THE MONGOLS IN RUSSIA
Jeremiah Curtin in the Ruins of the Roman Forum
THE MONGOLS IN RUSSIA
BY
JEREMIAH CURTIN
AUTHOR OF “THE MONGOLS, A HISTORY,” “MYTHS AND FOLK-LORE OF IRELAND,” “HERO-TALES OF IRELAND,” “MYTHS AND FOLK-TALES OF THE RUSSIANS, WESTERN SLAVS, AND MAGYARS,” “CREATION MYTHS OF PRIMITIVE AMERICA,” ETC.
BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPANY
1908
Copyright, 1908,
By A. M. Curtin.
All rights reserved
Colonial Press
Electrotyped and Printed by C. H. Simonds & Co.
Boston, U. S. A.
THIS WORK
AS WAS ITS COMPANION VOLUME
The Mongols, A History
IS DEDICATED TO
Theodore Roosevelt
PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES
NOTE
In gathering material for “[The Mongols]” and “The Mongols in Russia,” Mr. Curtin used the early chronicles of China, Persia, and Russia. To obtain these chronicles he went several times to Russia and once to the Orient. [[ix]]
CONTENTS
[CHAPTER I] PAGE
Kurultai held by Ogotai.—Sarai, the Mongol capital.—Patriarchal system of Russia.—Rurik, 862.—Death of Rurik, 879.—Oleg, successor of Rurik.—Askold and Dir.—Oleg takes Kief.—Expedition against Constantinople.—First Russian treaty.—Death of Oleg, 912.—Reign of Igor.—Attacks on the Byzantine Empire, 941, 944.—Murder of Igor, 945.—Olga avenges the murder of her husband.—Reign of Olga.—Succession of Sviatoslav, 957.—Olga receives Christianity.—The Kazars.—Sviatoslav controls Bulgaria.—Kief attacked by Petchenegs.—Death of Olga.—Sviatoslav divides his inheritance.—Second war with Bulgaria.—Murder of Sviatoslav, 972.—Dispute between the sons of Sviatoslav.—Yaropolk becomes master of Russia.—Vladimir takes Polotsk.—Blud betrays Yaropolk.—Vladimir becomes Prince of Kief.—Religion of Russia.—Marriage of Vladimir with Anna, sister of the Greek Emperor.—Death of Vladimir, 1015.—Vladimir’s twelve sons.—Sviatopolk seizes power.—Murder of Boris and Glaib.—Defeat of Sviatopolk.—Sviatopolk seeks assistance in Poland.—Sviatopolk defeated a second time.—Mystislav appears before Kief.—Mystislav takes Novgorod.—Battle of Listven.—Yaroslav enters Kief.—Yaroslav becomes Grand Prince, 1016.—Death of Mystislav, 1035.—Yaroslav frames a code of laws.—Arranges the succession.—Death of Yaroslav the Lawgiver, 1054.—Russia divided between the sons of Yaroslav.—Izyaslav Prince of Kief.—Vseslav the Wizard.—Vseslav imprisoned by Izyaslav.—Polovtsi cross the boundary of Pereyaslavl, 1055.—Peace made by the Polovtsi.—Polovtsi defeat the Russian princes.—Kief dissatisfied with Izyaslav.—Kief reënstates Izyaslav.—Izyaslav driven from Kief a second time.—Sviatoslav becomes Grand Prince.—Izyaslav’s son visits Rome.—Polish king asks Pope Gregory to assist Izyaslav.—Monomach and Glaib.—Polovtsi warriors employed for the first time.—Death of Sviatoslav, 1076.—Death of Glaib.—Polovtsi led in by Oleg and Boris.—Izyaslav, Yaropolk and Monomach march against Oleg.—Death of Boris.—Death of Izyaslav.—Vsevolod becomes Grand Prince, 1078.—Volodar and Vassilko.—Chernigoff given to Monomach.—Polovtsi army sent against Vsevolod.—Death of Roman, 1079.—Trouble in Volynia.—Traffic with Tsargrad.—Flight of Yaropolk.—Surrender of Lutsk.—David, son of Igor, rules Volynia.—Galitch seized from the King of Poland.—Death of Yaropolk, 1086 1
Death of Vsevolod, 1093.—Sviatopolk, Prince of Kief.—Conflict between Sviatopolk and the Polovtsi.—Defeat of Sviatopolk.—Polovtsi [[x]]attack Kief.—Polovtsi army led in by Oleg.—Siege of Chernigoff.—Oleg master of Chernigoff.—Polovtsi Khans visit Pereyaslavl to sell peace, both are killed.—Advance of Oleg against Murom.—Itlar and Kitan, Polovtsi Khans, come to Pereyaslavl, 1095.—Death of Izyaslav.—Murom receives Oleg.—Mystislav seizes Oleg’s officials.—Mystislav pursues Oleg.—Defeat of Oleg.—Princes of Russia meet at Lubetch, 1097.—David suspicious of Monomach and Vassilko.—David explains the plot to Sviatopolk.—Capture of Vassilko.—David blinds Vassilko.—Volodar attacks David.—Vassilko seeks revenge.—Sviatopolk lays siege to Vladimir.—Yaroslav goes to Hungary to find aid for Vassilko.—Koloman of Hungary lays siege to Premysl.—Mystislav defends Vladimir.—Death of Mystislav.—Vladimir men defeat David.—The Russian princes meet at Vititchevo, 1100.—Monomach acts against steppe tribes.—Defeat of the Polovtsi.—Expeditions against the Polovtsi, 1110 and 1111.—Death of Sviatopolk, 1113.—Monomach becomes Prince of Kief, 1113.—Monomach marches against Minsk, 1116.—Trouble in Volynia.—Monomach expels Yaroslav, and seats Roman in Volynia.—Death of Roman.—Andrei, Roman’s successor.—Kidnapping of Volodar.—Efforts of Vassilko to free his brother.—Yaroslav, with Cheks, Poles and Hungarians, attacks Vladimir, 1123.—Death of Yaroslav, 1123.—Death of Monomach, 1125.—Mystislav succeeds Vladimir Monomach, 1125.—Yaroslav, son of Monomach, founds the principality of Ryazan.—Mystislav frees himself of the Polovtsi princes.—Yaroslav successor of Oleg of Chernigoff.—Vsevolod opposes his uncle.—Yaroslav withdraws to Ryazan.—Death of Mystislav, 1132.—Yaropolk successor of Mystislav, his brother.—Mystislav’s sons rise against their uncle.—Vsevolod receives Pereyaslavl from Mystislav.—Yuri Dolgoruki expels Vsevolod.—Pskoff resolves to declare its independence.—Sviatoslav sent to attack Pskoff.—Yuri Dolgoruki receives Gorodok.—Vsevolod seizes Chernigoff.—Death of Yaropolk.—Vyacheslav successor of Yaropolk, 1150.—Vyacheslav drives Vsevolod from Kief.—Position of Monomach’s descendants.—Vsevolod attacks his enemies separately.—Yuri seizes Torjok 33
Death of Andrei.—Vyacheslav takes Pereyaslavl.—Vsevolod calls a council.—Siege of Pereyaslavl by dissatisfied heirs.—Defeat of the besiegers.—Vsevolod asks aid of Sviatosha.—Izyaslav obtains Pereyaslavl.—Visit of Izyaslav to Yuri in Suzdal.—Position of the descendants of Monomach and Oleg.—Death of Volodar and Vassilko, 1124.—Quarrel between Vsevolod and Vladimirko.—Vladimirko calls in Hungarians, 1127.—Vladimirko’s enemies grow defiant.—Siege of Galitch.—Triumph of Vladimirko.—Vsevolod enters Galitch (1146).—Position of Novgorod.—Vsevolod declares Igor his successor, 1145.—Death of Vsevolod, 1146.—Igor remains with the army and sends Sviatoslav to Kief.—Defeat of Igor.—Capture of Sviatoslav.—Izyaslav enters Kief.—Power returns to Monomach’s descendants.—Flight of Sviatoslav to Chernigoff.—Sviatoslav asks aid of Yuri.—Effort of the sons of David to crush Sviatoslav.—Rostislav of Murom attacks Yuri’s country.—The sons of David move on Putivl.—Flight of Sviatoslav.—Sons of David resolve to kill Sviatoslav.—Sviatoslav reaches the forests of Vyatichi.—Izyaslav leaves his sister’s son in Chernigoff.—Yuri of Suzdal sends aid to Sviatoslav.—Death of Ivan, son of Yuri.—Yuri invites Sviatoslav [[xi]]to meet him in Moskva (Moscow), 1146.—The name Moscow appears for the first time in history, 1146.—Izyaslav addresses his boyars.—Izyaslav sends envoys to the sons of David.—Murder of Igor.—Glaib seizes Kursk.—Struggle of Chernigoff princes against Izyaslav.—Rostislav deceives the Kief people.—Novgorod assembles forces to march against Yuri.—Izyaslav sends envoys to Sviatoslav.—Sviatoslav consults with Yuri.—Yuri marches to Pereyaslavl.—Yuri sends a message to Izyaslav.—The bishop begs Izyaslav to make peace.—Defeat and flight of Izyaslav.—Izyaslav sends to Poland for aid.—Message of Izyaslav to Vyatcheslav.—Vyatcheslav begs Yuri to make peace.—Yuri invests Lutsk.—Yuri makes peace.—Izyaslav obtains aid from the Polovtsi.—Vyatcheslav and Izyaslav rule Kief.—Yuri approaches Kief.—Flight of Vyatcheslav and Izyaslav.—Izyaslav asks aid of the King of Hungary.—Vladimirko lavishes gold on the Hungarians and they withdraw.—Escape of Boris.—Kief welcomes Izyaslav.—Triumph of Vyatcheslav.—Contest between Vyatcheslav and Yuri.—Yuri attacks Vyatcheslav.—Defeat of Yuri.—Yuri takes oath not to attack Kief while it is held by Izyaslav and his uncle.—Return of Yuri to Suzdal.—Yuri brings Polovtsi legions to besiege Chernigoff.—Defeat of Yuri.—Triumph of Izyaslav and his uncle 58
Izyaslav and the King of Hungary attack Vladimirko, 1151.—Escape of Vladimirko.—Vladimirko declares that he is dying and begs for peace.—Izyaslav yields.—Vladimirko sends troops to help Yuri.—Refusal of Vladimirko to fulfil promises.—Death of Vladimirko.—Yaroslav successor of Vladimirko.—Battle at Terebovl.—Defeat of Izyaslav.—Death of Izyaslav, 1154.—Rostislav succeeds his brother.—Attack on Pereyaslavl.—Death of Vyatcheslav.—Defeat of Rostislav.—Kief men call Izyaslav to the throne.—Peace between Yuri and Rostislav.—Yuri meets an old friend.—Yuri enters Kief, 1155.—Disaffection of Kief.—Death of Yuri, 1157.—Andrei carries the miraculous image to Vladimir.—Founding of Bogolyuboff.—Mystislav successor of Yuri.—Andrei marches against Mystislav, 1169.—Destruction of Kief.—Andrei adorns Vladimir.—History of Vladimir.—Suzdal and Rostoff jealous of Vladimir.—Enemies of Andrei.—Methods of Andrei.—Pride of Novgorod.—Andrei attacks Bulgar.—Triumph of Andrei.—Friendship of the Greek Emperor and the Patriarch.—Andrei calls a council.—Asks the Patriarch to give Vladimir a metropolitan.—Refusal of the Patriarch.—Marriage of Andrei.—Youth of Andrei.—Murder and burial of Andrei, 1174.—Fear of the boyars.—Execution of the murderers.—Andrei’s two nephews chosen to succeed him.—Sviatoslav of Chernigoff displeased; insists that the brothers of Andrei shall be associated with the nephews.—Boyars masters in Vladimir.—Vladimir men send for Mihalko and Vsevolod, and install them, 1176 88
Death of Mihalko, 1176.—Men of Vladimir kiss the cross to Vsevolod.—Vsevolod gives Rostoff to Mystislav.—Mystislav invades Vladimir.—Battle near Yurieff.—Flight of Mystislav.—Triumph of Vsevolod.—Burning of Moscow.—Attack on Vladimir.—Seizure of Bogolyuboff by Glaib.—Defeat of Mystislav and the Polovtsi.—Decision regarding prisoners.—Blinding of Yaropolk and Mystislav.—Refusal of Glaib to receive freedom with conditions.—Death of [[xii]]Glaib.—Importance of Vladimir as a capital.—Activity of the Prince of Vladimir in Novgorod affairs.—Defense of Novgorod against pagans.—Attempt of Mystislav to punish Polovtsi.—Death of Mystislav.—Flight of Roman to the steppes.—Submission of Ryazan.—Choice of Vladimir as Prince of Novgorod.—Imprisonment of Glaib.—Efforts of Sviatoslav to liberate his son.—Retreat of Sviatoslav.—Preparations of Rurik to seize Kief.—Asks aid of Yaroslav Eight Minds.—March of Yaroslav and Igor from Chernigoff.—Allies from Lithuania.—Desire of Smolensk to force battle.—Attack of the Prince of Vladimir on Nova-Torg.—Peace is made.—Defeat of Mohammedans.—Death of Izyaslav, son of Glaib.—Party struggles in Novgorod.—Trouble in Ryazan.—Address of Big Nest to Ryazan people.—Pronsk princes ask for assistance.—Retreat from Kolomna.—Surrender of Pronsk.—Deceitful submission of Roman.—Attack on Kolomna by the Prince of Vladimir.—Peace made with Ryazan.—Accusations against Porfiri, the Chernigoff bishop.—Sviatoslav invites all princes to join him in an expedition against the Polovtsi.—A great victory.—Eight Minds, Prince of Galitch.—Triumph of Sviatoslav.—March of Igor against the Polovtsi.—Defeat of Igor.—Death of Glaib 111
Death of Vladimir of Pereyaslavl.—Inheritance of Pereyaslavl by the Prince of Vladimir.—Onrush of Polovtsi.—Grief of Igor.—Escape of Igor from imprisonment among Polovtsi.—Polovtsi raids.—Decline of Kief.—Influence of the Latins.—Death of Yaroslav Eight Minds, 1187.—Anastasia, mistress of Eight Minds.—Bond between Galitch and Hungary.—Vladimir, son of Eight Minds.—Marriage of Vladimir.—Flight of Vladimir and his family.—Reception of Vladimir by Bela III.—Seizure of Vladimir’s property by Roman.—Assistance given Roman by Rurik of Smolensk.—Honor given King Bela in Galitch.—Bela takes the title Rex Galiciæ.—Andrei, son of Bela, made king in Galitch.—Position of Andrei in Galitch.—Rostislav invited to the throne of Galitch.—Battle outside the capital.—Death of Rostislav.—Church trouble in Galitch.—Dispute between Rurik and Sviatoslav.—Plans of the Kief prince.—Escape of Vladimir of Galitch from imprisonment in Hungary.—Vladimir begs aid of Barbarossa.—Barbarossa commands Kazimir of Poland to assist Vladimir.—Vladimir enters Galitch with a Polish army.—Flight of Andrei.—Decision of Chernigoff princes that war alone can settle boundaries.—Death of Sviatoslav, 1194.—Rurik, Prince of Kief.—Roman, son-in-law of Rurik.—Rurik feels the policy of Big Nest.—Feast giving between Rurik and David.—Trouble between Rurik and Big Nest.—Appeal to Nikifor, the metropolitan.—Roman reproaches Rurik.—Roman seeks aid in Cracow.—Roman assists the Poles.—Defeat of Roman.—Message from Big Nest and Rurik to the descendants of Oleg.—Big Nest promises to march against Chernigoff.—Victory of Chernigoff.—Rurik reproaches Big Nest.—Rurik marches on Chernigoff.—Death of Vsevolod Buitur.—Message of Rurik to the Galitch prince.—Council of Ryazan princes.—Demand of Big Nest that Yaropolk should leave Novgorod.—Rurik reproaches Big Nest.—Indifference of Big Nest.—Death of Rostislav, 1198.—Death of Vladimir, son of Eight Minds.—Struggle between Bela of Hungary and Roman.—Rule of Roman in Galitch.—Ingvar is seated on the Kief throne.—Chermny and Rurik bring Polovtsi against Kief, 1204.—Capture of Kief.—Rurik [[xiii]]again prince in Kief, 1205.—Campaign against Polovtsi.—Rurik becomes a monk.—Rostislav prince in Kief.—Meeting in Kief of the ruling princes.—Occupation of Lublin 133
Death of Roman, 1205.—Rurik, the monk, again prince in Kief.—Quarrels in Galitch.—Escape of Roman’s widow and children.—Desire of Andrei to establish Daniel in Galitch, 1206.—Chermny leads troops into Galitch.—Trouble with Galitch boyars.—Recall of Andrei.—Satisfaction of Chermny.—Desire of the boyars to get possession of Volynia.—Aid asked of Leshko by Roman’s widow, 1211.—Disorder in Galitch and Volynia.—Trouble in Kief.—Rule of Chermny in the Kief country, 1207.—Vassilko and Daniel.—Desire of Alexander Bailski to rule in Volynia.—Ingvar claims Volynia.—Vassilko receives Brest.—Quarrels of the sons of Igor.—Big Nest marches against Chermny.—Quarrel of Big Nest and son.—Big Nest moves on Ryazan.—Ryazan men beg for peace.—Crossing of the Oká.—Return of the army to Vladimir, November, 1207.—Big Nest sends Yaroslav, his son, to Ryazan as prince, 1208.—Intrigue of Glaib.—Burning of Ryazan and Bailgorod.—Disorder increases in Galitch.—Expulsion of the sons of Igor.—Coming of Benedict Bor.—Escape of Benedict Bor.—Volodislav, a boyar, promises Galitch to Andrei of Hungary.—Reception of Daniel by Galitch.—Triumph of Daniel.—Parting of Daniel and his mother.—Establishment in Galitch of Roman’s widow.—Torture and exile of Volodislav.—Triumph of Mystislav.—Return of Volodislav.—Rule of Volodislav in Galitch.—Andrei of Hungary and his queen.—History of Benedict Bor.—Volynia rises against Volodislav.—Defeat of Volodislav.—The young King and Queen of Galitch.—Volodislav dies in prison.—Latin priesthood brought into Galitch, 1214.—Dispute between Novgorod and Big Nest.—Mystislav the Gallant, son of Mystislav the Brave.—Appearance of Mystislav in Novgorod.—Success of Mystislav the Gallant.—Trouble between Big Nest and his son.—Death of Big Nest, 1212.—Mystislav the Gallant assists Kief.—Flight of Chermny.—Death of Chermny, father of Michael the Martyr 161
Triumph of Mystislav the Gallant.—Superiority of Mystislav over Russian princes.—Marriage of Daniel, Roman’s son.—Success of Daniel.—Perilous position of Daniel.—Endurance of Daniel.—Yaroslav Prince of Novgorod.—Misfortunes of Novgorod.—Appearance of Mystislav the Gallant in Novgorod.—War between Novgorod and Vladimir.—Reinstatement of Constantine by Mystislav, 1215.—Battle of Lipetsk.—Departure of Yuri.—Death of Vassili, son of Mystislav the Gallant.—Installation of Latin priests in Galitch.—Decision of Russian princes to regain Galitch.—Battles fought by Daniel.—Reign of Koloman and Silomeya in Galitch.—Management of Sudislav “the traitor.”—Hurried preparations to defend Galitch.—Seizure of towns and cities by Leshko of Poland.—Defeat of the Poles.—Storming of Galitch by Mystislav.—Conspiracies in Galitch and Volynia.—Success of Daniel, son of Roman.—Troubles in Novgorod, way to the sea cut off by Fins.—Troubles among Lithuanian tribes 185 [[xiv]]
The Baltic coast.—Kors and Livs.—Merchants of the 12th century.—Visit of Meinhardt to Polotsk, 1186–7.—Attack of Kors and Livs on the Germans.—Founding of Holm or Kirchholm.—Conversion of pagan tribes.—Death of Meinhardt, 1196.—Victory of the Germans.—Reëstablishment of the Livonian Church.—Decision of Rome.—Albert von Apeldern Bukshevden.—Building of a fortress.—Founding of the city of Riga.—Dispute between Albert, Bishop of Livonia, and the Order.—Seizure of Polotsk territory.—Embassy sent by the bishop to Vladimir.—Preparations of Riga for defense.—Embassy from Riga.—Message sent by the abbot to the envoys of the prince.—Attack on Holm by Ako.—Defeat of Ako.—Campaign of Vladimir against Riga.—Negotiations between the bishop and Vladimir.—Dissatisfaction of the people subject to Riga.—Crossing of the Dvina.—Complaints of the bishop against Pskoff and Novgorod.—Refusal of Pskoff and Novgorod to make a treaty with Riga.—Meeting of the archbishop and Vladimir.—Prince of Polotsk.—Return of Mystislav the Gallant to Novgorod, 1214.—Defeat of the knights of Riga.—Cruelties of the knights.—Fate of Kors and Livs.—Trouble in Lithuania from Prussian refugees.—Esthonia.—Expedition of Yaroslav against Riga.—Prince Vyachko of Kuikenos.—Siege of Yurieff.—Burning of Yurieff by its defenders.—Capture of Yurieff.—Quarrels between Pskoff and Novgorod.—Occupation of Pereyaslavl.—Radical changes in Russia.—Battle on the Kalka, 1224.—Defeat of the Russians.—Accusations against Daniel.—Death of Mystislav, 1228 206
Vladimir, son of Rurik, prince in Kief.—Trouble over the Kief principality.—Michael of Chernigoff.—War throughout Galitch and Volynia, from 1230 to 1240.—Escape of Daniel.—Defeat of Michael.—Constant dissensions in Russia.—Intriguing of Galitch boyars.—Plot against Daniel.—Riots in Galitch.—Capture of Peremysl.—Shifting fortune of Daniel.—Schemes of Bailski.—Yaroslav, son of Big Nest, Prince of Kief, 1237.—Capture of Kief by Michael of Chernigoff.—Desertion of Kief in 1239.—Ruin of Pereyaslavl by the Mongols.—Triumph of Daniel.—Mongol tempest.—Attack on Trans-Volga regions by Mongols.—Batu, grandson of Jinghis Khan.—Advance on Ryazan by Mongols.—Terror in Russia.—Resistance of Ryazan.—Capture of Ryazan, and slaughter of the population.—Fury of Kolovrat.—Attack on Vladimir.—Burning of Kolomna.—Burning of Moscow.—Capture of Vladimir, 1238.—Slaughter and destruction.—Struggle on the Siti.—Victory of the Mongols.—Burning of Torjok, Tver and Yaroslavl.—Advance upon Kief, 1240.—Flight of Michael from the capital.—Campaign of Batu against Kief.—Defense of Kief.—Capture of Kief, and slaughter of the inhabitants.—Capture of Ladyjin.—Assault on Volynia.—Destruction of Brest.—Mongols in Poland, 1240.—March on Galitch.—Flight of Boleslav of Cracow, 1241.—March of the Mongols on Breslau.—Advance to frontiers of Bohemia and Austria.—Demand of Batu that King Bela yield obedience.—March of Hungarian army to meet the Mongols.—Death of Ogotai.—Terror brought on Europe by Batu.—Mongol law.—Mongol ceremonies.—Cruelty of Batu.—Questions regarding the Latin religion.—Daniel crowned, 1253.—Daniel summoned to the Horde.—Reception of Daniel by the Horde.—Promises of the papal legate 225 [[xv]]
Despair of Michael of Chernigoff, 1245.—Youth of Michael.—Return of Michael to the ruins of Chernigoff.—Preparations to visit the Horde.—Arrival at Sarai.—Refusal of Michael to comply with Mongol demands.—Decision of Michael.—Execution of Michael 254
Yaroslav prince in Vladimir.—Return of Yaroslav to Vladimir.—Survival of Novgorod.—Victory of Alexander on the Neva, 1240.—Indecision of Novgorod.—Attack of towns on the Klyazma.—Return of Constantine from Mongolia, 1245.—Misfortune of Yaroslav.—Journey through Central Asia.—The Mongol capital.—Death of Yaroslav.—Burial of Yaroslav.—The Mongol yoke.—Alexander Nevski.—Marriage of Alexander.—Campaign against the Chuds and Lithuanians.—Success of Nevski.—Insolence of the Livonian knights.—Swedish ships in the Neva.—Closing of the way to the Baltic.—Trouble between Novgorod and Vladimir.—Capture of Izborsk, Yurieff and Pskoff by the Livonian knights.—Arrival of Nevski by Pskoff.—Fame of Nevski.—Raids of the Lithuanians.—Flight of the Grand Master of the Livonian Order.—Reception of Nevski by Pskoff.—Fame of Nevski.—Raids of the Lithuanians.—Visit of Nevski to the Horde.—Return of Nevski to Novgorod.—Rejection of old rules.—Confusion and disorder in all parts of Russia.—Questions regarding succession of princes under Mongol rule.—Embassy from Rome to convert Nevski.—Plano Karpini.—Letter of the Pope to Nevski.—Rule of Sartak, son of Batu.—Death of Batu.—Difficulties attending a visit to the Horde.—Dispute between Sviatoslav and his nephew, Andrei.—Visit of Andrei to the Horde.—Inability of Nevski to act against the Mongols.—Death of Sviatoslav.—Visit of Alexander to the Horde.—Punishment given Vladimir by the Mongols.—Flight of Andrei and Yaroslav.—Victory of the Mongols.—Escape of Andrei to Riga.—Return of Nevski to Vladimir.—Rules of Nevski in Vladimir, 1252.—Murder of Sartak.—Seizure of the Mongol throne by Berkai.—Visit of the Russian princes to Sarai 260
“Lord Novgorod.”—Novgorod “liberties.”—Insolence and unrest of Novgorod.—Disgrace of Yaroslav.—Excitement in Novgorod.—Riot in Novgorod.—Persistence of Nevski.—Nevski’s message to the city of Novgorod.—Attack of Germans on Novgorod borders.—Attack of the Swedes.—Campaign of Nevski against Fins and Lapps.—Establishment of the Finnish boundary.—Demands of the Mongols.—Taking of the census.—Appearance in Ryazan of officials from the Horde.—Opposition to the census.—Trouble in Novgorod over the census.—Murder of Mihalko.—March of Nevski to Novgorod.—Message of Nevski to Pskoff.—Threats of the Mongols.—Rescue of Novgorod by Nevski.—Taking of the census in Vladimir.—Birth of Nevski’s youngest son, Daniel, 1261.—Uprisings against tax collectors.—Advance of the Knights of Livonia on Pskoff.—Visit of Nevski to the Horde.—Dissatisfaction at the Horde.—Death of Nevski, 1263.—Inheritance of Daniel of Moscow.—Increase in the importance of Moscow.—Founding of Moscow.—Government of Vladimir principality.—Life of Daniel.—Population and growth of Moscow.—Death of Andrei, Nevski’s brother, 1304.—Struggle between Yuri and Michael of Tver, 1308.—Struggle of Yuri [[xvi]]and Michael to incline Novgorod to their side.—Maxim the metropolitan.—Visit of Yuri to the Horde.—Visit of Michael of Tver to the Horde.—Defeat of Akinfi, a Moscow boyar.—Return of Michael from the Horde.—Campaign against Moscow.—Complaints at the Horde of Michael against Yuri.—Failure of Michael of Tver to take Moscow.—Death of Tokhta, the Khan, 1312.—Succession of Uzbek.—Visit of Russian princes to Sarai.—Conversion of Uzbek to Islam.—Journey of Yuri to the Horde.—Kavgady, a Mongol magnate.—Marriage of Yuri to Konchaka, sister of the Khan.—Expulsion of Michael’s officials from Novgorod.—An unfortunate expedition.—News of the approach of Yuri with a large army.—Increase of defenses in Tver.—Indecision of Michael’s allies.—Collection of tribute.—Accuracy of Michael in regard to tribute.—Burning of towns by Yuri’s army.—Meeting of forces, December 22, 1317.—Defeat of Yuri.—Capture of Konchaka, Yuri’s wife.—Delight of the victors.—Attempt of Yuri to cross the Volga with a new army.—Death of Konchaka, and trouble for Michael.—Visit of Michael to Sarai.—Arrival of Michael at Sarai.—Trial of Michael.—Judgment of the princes of the Horde.—Sentence of Michael.—New trial by order of the Khan, and a new sentence.—Kang put on Michael.—Mongol hunting party.—Journey of twenty-five days’ duration.—Execution of Michael 279
Return of Yuri with Khan’s patent.—Death of Boris, Yuri’s brother.—Gift of land by Yuri to his brother Ivan.—Visit of Ivan of Moscow to the Horde, 1320.—Marriage of princes.—Quarrel of Yuri with Ryazan.—Subjection of minor princes.—Visit of Dmitri of Tver to the Horde.—Explanation given Uzbek by Dmitri regarding Yuri’s calumniation of his father.—Yuri summoned to Sarai.—Defeat of the Swedes by Yuri.—Hesitation of Yuri to visit the Horde.—Visit of Dmitri to the Horde.—Murder of Yuri by Dmitri.—Execution of Dmitri, 1326.—Cholkhan sent to Tver by Uzbek, 1327.—Riot in Tver; killing of Mongols.—Anger of Uzbek.—Bloodshed throughout all Vladimir, 1328.—Flight of Alexander to Novgorod.—March of the Khan toward Moscow.—Embassy sent to Uzbek.—Terror throughout Russia.—Reception of Ivan by Uzbek.—Return of Ivan, 1332.—Demand of the Khan that Alexander should be sent to him.—Search for Alexander.—Refusal of Alexander to visit the Horde.—Return of Alexander to Pskoff.—Moscow the real capital of Russia.—Rule of Ivan.—Position of Ivan.—Seizure of Torjok by Ivan to force obedience of Novgorod.—Quarrels of Novgorod with Ivan.—Friendship of Novgorod and Lithuania.—Rule of Gedimin’s son in Novgorod.—Ivan Grand Prince of all Russia.—Friendship of Uzbek.—Growth Of Moscow.—Visit of Alexander to Sarai.—Astonishment of Uzbek.—Return of Alexander to Russia.—Quarrels with Moscow.—Disorder in Novgorod.—Alexander summoned to Sarai.—Trial of Alexander.—Execution of Alexander and his son.—Death of Ivan Kalitá, 1340.—Death of Gedimin and Uzbek, 1340.—Account of Gedimin’s dynasty.—Account of Mindog’s activity.—Reign of Trenyat in Lithuania.—Securing of power by Voishelk.—Viten, Dovmont and Gedimin.—Message from Bishop of Riga to the Pope, 1323.—Arrival of envoys to baptize and crown Gedimin.—Refusal of Gedimin.—Liberty declared to the Orthodox Church.—Beginning of war by the Livonian Knights.—Death of Gedimin.—Cremation of Gedimin at Vilna.—“Pagan hunts” of the knights, 1336.—Rule of Olgerd.—Description of Olgerd 308 [[xvii]]
Increase of Lithuania, 1340.—Simeon successor of Ivan of Moscow.—Complaint of Simeon against Novgorod.—Outbreak in Torjok.—March of Simeon to Torjok.—Reign of Simeon.—Trouble in Riga territory.—Pskoff regions plundered by Olgerd.—Attack planned by Olgerd against Simeon.—Envoys sent to Chanibek by Simeon.—Seizure of Lithuanian envoys by Chanibek.—Victory of the Germans over Olgerd.—Olgerd’s desire for peace.—Marriage of Simeon.—Baptism of Olgerd.—Marriage of Olgerd and Julianna.—Peace in Tver.—Quarrels in Ryazan.—Attack of Simeon against Olgerd.—Death of Simeon by plague, 1353.—Death of Feognost, 1356.—Succession of Ivan, son of Ivan Kalitá.—Alexis successor of Feognost.—Struggle of Constantine of Suzdal to obtain the Grand Principality.—Trouble in Ryazan.—Ivan’s lieutenant imprisoned.—Mamat Hodja sent by the Horde to settle boundaries between Ryazan and Moscow.—Assassination of Mamat.—Intention of Olgerd to master all Russia.—Claims of Olgerd.—Influence of Olgerd in Tver.—Preference of Novgorod for Roman, Olgerd’s metropolitan.—Tradition concerning the days of Ivan.—Death of Chanibek, 1358.—Accession of Berdibek.—Death of Ivan the Mild, 1359.—Death of Berdibek, successor of Chanibek.—Successor of Kulpa followed by Navrus.—Appearance of Mamai, and division of the Horde.—Disturbance in Russia.—Abdul Khan on the right bank of the Volga, Murat on the east.—Great enmity of the two Hordes.—Dmitri of Moscow Grand Prince of all Russia.—Position in Moscow when Dmitri began to reign.—Jealousy of Abdul, the Khan, for Dmitri; trouble arising thereby.—Moscow takes possession of Bailozero, 1363.—Success of Dmitri.—Nizni patent obtained by Boris.—Boris summoned to Moscow.—March of Dmitri against Nizni.—Olgerd the great enemy of Moscow.—Condition in Tver.—Yeremi sets aside his oath to Tver, 1367.—Visit of Michael to Ryazan and Moscow.—Dmitri of Moscow.—Detention of Michael.—Reprimand from Mongol envoys.—Liberation of Michael.—Attack of Olgerd on Moscow, 1368.—Retreat of Olgerd.—Peace between Moscow and Tver.—Threats of Olgerd against Dmitri.—Campaign of Tver and Lithuania against Moscow, 1370 336
Visit of Michael to the Horde, 1371.—Cost of Mamai’s good-will.—Desire of Dmitri to make war on the Mongols.—Discouragement in Moscow.—Decision of Dmitri to visit the Horde.—Reception of Dmitri at Sarai.—Moscow joined by Novgorod.—War between Moscow and Tver.—March of Oleg against Moscow.—Battle of Skornistchevo.—Defeat of Oleg.—Abakumovitch of Torjok.—Suffering of Torjok from Mongols.—Defeat of Olgerd.—Threats of the Mongols.—War made on Moscow by Mamai.—Waiting for the Mongols, 1373.—Devotion of the people.—Appointment of Michael as Grand Prince.—Michael breaks his oath to Moscow.—March of Dmitri against Tver.—Defeat of Tver.—Peace with severe terms.—End of war between Tver and Moscow, 1375.—Death of Olgerd, 1377.—Murder of Keistut by his nephew Yagello.—Attack of Mongols on Nizni Novgorod.—Killing of Saraiko, the Mongol envoy, and his suite.—Nizni territories doomed to fire and sword.—Advance of Dmitri to the Oká.—Appearance beyond the Sura of Arabshah, a Mongol prince, 1377.—Nizni’s request for aid from Moscow.—Russian troops surprised and destroyed by Mongols.—Death of Prince [[xviii]]Ivan.—Attack on Ryazan by Mongols.—Moscow men cut down for aiding Mongols.—Anger of Mamai.—Mustering of Mongol forces, 1378.—Mongols cross the Voja August, 1378.—Victory of Dmitri.—Execution of Ivan Velyaminoff, the first man put to death publicly in Moscow, August 30, 1379.—Great work of the metropolitan Alexis.—Church troubles in Moscow.—Mityai given the highest church office by Dmitri.—Anger of Cyprian.—Imprisonment of Cyprian.—Quarrel between Mityai and Dionisi.—Mityai starts for Tsargrad, 1379.—Death of Mityai.—Deceit of Pimen.—Confirmation of Pimen as metropolitan.—Refusal of Dmitri to receive Pimen.—Sending of Dionisi to Tsargrad to secure the expulsion of Pimen.—Death of Dionisi.—Mamai rouses the Mongols to destroy Russia.—Mustering of forces by Dmitri, 1379.—Boasting of Mamai.—Correspondence of Oleg of Tver with Yagello of Poland.—March of Vagello to join Mamai, 1380.—Distribution of Dmitri’s army.—Address of Dmitri to his officers.—Examination of the battle ground by Bobrok and Dmitri.—Description of Kulikovo.—Eagerness for action.—Beginning of the great battle.—Enormous victory of Russia on the field of Kulikovo 358
Fresh troops assembled by Mamai.—Tohtamish declared heir of Batu.—Slaughter among Mongols.—Demand from Tohtamish that all the Russian princes should come to Sarai.—Indignation in Russia.—Confidence of Dmitri in his own strength.—Treachery of Oleg.—Approach of Tohtamish’s troops.—Disorder in Moscow.—Appearance of Ostei in the capital.—Retreat of the Mongols.—Rebuilding of Moscow by Dmitri.—Sending of Vassili to do homage at the Horde.—Declaration of Tohtamish.—Death of the Nizni prince.—Revenge of Oleg of Ryazan.—Seizure of Kolomna.—Vladimir the Brave.—Peace made between Oleg and Dmitri.—Return of Dmitri’s son from the Horde.—Troubles of Dmitri regarding succession.—Self-sacrifice of Vladimir the Brave.—Death of Dmitri.—Succession of Vassili.—Visit of Vassili to the Horde.—Marriage of Vassili.—Tamerlane, the world-shaking Mongol.—Trouble between Tamerlane and Tohtamish.—Attack of Tohtamish on regions belonging to Tamerlane, 1392.—Army of Tohtamish.—Escape of Tohtamish.—Attack of Tamerlane on Tohtamish.—Fortunate aid of Nur ed din.—Flight of Tohtamish.—Vassili of Moscow leads an army to the Oká to confront Tamerlane.—Withdrawal of Tamerlane.—Storming of Astrachan.—Plans of Vitold to rule the Golden Horde.—Great army assembled to move on the Mongols.—Battle of August 5, 1399.—Triumph of Kutlui. Defeat of Vitold.—Trouble in Smolensk.—War between Lithuania and Smolensk.—Welcome of Yuri in Novgorod.—Attack of Vitold on Pskoff.—Disorder in the Horde.—Installation of Bulat Bey, Kutlin’s son.—Edigai’s march on Moscow, 1408.—Capture of Pereyaslavl, Rostoff and Nizni.—Eligai recalled by Bulat.—Unwillingness of Vassili to pay tribute to the Mongols.—Installation of Jelal ed din as Khan.—Assassination of Jelal ed din.—Dispute between the Teutonic Order and Yagello.—Konrad von Jungingen, 1393–1407.—Battle of Tannenberg.—Defeat of the Order.—Meeting of Yagello, Vitold and Russian boyars at Horodlo, 1413.—Predominance of Poles in upper circles of Russia.—Death of Cyprian, 1406.—Synod assembled by Vitold, 1416.—Territory of Vitold.—Meeting of sovereigns brought about by Vitold, at Lutsk, 1429.—Opposition of Olesnitski.—Assembly at Vilna, 1430.—Disappointment [[xix]]of Vitold.—Death of Vitold, 1430.—Death of Vassili, 1424.—Visit of Yuri to the Crimea.—War between Mongol Khans.—Trouble caused by an heirloom.—Vassili defeated by Yuri, his rival for the throne of Moscow.—Refusal of Moscow boyars to serve Yuri.—Return of Vassili to power.—The Vyatka, a Novgorod colony 392
Death of Foti, 1431.—Succession of Iona.—Church divisions and troubles.—Union of Churches.—Mohammed expelled from the Horde by Kutchuk.—Mongol troops sent against Russia, 1445.—March of Vassili to meet the enemy.—Defeat of Vassili. Seizure of his person.—Return of Vassili to Moscow, 1445.—Plot of Ivan against Vassili.—Capture of Vassili by Ivan.—Blinding of Vassili.—Shemyaká reigns in Moscow.—Shemyaká frees Vassili.—Defeat of Shemyaká.—Surrender of Galitch to Vassili, 1450.—Death of Shemyaká, 1453.—Influence of Vassili over Tver and Ryazan.—Campaign of Vassili against Novgorod.—Death of Vassili, 1462.—Influence of Poland.—The Poles plan to seize Podolia and Volynia.—Stratagem of Polish knights.—Imprisonment of Polish envoys by Svidrigello.—Polish king leads an army into Volynia, 1431.—Sacking of Vladimir by Poles.—Olesnitski the chancellor.—Lithuania acknowledges Sigismund.—Crowning of Sigismund.—Death of Yagello.—Vladislav successor of Yagello.—Agreement of Sigismund with Kief and Volynia.—Victory of Sigismund.—Diet summoned by Sigismund.—Murder of Skobeiko.—Kazimir made prince.—Entrance of Kazimir into Vilna.—Crowning of Kazimir.—Peace between Michael and Kazimir.—Poles seek to turn Lithuania and Russia into Polish provinces.—Death of Svidrigello, 1415.—Peace of Thorn, 1466.—Alexander receives Kief regions from Vassili of Moscow.—Death of Alexander, 1455.—Simeon rules in Kief till 1471.—Succession of Michael.—Plot to assassinate King Kazimir.—Execution of Alexander’s son, Michael, 1482.—Separation of the Orthodox Church into two parts.—Death of Kazimir IV, 1492.—Khanate of the Crimea.—Origin of the Crimean khanate.—Raids of Mongols against Russians.—Death of the first Khan of the Crimea.—Condition of the Crimean khanate.—Change of Russian boundaries.—Founding of Kremnchug and Cherkasy by Vitold 427
Birth of Ivan III, January 22, 1440.—Consolidation of Russia.—Decline of Novgorod.—Martha Boretski, the Novgorod patriot, favors Kazimir.—Defeat of the Boretski party.—Disputes in Moscow.—Epistles of the metropolitan Philip.—Fall of Novgorod.—Decision of Ivan of Moscow.—Prince Shuiski.—Attack on Novgorod by Ivan.—Siege of Deman by Moscow.—Riots in Novgorod.—Success of Moscow.—Submission of Novgorod 454
Feofil, Archbishop of Moscow, 1471.—Marriage of Ivan of Moscow to Sophia.—Journey of Sophia to Russia.—Trouble with the Roman legate.—Advance of Ivan to Novgorod.—Hospitality of Novgorod people.—Dispute between the Grand Prince and the Novgorod people.—Trouble made by the Kazimir party in Novgorod.—Declaration of war sent to Novgorod by Ivan.—Novgorod begs for peace.[[xx]]—Discussions with peace envoys.—Hunger in Novgorod.—Triumph in Moscow.—Insurrection in Novgorod.—Visit of Ivan to the city.—Siege of Novgorod.—Distribution of the people of Novgorod.—End of semi-separate existence of Novgorod.—Importance of Ivan, even in Europe.—Fear of Ivan causes Kazimir to rouse Ahmed against Moscow.—Friendship of Girei, Khan of the Crimea, and Ivan of Moscow.—Ivan withdraws from the capital.—Dissatisfaction of the people.—Letter of Ivan’s confessor.—Ivan orders his son to Moscow.—Refusal of the son to comply.—Lack of eagerness for battle.—Attack of Girei on Volynia and Kief draws Kazimir’s forces southward.—Command of Ivan for the army to withdraw from the Ugra.—Retreat of the Mongols.—Destruction of the Horde by Mongols without bloodshed in Russia.—Last blow given to the Golden Horde by Girei, Khan of the Crimea.—Destruction of Sarai, and end of the Mongol yoke in Russia 463 [[1]]
THE MONGOLS
IN RUSSIA
CHAPTER I
EARLY HISTORY OF RUSSIA
In my history of the Mongols we have seen how Hulagu beguiled the Assassins and slaughtered them. We have seen also how he ended the Kalifat at Bagdad, showing no more regard for the heir of Mohammed than for the chief of those murderers who held that marvelous mountain-land south of the Caspian. The Kalif of Islam was trampled to death under horse-hoofs. The chief of the Assassins was treated with insult, endured for a time, and then slain like a wild beast.
We are now to consider an expedition planned at that Kurultai held during Ogotai’s election, and see what was done by its leader, an expedition which ruined large portions of Europe as far as the Adriatic, and made Batu, the nephew of Jinghis Khan, supreme lord of them.
The Mongols retreated from all lands west of the Carpathians and confined themselves exclusively to that part of Europe which we know as Russia. The West was too narrow for them, too mountainous, too much diversified, and contained too little pastoral land. It had too much culture, and differed too greatly from that immense open region which stretches from the Dnieper, or more correctly from the Danube, to that vast ocean of water which was later called the Pacific.
This region is made up of those spaces lying north of the Great Wall of China, that largest fence ever reared by man to ward off an enemy, and farther west by the greatest barrier raised upon [[2]]earth through creation, and also used by man as a line of defense, a fortress of refuge, that unique mountain system extending from Eastern China to Persia, and then, with a break, to the Caspian. From the Caspian westward the immense space is bounded by the Caucasus and the Black Sea, till it reaches the Danube and the mountains just north of that river.
This vast region, or Mongol careering ground as we may call it, began on the east at waters which are really the Pacific, and on the west touched the Danube, which finds its source very near the Rhone and the Rhine, both flowing into the Atlantic, since the North Sea, with its waters, is merely a part of that ocean.
The width of this region extends from the southern boundary just given to the Arctic, or Frozen Ocean. The entire southern part, somewhat less than half of this entire area, was an open, treeless country, grass-growing land and sand plains. All along on the northern side of this southern division were great stretches of grass land, with small groves of trees, from one acre to one hundred in area. Lands of this kind are seen in Siberia to our day. In the center were fruitful spots, deserts and oases. In the east, next to the center, were boundless plains, with a greater proportion of forest toward the distant east and toward the north, but with clear spaces everywhere. On the south, from the Danube to the Chinese Sea, the country was open at all points.
Such was the Mongol careering ground, and after they had overrun Europe to the Adriatic and north of it they retired to the western part of this great open country of Eastern Europe, and made their capital at Sarai, just east of the Volga, and perhaps two hundred miles north of the Caspian.
But before writing of the Mongol invasion of Russia, it will be necessary to give a somewhat detailed history of Russia previous to that event.
It is, of course, not known when the Russians settled in their present territory. In the first half of the ninth century they occupied a large extent of land stretching from the Carpathians to the upper waters of the Don and the Volga, and from the neighborhood of Lake Ladoga to a point about half-way between Kief and the Black Sea. All this population lived in villages which were governed in patriarchal fashion by the heads of families. A number of village communities formed a volost, or district, which was [[3]]the largest government unit in the country. The size of these volosts varied, according to the convenience or the necessities of the case, but in general they were small. As the Slavs were much attached to their village autonomy, and as there was an inexhaustible supply of land, it was quite impossible for a large community to subdue and absorb a weaker one, for the latter had always the power of removing to some unoccupied district and setting up its little republic in the wilderness.
The family system in force among the Slavs greatly favored this process, for a family was not, as in modern times, composed of parents and children only, but of two, three and even four generations. The head of this family was the oldest person in it, and its size was regulated by power of agreement among the members. There were often forty, fifty, or a hundred persons living in one family, all obeying a single head. A few such families formed a village, a few villages a volost, which was sometimes as large as one of our counties. The tendency of a society like this was altogether toward expansion. After reaching a certain size the village community divided, one part remaining in the old place, the other selecting a new field for its industry. It was only at a few points favorable for trade that a large number of people lived together—Novgorod near Lake Ilmen was the most conspicuous example of this kind. It is evident that people living in this manner had little power of combination and could offer but slight resistance to invasion.
Novgorod, situated near the confluence of the different rivers, and in direct communication with the Baltic, became a great trading point, and was not only the most populous place in the whole country, but the first in which civil government began. It was a market-place for the goods of Europe and Asia, and soon rose to a position of wealth and importance. Its government was an extension of the communal system of the country, and was in fact a confederation of villages, held together very loosely. Such a place offered an excellent point of attack to the Northmen, the most enterprising and rapacious of mankind, who at that period left no European country in peace.
In the south the Kazars, a powerful Asiatic horde, took tribute and left the inhabitants to their own devices. This tribute was simply the price of being let alone. In the north it was different; [[4]]the Scandinavians, who made their presence felt wherever they went, wanted not only profit, but power. They were greedy of rule, and wished to direct the affairs of Novgorod. This was unendurable; the citizens rose up, drove out the strangers, and began to govern themselves as in the old time. Theirs was no easy task, for the place was divided into parties, or rather factions, neither one of which had the power to govern. While affairs were in this troubled state, Gostomyal, the elder or president of the city, rose on a certain occasion and addressed the assembled multitude. Reminding them of their previous condition and present peril, he said that being easily inflamed by passion they were unfit to rule, that if they continued as they were the stranger would surely come, bringing dishonor to their wives and daughters and slavery to themselves, that too late they would shed bitter tears. He closed by advising them to invite from abroad some wise, strong man to govern according to their laws.
Under the immediate influence of this speech, a deputation was chosen and sent to the chieftain Rurik. The gist of their message was: “Our lands are broad and rich, but there is no order therein; do thou come and rule over us.”
Rurik came that same year, bringing with him his two brothers, Sineus and Truvor, and a certain force of his own, which was considerably increased after his arrival by native recruits. Who Rurik was is still a question among Russian historians, but it is generally conceded that he was a Scandinavian, though efforts have been made to show that he was from some Slav tribe on the southern coast of the Baltic.
The political history of Russia begins in 862, when these three brothers came to rule over Novgorod lands. The great importance claimed for this election is that an executive power, independent of all native factions, was introduced without conquest, an event unexampled in Western Europe, where the introduction of a foreign dynasty was attended always by foreign conquest.
At first Rurik, the eldest brother, settled in Ladoga, and Sineus at Bailozero. Truvor went to Izborsk to hold the Livs in check. Two years after their coming Sineus and Truvor vanish from history, whether by a natural death or through violence is not now known to any man. Rurik then advanced from the Ladoga region to Novgorod. He founded several towns, which were simply [[5]]stockaded forts, centers of settlement. He conquered Finnish tribes and sent his lieutenants to govern at needful points. At Novgorod he built a castle, and remained in that city till his death, which took place fifteen years later. During those years, he extended Novgorod rule on the west to the Upper Dvina, and on the south to the sources of the Dnieper.
Rurik died in 879 and was succeeded by Oleg, a nephew, or at least a near relative, a man of vast plans and great resources. Soon after his election Oleg, leaving a posadnik, or lieutenant at Novgorod, moved toward the south with a large force composed of Varangians, Slavs, and Fins. He had with him his ward, Igor, Rurik’s only son, then in childhood. The new prince took possession of Smolensk, Lubetch, and all other towns and villages which he found south of Novgorod. Whether these places came to him by force or by agreement no chronicler tells us. He pressed forward till he came to Kief, where he found a principality which had its origin during the lifetime of Rurik, in the following manner,—
Two of Rurik’s warriors, Askold and Dir, received permission to go to Tsargrad with the view of enrolling themselves in the guard of the Emperor. Traveling by the usual route of the Dnieper, they arrived at Kief, which so charmed them by its beauty, and the beauty of the surrounding country, that they at once decided to go no farther. The inhabitants of this place were tributary to the Kazars. The two warriors collected a number of Scandinavians and other adventurers, put themselves in the place of the Kazars, and began their rule, which was soon extended over tribes round about. The number of their adherents was increased by fugitives from Novgorod, opponents of Rurik. After a time their power became so considerable that they fitted out an expedition against Tsargrad. As their galleys approached the city, the Greeks invoked their patron saint, and dipped his image in the waters of the Bosphorus. A terrible storm came upon the invaders and destroyed the greater part of their fleet. This event, which was attributed to divine interposition, is said to have made such an impression upon Askold and Dir that they became Christians. This took place several years before Oleg’s arrival at Kief.
Finding an organized rule as an obstacle in his path, Oleg was not slow to act, and his conduct was in keeping with the Norse [[6]]cunning of that age. Leaving the greater part of his fleet behind him, he sailed up to Kief with a few boats, in which warriors were concealed; then he sent messengers to the rulers of Kief, saying that some of their countrymen, merchants, were on their way to Tsargrad and would like to show them their wares. The unsuspecting princes went on board Oleg’s boat. They were seized by men-at-arms; then Oleg stepped forth and said: “You are neither princes nor of princely race. I am a prince, and with me is Igor, the son of Rurik.” And he had them put to death at once;[1] then he took possession of Kief for Rurik’s son.
In Kief Oleg fixed himself firmly, declaring that thenceforth it should be called the mother of Russian towns. His first care was to build fortifications in the new territory, both to secure his own power and to defend the country from the Asiatic tribes of the steppes. He spent nearly thirty years, however, in gaining authority over tribes south, east and west of the new capital, before he felt strong enough to make an attack on Tsargrad.[2]
In 907 he set out on his famous expedition against the Eastern Empire. A large force, composed of Slavs, Scandinavians and Fins, accompanied him. The number of his boats, perhaps overstated, is given at two thousand. Forty men went in each boat. When the fleet touched the Bosphorus, the Greeks closed the Golden Horn, and also the gates of the capital.
Oleg’s men put their craft on the shore, and then used fire and sword around the city with such vigor that the terrified Emperors were glad to buy peace dearly. With the peace was concluded a treaty of commerce, the first Russian treaty known to history. Oleg nailed his shield to one of the city gates as a mark of victory, and returned home in triumph, bringing with him such booty as no man had seen north of the Euxine till that day.
The effect of this exploit was very great. Oleg was surnamed “the Seer” by his admiring subjects, who felt proud of his, and of their own fame. He had led many of them across the Black Sea to the capital of the Cæsars. He had roused the imagination of all. From being villagers they had become members of a political commonwealth, able to impose terms on one of the great powers of the earth. [[7]]
Oleg was a keen diplomat rather than a warrior, a ruler who, by shrewd management, brought many tribes under his sway without striking a blow. He was undoubtedly the greatest politician of pagan Russia.
In 912 Oleg died. The tradition is that some years earlier he had been warned by a wizard that the horse he was riding would cause his death. The prince dismounted at once, sent this favorite steed away to be cared for, and never rode him again. On being told that the horse was dead and his bones were bleaching in the field, he resolved to go and look at them, saying: “These wizards are always lying. The horse is dead, and I am living.” When he came to where the bones were, he pushed the skull with his foot, and exclaimed: “This was to be my death!” That instant a serpent sprang out and bit him in the leg, and straightway he sickened and died.
Igor, son of Rurik, now came to power. In 903 he had married Olga, a maiden famed for wit and beauty, and said to be the daughter of that Gostomyal who first proposed the election of Rurik. Igor’s reign had no such importance as that of his predecessor. In 941, after twenty-nine years of waiting, he made an attack on the Byzantine Empire. This attack was a failure; a mere remnant of warriors came home from it, and those brought no booty with them.
Igor resolved to find a cure for this failure, and set out for Tsargrad in 944, three years later. He went by sea, with a numerous army collected from all tribes between Lake Ladoga and the Euxine, including even Petchenegs of the southern steppe land.
The Greek Emperor sent envoys to Igor, and as he sailed near the coast they met him north of the Danube, where they delivered rich presents. “Go no farther,” said they to him. “Take the same that Oleg took, even more will be given thee.” Advised by his attendants, Igor accepted the offer, and the following year envoys were sent by him to make a treaty of commerce at Tsargrad. The treaty was made and the Emperor gave oath to observe it, then he sent envoys to Kief and Igor took the oath. Those of his men who were pagans swore by Perun, the god of thunder, and by their weapons; those who were Christians gave oath in the church of Elias. This treaty, more favorable to the Greeks than that made with Oleg, contains the phrase “Russian land,” used [[8]]then for the first time in history. Toward the end of that same year, 945, Igor went to the Drevlians, a forest tribe in the North-west, to collect tribute a second time. Learning of his approach, the Drevlians counseled together and said: “If a wolf attacks sheep he will devour the whole flock, unless he is killed; so this man will ruin us, unless we destroy him.” They seized Igor, bent down two trees, tied his feet to the top of one and his head to the other, then let them go; thus he was torn asunder.
The Drevlians then sent envoys to Olga to justify their action, and propose that she should marry their prince. Olga, determined to avenge her husband, answered: “Your speech is pleasing to me. To-morrow I will receive you in the presence of all my people. When my messengers come in the morning, tell them that you will not go on horseback or on foot,—that you must be carried in your boats.” When the envoys were gone, Olga had a deep pit dug in the courtyard. Next morning she sent for her guests, who came in their boats borne on the shoulders of men. The Drevlians, from their lofty position, looked down proudly on the multitude; but when they arrived at the courtyard they, with their boats, were thrown into the pit and quickly covered with earth.
Olga, keeping secret what had taken place, sent for a guard of honor to conduct her to the Drevlians. The first men of the tribe came; these she had burned up in a bath-house. Then she sent a message, saying: “I am on the road. Bring as much mead as you can to where my husband died. I wish to weep over his grave.” She came, with a part of her army, to where Igor was buried, and there she had a great mound raised, and celebrated the funeral feast. The Drevlians asked, “Where are our men?” She replied, “They are coming with my men.” The simple foresters, satisfied with this answer, went on feasting. When they had drunk themselves into helplessness, Olga’s warriors fell upon them and slew great numbers.
This vengeful widow next attacked Korosten. Unable to take it by force, she destroyed it by cunning. She sent a message to the inhabitants saying: “You have neither mead nor skins in abundance; give me a tribute of three pigeons, and as many sparrows from each house, and I will leave you in peace.” The Drevlians, pleased with this moderation, sent the birds at once. When evening came, Olga had rags steeped in oil tied to their wings [[9]]and ignited. The terrified creatures, set free, flew to their cots and nests, and soon every house in Korosten was in flames. The inhabitants, rushing out of the place, were either killed or captured. This was a victory of far-reaching importance, for had Olga failed to conquer the Drevlians, other tribes would have revolted, and Kief would have been lost.
Olga ruled wisely and firmly till 957, when Sviatoslav, her only son, reached manhood and succeeded his father; then she made a journey to Tsargrad, became a Christian and was baptized under the name of Helen, the Greek Emperor being her godfather. It is said that upon her return she strove to introduce Christianity into Russia, but was unsuccessful, mainly because of her son’s opposition. She, however, remained a strong advocate of the new faith and has been canonized by the Church, as the first Russian who ascended to the heavenly kingdom.
Sviatoslav, whose sole delight was in war, began his stormy rule by marching against the only Slavs east of the Dnieper, who paid him no tribute, the tribe of the Vyatichi. They were at that time tributary to the Kazars, a tribe that had issued from Northern Asia and were known to the Armenian historians as early as the second century. In the ninth century they were familiar to the Byzantines as the Eastern Turks; by the eighth century they had gained the greater part of Tauris, the present Crimea. It is not known when they first met the Slavs, but in the middle of the ninth century four Slav tribes paid tribute to the Kazars. The Kazan state itself was a composite one with four religious systems, Paganism, Mohammedanism, Judaism and Christianity. The Khan was converted to Judaism in the eighth century, and in a letter written by Khan Joseph to a Rabbi in Bagdad, he claimed to be ruler over nine nations of the Caucasus and thirteen near the Black Sea.
Sviatoslav attacked Sarkel on the Don, the chief western town and fortress of the Kazars, and captured it. Then he marched eastward to the Volga, and sailed down the river to Itil, the Kazar capital, near the northern shore of the Caspian. Itil, and all the towns of that region, were seized and plundered. Next the Russian prince marched to the foot of the Caucasus, and turned westward toward the Azoff, or “Sea Bend,” as the Russians call it. He overcame all forces that met him on the way, and established Tmutarakan, [[10]]with its capital at the Greek town Tamatarche, between the Azoff and the Euxine.
On his journey home from this long expedition, Sviatoslav finished what he undertook when he started: he subjected the Vyatichi on the Oká, and forced them to pay tribute. At this juncture the Greek Emperor, Nikifor, threatened on one side by the Bulgarians and on the other by the Arabs, sent envoys to Sviatoslav with much gold and many promises. “Let the Russian prince attack the Bulgarians,” said the envoys. “Let him take their land, let him keep it if he wishes.” Following this suggestion, Sviatoslav, in 967, overran the greater part of Bulgaria, and wished to remain in the country, taking Pereyaslavets on the Danube as his capital.
But while Sviatoslav was ruling Bulgaria from his place on the Danube, the Petchenegs, who had hitherto been kept down by the Kazars, rushed to Kief and laid siege to it so closely that no man could enter the city or leave it. At last means were found to inform Sviatoslav, who hurried home with men and scattered the besiegers, driving them far out into the steppe. Olga, his mother, then in old age, died three days after his coming.
Sviatoslav now instated his sons as princes in Russia. He established his eldest son, Yaropolk, in Kief; his second son, Oleg, he sent to the Drevlians; Vladimir, the third and youngest son, went to Novgorod at the request of its citizens, who were advised by Dobrinya, his uncle, to demand him of his father.
Sviatoslav, now free, went back to Bulgaria, but he did not meet the same fortune as before. The Bulgarians received him with weapons in their hands and gave battle immediately, but they were defeated, after a desperate struggle, and their town was taken by storm. Then appeared a far more formidable enemy, the Byzantine Emperor, John Zimisces, with an overwhelming army. The Russians were terrified, but Sviatoslav strengthened them, saying: “We have no escape. Whether we will or not, it has come to us to stand against the Greeks. Let us not bring an evil name upon the Russian land, but leave our bones upon the field; for the dead there is no disgrace. If we flee we shall find no hiding-place from our shame. Stand firmly together!”
A mighty struggle began. According to the Greeks, the Russians were overcome; according to the Russians, the Greeks yielded. [[11]]Whoever gained the victory, Sviatoslav, before leaving Bulgaria, concluded a treaty by which he agreed not to attack Byzantine territory or permit others to do so. The Emperor sent rich gifts to Sviatoslav and had an interview with him, evidently thinking the friendship of such a man better than his enmity.
Then Sviatoslav set out for Kief, sailing down the Danube and along the Black Sea to the mouth of the Dnieper, which he ascended to the cataracts. There the Petchenegs, informed by the Bulgarians of his coming, defeated his army and killed him. It is stated that the Petcheneg chief had a drinking-cup made of Sviatoslav’s skull and ornamented with this motto: “In striving for what belonged to another, thou hast lost thy own.” Thus ended the life of a man who was, without doubt, the greatest warrior amongst the descendants of Rurik.
Sviatoslav was of medium height, robust, with broad breast, blue eyes and flat nose. He wore long moustaches and had a tuft of hair on the crown of his shaven head as a mark of his nobility. Nestor describes him as being a man of honor who, when about to make war on a people, always forewarned them by the words: “I march against you!”
There was now, for the first time since the death of Rurik’s brothers, a number of princes, descendants of Rurik, in Russia. From 864 to 972, somewhat more than a century, there had been single rule all the time, but from 972 to 1480, that is, to the victory of Moscow over the principalities and over the Mongols, a period of five hundred years, there was, with only two intervals, a continual struggle between princes for supreme power.
Sviatoslav’s three sons were born of different mothers and were soon brought to enmity by advisers. As the tale runs, Svainald, an old warrior who had served the two preceding princes, was the counsellor and confidant of Yaropolk. Lyut, the son of this confidant, while hunting in a forest, encroached on Oleg’s territory, and was killed by the order of that prince. Svainald, to avenge his son’s death, incited Yaropolk against Oleg, and two years after the death of Lyut, Yaropolk invaded Oleg’s land and defeated him. While trying to escape Oleg fell from a bridge before Ovrutch and was crushed to death by his fleeing warriors, who fell on him. When the corpse was brought before Yaropolk, he was grieved and wept over it. [[12]]
Vladimir, on hearing in Novgorod of the battle near Ovrutch and the death of Oleg, fled to foreign parts, but returned three years later bringing with him strong forces.
Yaropolk, meanwhile, had made himself master in Russia, and, living in Kief, ruled, through a lieutenant, or posadnik, in Novgorod. Vladimir and his uncle expelled this posadnik straightway, and sent these words by him to Yaropolk: “Vladimir is marching against thee. Be ready for battle!”
The brothers now prepared to struggle for mastery. They began these preparations by searching out accessions of strength wherever they could find them. Southwest of Novgorod and northwest of Kief was the principality of Polotsk, which included the whole Dvina region, at that time ruled by Rogvolod, a man not of Rurik’s descendants, or family. This prince had a daughter, Rognyeda, betrothed then to Yaropolk. Vladimir, at the instance of Dobrinya his uncle and adviser, sent envoys to ask for this princess. This marriage would bring with it the assistance of Rogvolod.
Rogvolod had no wish to refuse, but he would not consent. When pressed for an answer, he referred the affair to his daughter.
Rognyeda was very fond of her betrothed husband, and having no thought at that time for policy, she replied that she would not marry the son of a bondslave. Vladimir was the son of Malusha, housekeeper of the great princess Olga,[3] his grandmother, that “wisest of women;” Dobrinya, Vladimir’s counsellor and uncle, was Malusha’s brother and a bondman. He had already, with wise advice and assistance, won Novgorod for his nephew, and was now striving to win all Russia.
Enraged at Rognyeda’s taunt regarding his sister, Dobrinya gave answer not in words, but in action. Vladimir, following his uncle’s counsel, attacked Rogvolod straightway, killing him and his two sons in battle. He then took Rognyeda, and with her Polotsk, which he joined to his own lands. Vladimir’s next step was taken against Yaropolk, who shut himself up in his capital, which he had meanwhile strengthened.
Yaropolk’s chief counsellor in Kief was one Blud, a man who in reality wished for Vladimir’s success, and worked well in secret to help him. Vladimir now laid siege to Kief. After the siege [[13]]had gone on for a time, Blud proved to Yaropolk that treason was rife in the capital, and prevailed on the prince to withdraw in the night-time to Rodnya. This place was invested soon after so closely and suffered such famine that the phrase “Misery of Rodnya” was current for a long time in Russia. In these straits, Blud advised agreement with Vladimir, and Yaropolk set out for his brother’s headquarters, where the meeting was to take place, but when near the door of his tent, two Varangians with sharp swords sprang from behind it, and hewed the man’s head off.
Vladimir was now master. He was one of those powerful, determined characters who found primitive states: large in person, self-willed, shrewd, with strong impulses and limitless activity.
Russia was pagan at that time, but there were a few Christians in Kief, and some writers think Yaropolk himself was on that side. In that case, Vladimir’s triumph over his brother was in the first instance a victory for primitive ideas. At all events, there came in with Vladimir a greater activity in the ancient religion, and for some time the new prince was its leader. After he began to reign rich statues of the gods were set up, sacrifices were more frequent and much energy was displayed in order to give the paganism of the Slavs a dignity and significance equal to that of the religions by which it was surrounded.
Though the tribes inhabiting Russia had the same pagan religion, there were many local variations. It was a religion in a more elementary stage than that of the Aryan settlers of India, when the earliest Vedas were composed. It was simply an aggregation of beliefs, superstitions, customs and festivals; the elements of religion not yet grown into a system.
Vladimir saw at last that a new religion was necessary to consolidate the tribes under his rule. His efforts to create one were in vain, for he could no more have created a religion by edict than he could have so created a language. They are both growths requiring time and certain processes. Convinced of this fact, all that was left to the Russian prince was to change the religion of the country to one of those by which he was surrounded, and this he resolved to do immediately. In religion Vladimir’s action resembled that of Peter, Russia’s modern industrial reformer, who, some centuries later, feeling that Russia must use the appliances [[14]]and methods of modern activity, or others would use them against her, strove to introduce them himself. Vladimir determined to find a religion himself, to bring it in himself, so that no power outside might be master in Russia by means of it.
The account of this conversion is so characteristic that I have translated it from Nestor, the first Russian chronicler. He says: “About this time different missionaries came to Vladimir. First the Mohammedans in 986, and they said: ‘You are wise and full of judgment, but you do not know the law. Believe in our law, and revere Mohammed.’ Vladimir asked: ‘What is your faith?’ ‘We believe in God, and Mohammed teaches us, saying: “Do not eat pork, do not drink wine.” Mohammed will give each man seventy wives.’ Vladimir listened, for he was a lover of women, and for him it was pleasant to hear this, but he did not like to hear of the prohibition of wine and of pork, and he said: “In Russia, wine is gladness; we cannot get on without that.”
“Afterward the Germans came, saying: ‘We are from the Pope, and this is his message: “Thy land is like our land, but thy faith is not like our faith.” Our faith is light, and we bow down before God, who made the heavens and the earth, the stars and the moon, and created every breathing thing; but your gods are of wood.’
“Vladimir then asked: ‘What are your commandments?’ And they answered: ‘Fasting in proportion to a man’s power, but if any one eats or drinks let it be for the glory of God, as our teacher, Paul, declared.’ Then Vladimir said to the Germans: ‘Go your way; our fathers did not receive this law.’
“The Jews, hearing of these missions, came and said: ‘We have learned that Mohammedans and Christians have come, each teaching his own faith. Him in whom the Christians believe we crucified. We believe in the one God, the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob.’ Vladimir asked: ‘What is your law?’ and they said: ‘To be circumcised; not to eat pork or rabbits; to observe the Sabbath.’ Then he asked: ‘But where is your land?’ ‘In Jerusalem.’ ‘Is it indeed there?’ They answered: ‘God became angry with our fathers and scattered them through the nations on account of our sins, and our land was given to the Christians.’ Then Vladimir asked: ‘How is it that you teach others when you are yourselves outcasts rejected of God? If God loved you and [[15]]your law, he would not have scattered you through strange lands. Do you think to bring this evil on us, too?’
“Then the Greeks sent a philosopher to Vladimir, who told him that the Mohammedans defiled the earth, that they were cursed above all people, and were like the inhabitants of Sodom and Gomorrah, whom God destroyed with fire from heaven and overwhelmed in the Dead Sea. That a like day of destruction awaits the Mohammedans when the Lord shall come to judge the earth and destroy all who work unlawful things. Vladimir said: ‘The Jews came to me and declared that the God of the Greeks and the Germans is the man whom they crucified.’ The philosopher replied: ‘That was foretold by the Prophets. The Lord took upon Himself death by the cross at the hands of the Jews, and arose from the dead on the third day and ascended into heaven. To His executioners forty-six years were given for repentance, but not repenting, the Romans were sent against them to destroy their cities and scatter them over the face of the earth, where they now wander.’ Vladimir asked: ‘For what cause did God come down upon the earth and suffer such torments?’ The philosopher replied: ‘If you wish, I will tell you all from the beginning.’ Vladimir answered: ‘I am glad to listen.’ And the Greek told him all from the creation of the world.
“In 987 Vladimir called a council composed of his chief men and the elders of the towns and said to them: ‘The Mohammedans came to me, saying: ‘Receive our law;’ then the Germans came and praised their law. Afterward came the Jews, and last the Greeks, with other laws; all praised their own faith. The Greeks explained everything from the beginning of the world, and spoke with great skill. It was wonderful to hear them and pleasant to listen to their words. They say there is another world, and whoever accepts their faith, after he dies he will rise from the dead, and then he shall not die again forever; but he who receives another law will burn in fire in the other world. To which do you give your mind?’ They answered: ‘You know, Prince, that no one belittles his own, but praises it. If you wish to know all religions well, you have men, send them to examine the religion of each country, and how each people serve God.’
“Their speech was pleasing to the prince, and to the people. They chose good and sensible men, ten in number, and said to them, [[16]]‘Go first to the Mohammedans and try their religion.’ They went and saw the foul deeds of the Mohammedans, and came home. Then Vladimir said: ‘Go to the Germans, and also to Tsargrad.’ After visiting the Germans, they arrived at Tsargrad and stood before the Tsar. He asked the cause of their coming, and they told him all that had happened. The Tsar was rejoiced, and showed them great honor that day. Next morning there was a patriarchal service. A deacon was placed near the envoys to explain the worship of God, and they wondered greatly, and marveled, praising the service.
“Upon their return to Kief, Vladimir called together his chief men, with the elders of the towns, and said: ‘Behold, the men whom we sent have returned to us. Let us hear what has taken place. Let it be spoken before the warriors.’ The envoys said: ‘We went to the Mohammedans, we saw how they prayed in the mosques, without girdles, and how, having bowed down, they looked on one side and on the other like madmen. There is no joy in their temples, but sadness and great uncleanness. Their law is not good. We went to the Germans and saw much ceremony in their churches; then we went to the Greeks, and when they led us into the place where they serve their God, we knew not whether we were in heaven, or upon earth, for in the world there is not such a sight, or such beauty. We know not how to describe it, we only know that it is there that God meets man. Their service is beyond the service of all lands. We are not able to forget that beauty. A man who has tasted the sweet will not afterward accept the bitter, hence we do not wish to remain where we are!’
“Then the chief men said to Vladimir: ‘If the law of the Greeks were bad your grandmother Olga would not have received it, for she was the wisest among men.’ Vladimir asked: ‘Where shall we receive baptism?’ And they answered: ‘Where it pleaseth thee.’ ”
While Vladimir had decided to embrace Christianity, he had resolved at the same time to avoid even the semblance of moral subjection to any foreign power. He therefore set about acquiring religion by conquest. For that purpose he led an expedition against the Crimea and captured Kerson,[4] the capital of the ancient republic [[17]]of that name, and at that time the most flourishing city on the northern coast of the Black Sea. Then he sent a message to the Greek Emperors, demanding their sister Anna in marriage. They answered that their sister could not marry a pagan. Vladimir replied that religion could be no bar, for he had long since made up his mind not only to receive Christianity himself, but to introduce it into his domains, and if the requisite number of priests were sent in the suite of the princess there need be no delay, but that if they did not consent to his proposal, he would march on Tsargrad, and treat it as he had treated Kerson. This threat had the desired effect, for at that time the Eastern Empire was torn with civil war. The Emperors hastened to avert the chance of Vladimir’s favoring their enemies, and sent the Princess Anna to Kerson. A large number of church dignitaries accompanied her. Vladimir, with his whole army, was baptized and the marriage was celebrated without delay. A part of the Russian force was despatched to assist the Emperors, and Vladimir returned to Kief, after restoring Kerson as a friendly gift to his brothers-in-law.
On his arrival at Kief, the newly converted prince overturned the ancient idols. Some were cut into pieces, others were cast into the fire, but the statue of Perun (the Vedic Parjana), the god of thunder, the Slavonic Jupiter, was tied to the tails of horses and dragged from its height to the river. Twelve men were sent to beat it with sticks, not because the wood could feel, but to insult the Devil, since by this image he had seduced man. When dragged to the river the image was hurled into the water, and Vladimir commanded men to push it out into the current, should it touch the shore anywhere. It was borne on the stream and carried over the cataracts, and the wind blew it far away toward the Black Sea.
Then heralds were sent through the city saying: “Who will not be baptized, be he rich or poor, he will be hateful to me.” Vladimir went down with all the priests to the Dnieper. Great multitudes stood in the water, and the priests prayed and baptized them. Nestor says: “There was joy upon earth and in heaven, for many souls were saved that day.” After the sacred rite the people went their way, each man to his own home. In a like manner the inhabitants of each village and settlement were brought to Christianity, and Vladimir ordered churches to be built on the places where idols had been. After Kief, the turn came for the tribes east and [[18]]west, as well as north. In Novgorod, where the old beliefs had their stronghold, the opposition was greatest, and when the first church was built the people tore it down straightway, but a skilful mingling of persuasion and force, together with the adhesion of the more important citizens, carried the day, and all Russia in time became Christian. Of course paganism lived on for many a year among the common people, as it did in other countries, and traces of it are still to be found in the folk-songs and different religious beliefs, survivals which are extremely interesting to the historian and philosopher.
This sending of an embassy of wise men to examine and report on various religions, so that prince and people might have means of making the best choice, was a remarkable departure from previous methods, and stands quite alone in the history of European Christianity. It was the exact opposite of the method used south of the Baltic,—a method which gave such great profit to invaders.
All Slav tribes between the Elbe and the Nieman, the Baltic and Bohemia lost independence, language, and race through the method by which Christianity was forced on them by Germans. If there were men among the conquered and Christianized who escaped, they were men who made themselves useful as assistant oppressors, and thus were received into the foreign aristocracy.
Christianity, introduced first into Kief and then into Novgorod, extended later on the east and west of the Dnieper till, after Yaroslav’s day, it occupied all regions held by Russian princes.
Vladimir had what the Russians love in a man: a broad nature. Occupied with serious work, he still found time for feasts. The celebration of victories and the consecration of churches were always accompanied by great banquets. These festivals took the place of pagan holidays. In all the songs of Vladimir’s time the feasts of the “Bright Sun of the Russian land” are ever remembered. So firmly did these ballads fix themselves in the popular mind, that not many years ago Hilferding, the president of the Slavonic Society at St. Petersburg, collected in the course of two months enough to fill an octavo volume of eight hundred double columns.
Vladimir’s rule in Russia was firm and unconquerable; no enemy was able to shake it. On the east he extended his power to all places reached by the princes before him; on the west his possessions touched the river San, and included the Dvina region. It [[19]]is difficult to overestimate the importance of this remarkable man’s activity, but it is by his greatest work that Vladimir is best remembered. Before he introduced Christianity, the different tribes had been held together by merely material bonds; thenceforth they were united by a common faith. There is no tie so strong as the tie of faith, and in no country has it shown more strength than in Russia.
Vladimir died in 1015, leaving twelve sons and also a nephew, or son, namely Sviatopolk. These sons were from various mothers, and great trouble rose quickly among them. Sviatopolk, whom people called “the sinful son of two fathers,” could claim Vladimir’s heritage as a nephew of Vladimir, and son of Yaropolk. He was the only one of the heirs who was in Kief when the prince died, and he claimed the throne at once by virtue of his seniority.
Vladimir had preferred two of his younger sons, Boris and Glaib, to the others, partly it may be because they were better, as he thought, and partly also because they were born of the Greek princess, Anna, to whom he was married as a Christian. Boris was perhaps his favorite, and this son he wished to succeed him as Grand Prince.
Sviatopolk looked on himself no doubt as the son of Yaropolk, whom he had reason to think of as done to death foully by Vladimir. His mother, who not long before his birth had been the betrothed wife of Yaropolk, may have schooled him touching his father. Of this we are not informed, though it seems very probable. In every case, Sviatopolk acted as if moved by keen hatred, though his motive might have been purely ambition. Acting swiftly, he seized the throne of Kief straightway, summoned the people, spoke fairly, and gave presents on all sides; then he found men to slay the sons of Vladimir. First they killed Boris, and then Glaib. Another son fled westward toward Hungary, but was followed and killed in the Carpathians.
Yaroslav, Vladimir’s fourth son, was prince in Novgorod. This city had been paying Kief a yearly tax of two hundred grievens. The tax, paid at all times unwillingly, was refused altogether during Yaroslav’s rule. Vladimir had been preparing to punish his son, and force payment on Novgorod, when he died rather suddenly. Yaroslav, to defend Novgorod against his father, had brought in Varangians to help him. Those men, as is the [[20]]wont of such persons, grew insolent quickly and were offensive to Novgorod women. Certain people rose up and slew some of those warriors. Yaroslav, to defend his men, put to death the offenders. The very night after this deed, a message came to the prince from his sister, Predslava, in Kief, giving notice of the death of his father and of all that had happened in the city.
Next morning Yaroslav summoned the people of Novgorod, and with tears in his eyes made this speech to them: “If I could, I would raise up with gold those men who fell yesterday. My father is dead, and now Sviatopolk is master. He is killing my brothers. Give me help to meet Sviatopolk and avenge these murders.”
“Though some of our brothers are dead, we have men enough yet to stand up and fight for thee,” said the people of Novgorod.
Sviatopolk, taking all of his own warriors and many Petchenegs, hurried northward to strike down Yaroslav if possible. The two armies met near Lubetch, and Yaroslav gained a great victory.
Sviatopolk fled to Poland, where his wife’s father, Boleslav the Brave, was then sovereign, and Yaroslav marched into Kief, and began rule there. The Polish king took the part of his son-in-law, and after various efforts, in which Petchenegs of the steppe were on Sviatopolk’s side, and Henry of Germany on Yaroslav’s, Boleslav, adding to his own men German and Hungarian mercenaries, led in a great force against Kief, defeated Yaroslav, and the fratricide was in power again. The king now sent home one half of his army, but lingered behind with the rest of it, which was scattered about for subsistence in different towns and villages. Sviatopolk soon tired of his ally, and then the people on whom Boleslav’s warriors were quartered rose up and slew many of them. The Polish king left at last, bearing with him much treasure. On the way to his own lands, he took Galitch[5] as the price for ridding Kief of his presence. No sooner was Boleslav fairly at home, than a fierce northern storm rushed down upon Sviatopolk.
Expecting no good to their city from Sviatopolk the Accursed, who would surely exact the old tribute, the Novgorod people rallied round Yaroslav, and, hiring foreign troops, took the field themselves. Sviatopolk was beaten in the first battle, and fled to [[21]]the Petchenegs, from whom he obtained a large army. A second battle was fought and, as fate would have it, at the place where Boris had been slain. Three times the armies paused in the struggle, and three times they closed in mortal combat, but, before the sun went down, Yaroslav had become master of the field. This battle ruined Sviatopolk. He fled straightway toward the Polish boundary, and after miserable wanderings perished. It is unknown where death came to him, or in what manner.
Of Vladimir’s twelve sons, only three were now living, Yaroslav, Mystislav, and Sudislav. There was also a nephew, Bryacheslav. The throne of Kief came to Yaroslav without a rival, for since Bryacheslav’s father had never sat on the throne, his son could not hold it. Mystislav and Sudislav were younger brothers and were excluded till Yaroslav’s death, unless he should give place to them. Younger brothers, however, claimed equal shares in the common inheritance, but these were held back by Yaroslav. He kept for himself the shares of his brothers who were dead, and gave nothing to the survivors.
The youngest, Sudislav, took no action, but Mystislav came promptly from Tmutarakan with an army to ask for the share that belonged, as he thought, to him. While Yaroslav was absent in Novgorod, Mystislav appeared before Kief, but the people there closed the gates firmly against him. He went then to Chernigoff and took it. Yaroslav hired warriors immediately, and with them and those he already had set out to find and punish Mystislav.
The two brothers met at Listven, somewhat west of Chernigoff, where Mystislav made an attack. He forced the battle at night during a terrible thunder-storm, and, knowing his ground well, defeated Yaroslav, who fled to Novgorod.
Though Mystislav had won, he sought only that which he held to be his own, and which he had demanded at first; he would not take Kief from an elder brother. He sent this message to Yaroslav: “Remain in thy Kief. Give me what is east of the Dnieper.” On that basis they settled, and the following year Yaroslav entered Kief with a large army.
Mystislav of Chernigoff had one son, who died in 1032. He himself died in 1035, while out hunting.
Sudislav, Yaroslav’s youngest brother, ruled in Pskoff and did nothing to win more dominion. But in 1035, Yaroslav put him [[22]]in prison and kept him there. The chronicler states that men calumniated Sudislav, asserting that he was dissatisfied at not receiving a share in the lands of his dead brothers. The nephew, Bryacheslav of Polotsk, was more fortunate; he made himself unendurable, nay, dangerous, and, in view of this, Yaroslav added to Polotsk the two cities of Vitebsk and Usvyat.
While ruling in Novgorod, Yaroslav had struggled against tribute to Kief. Now, as Grand Prince, he gave that city a charter of freedom from tribute, and sent there as prince Vladimir, his eldest son. When Vladimir died, some two years later, he sent Izyaslav, another son. Because of these sons, Yaroslav quarreled with Kosnyatin, his grand-uncle, son of Dobrinya. We have seen how Dobrinya, the uncle of Vladimir, had made this son of Malusha, his sister, prince in Novgorod, and somewhat later Grand Prince of Russia.
Kosnyatin was a man of distinction in Novgorod, who fought devotedly for Yaroslav during his struggles with Sviatopolk. Kosnyatin was now imprisoned by Yaroslav, who put him to death two years later. The cause of this seemingly ungrateful treatment is not known, but doubtless Kosnyatin, demanding too much for himself and for Novgorod, opposed the prince as energetically as he had formerly fought for him. In other words, he encroached on the sovereignty of Yaroslav, and his actions became of the kind which rulers of states treat as criminal, and which they meet with one answer at all times and places,—that answer is permanent removal.
Yaroslav the Lawgiver, the man who completed the foundation of the ancient Russian state, ascended the throne in 1016 and ruled for thirty-eight years. This was the most prosperous period of ancient Russia. The hordes of the steppes were kept in subjection, and about one third of Finland added to Russia, who thus held both sides of the water highway on the north. But Yaroslav’s claims to the title of a great ruler rest on another basis. He was a legislator, an administrator, a founder of cities. He framed the first code of laws, the famous Russkaya Pravda, or Russian Right; he carried on the most orderly government known till that day. In the restoration of boundaries and in internal improvements his activity was not less important. He recovered Galitch, which Boleslav of Poland had seized on his way home from his [[23]]campaign with Sviatopolk the Accursed. He founded many towns and cities, two of which are well known in our time, Yaroslavl on the Volga, and Yurieff, now Dorpat. Wishing Kief to rival Tsargrad, he spent much of the revenue exacted from tributary peoples in adorning his capital. He established the first school in the north, at Novgorod, a school for three hundred students. He concluded more alliances and maintained a more extended intercourse with European sovereigns than any prince of ancient Russia. His later wars were mostly with the Petchenegs, those robbers of the steppe who had made a drinking-cup of his grandfather’s skull, and he at last succeeded in crushing them so completely that they never again took up arms against him, and even their name finally disappeared. All his children were from one mother, Ingigerd of Sweden. One of his daughters married King Andrew of Hungary; another became the wife of Harold Hardrada, King of Norway; a third, Anna, married Henry I of France and took with her the beautiful missal afterwards used in the Cathedral of Rheims at the coronation of the French kings. When Peter the Great visited that city in 1717, the missal was shown him as of the rarest antiquity, no one even knowing the language in which it was written. To the astonishment of all present, the Emperor exclaimed: “Why, this is my own Slavonic,” and he began to read in a loud voice. This missal, a masterpiece of penmanship, and one of the most ancient specimens of Slavonic writing, was copied no doubt under the supervision of Yaroslav himself.
Yaroslav died in 1054. He was not such a favorite with the multitude as his father, Vladimir, had been. He was more austere in character, a subtle-brained ruler of men, wise and far-seeing, but unbending, better fitted to inspire respect than love. The chronicler says of him: “Yaroslav was in his place. He was lame, but his mind was not halt. He was brave in war, he was a Christian, and read books.” He built many churches, among them Saint Sophia, the admiration of Kief, and Saint Sophia of Novgorod, a precious monument of ancient Russia.
Yaroslav, knowing well the evils of civil war, arranged the succession as follows. The eldest son was to rule at Kief, with the title of Grand Prince; the other sons were to have each a principality, proportioned in accordance to his age. On the death of the Prince of Kief, he was to be succeeded by his next brother, who, [[24]]on his decease, would be followed by the next to him, and so on to the youngest, whose heir was the eldest son of the eldest brother, or first Prince of Kief. In the second generation, the succession was to continue as in the first. This system was evidently copied from that of the Slavonic households, where it might operate well enough, because a younger brother held no position during the life of the elder. But in the ruling family each member governed a certain territory, and when the Prince of Kief died, there was a change all around, each ruler moving a step higher in the scale. The result was continual shifting, disorder, and civil war.
Yaroslav left five sons, and a number of grandsons, whose fathers were dead. To the sons he gave principalities; to the grandsons he left nothing; they must depend upon the kindness of their uncles; they were really excluded from sovereignty, and became in fact common people.
Before death Yaroslav enjoined mutual love on all his sons, and on the younger obedience to Izyaslav, the eldest, who would be to them in the place of a father. To Izyaslav he gave Kief, saying to him: “If any of thy brothers offend another, do thou protect the offended man.”
Besides Kief, Izyaslav was prince also in Novgorod, hence the road from the Baltic to the Greeks was at his command.
Sviatoslav, the second son, received Chernigoff with Ryazan, Murom, and Tmutarakan, beyond the Sea of Azoff. Vsevolod, the third son, received Pereyaslavl, Suzdal and Bailo-Ozero; the fourth son, Vyacheslav, got Smolensk, and the fifth, Igor, Volynia with its capital, Vladimir. Rostislav, son of Vladimir, Yaroslav’s eldest son, who died before his father, received from his uncles Rostoff, situated in the middle of Vsevolod’s territory.
In this division of Russia the best principality, Kief, went to the eldest son; the second in value, Chernigoff, to the second son, and so on. The idea was to give each prince a place whose income corresponded to his rank in the scale of seniority. Kief, besides its superior income, carried with it the sovereignty of Russia.
Let us follow the working of this system. In 1057, three years after Yaroslav’s death, died the fourth brother, Vyacheslav of Smolensk, leaving one son. Igor of Volynia was transferred to Smolensk by his brothers, and Rostislav, the nephew, was [[25]]moved from Rostoff to Volynia. In 1060 Igor died in Smolensk, leaving sons also. The remaining three brothers gave Smolensk neither to Igor’s sons, nor to Rostislav, to whom, by the established order, it would belong.
Rostislav, enraged at his uncles, found daring spirits in Novgorod to help him, among others Vyshata, son of Ostromir, the posadnik. With these men he set out for Tmutarakan to find warriors and win by the sword that which, as he thought, belonged to him.
In 1058 the four surviving brothers freed their uncle Sudislav from prison, where Yaroslav, his brother, had kept him for eighteen years. They took from him an oath to act in no way against them. Old and childless, he entered a monastery, and died five years later.
Rostislav now took Tmutarakan from Glaib, son of Sviatoslav. Sviatoslav hurried to help his son, and, as Rostislav did not resist his uncle, Glaib was put back into power very promptly. No sooner was Sviatoslav at home, however, than Glaib was driven out a second time by Rostislav, who now settled down firmly and with a purpose. He began at once to extend his dominion along the Caucasus, and was rapidly gaining power to use against his uncles, when the Greeks of the Chersonese poisoned him, and Glaib took his old place again unhindered.
The three sons of Yaroslav were rid now of their nephew, but they had a cousin who began to give them much trouble. This cousin was Vseslav of Polotsk, grandson of Izyaslav, the eldest brother of Yaroslav the Lawgiver. This Vseslav was known to be desperate in battle, and swift beyond any man in marching. People believed him born through enchantment, they thought him a real devil’s son, who could turn to a gray wolf and race in one night from the Caucasus to Novgorod. This so called “wizard,” excluded from the sovereign circle, now began war in defense of rights which to him, the great-grandson of Vladimir the Apostle, might indeed seem well founded.
In 1065 the wizard attacked Pskoff, meeting with no success, but the following year he entered Novgorod, captured many people, took down the great bell of Sophia, seized church ornaments and hurried away. “Immense was the misery of that day,” states the chronicler. Izyaslav and his brothers pursued Vseslav during terrible cold, for the time was midwinter. On the road [[26]]they halted at Minsk. The people had shut themselves up in the stronghold; so they stormed the stronghold and captured it, cutting down all defenders, sparing only women and children as captives.
They followed Vseslav till early in March, when they overtook him, and notwithstanding a blinding snow-storm, there was a terrible battle. Many fell on both sides. Vseslav was defeated, but he escaped, as he always did, because of his swiftness and “magic.”
The following summer, Izyaslav invited the “evil wizard” to a council of peace and kissed the cross not to harm him. Vseslav, with his two sons, passed over the Dnieper, but when he entered Izyaslav’s tent he was seized, though a wizard, and imprisoned; his sons were imprisoned also.
The Prince of Kief and his brothers had rest now from relatives. But some great calamity was coming, every one felt it; there were portents on all sides. A bloody star appeared in the sky and remained a whole month there; the sun was as pale as the moon; a deformed fish had been caught, enormous and dreadful to look at.
While all men were convinced that some terror was approaching, and were waiting in fear to see what it might be, the Polovtsi, a new scourge, appeared. They had conquered the Petchenegs and were now ready to harass Russia. Kazars, Torks and Petchenegs had preceded them in this office, but the Polovtsi were Russia’s direst foes thus far.
In 1055 the Polovtsi had crossed the boundary of Pereyaslavl, but made peace and then vanished. In 1059 Vsevolod attacked a certain Tork force, which he crushed. In 1060 a “countless host” was led against those Tork opponents, who, informed of the movement, hurried off to the steppe, but were followed. The princes killed many and seized numbers more of them. The captives were settled in towns to do service. Those Torks who succeeded in escaping died in the steppe from frost, hunger and hardship. The Torks were now finished, as were also the Petchenegs, but the Polovtsi succeeded both, as attackers of Russia.
In 1061 these people appeared in large numbers. Vsevolod met them immediately, but he was vanquished. They took what they pleased and rushed off to the steppe again. In 1068 a still greater host came. The three Russian princes met this host, and [[27]]fought bravely, but were badly defeated and fled, Izyaslav with his brother Vsevolod to Kief; and Sviatoslav to Chernigoff.
All men in Kief were enraged at Izyaslav. Some demanded arms, and others a prince who would lead them successfully against the Polovtsi. They rushed to the prison, freed Vseslav the wizard, and made him Grand Prince immediately. Izyaslav, to save his life, hastened westward to Poland. The Polovtsi advanced to Chernigoff, where Sviatoslav met the plundering host and crushed it.
Seven months after his flight, Izyaslav appeared before Kief with a numerous army commanded by Boleslav the Bold, King of Poland. Vseslav went forth to meet him, and it is told of him that, since he could hope for no favor from Vsevolod or Sviatoslav against Izyaslav, their brother, the wizard became a gray wolf in the night-time and vanished. In fact he fled. The army, deserted by its leader, returned to Kief and sent the following message to Sviatoslav and Vsevolod: “Unless ye save Kief from the Poles, we will burn it and go to the land of the Greeks.” “We will warn our brother,” replied Sviatoslav, “we will not permit him to enter the city with large forces.”
Izyaslav, warned by his brothers, came with only a part of the army, was received and took his place as of old in the capital. As soon as he left the Kief army, Vseslav hurried off to Polotsk and took possession of that city.
Once well reinstated in Kief, Izyaslav attacked Vseslav, expelled him from Polotsk, and placed there Mystislav, his own son. When that son died he sent another one, Sviatopolk. Vseslav, meanwhile, went to the Chuds (Fins), assembled a large force among them, and attacked Novgorod, but he was again unsuccessful. Fresh warriors, however, flocked to the wizard, who drove Sviatopolk from Polotsk, which he held now successfully, and with firmness.
Izyaslav, having failed to subdue the wizard, decided to act alone, and negotiate with him. He asked no aid from his brothers; he could not well do so, for Sviatoslav the Strong was unfriendly, was in reality plotting against Izyaslav, working to make himself master of Kief at the earliest moment. Dissatisfied Kief men, and victims of Izyaslav’s anger, found refuge with Sviatoslav, who turned now to Vsevolod, his brother, and said: “Izyaslav [[28]]is plotting with the wizard against us. Unless we expel him from Kief at once, he will drive us both from our places.” The two brothers took action and Izyaslav was forced to leave Kief for the second time.
Sviatoslav became Grand Prince and gave Chernigoff to Vsevolod. Izyaslav now went to Poland. He gave immense presents to Boleslav the Bold and to magnates, who did naught to assist him, but in the end told him that he would better go elsewhere. He journeyed then to Mainz and asked aid of Henry IV, the same Emperor who went to Canossa. He gave presents to Henry and begged help against Sviatoslav and Vsevolod. Henry, pleased by this recognition of his power by a Grand Prince of Russia, sent an embassy straightway to Kief to demand reinstatement for Izyaslav.
The Polish king and Henry were enemies at this time, hence Sviatoslav made a treaty at once with the king, and sent Oleg, his own son, with Monomach, son of Vsevolod, to assist him. Henry’s efforts were vain, so Izyaslav’s son visited Rome to beg aid of Gregory, the seventh of that name, the strong Pope who forced Henry IV to stand thinly clad in the cold at Canossa.
The Russian prince declared that his father was ready to recognize papal supremacy, if Gregory would only restore Kief to him. The Pope wrote at once to the Polish king, touching the gifts which he had taken from Izyaslav before sending him out of the country.
At this juncture Henry’s ally, the Bohemian king, Vratislav, heard that two Russian princes were coming with warriors to attack him. He asked peace of Boleslav, and obtained it for one thousand grievens in silver. Boleslav then directed Oleg and Monomach to return, as peace had been concluded. They replied that they could not go back without shame, unless they won honor. Hence they advanced to get honor. During four months they “went through” Vratislav’s land—to “go through” means to ravage. Vratislav then gave them a thousand grievens in silver for peace. They made peace, and returned home with the money—and with honor.
The Polish king, angered by Oleg and Monomach, and roused by Pope Gregory, promised to help Izyaslav, and began an advance on Kief. Meanwhile Sviatoslav died, and Vsevolod set out with [[29]]forces to meet Boleslav, but upon reaching Volynia he made peace, yielding in favor of Izyaslav, who became Grand Prince for the third time, and Vsevolod returned to Chernigoff. There was trouble on all sides, however.
In 1076, during winter, Monomach hastened to Novgorod to help Glaib against Vseslav the wizard, who was raiding and would give no rest at any time unless that which he claimed was assured him. Some months later Monomach was joined by his father, Vsevolod, and they marched against Vseslav, taking with them Polovtsi warriors, employed now for the first time in conflicts between princes. They made an attack, but could not crush Vseslav; he was too swift in his movements. They could lay waste to the country, but could not conquer the wizard, or stop him. They could only watch and then ward off the blows which he struck at one point or another.
But from the east still greater troubles were approaching. Vladimir, Sviatoslav, Vyacheslav and Igor, four sons of Yaroslav, were now dead, all leaving sons to whom their uncles would give no land. After Sviatoslav’s death in 1076, and when Vsevolod had gone to meet Izyaslav and yield Kief to him, Boris, a son of Vyacheslav, seized the throne of Chernigoff, but retained it only eight days. Then he sped away to Tmutarakan, where Roman, son of Sviatoslav, was ruler. There were five of those sons of Sviatoslav, who held good lands while their father was Grand Prince, but after his death they were driven from the lands by Izyaslav, their uncle. Glaib was forced to leave Novgorod and lost his life in the north among Fins. Oleg, driven from Volynia, turned first to Vsevolod, his uncle, but when he could get no assistance from him he went to Tmutarakan, in search of men to aid him. Meanwhile, Izyaslav and Vsevolod gave all disposable lands to their own sons.
Two years later, 1078, Oleg and his cousin Boris led an army of Polovtsi and others to Chernigoff, where they attacked Vsevolod and defeated him. Vsevolod turned then to Izyaslav for assistance, and the two princes, with Yaropolk and Monomach, their sons, marched against Oleg and his cousin. Boris was killed in the front of the battle, and a spear went through the body of Izyaslav, the Grand Prince. Though these two princes fell, the battle continued till Oleg’s forces were broken and he was swept from [[30]]the field, escaping with great difficulty. Thus one son and one grandson of Yaroslav fell in this desperate struggle between uncles and nephews (October, 1078).
Now Vsevolod, the last son of Yaroslav the Lawgiver, became Grand Prince, and the difficulties before him were enormous.
As already stated, Yaroslav the Lawgiver had six sons: Vladimir, Izyaslav, Sviatoslav, Vyacheslav, Igor and Vsevolod. Vladimir, the eldest son, had died before his father’s death, and had left one son, Rostislav, poisoned afterward in Tmutarakan by the Greeks of Chersonese. Rostislav had three sons: Rurik, Volodar and Vassilko. Rurik died early, Volodar and Vassilko lived long and caused much trouble.
Vyacheslav, the fourth son of the Lawgiver, died Prince of Smolensk, leaving one son, Boris, who fell, as we have seen, on the battle-field with Izyaslav, his uncle. Igor, the fifth son, had died young, leaving one son, David. Vsevolod, the sixth son, was now Prince of Russia. Of Sviatoslav’s sons, four were living, Oleg, Roman, David and Yaroslav. Seven descendants of Yaroslav the Lawgiver were excluded, besides Vseslav, the wizard of Polotsk, who demanded equal rights with the sons of Yaroslav, and would not give peace till he got them.
On assuming power in Kief, Vsevolod gave Chernigoff to his son Monomach, and to Yaropolk, son of Izyaslav, he gave Volynia. He gave nothing to any of the dissatisfied princes. This conduct roused Oleg, whose father had been Grand Prince in Kief with the aid and consent of Vsevolod, given either by constraint or freely. So in 1079 Oleg sent his brother, Roman, with an army of Polovtsi to war against Vsevolod, who met him, but made peace with the Polovtsi by giving value in hand without fighting. As Roman had nothing to give them, save a promise of plunder for which they must fight, the Polovtsi dropped Roman’s cause and killed him. Then they went home, seized Oleg and gave him to the Greeks of the Chersonese, who sent him in fetters to Rhodes in the Archipelago. Ratibor was sent by Vsevolod as posadnik to Tmutarakan, and he ruled there till David, son of Igor, with Vassilko and Volodar, sons of Rostislav, came the following year, drove him out of Tmutarakan and governed in their own way. Oleg, who had fled from his exile, appeared a year later, confined [[31]]the three princes, and put those Polovtsi to death who slew Roman. Later on he freed the princes, who had now to seek for lands in other places.
In 1084 Rostislav’s son’s, Vassilko and Volodar, disappeared from Volynia, where they had been living with Yaropolk. Disappeared, but returned with an army and drove away Yaropolk. Monomach now, at command of his father, marched against those two princes, expelled them and reinstated Yaropolk after much fighting and effort.
David, son of Igor, used means of another sort. He remained for a time in Tmutarakan, then he went with warriors to the mouth of the Dnieper, stopped all merchants trading with Tsargrad and took their wares from them. This put an end to commerce with the Byzantine Empire. Vsevolod’s treasury suffered immediately and he was obliged to come to terms. He gave David a part of Volynia, and commerce with Tsargrad was free again.
Yaropolk, deeply offended by this gift to David, which decreased his own lands, began to enlist men and make ready for warfare. Vsevolod, upon learning of this, sent his son, Vladimir Monomach, to attack Yaropolk, but that prince had fled to Poland, leaving wife, mother and treasures in Lutsk. An attack was made upon Lutsk, which surrendered to Monomach, who captured Yaropolk’s family with attendants and treasures and established David, son of Igor, as ruler of all Volynia.
At this time Galitch was won, as it seems, by the sons of Rostislav. They seized it from the Polish king, who was friendly with Yaropolk.
The following year, 1086, Yaropolk came back from Poland, made peace with Monomach and was again seated in Volynia. Still his lands could not have been of great use to him, since soon after his coming he set out for Zvenigorod. He was slain on the road by a man named Neradets, who escaped and took refuge with Rurik, son of Rostislav, in Galitch.
That same year Vsevolod moved against Volodar and Vassilko, but in the end made peace with them. After that there was rest for a time in Volynia. But there was sharp trouble with Vseslav the wizard, who at Vsevolod’s accession had “scorched” Smolensk, that is burned it, all save the stronghold. Monomach [[32]]hunted him swiftly with men doubly mounted,[6] but the wizard escaped. A second hunt followed, by men from Chernigoff and Polovtsi allies. On the way they took Minsk by surprise, and left not a man or beast in the city. [[33]]
[1] The tomb of Askold is still shown near Kief. [↑]
[2] The city of the Tsar, or Cæsar, that is Constantinople, so called for the first Christian Emperor, Constantine. [↑]
[3] Olga was the mother of Sviatoslav and thus the grandmother of Vladimir. [↑]
[4] Ruins of this city still exist near Sevastopol. Among the ruins is a church said to be the one in which Vladimir received baptism. [↑]
[6] Men riding one horse and leading another. [↑]
CHAPTER II
VLADIMIR MONOMACH
In 1093 Vsevolod died at the age of sixty-four. His successor was Sviatopolk, son of Izyaslav, a weak and worthless man. Then came trouble and turmoil. “Those were days,” an old song says, “when strife was sown, when it grew as grain in the field grows, when men’s lives were shortened by princes’ struggles, when the cry of the earth-tiller was heard only rarely, but often the scream of the crows wrangling over corpses.” Monomach, the bravest and ablest of all the descendants of Yaroslav, might have taken the Kief throne had he wished, since the Kief people begged him to do so, but he feared civil war and refused, saying: “Sviatopolk’s father was older than my father; he reigned first in Kief.”
Sviatopolk, greedy and cruel, showed his character quickly. Envoys from the Polovtsi came to sell peace to him. He cast them into prison. When the Polovtsi heard of this insult they made war with the utmost vigor.
Sviatopolk then freed the envoys and asked for peace, but could not get it. He began at once to prepare for war on a small scale, but at last took advice and asked aid of Monomach, who came, bringing with him his brother. The three princes with their combined forces attacked the Polovtsi, though Monomach urged peace, since the enemy outnumbered them notably. The Russians were beaten in a savage encounter and Rostislav, Monomach’s brother, was drowned while crossing a river; Monomach himself had a narrow escape when struggling to save him. Elated with triumph, the Polovtsi hastened toward Kief, ravaging all before them. Sviatopolk, who had taken refuge in the capital, summoned fresh warriors and went out to meet the enemy a second time, but was again defeated and fled back to Kief with but two attendants. [[34]]
As Sviatopolk now wished greatly for peace, he gave what the Polovtsi asked, and took the Khan’s daughter in marriage.
Oleg, son of Sviatoslav of Chernigoff, one of the most resolute and active men of the eleventh century, came also with peace to sell, leading in a new army of Polovtsi. The crushing defeats which his cousins had suffered prepared the way for him. He laid siege to Chernigoff, harried the surrounding country and burned churches and villages. For eight days his Polovtsi worked at the stronghold, then Monomach sent a message to Oleg declaring that to stop bloodshed and ruin he would march from the city. Peace was made on that basis, and Oleg became master of Chernigoff.
Pereyaslavl was now Monomach’s capital, and continued to be so during a time of sore trial and waiting. Pereyaslavl was the place which the Polovtsi struck first of all, when marching against Russia. Monomach lived three years in this exposed capital, where he suffered through lack of means and from ceaseless attacks of the Polovtsi. In 1095 two Khans, Itlar and Kitan, came to Pereyaslavl to sell peace, that is to take treasure for a promise of peace, and then break the promise.
Itlar went with his men to the stronghold to pass the night there and was lodged at the house of Ratibor, a distinguished boyar.
Kitan remained between the outer wall and the second one, and Monomach gave Sviatoslav, his son, to Kitan as hostage for the safety of Itlar.
A man by the name of Slavata, who had come that day on some mission from Sviatopolk in Kief, persuaded Ratibor to get consent from Monomach to kill those Polovtsi. “How could I permit such a deed?” demanded Monomach; “I have given my oath to Itlar:” “The Polovtsi give oaths to thee, and then slay and ruin us on all sides. That they will do this time also.” Monomach yielded after much persuasion, and that night men were sent out who stole away Sviatoslav and then killed Kitan with his attendants. Itlar, at Ratibor’s house, knew nothing of what had happened. Next morning Ratibor’s men climbed to the top of the house in which Itlar was lodging, opened the roof and killed the Polovtsi warriors with arrows. Sviatopolk and Monomach moved at once to the steppe against the Polovtsi and sent to Oleg for aid in the struggle. Oleg went, but held aloof through [[35]]suspicion. The two princes were successful. The Polovtsi, taken unawares, were badly defeated. The princes seized men, cattle, horses and camels, and returned home with rich booty.
Oleg’s conduct had angered Sviatopolk and Monomach seriously. “Thou art unwilling to join us against the vile enemy,” said they. “In thy house Itlar’s son is now living; give him to us, or else kill him.” Oleg would not yield to his cousins. Soon after they sent this message: “Come to Kief and take counsel, so that we may defend Russia together.” “I will not let priests and common men judge me,” replied Oleg. This answer enraged Kief people, and Sviatopolk and Monomach declared war against Oleg without another question. “Thou wilt not help us to crush pagans,” said they, “or meet us in council. Thou art plotting to strengthen the enemy. Let God judge between us.”[1]
The two princes now marched on Chernigoff. Oleg fled thence to Starodub and shut himself in there. The princes laid siege to the place, and during thirty-three days they made vigorous onsets, but the defense was most resolute. At last the besieged were exhausted, and Oleg was obliged to beg for peace. “Go to David, thy brother,” replied the princes, “and come with him to Kief. Kief is the mother city. In Kief ruled our ancestors. Let us meet there and settle all questions.” Oleg kissed the cross in assent and set out for Smolensk to find David, but upon arriving at that city the people would not allow him to enter, so he turned and went back toward Ryazan.
Since Oleg and David did not come to Kief to make peace and take counsel, the two princes marched on Smolensk. David now made peace with them, on what terms is unknown to us, while Oleg, with his own men and some warriors sent him by David in secret, advanced against Murom to expel Izyaslav, son of Monomach. Izyaslav, having a numerous force, went out to meet Oleg. “Go to Rostoff, which belonged to thy father,” said Izyaslav, “but leave my father’s portion.” “I wish to be here,” replied Oleg. Izyaslav now gave battle. A fierce struggle followed, and Izyaslav fell in the fight before the walls of Murom. The town then received Oleg, who hurried on straightway to Suzdal, which also surrendered. Of the citizens some he held captive while others were sent to various places in his own land, [[36]]but he seized all of their property. He appeared next in front of Rostoff, which surrendered at once, and he appointed men to collect taxes there.
Oleg held now all lands connected with Murom. At this juncture there came to him an envoy from Mystislav, prince in Novgorod, with this message: “Leave Suzdal and Murom. Take not another man’s province. I will make peace between thee and my father, even though thou hast slain Izyaslav, my brother.”
Oleg would not listen. After such a victory he had no desire for peace. He planned to take Novgorod, he had even sent forward his brother, Yaroslav, and was going to assist him. Mystislav sent men, who seized Oleg’s tax-gatherers. In view of this, Yaroslav warned Oleg to guard himself carefully, that forces were advancing from Novgorod. Oleg turned back to Rostoff, but Mystislav followed him. He then left Rostoff for Suzdal; his enemy hurried straight after him. Oleg burned Suzdal and fled to Murom. Mystislav reached Suzdal and halted. From Suzdal he sent an envoy again to make peace, if possible.
Oleg, doubtful of victory through force, now sought it through strategy. He sent back words of seeming friendliness, and was watchful.
Mystislav, thinking peace near, quartered most of his warriors at some distance in villages. While eating at midday, news was brought in that the enemy was advancing rapidly. Oleg had thought that a sudden feint would put his nephew to flight, but Mystislav held his ground firmly. He quickly called together all his men, and when Oleg was drawing near Suzdal, an army was ready for action in front of him. For four days were the two princes facing each other; neither one saw his way to begin the hard trial. Meanwhile Monomach was hurrying on reinforcements to Mystislav. These were Polovtsi commanded by another son, Vyacheslav. On the fifth day Oleg moved against Suzdal, and Mystislav, having placed the Polovtsi in ambush to attack at the critical moment, marched out to meet him.
The battle began, and Mystislav with his Novgorod men was bearing down heavily on the enemy, when the Polovtsi, with Monomach’s banner above them, suddenly rushed at the flank of Oleg’s army. Panic fell on the warriors at sight of that banner; [[37]]they thought that Monomach was attacking in person, and they fled from the field in disorder.
Oleg escaped to Murom, where he left his brother, Yaroslav, and then marched with all speed to Ryazan. Mystislav hastened to Murom, made peace with the people and freed the men seized by Oleg some time earlier, then he pursued Oleg farther. Oleg, learning that Mystislav was approaching, left Ryazan. Mystislav came to terms with the people of Ryazan, as he had with those of Murom. He now sent a second letter to Oleg, urging him to make peace with his cousins. Oleg made a favorable promise, and Mystislav wrote to Monomach on behalf of Oleg, who was his godfather. Because of this letter Monomach, anxious to put an end to the dispute between the princes, sent a mild, but firm message to Oleg. The result was a meeting of the princes in 1097 at Lubetch, a place east of the Dnieper on the land of Chernigoff.
Seated on the same carpet, they agreed that in order to put an end to civil war, each prince, or group of princes, should receive the land held by his, or their father. Hence Sviatopolk received Kief with Turoff; to Vladimir went all that Vsevolod, his father, had held,—Smolensk with Rostoff and its settlements. Novgorod fell to Mystislav, who had conquered Oleg; Sviatoslav’s sons, Oleg, David, and Yaroslav, received the lands of Chernigoff. There now remained the izgoi, or orphans, the excluded princes: David, son of Igor, with Vassilko and Volodar, sons of Rostislav. To David was given Volynia, or all that was left of it after the paring of land from that province. Peremysl fell to Volodar, and Terebovl to Vassilko.
When everything was thus amicably settled, the princes kissed the cross, and declared that if any one of them should raise hands on another all the rest would oppose that man, and the holy cross be against him. After that they kissed one another and parted.
This meeting at Lubetch fixed succession to lands east of the Dnieper by giving what the father had held to the sons of Sviatoslav. But west of that river were, as we shall find, fruitful causes of trouble. In Polotsk was Vseslav, the restless wizard, unrecognized as yet, and dissatisfied. In Volynia was David, son of Igor; next to him were the sons of Rostislav, who had some land which David looked on as a part of Volynia. Vassilko, Prince of Terebovl, [[38]]was renowned for his activity and enterprise. He had led Polovtsi into Poland and was planning new exploits. Warriors from various tribes were coming even then to serve under him. David, perfidious and grasping, but no warrior, was in ceaseless dread of Vassilko. Before the council at Lubetch was ended, Turijak, Vassili, and Lazar, three men of David’s escort, had persuaded their master that Monomach and Vassilko had formed a plan and were ready for action against him. Vassilko, they said, was to take Volynia, David’s land, while Monomach would seize Kief from Sviatopolk. This tale threatened David with loss of rule, and death or exile. He knew well what wandering and seeking for power meant, so on the way back to Kief he explained this tale to Sviatopolk, and added: “Unless we seize Vassilko at once, thou wilt not stay in Kief, nor I in Volynia.” Since Sviatopolk was doubtful as to the truth of this statement, David developed his reasons for making it: “He killed thy brother Yaropolk, and is now plotting against both of us; he is at one with Monomach.”
Sviatopolk was willing to have the deed done, but wished to make David entirely responsible for it. “If thou art speaking the truth,” said he, “God Himself will be witness on thy side. If untruth, He will judge thee.”
When Vassilko reached Kief he was invited by Sviatopolk to the feast of his name’s day, but he excused himself, saying that his men had gone ahead and he must overtake them. On hearing this, David sent word to Vassilko as follows: “Offend not thy elder brother, remain for the feast.” Vassilko refused even this request. David turned then to Sviatopolk, with these words: “Here in thy capital he dares to disregard thee. What will the man do in his own land? He will take Pinsk and other towns, thou wilt think of my words then. Send men, seize Vassilko, and give him to me; I will care for him.”
Sviatopolk yielded and sent an invitation to Vassilko to visit him at his home: “If thou wilt not stay for my festival,” said he, “visit me this morning, and sit awhile with David and me.”
Vassilko consented and was on the way when a servant who met him gave warning: “Go not, O prince,” said he; “they will seize thee.” “God’s will be done,” replied Vassilko and making the sign of the cross, he rode on. Upon his arrival Sviatopolk came to the door of his palace, and greeted him with great [[39]]cordiality and kindness. Then David appeared, and Vassilko was invited to breakfast with his two kinsmen. Presently Sviatopolk withdrew, as if to give orders, and upon some pretext David followed him. The next moment men rushed into the room, seized Vassilko and put him in double fetters.
Sviatopolk now sought the advice of Kief boyars and the clergy. The boyars answered evasively; the clergy took the side of Vassilko, and begged the Kief prince to free him. Sviatopolk seemed to waver. “This is all David’s work,” declared he, “I have no part in it.” David interfered at once, saying: “If thou set him free, we shall not remain princes.” “He is in thy care then,” replied Sviatopolk, and Vassilko was given up to David, who straightway had his eyes put out.
Monomach wept when he heard of the tragedy. “Never before,” cried he, “has such a deed as this been done in the midst of us.” And at once he sent to Sviatoslav’s sons, Oleg and David, for aid in chastising the criminal. They came promptly, with forces to help him. The three princes then sent this query to Sviatopolk: “Why commit such iniquity; why cast a knife between princes? Why put thy brother’s eyes out? If he had offended, why not accuse him before us, we would have punished him if guilty. But tell us now what his fault was, what did he do to thee?”
“David told me,” replied Sviatopolk, “that Vassilko slew Yaropolk, my brother, that he was preparing to kill me, that Monomach would take Kief and Vassilko Volynia. I had to care for my own life. Besides, it was David, not I, who blinded Vassilko. David took him and on the way home put his eyes out.”
“Thou canst not lay thy own sins on David. Not in his land, but in thine, was the deed done,” retorted the envoys, and they left him.
Next day, when the three princes were marching on Sviatopolk, he prepared to flee from his capital, but Kief men interposed and sent his stepmother to Monomach. With her went Nikolai the metropolitan, to beg in the name of the city not to make war upon Sviatopolk. They presented such reasons that Monomach was moved, and he sent this injunction: “Since David alone did this deed, as thou sayest, do thou, Sviatopolk, move against David, and either seize the man captive, or drive him out of his province.” Sviatopolk declared himself ready to do this. [[40]]
Vassilko was meanwhile imprisoned by David, who took every town that he could during the winter and set out the next spring before Easter to seize all the lands that remained to his captive. He was met on the boundary, however, by Volodar, who was ready for battle, hence David took refuge in Bugsk. Volodar moved on that place without waiting, and sent this question to David: “Why hast thou done so much evil, and wilt not repent of it? See what immense harm thou hast wrought already.”
David laid the guilt upon Sviatopolk. “Was it I who did the deed?” asked he. “Was it done in my capital? I feared to be treated as was thy brother. I was not free; I was at their mercy.” “God knows which man of you is guilty,” said Volodar. “Give me my brother and I will make peace with thee.” David was glad to be free of Vassilko, so peace was declared, and they parted. That peace, however, was not lasting, for David would not yield the towns which he had taken after blinding Vassilko, hence the two brothers attacked him at Vsevolod. But David escaped, shut himself in at Vladimir, and waited.
Vsevolod was stormed and burned down. As the people fled from the blazing city, Vassilko commanded Volodar to kill them. Thus he avenged his own wrongs upon innocent people.
Next the two brothers hastened to Vladimir. “We have come,” declared they to the citizens, “not against you, but to find Turijak, Vassili, and Lazar, those men who lied foully to David. Through listening to them he has done dreadful evil; yield those three up to us. If ye protect them, we must attack you.” The citizens counseled together and declared then to David: “Yield these three men; for thee we are ready to battle, but not for them.” “They are not here,” replied David. He had sent those attendants to Lutsk to save them. The people forced him to bring back Vassili and Lazar; Turijak had fled to Kief and thus saved himself. Peace was made, and next morning Vassili and Lazar were hanged on two gibbets, in front of Vladimir.
Sviatopolk had promised to march against David and expel him, but all this time he was idle; he set out only after a year, and then he moved not directly, but to Brest on the boundary, where he made a Polish alliance. He feared to attack single-handed and acted only when David was beaten by Volodar and Vassilko; even then he wished the Poles to assist him. He also made [[41]]an alliance with Volodar and Vassilko, and kissed the cross to them.
David, too, went to Brest to get Polish aid, and gave fifty gold grievens[2] to King Vladislav Herman as a present. “Help me!” implored David. “Sviatopolk is in Brest,” said the king, “I will reconcile thee with him.” Vladislav, however, soon discovered by experience that the friendship of Sviatopolk brought a greater return to him than did friendship with David. The Kief prince made richer gifts, and to Vladislav’s son he gave his daughter in marriage. In view of these facts, the king informed David that he had failed in discussions with Sviatopolk. “Go home,” said he; “I will send aid if thy cousin attacks thee.”
David went home and waited a long time. Sviatopolk laid siege to Vladimir. David held out, hoping for Polish assistance, which came not. At last he yielded, and the two princes made peace. David marched out, and Sviatopolk, when he had entered Vladimir in triumph, began to think of Volodar and Vassilko. “They are on lands which belonged to my father,” said he, and he marched against the two brothers, forgetting that he had kissed the cross to them recently. He found it most difficult, however, to deal with those princes. When he advanced to invade their lands, Volodar and Vassilko met him promptly on the boundary. Before the battle, which followed immediately, Vassilko held up the cross which Sviatopolk had kissed, and cried out to him: “See what thou didst kiss to prove thy good faith to me. Thou hast robbed me of eyesight, and now thou art trying to kill me. Let this holy cross be between us.”
The ensuing battle was savage. Sviatopolk was forced from the field and withdrew to Vladimir, where he put his son, Mystislav, in charge, and sent another son, Yaroslav, to Hungary to find aid against Volodar and Vassilko, he himself going to Kief in the meantime.
At Yaroslav’s call, the Hungarian king, Koloman, came with an army and two bishops and laid siege at once to Peremysl, where Volodar had fixed himself. David came back from Poland, where he had begged aid without finding it. Their common danger at this time brought him and his victim together, and, leaving his wife in Volodar’s care, he set out to find Polovtsi allies. He met Bonyak, the famous Polovtsi Khan, who returned with him, bringing [[42]]a strong force of warriors. They attacked and drove out the Hungarians, and punished them severely. Yaroslav, son of Sviatopolk, who had brought the Hungarians to Russia, fled now to the Poles, and David, making use of his victory with promptness, marched on Vladimir when he was not expected, seized the suburbs and laid siege to the fortress without delay.
Mystislav, placed in command, as we have seen, by Sviatopolk, his father, defended the city successfully till misfortune befell him. He was standing one day on the wall behind a wooden curtain when an arrow flew in through a crevice and killed him. His death was concealed from the people for three days. When they learned of it, they said straightway: “If we surrender now, Sviatopolk will destroy us.” So the chief men sent to Kief, saying: “Thy son is slain, we are dying of hunger. If thou come not, the people will yield to the enemy.”
Sviatopolk sent his voevoda, Putyata, with forces which halted at Lutsk, where Sviatoslav, son of David of Chernigoff, had warriors. At this juncture envoys from David, son of Rurik, who was besieging Vladimir, had audience with Sviatoslav, who had just sworn friendship to them. But when Putyata appeared, this same Sviatoslav was frightened. He seized David’s envoys, and went himself with his warriors to help Putyata, instead of helping David. These two allies arrived before Vladimir one midday, and attacked David. The Vladimir men, seeing this from the walls of the city, made a sally and David was badly defeated. He fled and Putyata and his ally marched into Vladimir, where they established one Vassili as lieutenant of Sviatopolk. After that the allies departed for Lutsk, and Putyata went to Kief.
Meanwhile David fled quickly toward the steppe land to find Polovtsi. Again he met Bonyak, who returned with him, and they captured Lutsk and Vladimir, which David now occupied. Then he sent his nephew, Mystislav, to the mouth of the Dnieper to seize merchants, and thus force the Grand Prince to sue for peace as he had done formerly—Sviatopolk, by nature weak and vacillating, had shown that he was not the man to punish David, who was stronger now than he had ever been before.
In 1100 a new meeting of princes was arranged to assemble at Vititchevo. At this meeting the following decision was made known to David: “We will not let thee have Vladimir, because [[43]]thou hast cast a knife wickedly between us. We do not exclude thee, or punish thee further. Thou canst take Bugsk with Ostrog. Sviatopolk gives thee Dubno and Chartorisk, also Dorogobuj. In addition, Monomach gives thee two hundred grievens, Oleg and David two hundred more.”
To Volodar the princes sent the following message: “Take thy brother, Vassilko, and possess Peremysl. If thou wilt not keep thy brother, let him come to us, we will support him.”
Volodar and Vassilko would not comply with this, and each remained in the place which belonged to him. When the princes wished to constrain the two brothers, Monomach would not consent to it; he insisted on the Lubetch agreement.
The two meetings, the first at Lubetch, the second at Vititchevo, ended that struggle which had raged half a century. The strong princes became stronger, the izgoi (orphans) and their descendants were excluded. Volodar and Vassilko were the only izgoi who retained a province. The descendants of Vyacheslav, son of Yaroslav, lost their places in the first generation; those of Igor, his brother, in the second. Later on they reappear as petty princes of small places without independent significance. With full and equal rights appear only the descendants of the three elder sons of Yaroslav, Izyaslav, Sviatoslav and Vsevolod. Of these, the sons of Sviatoslav saved themselves only after a bitter and bloody struggle, thanks also to the moderation of Monomach, and his son Mystislav.
The division of land between the descendants of these three sons of Yaroslav the Lawgiver was unequal. Monomach, through his superior personality and favoring fortune, received a much larger portion than his brothers. He received Pereyaslavl, Novgorod, Smolensk and Rostoff. Sviatopolk received Volynia, but Novgorod, connected always so closely with Kief, did not fall to him. The sons of Sviatoslav, Oleg and his brothers, received nothing beyond the land which their father had held.
Sviatopolk was greatly dissatisfied that Novgorod did not remain with his house. As he could not take it from Monomach without compensation, he gave Volynia in return for it. But when Mystislav, Monomach’s son, was recalled to give place to a son of Sviatopolk, the men of Novgorod revolted, and sent envoys to Kief with this message: “Novgorod wishes neither Sviatopolk [[44]]nor his descendants. If Sviatopolk’s son has two heads, let him come to us.” Sviatopolk had to live without Novgorod.
Monomach, now free to act against steppe tribes, urged Sviatopolk to help him. “Let us join our forces,” said he, “and march in the spring against these enemies.” Sviatopolk turned to his warriors for counsel. They were unwilling to move, and answered that war during spring months took men from their labor. “Let us meet in some place, and consult with the warriors,” was Sviatopolk’s answer to Monomach. They met at Dolobsk, above Kief, on the bank of the Dnieper. “Begin, brother, thou art the elder,” said Monomach; “tell what we are to do in our Russia.” “Begin thou, that is better,” answered Sviatopolk. “How am I to speak,” replied Monomach, “thy warriors will oppose, and say that I wish to ruin earth-tillers and their labor, though I wonder why they are so tender of earth-tillers, forgetting how Polovtsi come in the spring-time, strike down each man in his furrow, take his wife, take his children, seize his horse, and burn his granary.” “True,” said the warriors. “Thou art right, they do much evil.” “I am ready to go!” exclaimed Sviatopolk. And he rose and proclaimed the expedition. “Thou hast done a great deed, O my brother,” said Monomach.
The two princes sent at once to the sons of Sviatoslav, saying: “Let us march against the Polovtsi, we shall either fall in the struggle, or survive it.” David promised aid, but Oleg would not go. His health was too frail, he said. Four other princes joined willingly in making war on the steppe foes of Russia.
The Polovtsi learned what was coming, and met in council. Some were in favor of buying peace, but the younger men called loudly for war, and their side won the mastery.
A force was sent out to reconnoitre. The princes met this force, cut down every man in it, advanced on the main army quickly and struck it. A fierce struggle followed. Twenty Polovtsi chiefs were killed, and a Khan named Beldug was captured. Beldug, when brought to Sviatopolk, offered much ransom for his life in gold, silver, cattle, horses and camels. Sviatopolk sent him to Monomach for judgment. “How often hast thou sworn not to war with us,” said Monomach to the Khan, “but still thou attack. Why not teach thy sons what an oath is? How much Christian blood hast thou shed? But now thy own blood be on [[45]]thee, not on our heads.” With that, he gave a sign to his men, and Beldug was cut to pieces.
Immense booty was taken, and the princes went home rejoicing, and with great glory. The terrible Bonyak was alive yet, however, and made his power felt very keenly.
In 1106 Sviatopolk sent three voevodas against Polovtsi, whom they defeated, and from whom they recovered much booty. In 1107, near Pereyaslavl, Bonyak seized large herds of horses. Somewhat later he appeared with other Khans and encamped at the Sula River near Lubni. Sviatopolk, Monomach, and Oleg, with four other princes, discovered his camping-ground, and, stealing up to it, made an attack with great outcry. The Polovtsi had no time to defend themselves. Those who could seized their beasts, mounted and fled; those who could not mount rushed off on foot, if they were able. The princes pursued them to the river Horol, slaying all whom they could reach with their sabres.
Despite these successes, Oleg and David in that same year held a meeting with two Khans, whose daughters they took as wives for two of their sons.
In 1110 an expedition undertaken by Sviatopolk, Monomach and David came to naught, but in 1111 they set out on the second Monday in Lent, and on Friday before Passion Week they met the Polovtsi in large force beyond the Don River, and crushed them. It was not till the following Monday, however, that they found the main host of the enemy. When the two armies met, there was a roar like thunder, as the chronicler describes it, and the battle was merciless. Both sides were equal and balanced each other till David and Monomach, with two regiments, rushed furiously at the enemy’s center and pierced it. At this the Russians dashed forward with renewed strength, broke the Polovtsi and, cutting and slashing, pursued them to the steppes.
This was the greatest victory won up to that time over Polovtsi. The profit of the exploit was enormous, and the fame of it extended through Europe. It went both to Rome and to Tsargrad. Though all the princes helped Monomach, they could not of themselves have conceived such a feat or have accomplished it, hence to him the chief glory was due, and was given. For him and for the whole land and people there was great benefit in conquering the Polovtsi. For him, because those tribes were ever ready to [[46]]harass and plunder, and doubly ready to help any prince in his projects.
To landless princes, or those who had quarrels, the Polovtsi were ready aids, but they were the terror of all who tilled land or lived by labor. To a great chief like Monomach they were enemies nearly always, for principally through them civil war and disorder were possible. A prince without land or position might find among Polovtsi at all times men ready to go with him and take their reward in plundering the country and enslaving as many people as they could lay hands on.
It was difficult in those days to be a Grand Prince ruling wisely and with justice. Such a man had to get the throne of Kief first, and then hold it; he had to satisfy, or eliminate, the unreasoning and unruly; he had to crush or terrorize the Polovtsi; he had, by victory, a show of power, or a daring front, to ward off his western neighbors. When these deeds were all accomplished he might begin to work for wealth and order. We can understand easily the desire of Monomach to crush the Polovtsi, and his joy at having tamed them, at least for a season.
In 1113 Sviatopolk died, and Monomach succeeded him, but he took the highest office only after a hesitation which we may believe to have been shown to make men express themselves with the utmost emphasis. Sviatoslav was older than Monomach’s father, but Sviatoslav, though he had been prince in Kief, was prince by expelling Izyaslav unjustly, and, though Sviatoslav had ceased to live before Izyaslav was reinstated, and therefore died in office, he might be considered as not having been in Kief at any time; his sons in this event could have no real claim. In every case the people would receive no man except Monomach, and he became Grand Prince by acclamation.
Though the sons of Sviatoslav made no demands in public, they cherished plans in secret, as was shown somewhat later, and very clearly. But trouble came immediately from other princes. Glaib of Minsk, a son of Vseslav, that swift moving wizard, so well known to us, ravaged lands in Monomach’s possessions, and when asked to cease made sharp reproaches. Because of this, the Grand Prince, in 1116, marched against Minsk with his sons, and others. The young princes seized various towns, and Monomach resolved to capture Minsk at every hazard, hence [[47]]he fixed his camp before it, and had a house built in haste, for headquarters. When Glaib saw this house, he begged for peace straightway, and it was granted him. Somewhat later he rebelled again, and in 1120 was brought to Kief, where he died that same season.
The next scene of trouble was Volynia. Sviatopolk, the last Grand Prince, had cherished good feeling toward Monomach, and had caused Yaroslav, his son, to marry the daughter of Mystislav of Novgorod, son of Monomach. Sometime later, however, Monomach laid siege to Vladimir, Yaroslav’s capital. After fighting two months, that prince asked for peace, and Monomach granted it on condition that Yaroslav would come to him whenever summoned. The attack on Yaroslav had been made because, in connection with Boleslav of Poland, who had married his sister, he was acting in Galitch against Volodar and Vassilko. Monomach had remonstrated without effect, and then moved on Yaroslav, with the result we have just seen. Before going on this expedition, the Grand Prince had recalled Mystislav from Novgorod, and installed him in Bailgorod, so that in case of need he might have that son near him. Yaroslav, who, because his father had been Grand Prince, wished to succeed Monomach, saw in this transfer a step toward taking the succession from him and giving it to Mystislav, hence his enforced obedience was short-lived, and he ended it by driving away his wife, a granddaughter of Monomach. In punishment for this act Monomach moved a second time against him.
To think of war with Vladimir Monomach, Yaroslav must have counted on large forces, and have had firm faith in receiving assistance from allies. But just then his own boyars deserted him, and he was obliged to flee to Hungary, and later on to Poland.
Monomach then seated in Volynia Roman, his own son, and when this son died, Andrei, his brother. In 1120 Andrei moved against the Poles with Polovtsi forces. In the following year Yaroslav set out to attack Cherven in Galitch with Polish forces, but Monomach had the border towns well strengthened and in Cherven was Ratiborovitch, his voevoda, who drove back Yaroslav, entirely baffled.
Most dangerous to the Poles was Volodar, who had as allies tribes in Pomoria and in Prussia on the Baltic. These tribes were [[48]]hostile to the Poles. The question now was to stop Volodar. At the court of Boleslav there lived Peter Vlast, a Dane of many adventures, who advised the king not to meet Prince Volodar in battle, but to kidnap him, and promised, if permission were given, to accomplish the deed himself.
The king was pleased, and Vlast, who had gained much renown through marvelous exploits, set out with thirty men to win the confidence of Volodar and capture him. He appeared before the prince and, feigning himself an exile in deadly enmity with Boleslav, quickly won Volodar’s good-will and confidence. Some weeks later the prince took Vlast to a hunt in a great forest where, adroitly separated from his own people, Volodar was seized by Vlast’s men, who bore him beyond the boundary and never drew rein till they delivered him safely to Boleslav. The king was triumphant.
Vassilko the Blind gave all the money that he and his brother possessed to free Volodar; besides this, those two sons of Rostislav swore to act with the Poles against every enemy.
In 1123 Yaroslav, son of Sviatopolk, appeared at Vladimir with immense forces,—Cheks, Poles and Hungarians, bringing also as allies Volodar and Vassilko. Monomach’s son, Andrei, who was prince there, defended the city. Monomach sent forward Mystislav, and also hurried men from Kief, but before Mystislav could arrive the siege was well ended.
Early one Sunday morning Yaroslav rode toward the walls with two attendants, and shouted to Andrei and the citizens: “This city is mine! Open ye the gates and come out to me with homage. If not I will storm the place to-morrow and take it.”
While he was thus riding in front of the city and boasting, two Poles, employed, as is said, by Andrei, slipped out and hid near the wayside. When the prince was retiring from the walls, they sprang up and sent a spear through his body. He reached camp, barely living, and died a few hours later.
Stephen II, King of Hungary, thought to continue the siege, but the chiefs of his army were opposed to shedding blood without profit. In view of this, the allies of Yaroslav, the late prince, made peace with the Kief prince and retired each to his own land. Through Yaroslav’s death Sviatopolk’s descendants lost the Kief succession. Four years later his younger sons, Izyaslav [[49]]and Bryache, died, so that Volynia and Turoff went to Monomach’s descendants.
Monomach’s strength with the people swept all men and obstacles before it. Yaroslav, with a foreign army, failed in Volynia, because the people and the boyars would not uphold him, but stood firm for Monomach. Monomach saw the danger of Russia’s falling into a chaos of insignificant and independent principalities, therefore he strove to increase the authority of the Grand Prince, and to restrict the succession to his own descendants, with the provision that if the younger brothers died before the eldest, who was Prince of Kief, their sons were to be excluded forever from the succession.
New persons now and dramatic scenes pass before us swiftly. Vladimir Monomach, always spoken of in Russia as Monomach, died in 1125, and with him departed the prosperity of ancient Russia. He had come to the throne with thirty years of experience in statescraft. He had been the right hand of his father, and without him Sviatopolk could not have ruled at all. He was a man who worked always for what he thought to be the good of his country. Like his grandfather, he was a founder of cities and a lawgiver. There is an interesting paper still extant which he compiled for the guidance of his sons, some clauses of which I will quote: “It is neither fasting nor solitude nor monastic life that will procure you life eternal—it is well doing. Forget not the poor, but nourish them. Bury not your riches in the earth, for that is contrary to the teachings of Christianity.[3] Be a father to orphans; judge the cause of widows yourself. Put to death no human being, be he innocent or guilty, for there is nothing more sacred than the soul of a Christian. Love your wives, but beware lest they obtain power over you. When you have learned something useful, strive to retain it in your memory, and work unceasingly for knowledge.”
Monomach had eight sons, named here in the order of their ages: Mystislav the Great, who succeeded his father; Izyaslav, killed before Murom in battling against Oleg of Chernigoff; Sviatoslav, given once as a hostage to Kitan and then stolen away in the night at Pereyaslavl on the Alta; Roman, famous in nothing, married the sister of the renowned Vladimirko of Galitch; Yaropolk, [[50]]who reigned in Kief after Mystislav, and died without issue; Vyacheslav, “of scant mind and simple,” who raised Monomach’s ensign over the Polovtsi contingent at Koloksha, and thus routed Oleg; Yuri, named later on Dolgoruki, or Long-Handed (Grasping); and Andrei, who died rather early.
The two sons of Vladimir Monomach renowned in history are Mystislav the Great, and Yuri, surnamed Dolgoruki. From the first comes the elder, from the second the younger line of Monomach’s descendants. Mystislav became the ancestor of the Western Russian princes, those of Galitch (Galicia), Smolensk and Volynia. Yuri, through the founding of Moscow and the results flowing from it, became the father of that northern line of princes so famous in history. The descendants of these two brothers were often at enmity, and it was their rivalry which later on ruined Kief.
Mystislav succeeded his father in 1125 without opposition. Oleg of Chernigoff had died during Monomach’s reign, so had David, his brother. Only Yaroslav, the youngest brother, now remained. He, not greatly considered in his family, was expelled from Chernigoff by Vsevolod, his nephew, and founded in Ryazan a new principality.
Mystislav’s reign was distinguished for three things. First he brought to order those Polovtsi who would live in peace near the boundary, and crushed or expelled the others; then he seized all lands of the Polotsk princes, the descendants of Rognyeda, that unwilling wife of Vladimir (Saint Vladimir of the Orthodox Church). We have seen how those Polotsk princes, when excluded from the Kief succession, harried Smolensk and raided Novgorod, bringing ceaseless trouble and never-ending bloodshed. Later on both Pinsk and Turoff had been taken from them. This intensified resistance, and, as they would abate no claim whatever, Mystislav resolved at last to end the trouble. He captured all those princes and, putting them on a vessel, sent them to Tsargrad, where the Emperor, his friend, detained the captives. Some died; the survivors, or most of them, escaped in later days, and ruled again in parts of Polotsk, but soon were lost to fame, unless the tradition be true that Gedimin and his sons, who seized Western Russia during Mongol dominion and joined it with Poland through marriage, were descended from those Polotsk princes who returned [[51]]from Tsargrad. A third event in Mystislav’s reign was the founding of Ryazan, which happened in this way.
Oleg of Chernigoff, who died during Monomach’s reign, was succeeded by his youngest brother, Yaroslav. Of Oleg’s sons the second, Vsevolod, later on the Kief prince, was a man who in early life had planned a great career very carefully. He had married the eldest daughter of Mystislav the Great, and had thus become connected with Monomach’s descendants. When Mystislav succeeded Monomach, his father, in Kief, Vsevolod drove his uncle from the throne of Chernigoff, and seated himself there. Vsevolod was unceremonious with Yaroslav because the man was not strong, and because he himself wanted Kief when the time came to get it. To possess Kief, he must first win, or get Chernigoff, hence must drive out his uncle.
Yaroslav turned for assistance to Mystislav, who was willing to reinstate him by force even, if need be. It was the proper policy of Kief to act thus, and be the arbiter in Russia. But times had changed much, and Kief men were no longer willing to fight for helpless princes. Yaroslav, unable to fight his battles alone, and forced to withdraw from Chernigoff, settled in Ryazan, where he founded a new line of princes.
Mystislav reigned seven years and died in 1132. He was succeeded by Yaropolk, his brother, who, himself without issue, swore to provide in all fairness for Mystislav’s children. He strove to do this without offending any one, but was unable, as there were not places enough for the two lines of landless princes. The first step he took was to summon from Novgorod Vsevolod, son of the late Mystislav, and give him Pereyaslavl on the Alta. Thereupon Yuri Dolgoruki marched with astonishing swiftness from Suzdal to the Alta, fell upon Vsevolod and expelled him. His reason for this act was that for three reigns Pereyaslavl had been, as it were, the stepping-stone to Kief, the capital and first place, the transfer being made from Pereyaslavl. Dolgoruki, as uncle to Vsevolod, was his senior, and would not permit him to settle in Pereyaslavl and thus obtain the succession.
The sons of Mystislav rose up now against their uncles, and, to gain force sufficient to war with them, made a league with their cousins, David of Chernigoff and Oleg, his brother. Yaropolk, Mystislav’s brother, and brother of Yuri, moved against Chernigoff. [[52]]Mystislav’s sons helped the Chernigoff princes, and when these sons attacked their uncle, Dolgoruki, Vsevolod, son of the late Oleg the endless quarreler, went to help them. Meanwhile the condition of Kief was almost repeated in Novgorod.
When the late Prince of Kief, Mystislav the Great, was recalled from Novgorod by Monomach, his father, his brother Vsevolod was sent to replace him. During Vsevolod’s day the dignity of prince was lowered notably in Novgorod. In earlier times the posadnik had been an aid to the prince,—an assistant; he was now his associate, and at times even his superior. Vsevolod was disliked in Novgorod because, as the men there declared, he had left it for another place, that is, Pereyaslavl on the Alta. He had fought against his uncle Dolgoruki, and had fled from him. They said, too, that he cared only for falcons and hunting; that he sided with the rich, and with boyars; that he looked with contempt on poor people, and on small folk. To these words they added a deed never witnessed till that day in Novgorod. They seized Vsevolod, locked him up in a tower and set a watch around it. They sought then for a prince who might please them. Some, unwilling to offend Dolgoruki, their dangerous neighbor, thought to choose Rostislav, his son, as their ruler, but others, who were greater in number, prevailed and turned to Chernigoff. Vsevolod, son of Oleg, sent his brother, Sviatoslav, but Novgorod was no better pleased with the new than with the late prince.
Pskoff, up to this time dependent on Novgorod, resolved now to break its bonds. Vsevolod, freed from the Novgorod tower and expelled from the city, went to Pskoff and was received joyfully. Novgorod sent Sviatoslav, its new prince, with warriors to subdue the Pskoff men, but Sviatoslav, finding the task both impossible and useless, led his men back to Novgorod. The city, enraged at this failure, turned out the new prince, and sent him home to Chernigoff.
Thus disorder was rife in all places, and only after much time and great effort was Yaropolk, the Grand Prince, able to satisfy his nephews, without, at the same time, enraging his brothers. When all were in a deadlock of dissension and wearied of fighting, he gave them lands in the following order: Izyaslav, eldest son of Mystislav, received for his sons the Polotsk principality, or the greater part of it, and for himself Volynia and its adjuncts. His [[53]]brother, Rostislav, received Smolensk, which, increased by additions from Polotsk and Volynia, became a great principality. Vsevolod, son of Mystislav, connected with Pskoff till his death, left no posterity. Vladimir and Sviatopolk, also sons of Mystislav, received nothing and led a landless existence. Yaropolk’s brothers, that is, the other surviving sons of Monomach, were settled thuswise: Yuri Dolgoruki retained his northern land in entirety. He obtained also Gorodok on the Oseter, a place which he prized because of its connection with Kief and with Southern Russia. Pereyaslavl was given to Andrei, the youngest brother. Having settled questions as best he was able Yaropolk had little left for himself save the capital.
It is to be remembered that besides the few leading princes, who gave away or received immense regions, there was now a horde of small princes, all related to one another and to the great ones. These it was necessary to satisfy, some with a single town, others with more, as the case might be. There was not land enough to satisfy all, however, for sons of the ruling princes were increasing in number. There were also princes who, dying before they had received places, left orphans. These orphans needed sustenance; they were of princely blood and, what was of more importance, made trouble when discontented, if they had power to do so. This great band of land-seekers turned to the Kief prince, who was for them in the place of a father. Yaropolk, while trying to settle princes of this kind, was forced to set aside towns to support them till he could find permanent places. Thus Kief was soon reduced to narrow limits.
At first the lands of the mother city covered all Southern Russia. On the southwest and the south they touched the Carpathians and the Danube; on the west they reached the headwaters of every river flowing toward the Euxine and included some rivers flowing into the Baltic. They extended toward the Volga and the Caspian till they reached the territory occupied by the wild tribes of the Polovtsi. But now, by gifts to the dissatisfied and the demanding, Yaropolk left little to the city. In later reigns there was nothing left, and in that final day a Kief prince was no longer the highest power in Russia; he was scarcely more than a guardian of the capital.
It was not the might of Kief which, in his day, gave Yaropolk [[54]]influence, but his native worth, and his character, which recalled that of Monomach, his father. Lofty qualities gave him strength against Vsevolod, the keen, cunning, shifty son of Oleg. Vsevolod had not seized Chernigoff from his uncle to sit there in quietness; he aimed at Kief, through which alone power was at that time obtainable, and power was the lodestar of his existence.
During Mystislav’s reign Vsevolod had made no move whatever, and, while Yaropolk was settling with his brothers and nephews, he took no part with the dissatisfied, but when Yaropolk had decided every question, the crafty Vsevolod joined hands with Igor and Sviatoslav, his cousins, sons of David, and attacked Yaropolk on both sides of the Dnieper. Fire and sword swept through those lands on the Ros and the Sula, and west of the Dnieper a great war began in which all men of weapons took part with eagerness. After several preliminary battles troops hurried in from many places,—brothers and nephews came to help Yaropolk. From Volynia, Polotsk, Smolensk, Rostoff, Turoff and Suzdal did they come. Yaropolk himself led the regiments of Kief and the Black Caps, called also “Cherkassi” (Circassians).
At sight of these overwhelming forces Vsevolod lost all hope of victory. He prepared to abandon Chernigoff and flee to the Polovtsi, but he was stopped by the bishop at the head of the people. “Halt,” said the bishop; “leave thy pride, and beg for peace. Yaropolk is kind and generous; he will grant it.” Vsevolod listened to this advice, and sent envoys to Yaropolk, who received the men graciously, gave presents in return for those brought by them, forgave Vsevolod, and made peace.
Yaropolk’s advisers were enraged at this peace. They desired the destruction of Vsevolod, and wished to avenge their comrades who had fallen in recent battles, but Yaropolk was firm; he dismissed his forces and returned to Kief, where he ruled for a season, and then died, after years of sore trial and effort.
Yaropolk was succeeded in 1150 by his brother, Vyacheslav, a prince “poor in wit, and simple,” as the chronicler assures us, but in fact a person original and most interesting,—one of “God’s fools” in the language of myth tales. Vsevolod’s chance appeared now, and he seized it greedily. He promised Chernigoff to his cousins, Monomach’s descendants, and then pledged to his brothers all the possessions of those same descendants of Monomach, [[55]]thus promising to men what was not their own, but their neighbors’. He fell upon Kief, fired the suburbs, and sent this message to Vyacheslav: “Go in peace out of Kief.” “Not of myself did I come to Kief,” replied Vyacheslav; “I came, commanded by my ancestors and in succession to my brother. If thou, abandoning thine own, hast come to take what belongs to thy senior, I will offer no resistance; I become thy junior.” And he went out of Kief, thus making his withdrawal a reproach and a shame to Vsevolod.
That prince, however, cared no whit for reproach and shame; he wanted power. To him all else, be it right or wrong, was as nothing. Hence he entered Kief in pomp and great circumstance. An immense feast was placed before the people, and to the monasteries and churches rich presents were given. Highly gifted with the art of pleasing, and lavish of money and flattery, Vsevolod won the multitude quickly.
This seizure and holding of sovereignty by a man in a junior and excluded line was a real exploit. How did Vsevolod accomplish it; and, once having Kief, how did he hold it? Why did Monomach’s descendants let Oleg’s son take possession of the city, which was theirs by inheritance, and thus lose that which distinguished them from all other princes?