki.—Defeat of Polo Timur by Ku ku Timur.—The heir of the Mongol throne acts against the Grand [[xxvi]]Khan, his father.—Polo Timur made commander-in-chief by Togan Timur.—News of the capture of Shang tu.—Death of Ming yu chin, 1366.—Disappearance of Han lin ulh.—Efforts of Chu to liberate China.—Surrender of all cities to Chu’s generals.—Terror of Togan Timur caused by conquests of Chu.—Chu proclaimed Emperor, the name Ming is given to his dynasty.—Entrance of Chu into Ta tu, 1368.—Death of Togan Timur.—Capture of Togan Timur’s grandson by Ming forces.—Advance of Su tu, the Ming general, to the Kerulon.—Death of the Mongol heir. Succession of his son Tukus Timur, 1378.—Defeat of Tukus Timur by Chu forces.—Assassination of Tukus Timur.—Civil war roused by Yissudar.—Invitation of the Emperor of China to Buin Shara to declare himself vassal.—Invasion of Mongolia by a Chinese army.—Yung lo’s advance to the Kerulon.—Defeat of the Mongols.—Death of Buin Shara, 1412.—The Manchu dynasty.—End of Mongol power 384 [[xxviii]]
THE EMPIRES OF THE MONGOLS
XIII–XIV CENTURIES
[[1]]
THE MONGOLS
CHAPTER I
CLASSIFICATION, MYTH AND REALITY
From an obscure and uncertain beginning the word Mongol has gone on increasing in significance and spreading geographically during more than ten centuries until it has filled the whole earth with its presence. From the time when men used it at first until our day this word has been known in three senses especially. In the first sense it refers to some small groups of hunters and herdsmen living north of the great Gobi desert; in the second it denotes certain peoples in Asia and Eastern Europe; in the third and most recent, a worldwide extension has been given it. In this third and the broad sense the word Mongol has been made to include in one category all yellow skinned nations, or peoples, including those too with a reddish-brown, or dark tinge in the yellow, having also straight hair, always black, and dark eyes of various degrees of intensity. In this sense the word Mongol co-ordinates vast numbers of people, immense groups of men who are like one another in some traits, and widely dissimilar in others. It embraces the Chinese, the Coreans, the Japanese, the Manchus, the original Mongols with their near relatives the Tartar, or Turkish tribes which hold Central Asia, or most of it. Moving westward from China this term covers the Tibetans and with them all the non-Aryan nations and tribes until we reach India and Persia.
In India, whose most striking history in modern ages is Mongol, nearly all populations save Aryans and Semites are classified with Mongols. In Persia where the dynasty is Mongol that race is preponderant in places and important throughout the whole kingdom, [[2]]though in a minority. In Asia Minor the Mongol is master, for the Turk is still sovereign, and will be till a great rearrangement is effected.
Five groups of Mongols have made themselves famous in Europe: the Huns with their mighty chief Attila, the Bulgars, the Magyars, the Turks or Osmanli, and the Mongol invaders of Russia. All these five will have their due places later on in this history.
In Africa there have been and are still Mongol people. The Mamelukes and their forces at Cairo were in their time remarkable, and Turkish dominion exists till the present, at least theoretically, in Egypt, and west of it.
Not restricted to the Eastern hemisphere the word Mongol is still further used to include aboriginal man in America.
Thus this great aggregation of people is found in each part of both hemispheres, and we cannot consider the Mongols historically in a wide sense unless we consider all mankind.
In the first, that is the original and narrowest sense of the word it applies to those Mongols alone who during twelve centuries or longer have inhabited the country just south of Lake Baikal, and north of the great Gobi desert. It is from these Mongols proper that the name has at last been extended to the whole yellow race in both hemispheres.
The word Mongol began, it is said, with the Chinese, but this is not certain. It is certain, however, that the Chinese made it known to the great world outside, and thus opened the way to that immense application now given it. The Tang dynasty lasted from 618 to 907 and left its own history. In that history the term Mongol appears as Mong-ku, and in the annals of the Kitan dynasty which followed the Tang Mong-ku-li is the form which is given us. The Kitans were succeeded by the Golden Khans, or Kin Emperors, and in the annals of their line the Mong-ku are mentioned very often.
The Mongols began their career somewhat south of Lake Baikal where six rivers rise in a very remarkable mountain land. The Onon, the Ingoda and the Kerulon are the main western sources of that immense stream the Amoor, which enters the Sea of Okhotsk and thus finds the Pacific. The second three rivers: the Tula, Orhon, and Selinga flow into Lake Baikal, and thence, through the [[3]]Lower Angara and Yenissei, are merged in Arctic waters directly in front of Nova Zembla.
These two water systems begin in the Kentei Khan mountains which have as their chief elevation Mount Burhan. The six rivers while flowing toward the Amoor and Lake Baikal water the whole stretch of country where the Mongols began their activity as known to us. There they moved about with their large and small cattle, fought, robbed, and hunted, ate and drank and slew one another during ages without reckoning. In that region of forest and grass land, of mountains and valleys, of great and small rivers the air is wholesome though piercingly cold during winter, and exceedingly hot in the summer months. There was subsistence enough for a primitive life in that country, but men had to fight for it savagely. Flocks and herds when grown numerous need immense spaces to feed in, and those spaces of land caused unending struggle and bloodshed. The flocks and herds were also objects of struggle, not flocks and herds only, but women. The desirable woman was snatched away, kidnapped; the good herd of cattle was stolen, and afterward fought for; the grass covered mountain or valley, or the forest with grass or good branches, or shrubbery for browsing was seized and then kept by the men who were able to hold it.
This stealing of cattle, this grabbing of pasture and forest, this fighting, this killing, this capture of women continued for ages with no apparent results except those which were personal, local, and transient till Temudjin the great Mongol appeared in that harsh mountain country. This man summed up in himself, and intensified to the utmost the ideas, strength, temper and spirit of his race as presented in action and life up to his day. He placed the Mongols on the stage of the world with a skill and a power that were simply colossal and all-conquering. The results which he won were immediate and terrifying. No man born of woman has had thus far in history a success so peculiar, so thorough and perfect, so completely acknowledged by mankind as the success won by Temudjin. There is in his career an unconquerable sequence, a finish, a oneness of character that sets it apart among all the careers of those mighty ones in history who worked for this life and no other, and strove for no object save that which is tangible, material and present; success of such kind and success so enormous that a common intelligence might yearn for it, but have no [[4]]more chance of winning than of reaching the stars, or of seeing the sun during night hours.
The career of this Mongol is unique in the world, unapproachable, since its object was unmixed and immediate and his success in attaining it was so great that it seems, we might say, super-human.
The account which is given us of Temudjin’s origin is a myth tale, excepting a few generations directly preceding him. Genealogy in the form of a myth tale is no exception in the case of any people,—no wonder. It is the rule and inevitable, the one method used by each primitive folk to explain its own origin. All early men in their own accounts are descended from gods who are either divine mythic animals, or elements, or forces, or phenomena which become later on the progenitors of nations, or their totems.
The first mythic parents or founders of Temudjin’s family were a blue wolf and a gray doe. These two swam across a lake, reached the river Onon near its sources and settled down permanently at the foot of Mount Burhan, where a son called Batachi was born to them. Ninth in descent from Batachi were Duva Sohor, and Doben. The former had only one eye which was fixed in the middle of his forehead, but with that eye he saw beyond three mountain ranges. Once these two brothers climbed up Mount Burhan, and were gazing at the world from the top of it when Duva Sohor beheld many people moving down the Tungeli. “There is the wife for my brother, unless she is married,” thought Duva. “Go and see her,” said he then to Doben. Doben went to the new people straightway and learned that the woman was single and that her name was Alan Goa. The moving people were dependents of one Horilartai.
In time before that Bargudai, who owned Bargudjin on Lake Baikal, had a daughter whom he gave to Horilartai of Horntumadun. From this marriage came Alan Goa, born at Alih Usun. They had left their old place since the hunting of ermine and squirrels had been stopped there. Horilartai removed to Mount Burhan, where game was abundant. He joined Shinchi Boyan, the master of Mount Burhan, and began the clan Horilar. Thus Doben found Alan Goa, who bore him two sons, Bugundai and Bailgun Etai.
Duva the one-eyed had four sons. The two brothers and their [[5]]six sons lived in one company till Duva’s death; after that Duva’s four sons deserted their uncle, and founded the clan known as Dorbian.
One day while Doben was hunting he found in the forest a man roasting venison and straightway asked meat of him. The man kept one flank and the lungs, and gave the remainder to Doben who tied what he got to his saddle, and started off homeward. He met on the road a poor man and a small boy. “Who art thou?” inquired Doben. “I am of the Malish Boyandai,” said the poor man, “I am in need, give me venison, I pray thee, I will give thee my son in return for it.” Doben gave the man a deer leg, took the boy home, and made him his attendant.
Some years passed, the boy grew, and Doben died. The boy, now a man, served the widow. While a widow Alan Goa bore three sons; the eldest was Buga Hatagi, the second Tusalchi, the third Boduanchar. The two sons born of Doben said once to each other: “Our mother has no husband, no brother of our father has ever been in this yurta, still she has three sons. There is only one man in the house, he has lived with us always; is he not their father?”
Alan Goa learned that the two elder brothers were curious concerning the other three, so one day she called in her five sons and seating them together gave each one an arrow and told him to break it. Each broke his arrow. She then bound five arrows firmly together and commanded to break them—not one of the brothers could break the five arrows when tied in a bundle.
“Ye are in doubt,” said she then to her eldest and second son, “as to who is the father of my third, fourth and fifth sons. Ye wonder, and with reason, for ye know not that a golden hued man makes his way to this yurta. He enters through the door by which light comes, he enters in through the smoke hole like sunshine. The brightness which comes from him fills me when I look at him. Going off on the rays of the sun or the moon he runs like a swift yellow dog till he vanishes. Cease talking idly. Your three youngest brothers are children of Heaven, and no one may liken them to common men. When they are khans ye will know this.”
Alan Goa instructed her sons then, and said to them: “Ye all are my children, ye are all sons of mine. If ye stand apart like those five broken arrows it will be very easy to break you, but if ye [[6]]keep one mind and one spirit no man on earth will be able to injure you, ye will be like those five arrows in the bundle.”
Alan Goa died soon after this talk with her children. Four of the brothers took what belonged to all five of them, counting the youngest a weakling and simple they gave him no property whatever. He, seeing that they would not treat him with justice, said in his own mind: “I will go from this place, I will leave them.” Then mounting a sorry roan horse with galled back and mangy tail he left his four brothers and rode away up the Onon to live at some new spot in freedom. When he reached Baljunala he built a small yurta, or hut at the place which seemed best to him and lived in it. One day he saw a falcon swoop down on a woodcock and seize it there near his yurta; he plucked hairs from the mangy tail of his horse, made a snare, caught the falcon, and trained it. When the wolves drove wild beasts toward the yurta in hunting he killed them with arrows, or took for himself and the falcon what the wolves left uneaten. Thus he lived the first winter. When spring came the falcon caught ducks and geese in great numbers.
Beyond the ridge of Mount Duilyan, which was there near his yurta, flowed the Tungeli, and at the river lived a new people. Boduanchar, who went to hunt daily with his falcon, discovered this people and drank in their yurtas, mare’s milk which they gave him. They knew not whence he had come, and he asked not who they were, though they met every day with good feeling.
At last Boduanchar’s eldest brother, Hatagi, set out to find him if possible and reached the Tungeli, where he saw the new people with whom Boduanchar was in friendship.
“Have ye seen a young man with a mangy tailed horse?” asked he. “On the horse’s back are white spots which are marks of old gall sores.” “We have seen the young man with that horse—he has also a falcon. He comes here each day to drink mare’s milk, but we know not the place of his yurta. Whenever wind blows from the northwest it drives hither as many duck and goose feathers as there are flakes in a snowstorm. He must live with his falcon northwest of us. But wait here a while and thou wilt see him.” Soon they saw the young man coming. Boduanchar became reconciled and went home with Hatagi.
“A man is complete who has a head on his body,” said Boduanchar [[7]]to himself. And aloud he said as they traveled, “A coat is complete when a collar is sewed to it.” The brother said nothing on hearing these words for the first time; Boduanchar repeated the saying. “What dost thou mean?” asked Hatagi. “Those men on the river,” said Boduanchar, “have no head in their company; great and small are all one to them. We might take their ulus[1] very easily.” “Well,” replied Hatagi, “when we reach home we will talk of this; if we agree we will take the place.”
The five brothers talked over the plan and were willing. Boduanchar led them back to the village. The first person seized by him was a woman. “Of what stock art thou?” asked Boduanchar. “I am of the Charchiuts,” answered the woman. The five brothers led all the people to their own place; after that they had cattle; they had also attendants to wait on them, when eating. Boduanchar took his first captive as wife and she bore him a son from whom the Balin clan was descended. Boduanchar took another wife and by her begat Habichi, who in time had a son Mainyan Todan who took as wife Monalun, from whom seven sons were born to him; the eldest of these was Katchi Kyuluk, and the youngest, Nachin.
Monalun loved command; she was harsh in her household and severe to all people. With her Mainyan Todan gained great wealth of all kinds, and lived at Nush Argi. Though there was no forest land near his yurta he had so many cattle when the herds were driven home, that not five ells of ground within eyesight could be found with no beast on it.
Mainyan Todan departed from life while his seventh son was an infant. At this time the Jelairs, that is, some descendants of Doben and Alan Goa, who had settled on the Kerulon near the Golden Khan’s border, warred with his people very often. On a time the Golden Khan sent his forces against them; the Jelairs thinking the river impassable sneered at the enemy, and taking their caps off fell to mocking and shouting: “Would ye not like to come over and take all our horses and families?” Roused by this ridicule and banter the enemy made rafts under cover, and crossed the Kerulon quickly. They rushed forward and defeated the Jelairs. They slew all whom they met or could find, not sparing even children. Most of the Jelairs were slain, except some who [[8]]had camped in a place where the enemy did not reach them. These survivors found refuge at Monalun’s settlement, where they fell to digging roots for subsistence, and spoiled a large space used in training young horses.
The widow was enraged at this trespass. She was riding in a cart when she saw it. Rushing in with attendants she trampled down some of the people, and dispersed them. Soon after this those same Jelairs stole from the sons of the widow a large herd of horses. When they heard of this robbery those sons hurried off to recover the animals. In their great haste they forgot to take armor. Monalun sent their wives on in carts with the armor, and she herself followed. Her sons were lying dead when their wives brought the armor. The Jelairs then slew the women, and when she came up they killed Monalun also.
The descendants of Katchi Kyuluk were all dead now except the youngest son, who was living apart from the others at Bargudjin on the eastern shore of Lake Baikal, and Kaidu his eldest son’s only offspring, a small boy who was saved by his nurse, who hid with the child under firewood.
When news came to Nachin that his family had been slaughtered he hurried on to Nush Argi and found there some wretched old women with the little boy Kaidu, and the nurse who had saved him. Nachin was anxious to examine the Jelair country, recover some part of his brothers’ lost property, and take a stern vengeance on the Jelairs, but he had no horse to ride on this journey. Just then a sorrel stallion from the herd that had been stolen by the Jelairs wandered back to Nush Argi. Nachin took this beast and set out alone to reconnoitre. The first men to meet him were two hunters on horseback, a son and his father, who were riding apart from each other. Each had a hawk on his wrist, and Nachin saw that both birds had belonged to his brothers.
“Hast thou seen a brown stallion, with mares, going eastward?” asked he of the younger man. “I have not,” said the stranger, “but hast thou seen ducks or geese on thy journey?” “I have seen many;” replied Nachin; “come, I will show them to thee.” The man followed Nachin, who at his own time well selected turned on this Jelair and killed him. He fettered the horse, tied the hawk to the saddle, turned and rode toward the second man; upon reaching him he asked if he had seen a brown stallion, and mares going [[9]]eastward. “No,” said the man, “but hast thou seen my son who is hawking here near us?” “I have seen him,” said Nachin. “He is bleeding from the nose and that delays him.” Nachin then killed the second man and rode along farther, taking with him the hawks and the horses. He came at last to a valley where many horses were grazing; some boys were herding the beasts, and throwing stones for amusement. Nachin from a high place examined the country and since there was no one in sight he went into the valley, killed the boys and urged on the herd to Nush Argi, leading the two hunters’ horses and bringing the hawks with him. Nachin then took his nephew, and the old women with the nurse, and drove all the horses to Bargudjin. There he lived for some years, and reared and trained his young nephew, who when old enough was made chief over two groups of Mongols; later on other groups were connected with these two. The Jelairs were crushed and enslaved by Kaidu and Nachin, who returned at the right time to Nush Argi. In that chief place of his family he acquired many cattle, and laid the foundation of Mongol dominion.
Nachin, as Mongol story depicts him, is one of the few men in history who were not self-seeking. He saved the small remnant of his family which escaped from the Jelairs, and was for some time the real guardian of the Mongols. He saved the boy Kaidu, and, seeking no power for himself, turned every effort to strengthening his nephew.
From that nephew, Kaidu, are descended the greatest historical men of his people, men without whom the name Mongol might not have risen from obscurity to be known and renowned as it now is.
Nachin had two sons, Urudai and Manhudai, from whom are descended the Uruts and Manhuts, two tribes which under Kuildar and Churchadai saved the fortune of Temudjin in his most desperate battle at Kalanchin.
Kaidu had three sons; the eldest was Boshin Kordokshin, the second Charaha Lingu, the third Chao Jinortaidji. Kaidu’s eldest son had one son named Tumbinai, and died soon after the birth of that single descendant. Kaidu’s second son had a son named Sengun Bilghe, who had a son Ambagai, and from this strong son, Ambagai, were descended the Taidjuts.
Kaidu’s second son took his eldest brother’s widow, and from her had a son, Baisutai, from whom came the Baisuts. Kaidu’s [[10]]third son had six sons, who were the founders of six clans among Mongols. Tumbinai, son of Boshin, Kaidu’s eldest son, had two sons, Kabul and Sinsaichilai. Kabul had seven sons; the second of these, Bartan, had four sons; the third of these four sons was Yessugai.
Kabul was made khan, and though he had seven sons he did not wish to give rule to any one of them. So he gave it to Sengun Bilghe, the father of Ambagai. Kabul the Khan, son of Tumbinai, was renouned for great courage. His fame reached the Emperor of China, who had such regard for this chief that he sent envoys inviting him to the court as an evidence of friendship, and with the concealed hope of making a treaty through which the Mongols might act with North China. Kabul made the journey. The Emperor received him with honor, and entertained him with the best food and drink in the country. But, since the Chinese were given to deceit very greatly, as Kabul thought, and attacked each opponent from an ambush, he feared wiles and most of all poison; hence he avoided food and drink and withdrew from a feast under pretexts, but returned later on when relieved of suspicion, and fell to eating and drinking with very great relish. The Chinese were astounded at sight of his thirst and his hunger. “High Heaven must have made him to rule,” exclaimed they, “else how could he drink and eat so enormously, and still have an appetite and be sober.” But after a time he seemed tipsy, clapped his hands, reeled toward the Emperor, seized his beard and stroked his ear, to the horror of ministers, who cried out at once, and were ready to rush at the Mongol.
The Khan turned then to the Emperor and smiled very coolly. “If the Golden Khan holds me guilty,” said he, “let him know that the will of my hand is to blame, not my own will. My hand has done that which displeases my own will and I condemn my hand’s action.”
The Emperor was calm and deliberate; at that time he wished above all things to wheedle his visitor, so he reasoned in his mind as follows: “If I punish this man his adherents, who are many, may rise and begin a long war with me.” Hence he kept down his anger, and commanded to bring from his treasure house silken robes, embroidered in gold, of right size for the Mongol. A crown and a gold girdle were brought with them. He put these on Kabul, [[11]]and showing marks of high honor dismissed him with friendship when the time came for parting.
When Kabul had set out for home the ministers insisted that it would not be possible to leave the man’s conduct unnoticed. Roused at last by these speeches the Emperor sent off an envoy requesting Kabul to return to him. Kabul replied harshly, and kept on his journey. The Emperor was enraged now in earnest and sent men a second time not to request but to summon, and with them a good force of warriors to bring in the Mongol by violence if need be. Kabul had gone far on his journey, and, since the Golden Khan’s messengers took a new road by mere hazard, they missed him. They went all the way to his yurta, and as he had not yet returned his wives said on hearing the message: “He will follow the Golden Khan’s wishes.” The messengers turned from the yurta and after a while met Kabul hastening homeward; they seized him and led him off quickly for delivery to their master. On the journey they halted at the house of a Saljut, who was friendly to the captive.
“These men are taking thee to death O Kabul,” said the Saljut, “I must save thee. I have a horse which outstrips every wind, and is swifter than lightning. If thou sit on this beast thou canst save thyself—thou wilt escape at the first chance.” Kabul mounted that horse, but his foot was made fast to the chief envoy’s stirrup. In the night he unbound it, however, and shot away in the darkness. They pursued and hunted him with all speed, but only at Kabul’s own yurta were they able to come up with him. There he received them with all hospitality, and gave his enemies a splendid new tent which belonged to a wife whom he had just taken; he gave also the best entertainment. Soon after, he summoned his servants (his sons were not with him). “These people,” said he, “wish to take me to the Golden Khan to be killed by him with terrible torture. Ye must save me.”
The servants fell unawares on the Golden Khan’s messengers, and killed every man of them. Kabul was saved that time, but soon after he fell ill and died—very likely of poison—thus leaving the world to his seven sons, who were very ambitious. These sons were so great through their valor and courage that no combination of enemies could meet them successfully. They were all of one mother, Kulku Goa, a Kunkurat woman, whose younger [[12]]brother, Saïn Tegin, was the cause of involving the family in a terrible blood feud.
Saïn Tegin fell ill and they called in a shaman of the Taidjuts to cure him. He died notwithstanding the art of this shaman, who was slain either on his way home or soon after, by the relatives of the dead man. This caused a great battle between the Taidjuts and Saïn Tegin’s adherents and relatives, joined now by Kabul’s sons, who favored the cause of their uncle. In this battle Kaidan met a Taidjut in single encounter, split open his saddle, swept him down from his horse, and wounded him dreadfully. The Taidjut, who recovered only after a twelve month of suffering, began a new struggle as soon as strength came to him. Kaidan brought horse and rider to the earth, each wounded grievously; though ten mounted men rushed at the victor, he so used spear and sword on them that he came out in triumph. Thus began the great blood feud which later on Temudjin used with such deadly effect on the Taidjuts and Tartars.
Between Lake Buyur and Lake Kulon is a river, on this river a large group of Tartar tribes lived at that period. Ambagai, son of Sengun, went to find a new wife at Lake Buyur but was seized by some Tartars and sent to the Kin Emperor, who took his life very cruelly. Before his captors had set out with Ambagai he sent home this message: “Tell Kutula, fourth son of my cousin Kabul, who has seven sons, and Kaidan, one of my ten sons, that I, who ruled men, am a prisoner and must die in great suffering. And remember these words of mine, all of you: Though ye were to wear every nail from the fingers of each hand, and lose the ten fingers on both hands, ye must avenge me.”
The Golden Khan in return for offenses committed against him by Ambagai’s relatives, had him nailed to a wooden ass, flayed alive, and then chopped into small pieces slowly, beginning with his fingers and toes, till his whole body was finished.
Okin Barka, Kabul’s eldest son and a brother of Kutula, had been captured by the Tartars, sent to the Golden Khan, and put to death in the same way as Ambagai. This was done because Kabul had killed the Golden Khan’s messengers.
Before Ambagai was tortured he sent Bulgadji, his slave, to the Golden Khan with this warning: “It is shameful to kill me. I was seized most perfidiously, I am here without reason. If [[13]]thou kill me all chiefs among Mongols will rise and avenge the injustice.” The Golden Khan paid no heed to the message, but after the hideous execution he sent Bulgadji on courier horses to Mongolia with the command to tell all there that Ambagai had been nailed to the wooden ass, his skin stripped from him while living, and his body then chopped into pieces bit by bit. On the way Bulgadji passed through the land of the Durbans, who would not give horses, and no matter what he said they took no note of him. When his horses were so weary that they could go no farther he left them, went home on foot and told all to Kaidan, whose son, Tuda, told the whole tale to Katula and Yessugai, his nephew. Kaidan, Tuda and Yessugai held a council immediately and resolved with many Mongols to avenge Okin Barka and Ambagai. Kutula was chosen khan then to lead the expedition. They held a great feast when the election was over, and all became grandly excited. They danced round a wide-spreading tree with great energy, and stamped out a ditch of such depth that they were hidden to their knees in it.
Kutula assembled all warriors who were willing to go, and marched against China. The Golden Khan’s forces were defeated, and routed with terrible slaughter. The Mongols took booty of unspeakable value, took all that men could bear with them, or that horses could carry. They came home filled with delight, bringing woven stuffs of all species, every kind of rich furniture, weapons and implements, and driving before them immense herds of horses, and large and small cattle.
While on the way home Kutula when passing through the land of the Durbans went to hunt with a small force of followers. On seeing these people the Durbans assembled a numerous party and attacked them; they killed some, and scattered the others. Kutula left alone saved himself by fleeing, and drove his swift horse through a swamp to the opposite edge of the soft place. The beast stopped and stuck fast there; Kutula stood on the saddle and sprang to firm ground from it. The Durbans seeing him on foot, were well satisfied. “Oh let him go,” said they, “of what use is a man when his horse is gone.” Then, while they stood looking, he pulled his horse out of the quagmire, mounted and rode away in their presence. The swamp extended so far on either hand that they cared not to follow. [[14]]
Kutula’s surviving attendants returned to the army, spread news of his death, and declared that the Durbans had killed him. His warriors reached home somewhat earlier than the Khan and since he had not appeared on the road and his attendants said that he had been killed by the Durbans Yessugai made a funeral feast for their leader and went to Kutula’s wife to announce her husband’s death and with her drink the cup to his memory. On appearing before her he began to lament, and weep bitterly. “Why hast thou come?” asked she, “and why art thou weeping?” He told the cause of his grief and his coming. “I believe not a word of all thou hast told me,” said the woman. “Would Kutula let Durbans kill him, Kutula whose voice is like thunder in the mountains, a voice which reaches high heaven, would Kutula let common men kill him? He would not, his delay has another cause. He is living. He has stopped for some work of importance, he will come later on.”
But the warriors and Kutula’s attendants felt sure that the Khan had been murdered.
When Kutula had pulled his horse out of the quagmire, and ridden away safely, he was savagely angry. “How have those vile, wretched Durbans brought me to such trouble,” raged he, “and driven off all my servants? Must I go home empty-handed? No, I will not leave these places unplundered.” Then he rode till he found a brown stallion, also a great herd of mares and their colts with them. He mounted the stallion, let out his own horse which ran forward, then drove the mares which followed the saddle beast. Riding farther in the steppes he found nests of wild geese; dismounting he took off his boots, filled the great legs of them with goose eggs, remounted and rode away home on the stallion, holding the boots and driving the mares and their colts to his yurta.
A vast crowd of people had assembled to lament and show honor to the memory of Kutula, and now, astonished at his sudden arrival, they rejoiced beyond measure, and turned all their sorrow and wailing into a feast of triumph and gladness. “Ha!” said the wife then to Yessugai, “did I not tell thee that no Durbans, or other men could bring down Kutula?”
After his great success against China, Kutula moved on the Tartars and punished them unsparingly for sending Okin Barka, his brother, to the Golden Khan for destruction. [[15]]
But now broke out afresh the great hatred of the ten sons of Ambagai for Kutula and his brothers. Those ten Taidjut brothers fell on the six surviving sons of Kabul and killed five of them, killed all except Bartan, who burst his way out of the murderous encounter with three serious wounds in his body, and fled with four attendants. His son Yessugai, who had been hurled to the earth from his saddle, sprang up quickly and, though only thirteen years of age, sent his spear through the body of a Taidjut who was mounted, brought him down dying, sprang to the empty saddle, rushed away and caught up with his father. Through this wonderful promptness and skill he was able to save himself.
Bartan’s wife, Maral Kayak, fled on foot from her yurta with three other sons, Mangutu, Naigun and Daritai, and reached her wounded husband.
The Taidjut triumph was perfect for a season. Bartan’s power had departed, he died soon and gave place to his son, a young hero. This son was Yessugai, the name means number nine, his full name was Yessugai Bahadur, the ninth hero. He was ninth too in descent from that youngest son of Alan Goa, Boduanchar, who rode off alone from injustice.
At this time the tendency had increased very greatly among chiefs of Mongol clans to make other chiefs subordinates, or assistants. This was true specially of men descended from Kabul and from Ambagai. If rival or smaller chiefs would not accept the position a conflict resulted, attacks were made by small parties or larger ones, or through war or poison; the weaker men when ambitious were swept from existence. The continual interference of China by intrigue or by arms, or by bribery through titles or presents, through rewards to individuals, or dire ghastly punishments where punishment seemed more effective, did something also to strengthen and consolidate the loosely coherent society of the Mongols, and thus helped unwittingly the work of strong men seeking power north of China.
Yessugai, through activity and keenness succeeded in winning co-operation sufficient to undo the great Taidjut triumph. Kabul’s sons again got the primacy. [[16]]
[1] A village or community. [↑]
CHAPTER II
TEMUDJIN BEGINS HIS MIGHTY CAREER
This intense rivalry between the descendants of Kabul and Ambagai was the great ruling fact among Mongols at this epoch. Kabul and Ambagai were second cousins, both being third in descent from Kaidu, that little boy saved by his nurse from the Jelairs; the Kaidu whose descendants were the great ruling Mongols of history. Kabul and Ambagai are remarkable themselves, and are notable also as fathers of men who sought power by all means which they could imagine and bring into practice.
Yessugai with his brothers was now triumphant and prosperous. He was terribly hostile to the Buyur Lake Tartars; he was ever watching the Taidjut opposition, which though resting at times never slumbered. Once in the days of his power Yessugai while hawking along the Onon saw a Merkit named Yeke Chilaidu taking home with him a wife from the Olkonots. Seeing that the woman was a beauty Yessugai hurried back to his yurta and returned with his eldest and youngest brothers to help him. When Yeke saw the three brothers coming he grew frightened, struck his horse and rushed away to find some good hiding place, but found none and rode back to the cart where his wife was. “Those men are very hostile,” said the woman. “Hurry off, or they will kill thee. If thou survive find a wife such as I am, if thou remember me call her by my name.” Then she drew off her shift and gave it to Yeke. He took it, mounted quickly and, seeing Yessugai approaching with his brothers, galloped up the river.
The three men rushed after Yeke, but did not overtake him, so they rode back to the woman, whose name was Hoelun. She was weeping. Her screams when they seized her “raised waves on the river, and shook trees in the valley.”
“The husband has crossed many ridges already, and many [[17]]waters,” said Daritai, Yessugai’s youngest brother, “no matter how thou scream he will not come to thee, if thou look for his trail thou wilt not find it. Stop screaming!” Thus they took Hoelun, and she became a wife then to Yessugai.
Some months after the capture of Hoelun, Yessugai made attacks on the Tartars, and among other captives took Temudjin Uge, a chieftain. Hoelun gave birth to a son at that period[1] near the hill Dailiun Baldak. The boy was born grasping a lump of dark blood in his fist very firmly, and since he was born when Temudjin Uge was taken they called the child Temudjin. After that Hoelun had three other sons: Kassar, Hochiun and Taimuge, and one daughter, Taimulun.
When this first son had passed his thirteenth year Yessugai set out with the lad on a visit to Hoelun’s brothers to find among them a wife for him. When between the two mountains Cihurga and Cheksar he met one Desaichan, a man of the Ungirs. “Whither art thou going O Yessugai?” asked Desaichan. “I am going with my son to his uncles to look out a bride for him among them.” “Thy son has a clear face and bright eyes,” said Desaichan. “Last night I dreamed that a white falcon holding the sun and the moon in its talons flew down to my wrist, and perched on it. ‘We only know the sun and the moon through our eyesight,’ said I to some friends of mine, ‘but now a white falcon has brought them both down to me in his talons, this must be an omen of greatness.’ At the right time hast thou come hither Yessugai with thy son and shown what my dream means. It presages high fortune undoubtedly. I have a daughter at home, she is small yet but come and look at her.”
Then he conducted the father and son to his yurta. Yessugai rejoiced in his heart very greatly at sight of the girl, who in truth was a beauty. She was ten years of age, and named Bortai. Next day Yessugai asked Bortai of Desaichan as a bride for young Temudjin. “Will it show more importance if I give her only after much begging,” asked the father, “or will it show slight esteem if I give her in answer to few words? We know that a girl is not born to remain in the household forever. I yield her to marry thy son, and do thou leave him here for a time with me.”
The agreement was finished and Yessugai went away without [[18]]Temudjin. On the road home he stopped at Cheksar and met Tartars who arranged there a feast for him. Being hungry and thirsty from traveling he halted. His hosts, who knew well that he had captured and killed very many of their people, Temudjin Uge with others, had poison made ready, and gave it in drink to him. Yessugai rode away and reached home in three days, but fell ill on the journey, and his trouble increased as he traveled. “There is pain in my heart,” said he, “who is near me?” At that time Munlik, a son of Charaha, happened in at the yurta, and Yessugai called him. “My children are young,” said he, “I went to find a bride for my son Temudjin, and have found her. On the way home I was poisoned by enemies. My heart is very sore in me, so go thou to my brothers and see them, see their wives also. I give thee this as a duty; tell them all that has happened. But first bring me Temudjin very quickly.”
Yessugai died[2] shortly after without seeing Temudjin.
Munlik went with all haste to Desaichan. “Yessugai,” said he, “wants to see Temudjin, he has sent me to bring the boy.” “If Yessugai is grieving let Temudjin go, and return to me afterward.” Munlik took Temudjin home as instructed. In the spring following when Ambagai’s widows were preparing the offerings to ancestors before moving to the summer place they refused to share sacrificed meats with Hoelun, and thus shut her out from their ruling circle and relationship. “Better leave this woman here with her children, she must not go with us,” said the widows. Targutai Kurultuk, who was then in authority, went from the winter place without turning to Hoelun, or speaking. He with Todoyan Jirisha his brother had enticed away Yessugai’s people. Munlik’s father, Charáha, an old man, strove to persuade Targutai and his brother to take Hoelun, but they would not listen to him or to any man. “The deep water is gone, the bright stone is broken,” said Todoyan, “we cannot restore them, we have nothing to do with that woman, and her children.” And when Targutai with his brother was starting, a warrior of his thrust a spear into Charáha’s back and the old man fell down mortally wounded.
Temudjin went to talk with Charáha and take advice from him. “Targutai and his brother,” said the old man, “have led away all the people assembled by thy father, and our relatives.” [[19]]Temudjin wept then and turned to his mother for assistance. Hoelun resolved quickly; she mounted, and, directing her attendants to take lances, set out at the head of them. She overtook the deserting people and stopped one half of them, but even that half would not go back with her. So Targutai and Todoyan had defeated Hoelun with her children, and taken one half of Yessugai’s people; the second half joined other leaders. But Hoelun, a strong, resolute woman, protected her family and found means to support it. Her children lived in poor, harsh conditions, and grew up in the midst of hostility and hatred. To assist and give help to their mother they made hooks out of needles and fished in the river Onon which was close to their dwelling. Once Temudjin and Kassar went to fish with their half brothers, Baiktar and Belgutai, Yessugai’s children by another wife. Temudjin caught a golden hued trout and his half brothers took it from him. He went then with Kassar to Hoelun. “We caught a golden hued fish,” said they, “but Baiktar and Belgutai took it.” “Why do ye quarrel?” asked the mother, “we have no friends at present; all have deserted us; nothing sticks to us now but our shadows. We have no power yet to punish the Taidjuts. Why do ye act like the sons of Alan Goa, and quarrel? Why not agree and gain strength against enemies?”
Temudjin was dissatisfied; he wished Hoelun to take his side and go against Baiktar. “The other day,” said he, “I shot a bird and Baiktar took this bird also. He and his brother to-day snatched my fish from me. If they act always in this way how can I live with them?” And he turned from his mother very quickly. Both brothers rushed out, slammed the door flap behind them and vanished.
When they were out they saw Baiktar on a hill herding horses. Temudjin stole up from behind, and Kassar in front; they had taken arrows and were aiming when Baiktar turned and saw them. “Why treat me like a splinter in the mouth, or a hair on the eyeball?” asked he. “Though ye kill me spare my brother, do not kill Belgutai.” Then he bent his legs under him, and waited.
Temudjin from behind and Kassar in front killed Baiktar with arrows. When they went home Hoelun knew by their faces what had happened. “Thou wert born,” said she to Temudjin, “grasping blood in thy fingers. Thou and thy brother are like dogs when [[20]]devouring a village, or serpents which swallow alive what they spring upon, or wolves hunting prey in a snow storm. The injuries done us by the Taidjuts are terrible, ye might plan to grow strong and then punish the Taidjuts. But what are ye doing?”
Well might she ask, for she did not know then her wonderful son Temudjin, for whom it was as natural to remove a half brother, or even a brother, by killing him as to set aside any other obstacle. He who worked all his life till its end to eliminate opponents was that day beginning his mighty career, and his first real work was the murder of his half brother Baiktar, whose father was his own father, Yessugai.
No matter who Temudjin’s enemies were he removed them as coolly as a teacher in his classroom rubs figures from a black board. He struck down the Taidjuts as soon as he felt himself strong enough, but before he could do that his task was to weed out and train his own family. The first work before him was the empire of his household. Neither mother, nor brother, nor anyone must stand between Temudjin and his object; in that he showed his great singleness of purpose, his invincible will power, his wisdom in winning the success which his mind saw. The wisdom of Temudjin in building up empire was an unerring clear instinct like the instinct of a bee in constructing its honeycomb, or the judgment and skill of a bird in finding the proper material, and weaving the round perfect nest for its eggs and its little ones.
Temudjin began his career in real practice by killing his half brother mainly through the hand of his full brother Kassar, who was famed later on as the unerring strong archer, and who in time tried unsuccessfully to rival the invincible Temudjin.
Temudjin was now master in a very small region, but he was master. His mother and brothers did not dominate, or interfere, they assisted him. The family lived for a time in seclusion and uninjured till at last Targutai roused up his followers to action. “Temudjin and his brothers have grown,” said he, “they are stronger.” Taking with him some comrades he rode away quickly to find Temudjin with his family. From afar Hoelun and her children saw the men coming and were frightened. Temudjin seized his horse quickly, and fled before others to the mountain. Belgutai hid his half brothers and sister in a cliff, after that he felled trees to stop the horsemen. Kassar sent arrows to hinder [[21]]the Taidjuts. “We want only Temudjin, we want no one else,” said they. Temudjin had fled to Mount Targunai and hidden there in dense thickets whither they could not follow. They surrounded Targunai and watched closely.
He spent three days in secret places, and then led his horse out to flee from the mountain. When near the edge of the forest the saddle fell. He saw that breast strap and girth were both fixed securely. “A saddle may fall,” thought he, “though the girth be well fastened, but how can it fall when the breast strap is holding it? I see now that Heaven is protecting me.”
He turned back and passed three other days hiding; then he tried to go out a second time—a great rock fell in front of him, blocked the road and stopped his passage. “Heaven wills that I stay here still longer,” said Temudjin. He went back and spent three other days on the mountain, nine days in all without eating. “Must I die here alone and unheard of?” thought he despairingly. “Better go at all hazards.” He cut a way near the rock and led his horse down the mountain side.
The Taidjuts, who were watching outside very carefully, seized Temudjin and took him to Targutai, who commanded that a kang be put on him, and also fetters, and that he live one day and night in each tent. So he passed from one family to another in succession. During these changes he gained the close friendship of one Sorgan Shira, and of an old woman. The old woman was kind and put rags on the kang at the points where his shoulders were galled by it.
Once the Taidjuts made a feast near the Onon and went home after sunset, appointing a boy to watch over the captive. Temudjin had been able to break his own fetters, and seeing that all had gone home felled the boy with the kang in which his own head and both hands were fastened. Then he ran to a forest along the Onon and lay down there, but, fearing lest they might find him, he rose, hurried on to the river and sank in it, leaving only his face above water.
The boy soon recovered and screamed that the captive had fled from him. Some Taidjuts rushed quickly together on hearing him, and searched around everywhere. There was moonlight that evening and Sorgan Shira of the Sulduts, who was searching with others, and had gone quite a distance ahead, found Temudjin, [[22]]but did not call out. “The Taidjuts hate thee because thou hast wisdom,” said he to the captive, “thou wilt die if they find thee. Stay where thou art for the present, and be careful, I will not betray thee to any one.”
The pursuers went some distance while searching. “This man escaped during daylight,” said Sorgan Shira, when he overtook them. “It is night now and difficult to find him. Better search nearer places, we can hunt here to-morrow. He has not come thus far,—how could he run such a distance with a kang on his shoulders?”
On the way back Sorgan Shira went to Temudjin a second time. “We shall come hither to-morrow to search for thee,” said he. “Hurry off now to thy mother and brothers. Shouldst thou meet any man tell him not that I saw thee.” When Sorgan Shira had gone, Temudjin fell to thinking and thought in this manner: “While stopping at each tent I passed a day with Sorgan Shira; Chila and Chinbo his sons showed me pity. They took off the kang in the dark from my shoulders and let me lie down then in freedom. He saw me to-day, I cannot escape till this kang is taken off, he will do that, I will go to him. He will save me.”
So Temudjin went and when he entered the yurta Sorgan Shira was frightened. “Why come now to me?” inquired he. “I told thee to go to thy mother and brothers.” “When a bird is pursued by a falcon,” said Temudjin, “it hides in thick grass and thus saves itself.”
“We should be of less value than grass were we not to help this poor youth, who thus begs us,” said to himself Sorgan Shira. The boys took the kang from the captive and burned it, then they hid Temudjin in a cart which they piled high with wool packs and told Kadan, their sister, to guard the wool carefully, and not speak of Temudjin to any living person.
The Taidjuts appeared on the third day. “Has no one here seen that runaway?” asked they of Sorgan. “Search where ye will,” was the answer. They searched the whole yurta, then they searched around the house in all places, and threw out the wool till they came to the cart box. They were going to empty this also when Sorgan laughed at them, saying, “How could any man live in a cart load of wool this hot weather?” They prodded the wool then with lances; one of these entered Temudjin’s leg, but [[23]]he was silent and moved not. The Taidjuts were satisfied, and went away without emptying the cart box.
“Thou hast come very near killing me,” said Sorgan to Temudjin. “The smoke of my house would have vanished, and my fire would have died out forever had they found thee. Go now to thy mother and brothers.”
He gave Temudjin a white-nosed, sorrel mare without a saddle, gave him a boiled lamb which was fat because reared by two mothers, gave him a skin of mare’s milk, a bow and two arrows, but no flint lest he strike fire on the way, and betray himself.
Temudjin went to the ruins of his first house and then higher up the Onon till he reached the Kimurha. He saw tracks near that river and followed them on to Mount Baitar. In front of that mountain is a smaller one, Horchukin; there he found all his brothers and Hoelun his mother. Temudjin moved now with them to Mount Burhan. Near Burhan is the high land Gulyalgu, through this land runs the river Sangur, on the bank of that river is a hill called Kara Jiruge and a green colored lake near the foot of it. At this lake Temudjin fixed his yurta, trapped marmots and field mice, and thus they lived on for a season. At last some Taidjut thieves drove off eight horses from Temudjin, leaving only the white-nosed sorrel mare which Sorgan had given him, and on which Belgutai had gone to hunt marmots. He came back that evening with a load of them.
“The horses have been stolen,” said Temudjin. “I will go for them,” said Belgutai. “Thou couldst not find them,” answered Kassar, “I will go.” “Ye could not find them, and if ye found them ye could not bring them back,” called out Temudjin, “I will go.”
Temudjin set his brothers aside as useless at that juncture, their authority and worth were to him as nothing. Temudjin’s is the only, the genuine authority. He rode off on the white-nosed sorrel mare, and followed the trail of the eight stolen horses. He traveled three days and on the fourth morning early he saw near the road a young man who had led up a mare and was milking her. “Hast thou seen eight gray horses?” asked Temudjin. “Before sunrise eight horses went past me, I will show thee the trail over which they were driven.” Temudjin’s weary beast was let out then to pasture; a white horse with a black stripe on its spine was led in to go farther. The youth hid his leather pail and his bag in the [[24]]grass very carefully. “Thou art tired,” said he to Temudjin, “and art anxious. My name is Boörchu, I will go with thee for thy horses. Nahu Boyan is my father, I am his one son and he loves me.”
So they set out together and traveled three days in company. On the third day toward evening they came to a camp ground and saw the eight horses. “Stay at this place O my comrade,” said Temudjin, “I will go and drive off those horses.”
“If I have come hither to help thee why should I stay alone and do nothing?” asked Boörchu. So they went on together and drove off the horses. The thieves hurried after them promptly and one, who rode a white stallion, had a lasso and was gaining on the comrades. “Give me thy quiver and bow,” said Boörchu, “I will meet him with an arrow.” “Let me use the bow,” answered Temudjin, “those enemies might wound thee.” The man on the white horse was directing his lasso and ready to hurl it when Temudjin’s arrow put an end to his action. That night Temudjin and Boörchu made a journey which would have taken three days for any other men, and saw the yurta of Nahu Boyan in the distance at daybreak.
“Without thy help,” said Temudjin, “I could not have brought back these horses. Without thee I could have done nothing, so let us divide now these eight beasts between us.” “I decided to help thee,” answered Boörchu, “because I saw thee weighed down and weary from sorrow and loneliness, why should I take what is thine from thee? I am my father’s one son, his wealth is enough for me, more is not needed. If I should take thine how couldst thou call me thy comrade?”
When they entered the yurta of Nahu Boyan they found the old man grieving bitterly for Boörchu. On seeing them he shed tears and reproached his son sharply. “I know not,” said Boörchu in answer, “how I thought of assisting this comrade, but when I saw him worn and anxious I had to go with him. Things are now well again, for I am with thee, my father.” Nahu Boyan became satisfied when he heard the whole story. Boörchu rode off then and brought the leather milk pail, killed a lamb, filled a bag with mare’s milk, and tying it to the horse like a pack gave Temudjin all to sustain him. “Ye are young,” said Nahu Boyan, “be ye friends, and be faithful.” Temudjin took farewell of Boörchu [[25]]and his father. Three days after that he had reached home with his horses. No words could describe the delight of his mother and brothers when they saw him.
Temudjin had passed his thirteenth year when he parted from Bortai. He went down the Kerulon now with his half brother, Belgutai, to get her. Several years had passed and he had a wish to marry. Bortai’s father rejoiced at seeing Temudjin. “I grieved,” said he, “greatly and lost hope of seeing thee when I heard of Taidjut hatred.”
Both parents escorted their daughter and her husband. Desaichan after going some distance turned homeward, as was usual for fathers, but Bortai’s mother, Sotan, went on to Temudjin’s yurta.
Temudjin wished now to have Boörchu, wished him as a comrade forever, and sent Belgutai to bring him. Boörchu said nothing to his father or to any one; he took simply a humpbacked sorrel horse, saddled him, strapped a coat of black fur to the saddle and rode away quickly to Temudjin’s yurta; after that he never left him.
Temudjin removed from the Sangur to the springs of the Kerulon and fixed his yurta at the foot of the slope known as Burji. Bortai had brought with her a black sable cloak as a present to Hoelun. “In former days,” said Temudjin to his brothers, “our father, Yessugai, became a sworn friend, an ‘anda,’ to Togrul of the Keraits, hence Togrul is to me in the place of my father, we will go now and show Togrul honor.”
Temudjin and two of his brothers took the cloak to Togrul in the Black Forest on the Tula. “In former days,” said Temudjin as he stood before Togrul, “thou didst become anda to Yessugai, hence thou art to me in the place of my father. I bring thee to-day, my father, a gift brought by my wife to my mother.” With these words he gave the black sable to Togrul, who was pleased very greatly with the offering.
“I will bring back to thee thy people who are scattered,” said Togrul in answer, “and join them again to thee, I will keep this in mind very firmly, and not forget it.”
When Temudjin returned home the old man Charchiutai came from Mount Burhan with the bellows of a blacksmith on his shoulders, and brought also Chelmai, his son, with him. “When [[26]]thou wert born,” said Charchiutai to Temudjin, “I gave thee a lined sable wrap, I gave thee too my son Chelmai, but as he was very little at that time, I kept the boy with me and trained him, but now when he is grown up and skilful I bring him. Let him saddle thy horse and open doors to thee.” With that he gave his son Chelmai to Temudjin.
Some short time after this, just before daybreak one morning, Hoakchin, an old woman, Hoelun’s faithful servant, who slept on the ground, sprang up quickly and called to her mistress: “O mother, rise, I hear the earth tremble! O mother, the Taidjuts are coming, our terrible destroyers! Hasten, O mother!” “Rouse up the children,” said Hoelun, “wake them all quickly!” Hoelun rose to her feet as she was speaking. Temudjin and his brothers sprang up and ran to their horses. Hoelun carried her daughter Taimulun. Temudjin had only one saddle beast ready. There was no horse for Bortai, so he galloped off with his brothers. Thus showing that self-preservation was his one thought.
Hoakchin, the old woman, hid Bortai, she stowed her away in a small black kibitka (cart), attached a pied cow to it and drove along the river Tungela. As the night darkness cleared and light was approaching some mounted men overtook the old woman. “Who art thou?” asked they, riding up to her. “I go around and shear sheep for rich people, I am on my way home now,” said Hoakchin. “Is Temudjin at his yurta?” asked a horseman. “Where is it?” “His yurta is not far, but I know not where he is at this moment,” answered Hoakchin.
When the men had ridden off the old woman urged on the cow, but just then the axle broke. Hoakchin wished to hurry on foot to the mountain with Bortai, but the horsemen had turned back already and came to her. “Who is in there?” asked a man as he pointed at the kibitka. “I have wool there,” replied the old woman. “Let us look at this wool, brothers,” said one of the mounted men. They dragged Bortai out, and then put her on horseback with Hoakchin. Next they followed on Temudjin’s tracks to Mount Burhan, but could not come up with him. Wishing to enter the mountain land straightway they tried one and another place, but found no road of any kind open. In one part a sticky morass, in another a dense growth of forest and thicket. They did not find the secret road and could not break in at any [[27]]point. These horsemen were from three clans of Merkits. The first had been sent by Tukta Bijhi of the Uduts; the second by Dair Usun of the Uasits; the third by Haätai Darmala of the Haäts. They had come to wreak vengeance on Temudjin because Yessugai, his father, had snatched away Hoelun from Chilaidu, and this Hoelun was Temudjin’s mother. They now carried off Bortai, Temudjin’s wife, who was thus taken in vengeance, as they said, for the stealing of Hoelun.
Temudjin, fearing lest they might be in ambush, sent his half brother, Belgutai, and Boörchu, with Chelmai to examine and discover. In three days when these men were well satisfied that the Merkits had gone from the mountain, Temudjin left his hiding place. He stood, struck his breast and cried looking heavenward: “Thanks to the ears of a skunk, and the eyes of an ermine in the head of old Hoakchin, I escaped capture. Besides that Mount Burhan has saved me, and from this day I will make offering to the mountain, and leave to my children and their children this duty of sacrifice.” Then he turned toward the sun, put his girdle on his back, took his cap in his hand, and striking his breast bent his knees nine times in homage; he made next a libation of tarasun, a liquor distilled out of mare’s milk.
After that Temudjin with Kassar and Belgutai went to Togrul on the Tula and implored him, “O father and sovereign,” said Temudjin, “three clans of Merkits fell on us suddenly, and stole my wife, Bortai. Is it not possible to save her?”
“Last year,” said Togrul, “when the cloak of black sable was brought to me, I promised to lead back thy people who deserted, and those who were scattered. I remember this well, and because of my promise I will root out the Merkits, I will rescue and return to thee Bortai. Inform Jamuka that thy wife has been stolen. Two tumans[3] of warriors will go with me, let Jamuka lead out the same number.”
Jamuka, chief of the Juriats at that time, was descended from a brother of Kabul Khan, and was third cousin therefore to Temudjin. Temudjin sent his brothers to Jamuka with this message: “The Merkits have stolen my wife, thou and I have the same origin; can we not avenge this great insult?” He sent Togrul’s statement also. “I have heard,” said Jamuka, “that [[28]]Temudjin’s wife has been stolen, I am grieved very greatly at his trouble and will help him.” He told where the three clans were camping, and promised to aid in bringing back Bortai.
“Tell Temudjin and Togrul,” said he, “that my army is ready. With me are some people belonging to Temudjin; from them I will gather one tuman of warriors and take the same number of my own folk with them, I will go up to Butohan Borchi on the Onon where Togrul will meet me.” They took back the answer to Temudjin, and went to Togrul with the words from Jamuka.
Togrul set out with two tumans of warriors toward the Kerulon and met Temudjin at the river Kimurha. One tuman of Togrul’s men was led by Jaganbo, his brother. Jamuka waited three days at Butohan Borchi for Togrul and Jaganbo; he was angry and full of reproaches when he met them. “When conditions are made between allies,” said he, “though wind and rain come to hinder, men should meet at the season appointed. The time of our meeting was settled, a given word is the same as an oath, if the word is not to be kept no ally should be invited.”
“I have come three days late,” said Togrul. “Blame, and punish me, Jamuka, my brother, until thou art satisfied.”
The warriors went on now, crossed the Kilho to Buura where they seized all the people and with them the wife of the Merkit, Tukta Bijhi. Tukta Bijhi, who was sleeping, would have been captured had not his hunters and fishermen hurried on in the night time and warned him. He and Dair Usun, his brother, rushed away down the river to Bargudjin. When the Merkits were fleeing at night down along the Selinga, Togrul’s men hunted on fiercely and were seizing them. In that rushing crowd Temudjin shouted: “Bortai! O Bortai!” She was with the fleeing people; she knew Temudjin’s voice and sprang from a small covered cart with Hoakchin, the old woman. Running up, she caught Temudjin’s horse by the bridle. The moon broke through clouds that same moment, and each knew the other.
Temudjin sent to Togrul without waiting. “I have found,” said he, “those whom I was seeking; let us camp now and go on no farther to-night.” They camped there. When the Merkits with three hundred men attacked Temudjin to take vengeance for snatching off Chilaidu’s wife, Hoelun, Tukta Bijhi, the brother of Chilaidu, with two other leaders rode three times [[29]]round Mount Burhan, but could not find Temudjin, and only took Bortai. They gave her as wife to Chilger, a younger brother of Chilaidu, the first husband of Hoelun, Temudjin’s mother. (This Chilaidu was perhaps Temudjin’s father.) Now, when a great army was led in by Togrul and Jamuka, Chilger was cruelly frightened. “I have been doomed like a crow,” said he, “to eat wretched scraps of old skin, but I should like greatly the taste of some wild goose. By my offenses against Bortai I have brought evil suffering on the Merkits; the harm which now has befallen them may crush me also. To save my life I must hide in some small and dark corner.” Having said this he vanished. Haätai Darmala was the only man captured; they put a kang on his neck and went straight toward Mount Burhan.
Those three hundred Merkits who rode thrice round Mount Burhan were slain every man of them. Their wives, who were fit to continue as wives, were given to new husbands; those who should only be slaves were delivered to slavery.
“Thou, O my father, and thou my anda,” said Temudjin to Togrul and Jamuka, “Heaven through the aid which ye gave me has strengthened my hands to avenge a great insult. The Merkits who attacked me are extinguished, their wives are taken captive, the work is now ended.” That same year Bortai gave birth to her first son, Juchi, and because of her captivity the real father of Juchi was always a question in the mind of Temudjin.
The Uduts had left in their camp a beautiful small boy, Kuichu. He had splendid bright eyes, was dressed in river sable, and on his feet were boots made of deer hoofs. When the warriors took the camp they seized Kuichu and gave him to Hoelun. Temudjin, Togrul and Jamuka destroyed all the dwellings of the Merkits and captured the women left in them. Togrul returned then to the Tula. Temudjin and Jamuka went to Hórho Nachúbur and fixed a camp there. The two men renewed former times and the origin of their friendship; each promised now to love the other more firmly than aforetime, if possible. Temudjin was in his boyhood, eleven years of age, when they made themselves “andas” the first day; both were guests of Togrul at that period. Now they swore friendship again,—became andas a second time. They discussed friendship with each other: “Old people,” said Temudjin, [[30]]“declare that when men become andas both have one life as it were; neither abandons the other, and each guards the life of his anda. Now we strengthen our friendship anew, and refresh it.” At these words Temudjin girded Jamuka, with a golden belt, which he had taken from the Merkits, and Jamuka gave him a rich girdle, and a splendid white stallion, which he had captured. They arranged a feast under a broad spreading tree near the cliff known as Huldah, and at night they slept under one blanket together.
Temudjin and Jamuka, from love, as it were, of each other, lived eighteen months in glad, careless company, but really each of the two men was studying and watching his anda and working against him with all the power possible as was shown very clearly in the sequel. At last during April, while moving, the two friends spurred on ahead of the kibitkas and were talking as usual: “If we camp near that mountain in front,” said Jamuka all at once, “the horseherds will get our yurtas. If we camp near the river the shepherds will have food for their gullets.” Temudjin made no answer to words which seemed dark and fateful, so he halted to wait for his wife and his mother; Jamuka rode farther and left him. When Hoelun had come up to him Temudjin told her the words of Jamuka, and said, “I knew not what they could signify, hence I gave him no answer. I have come to ask thy opinion, mother.” Hoelun had not time to reply because Bortai was quicker. “People say,” declared Bortai, “that thy friend seeks the new and despises the old; I think that he is tired of us. Is there not some trick in these words which he has given thee? Is there not some danger behind them? We ought not to halt, let us go on all night by a new road, and not stop until daybreak. It is better to part in good health from Jamuka.” “Bortai talks wisdom,” said Temudjin. He went on then by his own road, aside from Jamuka, and passed near one camp of the Taidjuts who were frightened when they saw him; they rose up and hurried away that same night to Jamuka. Those Taidjuts left in their camp a small boy, Kokochu. Temudjin’s men found the lad and gave him as a present to Hoelun.
After this swift, all night’s journey when day came Temudjin’s party was joined by many Jelairs. Horchi of the Barin clan came then to Temudjin after daybreak and spoke to him as follows: “I know through a revelation of the spirit what will happen, and [[31]]to thee I now tell it: In a vision I saw a pied cow coming up to Jamuka; she stopped, looked at him, dug the earth near his yurta and broke off one horn as she was digging. Then she bellowed very loudly, and cried: ‘Give back my horn, O Jamuka.’ After that a strong hornless bull came drawing the pins of a great ruler’s tent behind Temudjin’s kibitka. This great bull lowed as he traveled, and said: ‘Heaven appoints Temudjin to be lord of dominion, I am taking his power to him.’ This is what the spirit revealed in my vision. What delight wilt thou give me for this revelation?” “When I become lord of dominion, I will make thee commander of ten thousand,” said Temudjin. “I have told thee much of high value,” said Horchi. “If thou make me merely commander of ten thousand what great delight can I get from the office? Make me that, and let me choose also as wives thirty beautiful maidens wherever I find them, and give me besides what I ask of thee.” Temudjin nodded, and Horchi was satisfied.
Next came a number of men from four other clans. These had all left Jamuka for Temudjin, and joined him at the river Kimurha. And then was completed a work of great moment: Altan, Huchar and Sachai Baiki took counsel with all their own kinsmen, and when they had finished they stood before Temudjin and spoke to him as follows: “We wish to proclaim thee,” said they. “When thou art Khan we shall be in the front of every battle against all thy enemies. When we capture beautiful women and take splendid stallions and mares we will bring all to thee surely, and when at the hunt thou art beating in wild beasts we will go in advance of others and give thee the game taken by us. If in battles we transgress thy commands, or in peace we work harm to thee in any way, take from us everything, take wives and property and leave us out then in wild, barren places to perish.” Having sworn thus they proclaimed Temudjin, and made him Khan over all of them.
Temudjin, now Khan in the land of the four upper rivers, commanded his comrade Boörchu, whom he called “youngest brother,” together with Ogelayu, Hochiun, Chedai and Tokolku to carry his bows and his quiver. Vanguru and Kadan Daldur to dispense food and drink, to be masters of nourishment. Dagai was made master of shepherds, Guchugur was made master of [[32]]kibitkas. Dodai became master of servants. After that he commanded Kubilai, Chilgutai and Karkaito Kuraun with Kassar his brother to be swordbearers; his half brother Belgutai with Karal Daito Kuraun to be masters of horse training. Daichu, Daihut, Morichi and Muthalhu were to be masters of horseherds. Then he commanded Arkai Kassar, Tagai and Sukagai Chaurhan to be like near and distant arrows, that is, messengers to near and distant places. Subotai the Valiant spoke up then and said: “I will be like an old mouse in snatching, I will be like a jackdaw in speed, I will be like a saddlecloth to hide things, I will ward off every enemy, as felt wards off wind, that is what I shall be for thee.”
Temudjin turned then to Boörchu and Chelmai. “When I was alone,” said he, “ye two before other men came to me as comrades. I have not forgotten this. Be ye first in all this assembly.” Then he spoke further, and said to other men: “To you who have gathered in here after leaving Jamuka, and have joined me, I declare that if Heaven keeps and upholds me as hitherto, ye will all be my fortunate helpers and stand in high honor before me;” then he instructed them how to perform their new duties.
Temudjin sent Tagai and Sukagai to announce his accession to Togrul of the Keraits. “It is well,” said Togrul, “that Temudjin is made Khan; how could ye live even to this time without a commander? Be not false to the Khan whom ye have chosen.”
Temudjin sent Arkai Kassar and Belgutai with similar tidings to Jamuka who answered: “Tell Altan and Huchar, Temudjin’s uncle and cousin, that they by calumnies have parted me now from my anda, and ask them why they did not proclaim Temudjin when he and I were one person in spirit? Be ye all active assistants to Temudjin. Let his heart be at rest through your faithfulness.”
This was the formal official reply, Jamuka’s real answer was given soon after.
Taichar, a younger brother of Jamuka, was living not far from Mount Chalma, and a slave of Temudjin, named Darmala, was stopping for a season at Sari Keher—a slave was considered in the customs of that age and people as a brother, hence was as a brother in considering a vendetta and dealing with it—Taichar stole a herd of horses from Darmala whose assistants feared to follow and restore them, Darmala rushed alone in pursuit and [[33]]came up with his herd in the night time; bending forward to the neck of his horse he sent an arrow into Taichar; the arrow struck his spine and killed the man straightway. Darmala then drove back his horses. Jamuka to take vengeance for his brother put himself at the head of his own and some other clans; with these he allied himself straightway with Temudjin’s mortal enemies, the Taidjuts. Three tumans of warriors (30,000) were assembled by Targutai and Jamuka. They had planned to attack their opponent unexpectedly and crossed the ridge Alaut Turhau for this purpose. Temudjin, in Gulyalgu at that time, was informed of this movement by Mulketokah and by Boldai who were both of them Ikirats. His warriors all told were thirteen thousand in number and with these he marched forth to meet Targutai and Jamuka. He was able to choose his own time and he struck the invaders as suited him. He fought with these enemies at Dalan-baljut and gained his first triumph, a bloody victory, and immense in its value as results proved.
Targutai and Jamuka were repulsed with great loss. Their army was broken and scattered, and many were taken prisoners. After this fierce encounter Temudjin led his men to a forest not far from the battleground where he ranged all his prisoners, and selected the main ones for punishment. Beyond doubt there were many among them of those who had enticed away people after the poisoning of Yessugai, Temudjin’s father, men who had left the orphan and acted with Targutai his bitterest enemy. In seventy, or, as some state, in eighty large caldrons, he boiled alive those of them who were worthiest of punishment. The boiling continued each day till he had tortured to death the most powerful and vindictive among his opponents. This execution spread terror on all sides, and since Temudjin showed the greatest kindness to his friends not only during those days, but at all times and rewarded them to the utmost, hope and fear brought him many adherents.
The Uruts and Manhuts, the first led by Churchadai, and the second by Kuyuldar, drew away from Jamuka and joined Temudjin, the new victor. Munlik of the clan Kuanhotan came also, bringing with him his seven mighty sons who were immensely great fighters, and venomous. This Munlik, a son of that Charaha whom one of Targutai’s followers had wounded to death with a [[34]]spear thrust, was the man who had brought home Temudjin from the house of Desaichan his father-in-law when his own father, Yessugai, was dying.
Soon after the boiling to death of those captives in the forest a division of the Juriats, that is Jamuka’s own clansmen, came and joined Temudjin for the following reason: The Juriat lands touched those of Temudjin’s people, and on a certain day men of both sides were hunting and the parties met by pure chance in the evening. “Let us pass the night here with Temudjin,” said some of the Juriats. Others would not consent, and one half of the party, made up altogether of four hundred, went home; the other two hundred remained in the forest. Temudjin gave these men all the meat needed, and kettles in which they could boil it, he treated them generously and with friendship.
These Juriats halted still longer and hunted with Temudjin’s party. They received every evening somewhat more of the game than was due them; at parting they were satisfied with Temudjin’s kindness and thanked him sincerely. At heart they felt sad, for their position was painful. They wished greatly to join Temudjin, but desired not to leave their own people; and on the way home they said to one another as they traveled: “The Taidjuts are gone, they will not think of us in future. Temudjin cares for his people and does everything to defend them.” On reaching home they talked with their elders. “Let us settle still nearer to Temudjin,” said they, “and obey him, give him service.” “What harm have the Taidjuts done you?” was the answer. “They are kinsfolk; how could we become one with their enemy, and leave them?” Notwithstanding this answer Ulug Bahadur and Tugai Talu with their kinsmen and dependents went away in a body to Temudjin.
“We have come,” said they, “like a woman bereft of her husband, or a herd without a master, or a flock without a shepherd. In friendship and agreement we would live with thee, we would draw our swords to defend thee, and cut down thy enemies.”
“I was like a sleeping man when ye came to me,” said Temudjin, “ye pulled me by the forelock and roused me. I was sitting here in sadness, and ye cheered me, I will do what I can now to satisfy your wishes.” He made various rules and arrangements which pleased them, and they were satisfied perfectly, at least for a season. [[35]]
Temudjin wished to strengthen his position still further, and desired to win to his alliance Podu who was chief of the Kurulats, whose lands were adjacent to the Argun. This chief was renowned as an archer and a warrior. Temudjin offered him his sister in marriage. The offer was accepted with gladness. Podu was ready to give Temudjin half his horses, and proffered them.
“Oh,” said Temudjin, “thou and I will not mention either taking or giving; we two are brothers and allies, not traffickers or traders. Men in the old time have said that one heart and one soul cannot be in two bodies, but this is just what in our case I shall show to all people as existing. I desire nothing of thee and thy people, but friendship. I wish to extend my dominion and only ask faithful help from my sister’s husband and his tribesmen.” The marriage took place and Podu was his ally.
Soon after this first group of Juriats had joined Temudjin, some more of their people discussed at a meeting as follows: “The Taidjuts torment us unreasonably, they give us nothing whatever, while Temudjin takes the coat from his back and presents it. He comes down from the horse which he has mounted and gives that same horse to the needy. He is a genuine leader, he is to all as a father. His is the best governed country.” This fraction also joined Temudjin.
Another marriage to be mentioned was that of Temudjin’s mother to Munlik, son of Charáha, and father of the seven brothers—the great fighters. All these accessions of power, and his victory so strengthened Temudjin and rejoiced him that he made for his mother and step-mothers and kinsfolk, with all the new people, a feast near the river Onon, in a forest. At this feast feminine jealousy touching position, and the stealing of a bridle, brought about a dispute and an outbreak. In spite of Temudjin’s power and authority an encounter took place at the feast which caused one chief, Sidje Bijhi of the Barins, to withdraw with his party. He withdrew not from the feast alone, but from his alliance with Temudjin.
The quarrel began in this way: Temudjin sent a jar of mare’s milk first of all to his mother, to Kassar and to Sachai Baiki. Thereupon Holichin and Hurchin, his two step-mothers grew angry. “Why not give milk to us before those people, why not give milk to us at the same time with Temudjin’s mother?” asked they [[36]]as they struck Shikiur who was master of provisions. This striking brought on a disturbance. Thereupon Temudjin commanded his half brother, Belgutai, to mount his horse and keep order and take Buri Buga on the part of the Churkis to help him. A man of the Hadjin clan and connected with the Churkis stole a bridle and was discovered by Belgutai who stopped him. Buri Buga, feeling bound to defend this man, cut through Belgutai’s shoulder piece, wounding him badly.
Belgutai made no complaint when his blood flowed. Temudjin, who was under a tree looking on, noted everything. “Why suffer such treatment?” inquired he of Belgutai. “I am wounded,” said Belgutai, “but the wound is not serious; cousins should not quarrel because of me.” Temudjin broke a branch from the tree, seized a milk paddle, sprang himself at the Churkis and beat them; then seizing his step-mothers he brought them back to their places, and to reason.
The two Juriat parties which had joined Temudjin grew cool in allegiance soon after that feast at the river. They were brought to this state of mind beyond doubt by intrigues of Jamuka; next they fought with each other, and finally deserted.
Jamuka was a man of immense power in plotting, and one who never ceased to pursue his object. Temudjin tried to win some show of kindness from Jamuka. In other words he made every effort to subdue him by deep subtle cunning, but all efforts proved fruitless. These men were bound to win power. Without power life was no life for either one of the two master tricksters. Whatever his action or seeming at any time Jamuka was Temudjin’s mortal enemy always. He kept undying hatred in his heart, and was ever planning some blow at his rival. When the Juriats were at their best he was plotting, when they were scattered and weak and had in part gone to Temudjin he was none the less active and made common cause with the enemies of his opponent wherever he could find them. Temudjin cared for no man or woman, and for no thing on earth if opposed to his plans of dominion. [[37]]
[3] A tuman is ten thousand. [↑]
CHAPTER III
WANG KHAN OF THE KERAITS
A fresh opportunity came now to Temudjin to beat down an enemy and strengthen himself at the same time. The Kin Emperor sent Wang Kin, his minister, with an army against the Lake Buyur Tartars since they would neither do what he wished, nor pay tribute. Not having strength to resist, they moved to new places, higher up on the Ulcha. Temudjin acted now in a double manner; on the one hand he seemed as if helping the Kin sovereign and represented his action to the Golden Khan’s minister in that way. Meanwhile when assembling his intimates he said: “Those Buyur men killed both my father and uncle; now is the time to attack them, not to help the Kin sovereign, but to avenge our own people.” To Togrul he sent in great haste this statement: “The Golden Khan is pursuing the Lake Buyur Tartars; those men are thy enemies and mine, so do thou help me, my father.”
Togrul came with aid quickly. Temudjin sent to Sachai Baiki and Daichu of the Churkis and asked help of them also. He waited six days for reinforcements, but no man appeared from the Churkis. Thereupon he with Togrul marched down the Ulcha and fell on the Tartars. He was on one bank, and Togrul on the other. The Tartars could not retreat since the Golden Khan’s men were pursuing, so they raised a strong fortress against them. Temudjin and Togrul broke into this fortress; many Tartars were slain, and many captured, among them their leader. Temudjin put this man to death in revenge for his father. Immense booty was taken by Temudjin and his ally in captives, in cattle and property of all sorts; among other things taken was a silver cradle and a cloth of gold which lay over it. Temudjin received praise for his action. Without striking a blow the Kin [[38]]minister had accomplished his mission, and later he took to himself, before his sovereign, the merit of making Togrul and Temudjin do his work for him. He gave Temudjin the title Chao Huri, and to Togrul the title of Wang Khan was given. “I am thankful,” said the minister. “When I return I will report all to my sovereign, and win for you a still higher title.” Then he departed.
Temudjin, and Togrul now Wang Khan, and thus we shall call him hereafter, went to their own places also.
In the captured Tartar camp a boy was discovered; he had a gold ring in his nose, around his waist was a belt edged with sable and it had golden tassels. They took the lad straightway to Hoelun, who made him her sixth son, and named him. He was known ever after as Shigi Kutuku. Temudjin had left at Halil Lake many people; while he was absent the Churkis stripped fifty of these men, tore their clothes off, and slew ten of them. Temudjin was enraged at this action.
“Why endure deeds of this kind from the Churkis?” exclaimed he. “At our feast in the forest they cut Belgutai in the shoulder. When I was avenging my father and uncle they would not give aid to us, they went to our enemies and helped them, now I will punish those people befittingly.”
So he led out his men to ruin the Churkis. At Dolon Boldau on the Kerulon he captured every Churki warrior except Sachai Baiki, and Daichu who rushed away empty-handed. Temudjin hunted these two men untiringly till he caught them. “We have not done what we promised,” said they in reply to his questions. They stretched out their necks as they said this, and Temudjin cut their heads off. He returned after that to Dolon Boldau and led off into slavery what remained of the Churkis.
The origin of the Churkis was as follows: Kabul Khan, Temudjin’s great grandfather, had seven sons. Of these the eldest was Okin Barka. Kabul chose strong, daring, skilled archers and gave them as attendants to Okin Barka. No matter where they went those attendants vanquished all who opposed them, and at last no man dared vie with such champions, hence they received the name Churki.
Kabul Khan’s second son, Bartan, was father of Yessugai, Temudjin’s supposed father. Kabul’s grandson, child of his third [[39]]son Munlair, was Buri Buga the comrade of the grandsons of Okin Barka. Buri Buga had given his adhesion to the Khan much earlier than others, but he remained independent in feeling, hence Temudjin did not trust him.
Though no man among Mongols could equal Buri Buga in strength or in wrestling he did not escape a cruel death. Sometime after the reduction of the Churkis Temudjin commanded Belgutai and Buri Buga to wrestle in his presence. Whenever Belgutai wrestled with Buri Buga the latter was able with one leg and one hand to hold him as still as if lifeless. This time Buri Buga, who feigned to be beaten, fell with his face to the earth under Belgutai, who having him down turned toward Temudjin for direction. Temudjin bit his lower lip; Belgutai knew what this sign meant, and putting his knee to the spine of Buri Buga seized his neck with both hands, and broke the backbone of his opponent.
“I could not lose in this struggle,” said the dying Buri Buga, “but, fearing the Khan, I feigned defeat, and then yielded, and now thou hast taken my life from me.”
At this time Talaigutu, a man of the Jelairs who had three sons, commanded the eldest, named Gunua with his two sons, Mukuli and Buga to go to Temudjin and say to him: “These sons of mine will serve thee forever. If they leave thy doors draw from their legs all the sinews within them, after that cut their hearts out, and also their livers.” Then Talaigutu commanded Chilaun, his second son, to present himself with Tunge and Hashi his own two sons, and speak as follows: “Let these my sons guard thy golden doors carefully. If they fail take their lives from them.” After that Talaigutu gave Chebke his third son to Temudjin’s brother, Kassar. Chebke had found in the camp of the Churki a boy, Boroul, whom he gave to Hoelun. Hoelun having placed the four boys: Kuichu, Kokochu, Shigi Kutuku, and Boroul with her own children, watched over all with her eyes during daylight, and listened to them with her ears in the night time; thus did she rear them.
Who was Togrul of the Keraits, known better as Wang Khan? This is a question of deep interest in the history of the Mongols, for this man had great transactions with Temudjin, he had much to do also with Yessugai, Temudjin’s father. Markuz [[40]]Buyuruk, Togrul’s grandfather, who ruled in his day, was captured by Naur, a Tartar chieftain, and sent to the Kin emperor who had him nailed to a wooden ass, and then chopped into pieces. His widow resolved to take vengeance on Naur for this dreadful death of her husband. She set out some time later on to give a feigned homage to Naur and to marry him if possible, as was stated in confidence by some of her servitors. She brought to Naur a hundred sheep and ten mares, besides a hundred large cowskins holding, as was said, distilled mare’s milk, but each skin held in fact a well armed living warrior.
A feast was given straightway by Naur during which the hundred men were set free from the cowskins, and, aided by attendants of the widow, they slew the Khan and his household.
Markuz left four sons, the two most distinguished were Kurja Kuz and Gurkhan. Kurja Kuz succeeded his father. Togrul succeeded Kurja Kuz his own father by slaying two uncles, besides a number of cousins. Gurkhan, his remaining uncle, fled and found asylum with Inanji, Taiyang of the neighboring Naimans, whom he roused to assist him. Gurkhan then with the Naiman troops drove out Togrul and made himself ruler. Togrul, attended by a hundred men, went to Yessugai and implored aid of him. Yessugai reinstated Togrul, and forced Gurkhan to flee to Tangut.
Togrul vowed endless friendship to his ally and became to him a sworn friend or “anda.” When Yessugai was poisoned by Tartars, Temudjin his son, a boy at that time, lost authority and suffered for years from the Taidjuts. Togrul gave help and harbored him. After that, as has been already related, when Temudjin had married and the Merkits stole his wife, Togrul assisted in restoring her, and with her a part of Temudjin’s people. In 1194 he was given the title Wang Khan. Later his brother expelled him, and this time he fled to the Uigurs, but sought aid in vain from the Idikut, or ruler, of that people. He led a wretched life for some time without resource or property, and lived, as is stated, on milk from a small herd of goats, his sole sustenance. He learned at last that Temudjin had grown in power, hence he begged aid from him, and got it.
Temudjin gave Wang Khan cattle and in the autumn of that year, 1196, made a feast for this his old benefactor, and [[41]]promised to consider him thenceforth as a father, and to help him as an ally.
In 1197 the two allies defeated the Barins, seizing Sidje Bijhi and Taidju their leader. That same year they fell upon the Merkits, a nation of four tribes ruled then by Tukta Bijhi. One of these tribes was defeated near the Selinga. Temudjin let Wang Khan keep all the booty taken. Wang Khan in 1198, the year following, undertook unassisted a war against the Merkits, captured Jilaun, the son of Tukta Bijhi, and slew Tugun, another son. He took also Kutu, Tukta’s brother. He seized all Jilaun’s herds and people, but gave no part of this booty to Temudjin.
In 1199 the two allies marched to attack the Naimans, a people strong and famous while under Buga Khan, an able ruler, but when this Khan died his two sons, to gain a certain concubine left by their father, began a murderous quarrel, which brought about the division of the country. The elder man, Baibuga, called Taiyang,[1] by his subjects and his neighbors, retained the level country, while Buiruk, his brother, took mountain places. Each ruled alone, and each was an enemy of the other. Wang Khan and Temudjin, remembering former robberies by the Naimans, and wishing too to add wealth and power to what they themselves had, attacked Buiruk at Kizil Bash near the Altai. They seized many captives and much precious booty. Buiruk then moved westward followed closely by the allies and fighting with great vigor. One of his leaders, Edetukluk, who brought up the rear guard, fought till his men were all slain, or made prisoners. He struggled alone then till his saddle girth burst, and he was captured.
After this the allies came in contact with Gugsu Seirak, another of the Naiman commanders, who had much greater forces and had chosen his position. This man had plundered Wang Khan’s brother somewhat earlier and a portion of his kinsfolk. The allies had met him already, and hoped now to crush him. They would have attacked him immediately, but since evening was near they chose to wait till next morning for battle. Jamuka, ever ready to injure Temudjin, went to Wang Khan and made him believe that he was on the eve of betrayal, and would be ruined by Temudjin and the Naimans. Wang Khan set out for home that [[42]]night. Temudjin thus deserted was forced to withdraw which he did unobserved.
Gugsu Seirak followed Wang Khan in hot haste and overtook his two brothers. He captured their families, as well as their property and cattle. Then he entered Wang Khan’s land and found there rich booty of all kinds. Wang Khan sent Sengun, his son, to meet Seirak; meanwhile he hurried off messengers to Temudjin, and begged of him assistance. Temudjin considering the plight of his ally, but still more his own peril should Wang Khan’s men be routed and captured by the Naimans, sent his four ablest chiefs to assist him. These were Boörchu, Mukuli, Boroul and Jilaun. These four led their men by hurried marches, and had just reached the battle-ground when Wang Khan’s force was broken, his best leaders killed and Sengun, his son, on a lame wounded stallion, was fleeing. All the Khan’s property had been taken by the Naimans. Boörchu dashed up with all speed to Sengun, gave him the horse on which he himself had ridden up to that moment and sat then on the gray steed which Temudjin had given him as a mark of great favor. He was not to strike this horse for any reason; he had merely to rub the whip along his mane to make him rush with lightning speed during action.
Boörchu sent forward his fresh troops, chosen warriors, and next he rallied Sengun’s scattered forces to help them against the Naimans. The Naimans, drunk with victory and not thinking of defeat, were soon brought to their senses. Temudjin’s heroes recovered everything snatched from Wang Khan’s people, both horses and property. Wang Khan on the field there thanked his firm ally and thanked the four splendid leaders in the warmest words possible. He gave Boörchu ten golden goblets and a mantle of honor; he rewarded others with very great bounty, and said as they were leaving him: “Once I appeared as a fugitive, naked and hungry; Temudjin received me, he nourished and clothed me. How can I thank my magnificent son for his goodness? In former days Yessugai brought back my people, and now Temudjin has sent his four heroes; with Heaven’s help they have vanquished the Naimans, and saved me; I will think of these benefits, and never forget them.”
When the old Khan had gone back to his yurta and all had grown quiet on every side Temudjin went to visit his “father” [[43]]and “anda.” At the Black Forest the two men expressed to each other their feelings, and at last Temudjin described with much truth, and very carefully, though with few words, the real position:
“I cannot live on in safety without thy assistance, my father. The Naimans on one side and my false, plotting relatives on the other, afflict me. My relatives rouse up the Taidjuts and every enemy against me, but seeing thy love for me they know that while thou art alive and unchanged, and art ruling they cannot destroy me. Thou too, O my father, canst not live on in safety without my firm friendship. Without me thy false brothers and cousins, assisted by their allies, would split up thy people and snatch thy dominion. They would kill thee unless by swift flight thou wert able to save thyself from ruin. Sengun, thy son, would gain nothing, he too would be swept both from power and existence, though he does not see this at present. I am his best stay, as well as thine, O my father. Thou art my greatest stay too and support. Without thee all my enemies would rise up at once to overwhelm me, but were I gone, and my power in their hands thy power would pass soon to thy deadliest enemies, thy relatives. Our one way to keep power and live on in safety is through a friendship which nothing can shatter. That friendship exists now, and we need only proclaim it. Were I thy elder son all would be quiet and settled for both of us.”
When Wang Khan was alone he spoke thus to himself and considered: “I am old, to whom shall I leave the direction of my people? My younger brothers are without lofty qualities; my brother Jaganbo is also unable to stand against enemies. Sengun is the only man left me, but whatever Sengun’s merits may be I will make Temudjin his elder brother. With these two sons to help me I may live on securely.”
At the Black Forest Temudjin became elder son to Wang Khan. Up to that time he had called the old chieftain his father through friendship, because he and Yessugai had both been his “andas” and allies. Now Wang Khan and Temudjin used the words “son” and “father” in conversing and with their real value. This adoption of Temudjin excluded Sengun in reality from the earliest inheritance, and Temudjin knew well, of course, that immense opposition would come from Sengun and Jamuka.
“We shall fight side by side in war against enemies,” said Wang [[44]]Khan to his new elder son. “In going against wild beasts we are to hunt with common forces. If men try to raise quarrels between us we will lend no ear to anyone, and believe only when we have met and talked carefully together over everything, and proved it.” Thus they decided, and their friendship on that day was perfect.
The crushing defeat of the Naimans, which lowered them much, immediately raised Temudjin above every rival. Jamuka’s plotting had turned against himself most completely, and if he had planned to help Temudjin he could not have helped better. Somewhat later Juchi Kassar snatched another victory from the Naimans, and weakened them further. Tukta Bijhi, the Merkit chief, sent Ordjank and Kutu, his brothers, to rouse up the Taidjuts afresh against Temudjin. Ongku and Hakadju took arms and made ready to help Targutai, the Taidjut chief, with Kudodar and Kurul.
Temudjin and Wang Khan marched in the spring of 1200 and met those opponents at the edge of the great Gobi desert, where they crushed them completely. Targutai and Kudodar were both slain. Targutai was the man who had acted so bitterly against Temudjin after his father was poisoned. This Taidjut leader fell now at the hand of Jilaun, a son of that same Sorhan Shira, who had rescued Temudjin from the river Onon, taken the kang from his neck and hidden him under wool racks. Hakadju and Ongku, who had helped on this war by enabling Tukta Bijhi to rouse up the Taidjuts fled now to Bargudjin with Tukta Bijhi’s two brothers, while Kurul found a refuge with the Naimans. Still this defeat did not end Taidjut rancor. The Katkins and Saljuts shared also this hatred. Temudjin strove however, to win them, and sent an envoy with this message: “Each Mongol clan should support me, I then could protect all without exception.” This envoy was insulted; some snatched entrails from a pot and slapped his face with them; they struck him right and left and drove him off amid jeers, and loud howling.
These people knew clearly, of course, that after insults of that kind they were in great danger. The Taidjuts had been crushed, and still earlier the Naimans. The blow which was sure to come soon would strike them unsparingly, hence they formed a league quickly and met at Arabulak with some of the Jelairs, the Durbans, the Kunkurats, and Tartars. These five peoples killed with swords [[45]]a stallion, a bull, a dog, a ram and a he-goat. “O Heaven and earth hear our words and bear witness,” cried they at the sacrifice: “We swear by the blood of these victims, themselves chiefs of races, that we deserve death in this same manner if we keep not the promise made here to-day.” They vowed then to guard each secret faithfully, and attack the allies without warning or mercy.
Temudjin was advised of the pact and the oath by Dayin Noyon a Kunkurat chieftain, hence he had time to meet those confederates near Buyar Lake, where he dispersed them after fighting a fierce, stubborn battle. Somewhat later he met a detachment of Taidjuts and some Merkits near the Timurha and crushed them also. Meanwhile the Kunkurats ceased their resistance, and set out to join Temudjin, but Kassar, his brother, not knowing their purpose, attacked and defeated them. They turned thereupon to Jamuka and joined his forces.
In 1201 the Katkins and Saljuts with Kunkurats, Juriats, Ikirats, Kurulats, Durbans and Tartars met at Alhuibula and chose Jamuka for their Khan. They went after that to the Tula and took this oath in assembly: “Should any man disclose these our plans may he fall as this earth falls, and be cut off as these branches are cut off.” With that they pushed down a part of the river bank, and hacked off with their sabres the branches of a tree. They made plans then to surprise Temudjin when unguarded, and slay him.
A certain man named Kuridai, who had been present at the oath taking, slipped away home and told the whole tale to his brother-in-law, Mergitai, a Kurulat, who happened in at the yurta. Mergitai insisted that Kuridai should gallop off swiftly to Gulyalgu and explain the plot to Temudjin since he, Kuridai, with his own ears had heard it. “Take my gray horse with stumpy ears, he will bear thee in safety,” said Mergitai. Kuridai mounted and rode away swiftly. On the road he was captured by a sentry, but that sentry, a Kurulat also, was devoted soul and body in secret to Temudjin, so not only did he free Kuridai when he heard of his errand, but he gave him his own splendid stallion. “On this horse,” said the Kurulat, “thou canst overtake any man, but no man on another beast could overtake thee.”
Kuridai hurried off. On the way he saw warriors bearing a splendid white tent for Jamuka. Some attendants of these men [[46]]pursued him, but soon he was swept out of sight by the stallion. In due time he found Temudjin, who on hearing the tidings sprang quickly to action. He sent men to Wang Khan who brought his army with promptness and the two allies marched down the Kerulon against their opponent.
Jamuka who intended to fall unawares on his rival was caught himself at a place called Edekurgan. While he was marshalling his forces Buiruk and Kuduk, his two shamans, raised a wind and made rain fall to strike in the face Temudjin and his allies, but the wind and rain turned on Jamuka. The air became dark and the men tumbled into ravines, and over rough places. “Heaven is not gracious to-day,” said Jamuka, “that is why this misfortune is meeting us.” His army was scattered. The Naimans and others then left him, and, taking those who had proclaimed him, Jamuka withdrew down the river.
Wang Khan pursued Jamuka while Temudjin followed Autchu of the Taidjuts, and those who went with him. Autchu escaped, hurried home, rallied his people, crossed the Onon and began action. After many encounters there was a fierce all day battle with Temudjin, then both sides promised to hold their places that night on the battle-ground. Temudjin had been wounded in the neck and had fainted from blood loss. Chelmai, his attendant and comrade, sucked out the blood which was stiffening, and likely to choke him. The chief regained consciousness at midnight. Chelmai had stripped himself naked, to escape the more easily if captured, and stolen into the enemy’s camp to find mare’s milk, but found only cream which he took with such deftness that no one noted him either while coming or going. He went then for water, mixed the thick cream with it, and had a drink ready. Temudjin drank with much eagerness, drawing three breaths very deeply, and stopped only after the third one. “My eyes have gained sight,” said he, “my soul is now clear again.”
With these words he rose to a sitting position. While he was sitting there day dawned, and he saw a great patch of stiff blood there by his bedside. “What is this?” asked he, “why is that blood so near me?” “I did not think of far or near,” answered Chelmai, “I feared to go from thee, even as matters were I both spat blood and swallowed it—. Not a little of thy blood has gone into my stomach in spite of me.” [[47]]
“When I was in those great straits,” asked Temudjin, who now understood what had taken place, “how hadst thou courage to steal to the enemy all naked? If they had caught thee wouldst thou not have said that I was here wounded?” “If they had caught me I should have told them that I had surrendered to them, but that thou hadst then seized me, and learning that I had surrendered hadst stripped me and wert just ready to cut off my head when I sprang away, and ran to them for refuge. They would have believed every word, given me clothes, and sent me to labor. I should have stolen a horse soon and ridden back to thee.” “When the Merkits were seeking my life on Mount Burhan,” said Temudjin, “thou didst defend it, now thou hast sucked stiffened blood from my neck and saved me. When I was dying of thirst thou didst risk thy own life to get drink and restore me, I shall not forget while I live these great services.”
Temudjin saw next day that Jamuka’s men had scattered in the night while his own men were still on the battle-ground. He hunted after the enemy then for some distance; all at once on a hill a woman dressed in red was heard shouting: “Temudjin! Temudjin!” very loudly. He sent to learn who she was, and why she was shouting. “I am Kadan, the daughter of Sorgan Shira,” said the woman. “The people have tried to cut down my husband, and I was calling Temudjin to defend him.”
Temudjin sent quickly to save Kadan’s husband, but he was dead when they found him. Temudjin then called Kadan to sit at his side, because of the time when she guarded him under wood-packs at her father’s. One day later Sorgan Shira himself came to Temudjin. “Why come so late?” inquired Temudjin. “I have been always on thy side,” replied Sorgan, “and anxious to join thee, but if I had come earlier the Taidjuts would have killed all my relatives.”
Temudjin pursued farther, and when he had killed Autchu’s children and grandchildren he passed with his warriors to Hubahai where he spent that winter. In 1202 Temudjin moved in spring against those strong Tartars east of him. That people inhabited the region surrounding Buyur Lake and east of it, hence they were neighbors of the Juichis of that day, known as Manchus in our time. Those Tartars had seventy thousand yurtas and formed six divisions. Their conflicts with each other were frequent, [[48]]and each tribe plundered every other. Between these Buyur Tartars and the Mongols bitter feuds raged at all times. Temudjin fell on two tribes called Iltchi and Chagan. Before the encounter he instructed his warriors very strictly: “Hunt down those people, when ye conquer slay without pity, sparing no man. Touch no booty till the action is over; after that all will be honestly divided.” He heard later on that Kudjeir and Daritai his two uncles, with Altan his cousin had disregarded this order and seized what they came upon. He deprived these men straightway of all that they had taken, and when a division was made at the end of the struggle no part was given them. Through this strictness and punishment Temudjin lost the goodwill of those chiefs who opposed him in secret and confirmed later on the great rupture made between him and Wang Khan by Jamuka.
Temudjin had slain many Tartars in this conflict and captured most of the survivors, now he counseled with his relatives as to what should be done with those captives. “They deserve punishment,” said he; “they killed our grand-uncle and our father. Let us slay every male who is higher than the hub of a cart wheel. When that is done we must make slaves of the others and divide them between us.” All who were present accepted this method. The question being settled in that way Belgutai went from the council.
“What have ye fixed on to-day?” inquired Aike Cheran, a Tartar captive belonging to Belgutai. “To kill every male of you, who is higher than the hub of a cart wheel,” said Belgutai. The other prisoners on learning this broke out and fled, never stopping till they reached a strong place in the mountains and seized it.
“Go and capture their stronghold,” commanded Temudjin. This was done with much trouble and bloodshed. The Tartars fought with desperation and were slain to the last one, but many of Temudjin’s choicest warriors were lost in the slaughter. “Belgutai told the enemy our secrets,” said Temudjin, “many good men have perished because of this. Belgutai is excluded from council, hereafter let him stay out of doors and guard against thefts, fights and quarrels. Belgutai and Daritai may come to us only when counsels are ended.”
When Temudjin had killed all the male Tartars who were [[49]]higher than the hub of a cart wheel he took as wife Aisugan, a daughter of that same Aike Cheran who had put the question to Belgutai. Aisugan gained Temudjin’s confidence quickly; she pleased him and soon she said to him: “I have an elder sister, Aisui, a beauty; she ought to be the Khan’s consort. Though she is just married I cannot tell where she is but we might find her.”
“If she is a beauty,” said Temudjin, “I will find her. Wilt thou give then thy place to thy sister?” “I will give it as soon as I see her,” said Aisugan. Temudjin sent men to search out Aisui. They found her in a forest where she was hiding with her husband. The husband fled, and Aisui was taken to Temudjin. Aisugan gave her place to her sister. One day Temudjin was sitting near the door of his tent with these sisters, and drinking. Noting that Aisui sighed deeply suspicion sprang up in him. He commanded Mukuli, and others in attendance, to arrange the people present according to the places which they occupied. When all were reckoned one young man was found unconnected with any ulus, or community. “What man art thou?” inquired Temudjin. “I am Aisui’s husband,” replied the young stranger. “When they took her I fled, now all is settled and ended, I came hither thinking that no man would note me in a great throng of people.”
“Thou art a son of my enemy,” said Temudjin. “Thou hast come to spy out and discover. I killed thy people and find no cause to spare thee more than others.” Temudjin had the man’s head cut off.
The Merkit chief, Tukta Bijhi, came back from Lake Baikal and attacked Temudjin, but was baffled. He turned then to Buiruk of the Naimans who joined a confederacy of Katkins, Durbans, Saljuts and Uirats together with Merkits and moved in 1202, near the autumn, with a strong force to strike Temudjin who was supported by Wang Khan, his old ally. Because of the season Temudjin retired to mountain lands near the Kitan (North Chinese) border, his plan being to lure on the enemy to dangerous high passes where attacks and bad weather might ruin them. The confederates followed fast through the mountains and skirmished, but before they could fight a real battle, wind and snow with dense fog, brought on, as was said, by magicians, struck them all and stopped action. The confederates were forced to [[50]]retreat greatly weakened; they lost men and horses killed by falling in the fog over precipices, while multitudes perished in wild places from frost and bitter cold. Jamuka was moving on to join the Naimans, but when he saw the sad plight of the confederates he fell to plundering a part of them, and after he had taken good booty from the Saljuts and the Katkins he encamped near Temudjin and his ally, observed very closely what was happening, and waited.
Temudjin and Wang Khan passed the winter on level land near the mountains where snow served as water. While there he asked in marriage Wang Khan’s granddaughter, Chaur Bijhi, for his own eldest son, Juchi, and Wang Khan mentioned Temudjin’s daughter, Kutchin Bijhi, for Sengun’s son Kush Buga. These two marriage contracts, agreed on at first, were broken later for various not well explained reasons. Jamuka was beyond doubt the great cause in this matter, and raised the whole quarrel. This rupture was followed by wrangling and coolness between the two allies, thus giving a still further chance to Jamuka. As he had never been able to estrange Wang Khan thoroughly from Temudjin he turned now in firm confidence to Sengun. He conquered Wang Khan’s son and heir with the following statements: “Temudjin has grown strong, and desires to be the greatest among men. He has determined to be the one ruler, he cannot be this unless he destroys thy whole family, he has resolved to destroy it, and he will do so unless thou prevent him. Temudjin has made a firm pact with thy enemy Baibuga, Taiyang of the Naimans; he is to get help from Baibuga, and is only waiting for the moment to ruin thy father, that done he will seize and kill thee, he will take thy whole country, and keep it.”
In this way Jamuka filled Sengun’s heart with great fear and keen hatred, feelings strengthened immensely by Temudjin’s uncles, Daritai and Kudjeir, who, with Altan, his cousin, were enraged at the loss of their booty, and for other reasons. These men declared that every word uttered by Jamuka was true. A great plot was formed, and directed by Jamuka, to surprise Temudjin and kill him. Jamuka, who was watching events and working keenly, took with him Altan and others, at the end of 1202, and went again to Sengun, who was then living north of Checheher, and [[51]]while attacking Temudjin spoke as follows: “Envoys are moving continually between Temudjin and the Naimans; those envoys are fixing the conditions of thy ruin. All this time Temudjin is talking of the ties between himself and thy father whom he calls his ‘father’ also. Thy father has made Temudjin his elder son. Thou art now Temudjin’s younger brother, and hast lost thy inheritance, soon thou wilt lose thy life also. Unless thou destroy this man, very quickly he will kill thee. Dost thou not see this?”
When Jamuka had finished, Sengun went at once to his friends to explain and take counsel. “If we are to end him, I myself will fall on his flank. Say the word, I will do so immediately. For thee we will slay Hoelun’s children to the last one,” said Altan and Kudjeir. “I will destroy him hand and foot,” said Ebugechin. “No, take his people,” said another, “what can he do without people? Whatever thy wish be, Sengun, I will climb to the highest top with thee, and go to the lowest bottom when needed.”
Sengun listened to his comrades and Jamuka. He sent Saihan Todai to report their discourses to his father. “Why think thus of my elder son, Temudjin?” asked Wang Khan as an answer. “We have trusted him thus far. If we hold unjust, evil thoughts touching him, Heaven will turn from us. Jamuka has been thousand-tongued always and is unworthy of credit.” Thus Wang Khan rejected all the words sent him. Sengun again sent a message: “Every man who has a mouth with a tongue in it speaks even as I do, why not believe what is evident?”
Again Wang Khan answered that he could not agree with them. Sengun then went himself to his father: “To-day thou art living,” said he, “but still this Temudjin accounts thee as nothing. When thou art dead will he let me rule the people assembled by thee and thy father with such effort? Will he even leave life to me?” “My son,” said Wang Khan, “how am I to renounce my own promise and counsel? We have trusted Temudjin up to this time. If without cause we think evil now of him, how can Heaven favor us?” Sengun turned in anger from his father. Wang Khan called him back to remonstrate. “It is clear, O my son,” said he, “that Heaven does not favor us. Thou wilt reject Temudjin no matter what I tell thee, thou wilt act in thy own way, I see that, but victory, if thou win it, must be thine through thy own work and fortune.” [[52]]
Sengun turned to his father for the last time: “Think on this scourge risen against us,” said he. “If thou stop not this Temudjin we are lost, thou and I, without hope; if thou spare him, we shall both die very soon. We must put an end to the man, or be ruined. He will kill thee first of all, and then my turn will come very quickly.”
Wang Khan would hear nothing of this murder; he would at least have no part in it. But strongly pressed by his son he said finally: “If ye do such a deed ye must be alone in it. Keep away from me strictly.”
Temudjin’s death was the great object now for Sengun and Jamuka. Temudjin’s uncles and one of his cousins were in the plot also. Sengun himself formed the plan and described it in these words very clearly: “Some time ago,” said he, “Temudjin asked our daughter for his eldest son, Juchi; we did not give her at that time, but now we will send to him saying that we accept his proposal. We will make a great feast of betrothal and invite him. If he comes to it we will seize the vile traitor and kill him.”
When they had settled on this plan Sengun sent envoys to Temudjin accepting the marriage proposals, and inviting him to the feast of betrothal. Temudjin accepted and set out with attendants. On the way he stopped at the house of Munlik his stepfather, the husband of Hoelun. Munlik became thoughtful and serious as he heard of the invitation. “When we asked for their maiden,” said he, “they were haughty and refused her; why invite now to a feast of betrothal? Better not go to them; excuse thyself saying that thou hast no beast fit to travel, that it is spring and thy horses are all out at pasture.”