FLOWERDALE HOUSE, GAIRLOCH, WEST COAST RESIDENCE OF THE BARONETS OF GAIRLOCH.
GAIRLOCH
IN NORTH-WEST ROSS-SHIRE
ITS RECORDS, TRADITIONS, INHABITANTS, AND NATURAL HISTORY
WITH A
AND A MAP AND ILLUSTRATIONS
By JOHN H. DIXON, F.S.A. Scot.
including chapters by
WILLIAM JOLLY, F.G.S., F.R.S.E.; THE REV. JOHN McMURTRIE, M.A.;
AND PROFESSOR W. IVISON MACADAM, F.C.S., F.I.C., M.M.S., &c.,
EDINBURGH
EDINBURGH
CO-OPERATIVE PRINTING COMPANY LIMITED
1886
[Entered at Stationers' Hall.]
EDINBURGH
CO-OPERATIVE PRINTING COMPANY LIMITED,
BRISTO PLACE.
TO
SIR KENNETH S. MACKENZIE,
SIXTH BARONET AND THIRTEENTH LAIRD OF GAIRLOCH,
AND
HER MAJESTY'S LIEUTENANT OF ROSS-SHIRE,
Is Dedicated
THIS ACCOUNT OF THE ROMANTIC HIGHLAND PARISH
WITH WHICH, DURING FOUR CENTURIES,
HE AND HIS ANCESTORS HAVE BEEN SO INTIMATELY ASSOCIATED.
PREFACE.
The preparation of the following account of Gairloch has been prompted by regard—almost affection—for this beautiful and interesting Highland parish. It is published in the hope that it may not only assist the tourist, but also be found to constitute a volume worthy of a nook in the great library of local history. Here and there some few general remarks on the subjects dealt with have necessarily been introduced by way of explanation or illustration, but in the main this book relates solely to Gairloch. I have tried to make short chapters, and to dispense with footnotes.
Without much assistance the work could not have been satisfactorily completed. The necessary help has been given with the greatest freedom and kindness. Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie, Bart. of Gairloch, has himself furnished much valuable and accurate information, and Lady Mackenzie of Gairloch has kindly assisted. From Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie of Inverewe, youngest son of the late Sir Francis Mackenzie, Bart. of Gairloch, I have received a large amount of personal aid. Much of the information about the Mackenzies has been culled from the works of Mr Alexander Mackenzie (a native of Gairloch) with his consent. He is the able author of a copious history of the Mackenzies and other important books, and the editor of the Celtic Magazine, from which last the memoir of John Mackenzie of the "Beauties" and several of the traditions have been mainly taken. From the MS. "Odd and End Stories" of Dr Mackenzie, Eileanach, only surviving son of Sir Hector Mackenzie, Bart., eleventh laird of Gairloch, numerous quotations will be found. These extracts are published with the consent of Dr Mackenzie, as well as of Mr O. H. Mackenzie to whom he has given his MS. volumes. With one exception, wherever Dr Mackenzie is quoted the extract is taken from his "Odd and End Stories." The Dowager Lady Mackenzie of Gairloch has been so good as to prepare a short statement, from which extracts are made. Dr Arthur Mitchell, C.B., Senior Commissioner in Lunacy for Scotland, has permitted the use of his paper on the Isle Maree superstitions. Mr Jolly has contributed three valuable chapters, and the Rev. J. M'Murtrie and Professor W. Ivison Macadam have each given a chapter. To Mr William Mackay of Craigmonie, Inverness, I am indebted for full notes on ecclesiastical matters, and for extracts from the old records of the Presbytery of Dingwall. The Rev. Alexander Matheson, minister of Glenshiel, has supplied extracts from the records of the Presbytery of Lochcarron. I have to thank Messrs Maclachlan & Stewart, of Edinburgh, who in 1882 brought out a sumptuous edition of the "Beauties of Gaelic Poetry," by the late John Mackenzie, a Gairloch man, for permission to use the accounts of John Mackay (the blind piper), William Ross, William Mackenzie, and Malcolm Maclean, contained in the "Beauties." James Mackenzie, of Kirkton (brother of John Mackenzie of the "Beauties"), has furnished a large chapter of Gairloch stories, besides a number of facts, traditions, and anecdotes; wherever the name of James Mackenzie occurs in these pages, it is this worthy Highlander who is referred to. Other Gairloch traditions, stories, and information have been furnished by Kenneth Fraser, Leac nan Saighead (through the medium of the Celtic Magazine); Alexander Maclennan, Mossbank; Roderick Mackenzie (Ruaridh an Torra), Lonmor; George and Kenneth Maclennan, Tollie Croft; John Maclean (Iain Buidhe Taillear), Strath; Simon Chisholm, Flowerdale; Roderick Campbell, Tollie; Donald Ross, Kenlochewe; Alexander Mackenzie (Ali' Iain Ghlass), piper, Poolewe; George Maclennan, Londubh; and Alexander Maclennan (Alie Uistean), Inveran, who especially has given me considerable assistance. The legend of Ewan Mac Gabhar is mainly in the form given in the works of James Hogg, the Ettrick Shepherd, supported to some extent by several of the old people now living in Gairloch. That enthusiastic friend of the Highlander, Professor Blackie, has kindly contributed two English versions of Gaelic songs; and Mr William Clements Good, of Aberdeen, has given similar aid. Professor W. Ivison Macadam has communicated the results of his analyses of ores and slags, and has assisted in examining the remains of the old ironworks. Mr D. William Kemp, of Trinity, Edinburgh, has generously done a very great deal to unravel the history of the ironworks, and in other ways. Lieutenant Lamont, of Achtercairn, has procured the traditions given on the authority of Ruaridh an Torra. Mr Mackintosh, postmaster, Poolewe, has supplied some anecdotes and facts. The Glossary has been prepared with the aid of Mr O. H. Mackenzie; the Rev. Ronald Dingwall, Free Church minister, Aultbea; Mr Alexander Cameron, the Tournaig bard; and Mr Alexander Maclennan, Inveran. The names of some others who have rendered valuable help are stated where their information is utilised. To all these ungrudging helpers, and to many others not mentioned by name, I beg to offer my sincere thanks.
To render the natural history of Gairloch complete, lists are still needed of the insects, sea-anemones, grasses, mosses, lichens, fungi, sea-weeds, and fresh-water weeds. Any information on these and other branches of natural history will be heartily welcomed, with a view to insertion in a possible future edition.
The process of zincography, by which nearly all the illustrations have been reproduced, has not in many cases realised my expectations, but it has been thought best to issue the book at once rather than wait until the illustrations could be rendered in a superior manner.
The profits, if any, from the sale of this book will be applied in aid of the Poolewe Public Hall.
JOHN H. DIXON.
Inveran, Gairloch, 1st September 1886.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
| PAGE | |
| Flowerdale House, West Coast Residence of the Baronets of Gairloch | [Frontispiece] |
| Loch Maree, from Inveran | [9] |
| Crosses on the Graves of the Prince and Princess on Isle Maree | [10] |
| At Ardlair | [15] |
| On Craig Tollie | [22] |
| Island or Crannog on Loch Tollie | [25] |
| Gairloch, from Strath | [35] |
| Glen Grudidh, from Loch Maree | [42] |
| Beinn Lair, from Fionn Loch | [54] |
| Chapel of Sand of Udrigil | [70] |
| Sir George Hay, of Megginish, Knight, the Ironfounder of Loch Maree | Facing [75] |
| The Minister's Stone, Ardlair | [81] |
| Sir George Hay, First Earl of Kinnoull, High Chancellor of Scotland, the Ironfounder of Loch Maree | Facing [82] |
| On the Ewe | [96] |
| A Mutch | [130] |
| Cabar Lar, or Turf Parer | [131] |
| Tor-sgian, or Peat Knife | [133] |
| Cliabh Moine, or Peat Creel | [134] |
| Highland Hand-Plough called Cas-Chrom, or "crooked foot" | [135] |
| A Gairloch Man | [216] |
| Umbrella Fir, Glas Leitire | [305] |
| Above Grudidh Bridge | [306] |
| Leth Chreag, Tollie | [314] |
| Dunan, on Loch Tournaig | [319] |
| Near Grudidh | [322] |
| Slioch, from Rudha Aird an Anail | [326] |
| Natural Arch, Cove | [334] |
| Curious Rocks, Sand of Udrigil | [338] |
| Loch Maree, from Ardlair | [340] |
| Clach a Mhail, Ardlair | [342] |
| Uamh a Mhail, Ardlair | [343] |
ANTIQUITIES
From Drawings by Finlay Mackinnon. The numbers correspond with those
given on pp. 103, 104.
| PAGE | ||
| 1. | Bronze Ring, found at Londubh | [103] |
| 2. | Hollow Bronze Ring, found at Londubh | [104] |
| 3. | Bronze Spear Head, found, along with a Stag's Horn, near Inverewe House | [104] |
| 4. | Bronze Spear Head, found at Londubh | [110] |
| 5. | Bronze Celt, found at Slatadale | [110] |
| 6. | Stone Celt, found at Cove | [113] |
| 7. | Bronze Spear, found at Croft | [117] |
| 8. | Bronze Celt, found at Londubh | [121] |
| 9. | Stone Implement, found in Peat-Cutting between Inveran and Kernsary | [124] |
| 10. | Quern or Trough, found in a Broch or Pictish Round House at Tournaig | [142] |
| 11. | Fragment of Trough, found in a Broch or Pictish Round House at Tournaig | [146] |
| 12. | Bronze Penannular Ring, found at Londubh | [150] |
| 13. | Cast Iron Appliance, probably part of Machinery, from the Fasagh Ironworks | [158] |
| 14. | Tuyere, from the Fasagh Ironworks | [163] |
Notes.—The portraits of Sir George Hay, the Ironfounder of Loch Maree, are lithographed reproductions from photographs of pictures in Dupplin Castle, taken by permission of the present Earl of Kinnoull.
All the illustrations are original, except No. 12 of the Antiquities, which is reduced from that in Mr Jolly's paper on "Bronze Weapons and other Remains found near Poolewe."
The sketches for the illustrations of Flowerdale House and the Natural Arch at Cove are after photographs by Mr Fraser of Reilig. In no case have published photographs been used in the preparation of illustrations.
| Map | [At the end] |
CONTENTS.
| List of Illustrations | [xi] |
| Glossary of Gaelic Names and Words | [xxvii] |
| Introduction. | |
| Extent of Gairloch parish—Name—Curious muddle about "the Gairloch"—Name used in four senses—Attractions of Gairloch—Loch Maree—Superficial observation of tourists—A party declare they have "seen Loch Maree"—Inducements to longervisits—Credibility of old traditions—Gaelic names—Pronunciation—Interference with sportsmen and deerforests deprecated—Mountain ascents—Drawbacks to them—Shorter climbs recommended—Mania for exterminatingplants—Instances | [xliii] |
Part I.—Records and Traditions of Gairloch.
| Chapter I.—Early History. | |
| Absence of ancient records—Giants in those days—Fingalian legends—Condition of Pictish aborigines—Their houses andimplements—Druids—Roman invasion—Pictish monarchy—Introduction of Christianity—StMaelrubha—Hermits of Isle Maree—Norse vikings—Norwegians and Danes—End of Norwegian rule in1263—The earls of Ross—Donald of the Isles—The Mackenzies | [3] |
| Chapter II.—The Tragedy of Isle Maree. | |
| Scene laid in Isle Maree—The hermit saint—Prince Olaf—His fiery temper—Falls in love—Brings his brideto Isle Maree—Is compelled to leave her on an expedition—The white and black flags—Return of the prince—Jealousy of theprincess—Her scheme to test Olaf's affection—His madness on seeing the black flag—Thinking her dead he kills himself—Theprincess stabs herself and dies—Their graves on Isle Maree | [7] |
| Chapter III.—The Mackenzies of Kintail. | |
| Two origins of the family of Mackenzie—The Cabar Feidh—Angus Mac Mhathain—Kenneth, first lord of Kintail—John, secondlord, shelters Robert Bruce—Kenneth of the Nose—Kenlochewe ravaged—Leod Mac Gilleandreis—Black Murdo of theCave—Joined by Gille Riabhach—Comes to Kenlochewe—Slays Leod Mac Gilleandreis and his followers—Athnan Ceann—Fe Leoid—Black Murdo of the Cave recovers Kintail—Murdo of the Bridge, fifth lord of Kintail—Alexanderthe Upright, father of Hector Roy, first laird of Gairloch—Skirmish of Beallach nam Brog—Residences of lordsof Kintail | [11] |
| Chapter IV.—Ewan Mac Gabhar, the Son of the Goat. | |
| Ardlair—The cave of the king's son—Old Oighrig and her sonKenneth—The goat Earba nourishes Ewan in the cave—Flora andEwan come to Letterewe—Ewan's sword and mantle of state—Thelord of Kintail comes to hunt—Flora and Ewansuspected—Kenneth and Flora carried off to Eileandonain—Oighrig and Ewan conveyed to Colin MorGillespie—Colin Mor brings up Ewan—Great war against the queen widow of Olamh Mor—Ewan gets a command—His slenderpage—Mull plundered—The invaders surprised at night and captured—The queen condemns the chiefs to death—Ewan ledforth to die—The execution arrested—Ewan identified and proclaimed king—Prophecy fulfilled | [14] |
| Chapter V.—The Macraes of Kintail and Gairloch. | |
| The Macraes settle in Kintail—Become Mackenzie's "shirt of mail"—The sons of Fortune—Assist in conquest ofGairloch—List of Macraes who fought for Gairloch—Effigy of Donald Odhair—Macraes renowned archers—Compared with Turkisharchers—The Macraes bore the dead bodies of their chiefs to burial—The last occasion of this—Curious statement | [19] |
| Chapter VI.—The MacBeaths. | |
| MacBeaths from Assynt—Some still in Gairloch—Had severalstrongholds—Lochan nan Airm—Kintail men come to Loch Tollie—Shoot MacBeath's servant on the island—MacBeathflies—Is struck by an arrow—Kintail men stay a night on the island—Come through Gairloch—Report to their chief | [21] |
| Chapter VII.—The M'Leods of Gairloch. | |
| The Siol Torquil—Claim to Gairloch—Legal title commenced 1430—MacBeaths expelled—The Tigh Dige—Strongholds ofthe M'Leods—Eilean Ruaridh—Allan M'Leod, laird of Gairloch—Murdered by his brothers at the "Hill of evilcounsel"—They also murder his two boys—The widow takes their bloody shirts to her father—Hector Roy takes the shirts to theking—Who gives Hector commission of fire and sword against the M'Leods—The M'Leods confined to one-third of Gairloch | [24] |
| Chapter VIII.—The Macdonalds in Gairloch. | |
| Macdonalds, clansmen of Donald of the Isles—Probably some settledin Gairloch—Still in Gairloch and Alligin—Mac GilleRiabhaich—His cave—Story of his oak cudgel—Thesoubriquet Darach—His descendant, Darroch of Torridon—DonaldDubh Mac Gillechriosd Mhic Gille Riabhaich—Threatens HectorRoy—Slays Buchanan after Flodden Field | [27] |
| Chapter IX.—Hector Roy Mackenzie, first Laird of Gairloch. | |
| Vision of the great chief and his bodyguard—His appearance andvalour—Obtains charter to Gairloch—Slays three M'Leods at"the Gairloch"—The battle of Park—Hector Roy and Big Duncanof the Axe—Hector Roy at Sauchieburn—He claimsKintail—Battle of Drum a Chait—Big Duncan againassists—Hector Roy outlawed—Assists Mac Cailean—Kneelsbefore the king—Grasps his hand—Is pardoned—Abandonshis claim to Kintail—Fight with M'Leods at BeallachGlasleathaid—Big Duncan and his son Dugal—Hector Royconquers part of Gairloch—Battle of Flodden—Clan Eachainn | [29] |
| Chapter X.—John Glassich Mackenzie and his Sons. | |
| John Glassich brought up in Strathglass—ClaimsKintail—Refuses to join the royal standard—Apprehended byKenneth of Kintail—Iain Gearr's pluck—Death of JohnGlassich—Donald Gorme invades Kenlochewe—Hector andAlexander, sons of John Glassich, both slain | [36] |
| Chapter XI.—John Roy Mackenzie. | |
| John Roy resembled his grandfather Hector—His youth—Visitshis mother, wife of Mackay—Goes with a bodyguard to Iain Liath atGlas Leitire—Lord Kintail abandons his hunt on the Glas Leitirehills—John Roy and Iain Liath go to Gairloch—Iain Dubh MacRuaridh M'Leod abandons the Gairloch dun—Struggles with theM'Leods—John Roy's family—His bodyguard composed of his twelve sons—Dealings withthe tithes of Gairloch—The Talladale ironworks—John Roy'sresidence—Visits Mackay—Mackay's piper becomes John Roy'spiper—Lord Mackenzie summons John Roy to Torridon—He staysthe night with his lordship—Proposed assassinationdeferred—John Roy's sons arrive and take him away—Allies ofGlengarry Macdonalds make an incursion to Kenlochewe—LordMackenzie visits John Roy—John Roy granted a remission by thecrown | [38] |
| Chapter XII.—Expulsion of the M'Leods from Gairloch. | |
| Murchadh Riabhach na Cuirce—Slays Mac Iain DhuibhM'Leod—Ruaridh Mac Allan M'Leod assassinates Iain Mac GhilleChallum M'Leod and his sons by Janet Mackenzie—John Roy revengesthe murder—Expels the M'Leods from Gairloch—The Cnoc aChrochadair—The affair at Leac nan Saighead—Mor Banpersuades the M'Leods to invade Gairloch—They come to FraochEilean—Donald Odhar and his brother shoot them from Leac nanSaighead—Only two M'Leods escape in the birlinn—DonaldOdhar's long shot from Craig a Chait—Young M'Leod of Assynt asksJohn Roy's daughter for his wife—Is refused—Fionnla Dubh naSaighead insults him—The M'Leods return to take vengeance onFinlay—He and Chisholm shoot many of them—Finlay pursuesNeil M'Leod to the Bac an Leth-choin and shoots him at the Druim CarnNeill—Fight at Lochan an Fheidh—Affair at Raasay—MurdoMackenzie in his ship driven into Kirkton—Young M'Leod of Raasayand his companions visit him—All the party get drunk except fourGairloch men—A fight ensues—Murdo drowned—All on boardslain except three of the abstainers—They escape | [43] |
| Chapter XIII.—Alastair Breac, and his Son and Grandson. | |
| Alastair Breac, a renowned warrior—Raids of cattlelifters—Iain Geal Donn proposes a raid on Gairloch—AlastairBuidhe Mackay intercepts him at Scardroy—Slays him and all his menexcept one—Alastair Breac sends the news to LordMackenzie—Cameron of Lochiel plans a raid on Gairloch inrevenge—Alastair Breac sends eighty men to oppose him, but he hasretired—Song composed to the Guard of the Black Corrie—CollaBan—In default of blackmail threatens raid on Gairloch—Hisspies are frightened by four Gairloch men at Luibmhor—Kenneth,sixth laird of Gairloch, fined as a "malignant"—Alexander, seventhlaird of Gairloch | [49] |
| Chapter XIV.—The Baronets of Gairloch and some other GairlochMackenzies. | |
| Sir Kenneth, eighth laird of Gairloch—M.P. forRoss-shire—Sir Alexander, ninth laird of Gairloch—BuildsFlowerdale—The "Forty-five"—Murder of the Gille Buidhe,valet to Prince Charlie—Duncan Macrae conveys a keg of gold forPrince Charlie's use—The "sian"—English man-of-war fires atFlowerdale—Sir Alexander, tenth laird of Gairloch—BuildsConan House—His son called "Fighting Jack," the father of theBritish army—Sir Hector Mackenzie—Lives athome—Lord-Lieutenant of Ross-shire—His belovedlady—Sir Francis Mackenzie—Publishes his "Hints" in1838—Sir Kenneth, present baronet—Mackenzies ofLetterewe—Mackenzies of Lochend—Mackenzies ofGruinard—Large family—Mackenzies of Kernsary—Summaryof Mackenzie History—Crest, Badge, Slogan, and Pipe tunes | [53] |
| Chapter XV.—Gairloch Estates, and Old Names of Places. | |
| Kenlochewe—Gairloch—Description in protocol of1494—Description in retour of 1566—Description in1638—Names in Dutch map of 1662—Second half of the water ofEwe bought in 1671—Strip on north of River Ewe acquired in1844—Letterewe originally Kintail property—Acquired byCharles Mackenzie in 1696—Sold to Mr Bankes in 1835—Northernparts of Gairloch belonging to Gruinard Mackenzies before1655—Sold to Davidson of Tulloch in 1795—Afterwards acquiredby Mr Bankes—Mr O. H. Mackenzie's estate of Inverewe | [60] |
| Chapter XVI.—Ecclesiastical History of Gairloch. | |
| First church in Gairloch—Other early ecclesiasticalbuildings—Rector of Gairloch at date ofReformation—Presbyterianism—Tulchan bishops—Changesfrom Episcopalianism to Presbyterianism—Rev. AlexanderMackenzie—Rev. Farquhar Macrae—Rev. RoderickMackenzie—Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie of Kernsary—Rev. JohnMorrison—Persecuted by Episcopalians—Anecdotes—Histurf-built church in Tollie Bay—Christmas story—Rev. JamesSmith—First school in Gairloch—Anecdote of Rev. MrSage—Rev. Æneas McAulay—Rev. John Dounie—Rev. JamesRussell—His imperfect Gaelic—Poolewe made a separateparish—The Disruption—Presbyteries of Dingwall, Kenlochewe,Chanonry, Gairloch, and Loch Carron—Churches inGairloch—Manse and glebe at Achdistall, Cliff andStrath—Free churches and their ministers | [63] |
| Chapter XVII.—Ancient Gairloch Ironworks. | |
| Two classes of remains of ironworks—Rev. Donald M'Nicol'sstatement—Coin found near old Yorkshire ironworks—Ironimplements used by ancient inhabitants—Disappearance of themaccounted for—Other ancient remains in Sutherlandshire,Ross-shire, and Inverness-shire—Bog iron was the ore used of oldin Gairloch—Processes of the ancient ironworkers—Wastefulrichness of their slags accounted for—Charcoal was theirfuel—The ancient forests of timber—Theirdisappearance—Water power anciently employed for workinghammers | [72] |
| Chapter XVIII.—The Historic Ironworks of Loch Maree. | |
| The present series of Scottish ironworks commenced on LochMaree—The licence to Archibald Primrose for making iron ratifiedin 1612—Spread of the iron industry in the eighteenthcentury—Iron furnaces in Glengarry—Abernethy furnaces of theYork Buildings Company—The Bonawe furnace—The Argyle FurnaceCompany—The Lorn Company—The Carron ironworks—TheWilsonton works—Furnace at Goatfield—Pennant's notice of thefurnace near Poolewe—The Fife Adventurers and the Lews—TheRev. Farquhar Macrae, vicar of Gairloch—The Letterewe furnaceestablished in 1607 by Sir George Hay—Previous history of SirGeorge—His residence at Letterewe—His ironworks—Thetimber consumed—The goods produced—The improvements heeffected—Act prohibiting the making of iron withwood—Monopoly of iron manufacture granted to SirGeorge—Ratified by Parliament—Proclamation restraining theexport of iron ore—Licence to Sir George to sell iron in royalburghs—Sir George's probable acquaintance with John Roy Mackenzie,laird of Gairloch—Sir George's friendship with the Rev. FarquharMacrae—The minister's stone—Sir George leavesLetterewe—His distinguished after-career—Created first Earlof Kinnoull—Continuance of the ironworks—Tombstone of JohnHay—His probable relationship to Sir George—Discontinuanceof the ironworks—The artisans employed—Whence theycame—The Kemps—The Cladh nan Sasunnach—Condition ofthe ironworkers in the then state of the Highlands—The BigEnglishman | [75] |
| Chapter XIX.—The Iron Ores used in Gairloch. | |
| References to local iron ore—Local bog iron used at ancientbloomeries—Ferruginous rocks and shales—Traditionalquarries—Richness of bog iron—Places where it is still foundin Gairloch—Bog iron originally used by Sir George Hay—Heafterwards imported red hematite and clayband ironstone—Mr Marr'sdescription of these ores—They were landed atPoolewe—Remains of them there—Mr Macadam'sanalyses—Mixture with local ore—Classification of theores | [86] |
| Chapter XX.—Remains of Ironworks in the Parish of Gairloch. | |
| Mr Macadam's description of two classes of slag—List of sixlocalities of ironworks—GlenDochartie—Fasagh—Analyses—Lochan Cul naCathrach—Furnace, Letterewe—Talladale—Garavaig, onSlatadale farm—Red Smiddy, near Poolewe—Iron articlesfound—The borings at Cuil an Scardain—Chronological order ofthe ironworks—Other supposed furnaces—Notices of ironworksor mines in old Dutch map, and in "Present State of Great Britain andIreland"—Conclusion | [90] |
| Chapter XXI.—Antiquities. | |
| Want of interesting remains of ancient buildings—SupposedDruidical remains in Tollie wood—Druidical enclosure on IsleMaree—The Island of Justice—Pictish roundhouses—Vitrified fort—Ancient duns, strongholds, orcrannogs—Remains of churches—Gairlochchurch—Culinellan church—Turf-built church in TollieBay—Church at Tollie Croft, or Cruive End—Chapel ofInverewe—Chapel of Sand of Udrigil—Oldburial-grounds—Remains of other old buildings—Remains onIsle Maree—On Eilean Ruaridh Beag—On EileanSuainne—The Tigh Dige—The Sabhal-Geal—The Templehouse—Old houses—Ancient weapons and implements—TheFeill Iudha—Caves | [97] |
Part II.—Inhabitants of Gairloch.
| Chapter I.—Ancestry and Names. | |
| Highlanders different to Scotch—Gairloch people originallyCeltic—Admixture of blood—Mackenziespredominant—Surnames little used—Mode of constructing Gaelicnames—Examples—Bynames—Curious names of girls | [109] |
| Chapter II.—Warfare and Weapons. | |
| Gairloch a bone of contention—Broadsword and targe—Bows andarrows—Battle-axe—Dirk—Guns—Clan fights nomore—Seaforth Highlanders—A Gairloch company—Thepress-gang—Donald M'Lean returns "from hell"—Volunteercorps—Story of Finlay Fraser and his guns | [112] |
| Chapter III.—Polity and Customs. | |
| Improvement after the "Forty-five"—Increase ofschools—Report on educational position of the people by Rev. JamesRussell—Education under the School Boards—Relief of thepoor—Beggars almost unknown—Tramps—Tinkers—Oldman seeking America—Her Majesty's note about him—Oldmarriage customs—Funeral customs—Whisky atfunerals—Heaps of stones at halting-places—New Year's day,old style—Administration of justice at the Island ofJustice—Mode of procedure—The Cnoc a Chroich, or GallowsHill—Some old Gairloch men acquainted with folk-lore | [114] |
| Chapter IV.—Religion and Religious Observances. | |
| No records of Episcopal times—Sundayservices—Baptism—The Lord's supper dispensed in the Leabaidhna Ba Bàine—Dr Mackenzie's account of churchgoing and thecommunions—Johnnie at church for the first time—Five days'services—Large crowd; few communicants—Preparation forGairloch communion—The scene in the Leabaidh—AuntSally—Characteristics of Free Church services and religion | [117] |
| Chapter V.—Character and Characteristics. | |
| Criticism invidious—Gairloch people have a goodcharacter—Fidelity, courtesy, and hospitality—Sir G. S.Mackenzie's opinion—Sir Francis Mackenzie's tribute to hisGairloch people—Attachment to home—Caution and keenness inmoney matters—Anecdote—Captain Burt's charge of want ofcleanliness not generally applicablenow—Morality—Indolence—Always behindtime—Clinging to old ways—Old Highland esprit dyingout—Annual competition recommended | [121] |
| Chapter VI.—Language and Dress. | |
| Gaelic called Irish—Gairloch dialect—Not dyingout—Knowledge of English increasing—Old people still unableto speak English—Gaelic phrases in English—Gaelic literaturein Gairloch—Should Gaelic be discouraged?—Ancient dress inGairloch—Belted plaid or truis—Separate form of thekilt—Antiquity of the kilt—Highland dressproscribed—Subterfuges—Discouraged homespunfabrics—Kilt common in Gairloch in early part ofnineteenth century—Sir Francis Mackenzie on the kilt—Nowfallen into disuse—Present dress of men—Gairlochhose—Dress of women—The mutch—Maiden'sheaddress—Dr Mackenzie on maiden's hair and on mutches | [125] |
| Chapter VII.—Ways and Means. | |
| Sources of livelihood—Industry ofwomen—Dwellings—Byres adjoining—Nochimneys—Gradual improvement—Gardens rare—Fevers andconsumption—Food—Absence of pigs—Whisky—Illicitdistillation—Fuel—Torasgian—Cabar lar—Peatcreel—Carts—Sledges before roads were made | [132] |
| Chapter VIII.—Agriculture and Stock. | |
| Little agriculture in ancient days—Black cattle—Blood takenfrom living cattle—The bowmen—Hill shielings miserableplaces—Introduction of sheep farming—Sheep farmsforested—Sheep deteriorate pasture—Ancient breed ofsheep—Present farms—Run-rig—Crofts established inGairloch—Crofters' crops—The cas-chrom—Sir G. S.Mackenzie on imperfect agriculture—On indolence—The Highlandhusbandman—His negligence—Sir Francis Mackenzie on imperfectcultivation—On manures—On the cas-chrom—On lack ofindustry—On absence of gardens—Introduction of the potato | [136] |
| Chapter IX.—Fisheries. | |
| Gairloch fishermen and fish—Herring fisheries—Lobsters andcrabs—Oysters—Gairloch cod fishery—Under Sir AlexanderMackenzie, 1721 to 1766—In 1792—Sir G. S. Mackenzie'saccount of it under Sir Hector—Lines and hooks formerlyhome-made—First foreign hooks in 1823—Cod fishery in 1884and 1885—Salmon fishery—Bag-nets—Diminution in stockof salmon | [143] |
| Chapter X.—Posts and Roadmaking. | |
| Post-runners to Gairloch—Dr Mackenzie's account—DonaldCharles—Roderick M'Lennan—WilliamCross—M'Leay—Iain Mor am Post—General Wade'sroad—Bridges in Gairloch—Road from Gairloch toPoolewe—The Dowager Lady Mackenzie's account ofroad-making—Destitution Committee contribute toroad-making—Road to Fionn loch | [147] |
| Chapter XI.—Superstitions of Isle Maree. | |
| Isle Maree conspicuous—The wishing-tree—Her Majesty'soffering—St Maelrubha permitted sacrifices ofbulls—Continued to 1678—Latterly associated with cure ofinsanity—Treatment of lunatics—Still continued—DrMitchell's description—Circular enclosure supposed to beDruidical—Graves of the prince and princess—Thewell—Description of the wishing-tree—Trees of IsleMaree—Probability of the legend of Isle Maree—Name of islandderived from St Maelrubha—St Maelrubha worshipped | [150] |
| Chapter XII.—Superstitions of Isle Maree—continued. | |
| Druidical sacrifices engrafted on Christianity—Resort to IsleMaree for cure of lunacy probably ancient—Parallelsuperstitions—Bull sacrifice at Kirkcudbright—Sacrifices ofbulls not confined to the saint's day—Descriptions of proceedingsfor cure of lunatics—MacCulloch's description—No form ofwords—Recent cases—St Maelrubha and St Ruffusidentical—Mad dog dipped in the well—Sadconsequences—Quotations as to Pagan practices engrafted onChristianity | [153] |
| Chapter XIII.—Superstitions generally. | |
| Highlanders' surroundings suggest superstition—Gradual diminutionof it—Older superstitions—Loch Maree water cure—TheFox Point—Coins found—The Cathair mor and SitheananDubha—Gairloch fairy tale—The Shiant Isles'fairy—Eilean Suainne—Fairies seen on Isle Ewe in1883—Lights and music of fairies noticed at MellonCharles—William M'Lean gets a bagpipe chanter from thefairies—The Gille Dubh of Loch a Druing—Superstitiousfancies—The Loch of the Beast—Evidence of the appearance ofthe beast—Proceedings for its suppression—Rorie and themermaid | [158] |
| Chapter XIV.—Witchcraft and Magic. | |
| Rudha Chailleach—Witchcraft and magic still believedin—Jessie the cripple, a witch—Depriving milk of itsfruit—Kenlochewe case in presbytery records—KennethMackenzie, the maighstair sgoil, punishes the witch at Strath—Hiscows recover—Recent cases—The sian—Description ofit—Duncan M'Rae—His song—Entrusted with a keg of goldfor Prince Charlie—Hides the keg in the Fedan Mor—Renders itinvisible by the sian—The wife of the Cibear Mor sees thekeg—The cave at Meallan a Ghamhna—The cave and weaponsconcealed by the sian—Seen by several women recently—Anothersimilar case on Loch Maree—Alastair Mor an t' Sealgair—Runsthe blockade by means of the sian—His variations of thesian—Other examples of Alastair's and his father'spowers—The wind made favourable by magic | [163] |
| Chapter XV.—Visions and Second-sight. | |
| Distinction between visions and second-sight—Old Alastair's visionof Hector Roy and his bodyguard—A young man sees a ghost—Twomen see a woman in a house—Spectre seen before a shoot—Twokinds of second-sight—Jessie the cripple—Ducked as awitch—Her vision of a shepherd, his dog and sheep,fulfilled—The smith's son sees a crowd on Poolewe bridge—Hisvision fulfilled—The great storm on Loch Ewe—Great sight atMellon Udrigil—Fleet of ships and boats filled with redcoats—Visions of soldiers in red uniforms near Inveran—Thesevisions compared with similar sights elsewhere | [169] |
| Chapter XVI.—Bards and Pipers. | |
| Ancient bards an illustrious class—Ossian's poems—Office ofbard or seannachie—Bards of recentdate—Ceilidh—Antiquity of bagpipes—Office of piper inold days—In the present day—Love of pipe music inGairloch—Some old Gairloch bards—Ruaridh Breac—TheEnglish bard—Duncan M'Rae—Roderick Campbell, piper andfiddler—The Piobaire Ban—List of living Gairloch pipers | [173] |
| Chapter XVII.—Hereditary Pipers of the Gairloch Family. | |
| The Mackays—Rorie Mackay, piper to John RoyMackenzie—Alastair Breac, and his son and grandson—Hisbrother Donald—John Mackay, the blind piper—Taught by theM'Crimmons—Piper to the two first baronets of Gairloch—Hiscompositions—Anecdotes of his life with the M'Crimmons—Hissongs and poems—Angus Mackay—Piper to Sir Alexander, thirdbaronet—Moladh Mairi—John Mackay, piper to SirHector—Emigrates to America—A splendid piper—Hisoffspring | [177] |
| Chapter XVIII.—William Mackenzie and Malcolm Maclean. | |
| William Mackenzie a catechist—His song to Balone'ssister—His song lampooning a wedding party—His consequentdismissal—Malcolm Maclean a notorious bacchanalian—Hisbeautiful daughter—His wife's resignation illustrated by ananecdote—Translation by Professor Blackie of his song to hisdaughter | [180] |
| Chapter XIX.—William Ross, the Gairloch Bard. | |
| William Ross, a grandson of the "Blind piper"—His youth—Histravels—Appointed schoolmaster of Gairloch—Diesyoung—Monument over his grave—Estimate of his poetry | [183] |
| Chapter XX.—Alexander Campbell, Bard To Sir Hector. | |
| Alastair Buidhe's ancestry and youth—Appointed ground-officer andbard to Sir Hector—Instructed to remove the roof from a defaultingtenant's house—His prudent artifice approved by SirHector—Dr Mackenzie's recollections of Alastair as bard—Hisbad health, and death—His character—His friendship withWilliam Ross—His descendants—His poetry highlyappreciated | [185] |
| Chapter XXI.—Alexander Grant, the Great Bard of Slaggan. | |
| Sandy Grant's ancestry—His enormous stature and strength—Hisappearance, portrait, and poetry—Reputed to havesecond-sight—Anecdote—Sandy Grant discovers cheeses stolenin Loch Carron—His descendants | [187] |
| Chapter XXII.—John Mackenzie of the "Beauties." | |
| John's ancestry and youth—His mechanical skill—An accidentdisables him—Collects Gaelic poems—Devotes himself toliterary work—List of books he translated—Known as a poetand piper—Anecdote of his humour—Buys a ship and hercargo—Gives up the bargain—Monument to his memory | [189] |
| Chapter XXIII.—Living Gairloch Bards. | |
| Alexander Mackenzie, of Oban—Duncan Mackenzie, the Kenlochewebard—Short memoir—His poetry—His epithalamium on themarriage of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie—Translation of it by ProfessorBlackie—Alexander Cameron, the Tournaig bard—His song inpraise of Tournaig—English translation by Mr W. C.Good—Alexander Bain—His elegy on the late DrKennedy—English translation | [192] |
| Chapter XXIV.—The Poolewe Artist. | |
| Paucity of art in Gairloch—Finlay Mackinnon—Hischaracteristics—His yearning for art as a young boy—Assistedby Mr Davis, R.A., and others—His watercolour sketches | [200] |
| Chapter XXV.—James Mackenzie's Gairloch Stories. | |
| Short Account of James Mackenzie—William Roy Mackenzie and theexciseman—Kenneth and John Mackenzie of Rona and thepress-gang—John M'Gregor of Londubh escapes from the press-gang,but is killed by a fall over a rock—Murdo Mackenzie, or Murdo'sson, marries Lord Breadalbane's daughter and takes possession of alugger full of smuggled spirit—Anecdote of Sir Hector Mackenzieand M'Leod of Raasay's boat—Mackenzie of Kernsary and JamesMackenzie's grandfather—The whale in Loch Ewe drowns threemen—A story of Rob Donn—The Loch Broom herringfishery—The other Rob Roy Macgregor and the Dundonnellestates—Cases of drowning in Loch Maree—Hector Mackenzie,William Urquhart and his son, and Kenneth Mackenzie—A Kenlocheweman rolls overboard—Kenneth Mackenzie and Gregor Macgregor carrieddown by the Talladale river—John M'Ryrie—KennethUrquhart—Sandy Mackenzie—The Stornoway packet and thewhale—Wreck of M'Callum's schooner at Melvaig—A sea captainburied in Isle Ewe—The loss of the "Glenelg"—Wreck of the"Helen Marianne" of Campbeltown—Wreck of the "Lord Molyneux" ofLiverpool—John Macdonald, the drover of Loch Maree—Themurder of Grant, the peddler, by M'Leod, who is at lengthhung—Death of the Shieldaig shoemaker and his companions atLochinver | [201] |
Part III.—Natural History of Gairloch.
| Chapter I.—Physical Features. | |
| Area and boundaries of Gairloch—Sea-board—Long valleybisecting the parish—Ranges and groups of mountains—Islandsin the sea—Fresh-waterlochs—Rivers—Woods—Caves—Waterfalls—TheSteall a Mhuinidh—Victoria Falls—Letterewewaterfall—Kerry falls—Flowerdale waterfalls—Scenicbeauties | [219] |
| Chapter II.—Climate and Weather. | |
| Healthy climate of north-west Highlands—Changeableweather—Sir G. S. Mackenzie on the climate—Dr Mackenzie onthe old-fashioned summers—Former abundance ofnuts—Strawberries on 4th June, also cherries—Short summernights—Aurora borealis—Rarity of intensefrosts—Spring mist presages snow—A hard winter—Sunsetsfrom the Gairloch Hotel—Cloudscapes—Colouring oflandscapes | [222] |
| Chapter III.—Anecdotes and Notes. | |
| Birds, formerly rare in Gairloch, now plentiful, and viceversâ—Dr Mackenzie's remarks on this point—Eagles inGairloch—Anecdote of Craig-Tollie eagle and roedeer—Confirmation from Martin's book—Also from story ofKirghiz eagles, &c.—Anecdote of Kenlochewe eagle and thecat—Subject of a well-known Gaelic riddle—Eagle atTalladale—Two-and-a-half brace of eagles killed in Gairloch beforebreakfast—Sea-gulls—How they were driven from EileanRuaridh—Sounds of various birds atInveran—Insects—Midges and wasps—Her Majesty's remarkson them—Rhyme on midges—Preventive measures—Otherinsects—Animals in general—Vermin—Marten'sfur—Wild cats—Wild cat in Loch Tollie island—Highlandcattle—Goats—Ponies | [227] |
| Chapter IV.—Lower Forms of Life. | |
| Diffusion of life—Luminosity of footprints on boggyground—Reptiles—Fresh-waterfish—Shells—Molluscs—The spout fish—How to takeit—Sea anemones—Love of flowers—Localities recommendedto botanists—Grasses—Mosses—Lichens—List of afew—Seaweeds—Fungi—Conclusion | [233] |
| Chapter V.—Mammals of Gairloch. | |
| List of Gairloch mammals, with notes—Notes on Arctic fox inGairloch and elsewhere | [236] |
| Chapter VI.—Birds of Gairloch. | |
| List of Gairloch birds, with notes | [241] |
| Chapter VII.—Flowering Plants of Gairloch. | |
| List imperfect—A word to visitors—Destruction of plants bysheep—Bouquets of wildflowers—Seasons for them—Rarerplants—List of flowering plants | [256] |
| Chapter VIII.—Shells of Gairloch, by Rev. John M'Murtrie, M.A. | |
| Paper by Rev. John M'Murtrie, M.A., on "Springtide at Gairloch, a Studyof small Shells"—Appendix, with list of shells | [265] |
| Chapter IX.—The Geology of Loch Maree and Neighbourhood, byWilliam Jolly, F.G.S., F.R.S.E. | |
| Long controversy—Attack by eminent geologists—Others enterthe lists—Prospect of early peace—Conditions of the problemwell exhibited round Loch Maree—Succession ofrocks—Hebridean gneiss—Torridon redsandstone—Quartzite—Its annelid borings—Its fucoidremains—Limestone—The "Logan" rock—The easterngneiss—The controversy—Other noteworthy geologicalphenomena—Faults—Glaciation—Denudation—Rockjunctions—The valley of the hundred hills—Curiousimpressions on Torridon sandstone near Talladale—The Fionn andDubh loch—The Trias at Loch Gruinard | [271] |
| Chapter X.—Minerals of Gairloch, by Professor W. Ivison Macadam,F.C.S., F.I.C., M.M.S., &c., Edinburgh. | |
| List of minerals andlocalities | [289] |
Part IV.—Guide to Gairloch and Loch Maree.
| Chapter I.—Gairloch of the Present Day. | |
| No town in Gairloch—List of townships or hamlets—Ministersand services—Free churches andministers—Schools—School Board—Table of Schools, withaverage attendance—List of school teachers—Sideschools—School rate—Obstacles to regularattendance—Annual inspections—Registrar of Births, Deaths,and Marriages—Pauperism—Poor-rates—Pauperlunatics—Medical officer—The county road—Privateroads—Policemen—Justices of the Peace—Licensedhouses—Postalarrangements—Telegraph—Carrier—Bank—Markets—Preventiveservice—Steamers—Rifle corps—Its threesections—Principal houses in Gairloch—Poolewe Public Hall | [293] |
| Chapter II.—Approaches and Roads. | |
| Approach from Achnasheen—From Loch Carron—From LochTorridon—From Gruinard—By steamer—By boat fromUllapool—On foot—Main road maintained by thecounty—Private roads—Loch Maree a highway | [299] |
| Chapter III.—Achnasheen to Kenlochewe. | |
| Dingwall and Skye railway—The Gairloch mail-car—Naturalterraces like railway embankments—Loch Rosque—Remains ofancient ironworks—The Clach an t' Shagart at Bad aMhanaich—Luibmhor in Gairloch—View of ScuirMhullin—Persistent inquirer—Hill resembling aprofile—Glen Dochartie—View of LochMaree—Trysting-place—More old ironworks—View of BeinnEay—Kenlochewe—Hugh Miller on this name—Kenlochewevillage and hotel—Culinellan churchyard—The Cnoc aChrochadair—Ath nan ceann—Two routes to Gairloch | [301] |
| Chapter IV.—Kenlochewe to Talladale. | |
| Tagan farm—Glas Leitire woods—Ru Nohar—Umbrella-likefirs—Her Majesty's description of the road—GlenGrudidh—Old fir trees—Eilean Grudidh—Wild stretch ofroad described by Her Majesty—Hamlet of Talladale—The LochMaree Hotel—Accommodation—Angling—Visit of HerMajesty—Commemorative Gaelic inscription on aboulder—English translation | [305] |
| Chapter V.—Talladale to the Gairloch Hotel. | |
| Road through woods—The Victoria Falls—Garavaigironworks—Slatadale farm—Old road to west of CraigTollie—View of the islands of Loch Maree—Feurloch—Loch Bad na Sgalaig—Kerry falls—Kerrybridge—Her Majesty's interview with Lews' peoplehere—Kerrysdale House—Resort offairies—Charleston—Flowerdale House—Port naheile—The Gairloch—Established church—The Leabaidh naBa Bàine—Gairloch churchyard—Old ironworks—Monument toJohn Mackenzie of the "Beauties"—The Crasg—The Cnoc aCroiche—The Gairloch Hotel—Accommodation andarrangement—Sea-bathing—Boating—Angling—Fineview | [308] |
| Chapter VI.—The Gairloch Hotel to Poolewe. | |
| Achtercairn—Views of Strath and the hills of Skye—Deepgorge—Geikie on geology of a curious hill—TheShoe-stone—Funeral heaps—Lochan nan Airm—TheGlen—Craig Bhadain an Aisc—Blar na Fala—LochTollie—Its crannog—Surrounding hills—Distantviews—Old road—View of Loch Maree—Beinn AridhCharr—Spidean Moirich—Croft Brae—Hamlet ofCroft—Ceann a Chro, or Cruive End—The Still—The Hillof evil counsel—The Trossachs of Loch Maree—Poolewevillage—The church—The inn—Pool House—Otherhouses—Londubh—The Inverewe burial-ground | [312] |
| Chapter VII.—Poolewe to Aultbea. | |
| The pool—Srondubh—Inverewe House andgardens—Description from the Times—Loch nanDailthean—Tournaig—The Dowager Lady Mackenzie'sresidence—Description of the garden from the Times—CoileAigeascaig—Mac Gille Riabhaich's cave—Bleeding livingcattle—Tournaig farm—Loch Tournaig—Dunan—Theroadascends—Views—Drumchork—Aultbea—Townships—Houses—Anchorage—Aultbeainn | [318] |
| Chapter VIII.—Excursions from Kenlochewe. | |
| Drives—Expedition to Loch Torridon—Cromasaig—FeLeoid—Loch Clair—Maelrubha's seat—CarnAnthony—Coire Cheud Cnoc—Precipices of Liathgach—HerMajesty's remarks—Sguir Dubh—Lochan an Fheidh—LochTorridon—Village—Mr Darroch and Torridon House—Ploc ofTorridon—The heights of Kenlochewe—Glen CruaidhChoillie—Glen na Muic—Excursions on foot by the path on theeast side of Loch Maree—Excursions on Loch Maree | [321] |
| Chapter IX.—Excursions from Talladale. | |
| Drives and walks—Expeditions on Loch Maree—Thesteamer—Boats | [326] |
| Chapter X.—Excursions from Gairloch. | |
| The south side of Gairloch—Shieldaig—Leac nanSaighead—Badachro—Loch Bad na h' Achlais—PortHenderson—Opinan—Cave—South Erradale—Ancientironworks—Point—Views—North side ofGairloch—Achtercairn—Strath—Carn Dearg—LittleSand farm—Big Sand—Iron furnace—North Erradale—Wonderfulcave—Peterburn—Altgreshan—Melvaig—TheLeac—Rudha Reidh—Stac Buidhe—Other drives—Tourof Loch Maree—Boating expeditions—Walks—Geikie ongeological features | [327] |
| Chapter XI.—Excursions from Poolewe. | |
| West side of Loch Ewe—Cliff House—Cuil anScardain—Boor—Views—Naast—Inverasdale—Brae—Midtown—Coast—Boardschool—Firemore—Telegraph to Stornoway—Meallan naGhamhna—Caves—Loch a Druing woods—Cove—Thevillage—The cave—Natural arch—Fionn Lochexcursion—Craig an Fhithich—Inveran wood andfarm—Inveran river—Loch Kernsary—Innis aBhaird—Kernsary farm—Fionn Loch—Fine view—Otherexcursions by road—Walks—Craig Bhan | [332] |
| Chapter XII.—Excursions from Aultbea. | |
| To Mellon Charles—Cuilchonich—Bual na luib—MellonCharles—Mellon Udrigil—Laide—The Loch of theBeast—Second Coast—Old church of Sand—Sandybeach—Curious rocks—First Coast and Second Coast—MillBay—Cadha Beag—LittleGruinard—Fisherfield—Meikle Gruinard river—Excursionsby water | [337] |
| Chapter XIII.—Excursion by Steamer on Loch Maree. | |
| Road to north end of Loch Maree—Opinions of thescenery—Leading characteristics—Tollie pier—FoxPoint—Clearness of water—Sweetheart'sstepping-stones—Fhridh Dhorch—Ardlair—Cave of theking's son—The minister's stone—Clach a Mhail—Uamh aMhail—Rudha Chailleach—The white horse—The Bullrock—The cave of gold—Gold mining inScotland—Mountains—Letterewe—Limestonequarry—Waterfall—Furnace—InnisGhlas—Coppachy—Regoilachy—Slioch—Cladh nanSasunnach—Fasagh—Tagan—Ru Nohar—Undercliffs ofMeall a Ghiubhais—Woods of Glas Leitire—View of GlenGrudidh—Aid na h' Eigheamh—Isle Maree—Whittier'sverses—Eilean Suainne—Eilean Dubh na Sroine—GarbhEilean—Eilean Ruaridh—The planted island—Wildfowl—Talladale—Slatadale—Doire—CraigTollie—Bay of Corree—Rudha Aird anAnail—Cave—Heather burning | [340] |
| Chapter XIV.—The Fionn Loch and its Dubh Loch, by WilliamJolly. | |
| Name—Approaches—Loch Kernsary—View of FionnLoch—Mountains described—Visits to the loch—LochananBeannoch—Beinn Aridh Charr—Black-throated divers—BeinnLair—Narrow glen—Old hill fort—Craig an DubhLoch—Pegmatite—Dubh Loch—Thundershower—Islands—Birds—Marten cats | [349] |
| Chapter XV.—Loch Gruinard, by William Jolly. | |
| Loch Ewe—Mountain view—Aultbea—Moraines—SummerIsles—Distant views—Old Chapel—Caves—ModernCave-dweller—Gruinard House—Gruinard river—Mountainsof Loch na Sheallag | [355] |
| Chapter XVI.—Angling in Sea Lochs. | |
| Several classes of anglers—Outfit recommended—Two usualmodes of sea fishing—Trolling for lythe—Artificialsand-eels—Handline fishing—Scalps—Fishescaptured—Conger eels—Large halibut—Large skate | [359] |
| Chapter XVII.—Angling in Loch Maree. | |
| Excessive fishing—Reserved water—Species offish—Char—Salmon—Sea-trout—Bull-trout—Finnocks—Propertyin salmon and sea-trout—Large brown trout—Ferox not aseparate species—Variations in trout—So-called ferox notworth eating—Gizzard trout | [361] |
| Chapter XVIII.—Angling in Fresh-water Lochs. | |
| Permission required—Trout scarcer than formerly—Dr Mackenzieaccounts for this—The tarry sheep—Fionn Loch—Anglingdeteriorated—Good day's angling—The Dubh loch—Threetrout at a cast—Bait fishing for trout—LochKernsary—Char—Char and trout, and pink and white-fleshedtrout, indistinguishable to the taste—Burn fishing—Best timefor trout fishing—Eels—Pike—Their introductiondescribed by Dr Mackenzie—Re-introduced in Sir Kenneth's time | [363] |
| Chapter XIX.—Salmon Angling. | |
| Salmon rivers—The Ewe—Cruives—The old cruive used forcrossing the river—Roderick Campbell and an American merchantdrowned—The new cruive—Gradual diminution of stock ofsalmon—Length of the Ewe—Pools on the east side—Poolson the other side—Runs of salmon andgrilse—Kelts—Bull-trout—Sea-trout—Largesalmon—Best flies—Dr Mackenzie's anecdote of Sir HumphreyDavy—John Bright—Odd incidents—Damagedfly—Successful fishing after a friend—Hooking a fish afterlosing another—Was it a rise?—Fish taking when lineslack—Kelt caught twice—Holding on for fivehours—Angler compared to the evilone—Water-bailiffs—John Glas—Sandy Urquhart—Hisloquacity—Fishing on the Ewe—Tailing salmon—Spikedgloves—Bags of salmon now and formerly—Singular mode offishing by Sir Hector—Charms of the Ewe—Other salmon riversin Gairloch | [366] |
| Chapter XX.—Deer Forests and Grouse Shooting. | |
| The red deer—Free to roam—Antiquity of—Formerlyscarce—Meaning of "forested"—List of deerforests—Estimated yield and stock—Stag season—A"royal"—Best heads—Hinds—Deer-stalking—Greatcaution required—Staghounds not much used now—Quotation fromJohn Taylor, the "Water-Poet"—Present system of letting deerforests—Colonel Inge in Gairloch—Misconceptions with regardto deer forests—Opinions of the CroftersCommission—Depopulation not due to deer forests—Deer forestsnot suitable for occupation by crofters—Loss of mutton and woolinsignificant—Depredations by deer on crofters' crops easilyremedied—Deterioration of pasture by deer notproved—Demoralization of gillies not due to forests—Summaryof opinions—Substantial benefits conferred by deerforests—Afford employment to a greater extent than sheepfarms—Recommendation by Commissioners—Grouseshooting—Grouse not abundant—Disease infrequent—Latebirds—Mixed bags—Separate grouse shootings | [372] |
| List of Books and MSS. Quoted orReferred to | [381] |
| Statement of Authorities for Traditions, &c., embodied inthis Book | [383] |
Tables.
| I. | Mountains of Gairloch | [387] |
| II. | Distances | [387] |
| III. | Population of Gairloch | [390] |
| IV. | Ministers of the parish of Gairloch | [390] |
| V. | Lairds of Gairloch | [391] |
Appendices.
| A. | Genealogical Account of the MacRas, by Rev. John Macrae, who died1704 | [395] |
| B. | Tour in Scotland by Thomas Pennant in 1772 | [396] |
| C. | Old Statistical Account of Scotland, 1792 | [399] |
| D. | Dr MacCulloch's Highlands and Western Isles of Scotland, 1811 to1821 | [400] |
| E. | New Statistical Account of Scotland, 1836 | [403] |
| F. | Records of the Presbytery of Dingwall | [408] |
| G. | Records and Extracts relating to Sir George Hay and the Manufacture ofIron | [412] |
| H. | Addenda on St Maelrubha, and Ecclesiastical History | [415] |
| Index | [419] |
| Errata | [436] |
| Addenda | [436] |
The pronunciation is given approximately in parentheses. In many cases no combination of letters pronounced in English fashion can accurately represent the Gaelic pronunciation.
The pronunciation of ch is almost the same in Gaelic as in German. Sometimes the ch is best rendered as an aspirate only, the c being treated as if silent.
The letter c, unless followed by h, is always pronounced in Gaelic like the English k, a letter not found in Gaelic.
The Gaelic pronunciation of the letters b, d, and g is soft, and they are often sounded more as if they were p, t, and k.
In Ross-shire Gaelic sr is pronounced as if it were str, and rt as if it were rst.
The consonant d before the vowels e and i, whether followed by another vowel or not, is pronounced as if it were j.
The consonant s before the vowels i or e is sounded as sh.
The consonant l has a liquid double sound, unlike anything in English; it may be approximated by lisping the vowel u before and the letter y after the ordinary sound of the letter l.
The letter h after the consonants d, f, g, t, and s, in Ross-shire Gaelic, renders those consonants silent; bh and mh are usually pronounced like v, a letter not found in the Gaelic alphabet. Sometimes adh seems to be pronounced very like ag.
The possessive case is frequently formed in Gaelic by the insertion of the letter h after the initial consonant, and of the letter i after the vowel in the first or second syllable.
The aspirate h is often inserted between the definite article and a noun beginning with a vowel. Sometimes the letter t is similarly inserted before a noun commencing with a consonant. These, and some other changes, are made for the sake of euphony.
The vowel sounds can only be defined with difficulty. The attempts made in this glossary are but imperfect. It may be stated that ach is generally pronounced och; ao and u, as oo; ea, as a in "bake"; a, e, and i, usually as in French; ei, sometimes as a in "bake," and sometimes as i in "bin"; and ai is sometimes almost like u in "dull," and sometimes like a in "tan."
Anyone desiring to pronounce a Gaelic name or word correctly, should ask a native to render it, and try to imitate him; even then, in some cases, it will be impossible to be exactly right.
A cheardach ruadh (ar charstock rooer), The red smithy. Ceardach, a smithy; ruadh, red.
A Mhaighdean (ar veytchen), The maiden. See [Maighdean].
Achagarbh, properly spelt Achadhgarbh (ach a garrav), Rough field. Ach, a field; garbh, rough.
Achagarve. See [Achagarbh].
Achdistall, or Achdiestal (achjestel), Field of Diestal. Ach, a field; Diestal, a Norse word, probably the name of a rock.
Achnasheen (achnasheen), Field of storms. Ach, or achadh, a field; sian (shee-on), means wind and rain combined, i.e., a rainstorm. Sian dubh (black storm) is so-called in contradistinction to a snowstorm, which is designated cur is cathadh. An old Kintail priest long ago prophesied that this country would be brought to nought by Sian dubh, and that the people would have to go away to islands at the other side of the world.
Achtercairn, properly Achadhacharn (achterkairn), Field of the cairn. Ach, or achadh, a field; carn, a heap of stones.
Aigeascaig (aigaskaik). Name of place, meaning unknown. Colonel Robertson says Aigeas is a corruption of aiguisg, by reason of the water. The termination aig signifies a small bay; it was originally Danish.
Aird (aird), a height, a promontory or headland.
Aird na h'eigheamh (art na heyhugh), eight of calling. Aird, a height; eigh, to call.
Airdheslaig (artishlak). Supposed to be a Norse name. Aird, a height; heslaig may be for h'aslaich, aslaich, to entreat; aslachadh, entreaty.
Alastair Breac (allaster brake), Alexander the spotted. Alastair, Alexander; breac, spotted, or more correctly pock-marked. See [Breac].
Alastair Buidhe Mackay, properly MacAoidh (allaster boo-ie mackai), Yellow Alexander Mackay. MacAoidh is pronounced Macooie.
Alastair Buidhe MacIamhair (allaster boo-ie makeemver), Yellow-haired Alexander MacIver; pronounced MakEever.
Alastair Liath (allaster leear), Grey-headed Alexander. Liath, grey, grey-headed. It means light blue when not applied to a human being.
Alastair MacIain Mhic Earchair (allaster makeeanvic erraquhar), Alexander, son of John, son of Farquhar. Earchair is incorrectly written for Fhearchair, the possessive of Farquhar; Fhearchair is pronounced Erraquhar or Earchair.
Alastair Mor an t' Sealgair (allaster more ant shollager), Big Alexander the hunter. Sealgair, a hunter, a stalker, literally a sneaker.
Ali' Iain Ghlais (alian loss), Alexander [son] of Pale John. From Alie (short for Alastair), Alexander; Iain, John; and glas, pale or sallow. Glas means grey when not applied to human beings.
Alie Uistean (ally ooshtan), Alick Hugh. Alie, short for Alexander. See [Uistean].
Allt a Choire Dhuibh Mhoir (arlta corrie oo-ie vore), The burn of the great black corrie. Allt, a burn; choire, possessive of coire, a corry; dhuibh, possessive of dubh, black; mhoir, possessive of mor, great.
Altgreshan, properly Alltgrisean (alt-grishan), Roan or grizzly burn. Allt, a burn; grisfhionn (grishan), grizzly.
Am port Leathach (am porsht layoch), The port at half [tide]. Leath is half.
An Amilt, or An Amhuilt (ann amvilt). Name of a place; means the stratagem.
An Fhridh dhorch (an ree dorroch), the dark forest. Fridh, forest; dorch, dark.
An Groban. See [Groban].
An t' Eirthire Donn. See [Eirthire Donn].
Angus. See [Aonghas].
Aonghas (unnus), Angus, or Æneas, which last is nearer in sound to the Gaelic.
Applecross. English name as now used. Colonel Robertson says it is for the Gaelic Abercroisean, or Abhircroisean, from aber, mouth, or confluence of; croisean, of troubles; or perhaps croisean was the name of the little river.
Ardlair (ardlair), The mare's height or headland. Aird, a height; lair, a mare.
Ath nan ceann (arnankown), Ford of the heads. Ath, a ford; ceann, heads. Often written Anagown.
Aultbea, should be spelt Alltbeithe (arltbay), Burn of birches. Allt, a burn; beath, or beith, a birch.
Bac an Leth-choin (bark an lechun), Shelf of the crossbred dog. Leth-choin, a crossbred dog, a lurcher. Bac is a shelf or flat on the side or top of a hill; in this case the name is popularly applied to the whole hill.
Bac Dubh (bark dhoo), Black shelf. Bac, a shelf or flat place among rocks or on a hill; dubh, black.
Bad a Chrotha (badachro). Full Gaelic spelling of [Badachro], which see.
Bad a mhanaich (bat er vannich), Grove of the monk. See [Bad]. Mhanaich, possessive of manach, a monk.
Bad an t' Sluig (bat ant slook), Grove of the miry puddle. Bad, a grove; sluig, possessive of slug, a miry puddle.
Badachro (badachro), Grove of the cruive. Bad, a grove; chro, possessive of cro, a cruive, a fank.
Badfearn, should be Badfearna (batfern), Alder grove. Fearn, the alder tree. See [Bad]. The place has still a clump of alders.
Badluachrach (bat loocharar), Rushy clump. Luachair, rushes.
Baile na h'eaglais (bally-na-herkless), Town of the church, or Kirkton. Baile, a town; eaglais, a church. Compare Ecclesia.
Ballymeon (bally-mey-on), properly spelt Baile-meadhon, pronounced exactly the same. Baile, a town; meadhon, middle. Anglicè, Middleton.
Bard Mor an t' Slaggan (bart more ant slaggan), The great or big bard of [Slaggan], which see.
Bard Sasunnach (bart Sassenach), English bard. Sasunnach, English, i.e. not a Gaelic speaker.
Bathais Bheinn (boorsh ven), Forehead mountain (very descriptive). From Beinn, mountain, and bathais, forehead; or perhaps it should be called Baoisg Bheinn (boiskivin), the mountain of gleaming, because it catches the first rays of the rising sun. This is also true of this mountain.
Beag (bek), little. It seems to appear as bach in some English names.
Beallach Glasleathaid (baaloch glass laid), Pass of the gray slope. Beallach, a pass; glas, pale; leathaid, possessive of leathad, a slope.
Beallach nan Brog (baaloch nam progue), Pass of the shoes. Brog, a shoe.
Beallach a Chomhla (baaloch a korvla), Pass of the door. Comhladh, a door.
Beinn Alligin (bin allikin), Jewel mountain. Properly Ailleagan, a jewel, or darling, anything precious.
Beinn a Chaisgean (bin a harshkin), Mountain of casgean; which may be a corruption of caisg, Easter.
Beinn Aridh Charr (bin arry har), The mountain of the rough shieling. Beinn, a mountain; aridh, a shieling; charr, a corruption of garbh, rough.
Beinn a Chearcaill (bin a herkill). Mountain of the hoop. Cearcall, a hoop. Descriptive of bands or lines of stratification encircling this hill.
Beinn a Mhuinidh (bin ar voonie), Mountain of the "Pisvache."
Beinn an Eoin (bin-in-eeōn), The mountain of the bird. Beinn, a mountain; eoin, possessive of eun, a bird. The bird in this case is the ptarmigan.
Beinn Bheag (bin vek), Little mountain. Beag, little.
Beinn Bhreac (bin y vraick), Spotted mountain. Breac, spotted.
Beinn Damph, properly Beinn Damh (bin damff), Mountain of the stag. Damh, a stag.
Beinn Dearg (bin jarrak), Red mountain. Beinn; and Dearg, red.
Beinn Eighe (bin ay), File mountain. Eighe, a file. The topmost ridge is jagged or serrated like a file.
Beinn Lair (bin lar), Mountain of the mare. Lair, a mare.
Beinn Liathgach (bin learoch). This mountain should not be called Beinn Liathgach, but [Liathgach], which see.
Beinn na h' Eaglais (binnaherkless), Mountain of the church. Beinn, mountain; eaglais, church.
Beinn nan Ramh (bin an rahv), Mountain of the oar. Ramh, an oar.
Beinn Slioch or Sleugach (bin sleoch). Should be Slioch without Beinn. See [Slioch].
Beinn Tarsuinn (bin tarsing), Mountain across.
Beinn Tarsuinn Chaol (bin tarsing chool), Narrow Beinn Tarsuinn. Caol, narrow or slender.
Bhantighearna Ruadh (vancherna rooar), Red lady. Bhantighearna, literally she-lord.
Bho Iutharn, or Bho Iuthrna (vo ewern), From hell. Bho, from; Iuthrna, hell.
Bidean clann Raonaild (peetyan clan ruynuld), Clan Ranald's peak. Bidean, a peak.
Blar na Fala (blar ner falla), Plain of the blood. Blar, a plain or bog, or flat place; fala, possessive of fuil, blood.
Blar na Pairc (blar ner park), Battle of the park. Pairc, possessive of parc, a park or field.
Bonaid donn (boanat down), Brown bonnet. Bonaid, a bonnet, a cap; donn, brown.
Boor (bore). Either from buradh, a bursting forth of blood; or from a word containing the root boor, meaning "roaring," because stags used to roar here.
Bothie (bothy, othie pronounced as in frothy), a little hut or hovel. Both, a hut. Compare English booth. The ie is an old Gaelic diminutive, often written idh.
Braemore, properly Braighmor (bray more), Great summit or hill. Mor, great; braigh, summit.
Breac (brake), spotted, marked with smallpox (when applied to human beings), a trout.
Breacan an Fheilidh (brayken an aylie), the belted or kilted plaid. Breacan, a tartan plaid; fheilidh, possessive of feileadh, a kilt.
Bruachaig (brooachak). Perhaps from Bruach, and achadh, a field; bruach, a bank, border, edge, steep; aig, means a small bay in old Danish.
Buaile na luib (pool na loop), Fold of the bend. From buaile, a fold; and luib, a bend or loop.
Buidhe (boo-ie), yellow-haired, yellow.
Cabar Feidh (kapper fay), deer's antler. Cabar, antler, or a stick; feiah, possessive of fiagh, deer.
Cabar Lar (kapper law), Turf parer. Cabar, a stick; lar, a floor, the ground.
Cadha Beag (kaar pek), Little pass in the rock. Beag, little; cadha, a pass in a rock.
Cailleach a Mhuillear (kaillyoch a vuillyear), The miller's wife. Cailleach, an old woman; muillear, miller.
Cailleach Liath Rasaidh (kaillyoch leear raasa), Grey old woman of Raasay. Cailleach, an old woman; liath, grey (light blue when not applied to a human being).
Callum a Ghlinne (kallum a glinnie), Malcolm of the glen. Callum, Malcolm.
Carn a Ghlinne (karn a glinnie), Cairn of the glen. Carn, a cairn or heap of stones; ghlinne, possessive of gleann, a glen.
Carn Anthony (karn anthony), Cairn of Anthony. Carn, a heap of stones.
Carn Dearg (karn jarrak). Red cairn. Carn, a heap of stones. See [Dearg].
Carn Liath (karn leear), Light blue cairn. Carn, a heap of stones; liath, light blue.
Cas chrom (kas-rhoum), foot plough; literally crooked foot, from cas, a foot; and crom, crooked.
Cathair mhor (kaar more). Big seat, i.e. Fairies' seat. See [Kerrysdale].
Ceann a Chro (kayoun-a-chroe), End or head of the cruive. Ceann, end or head; cro, a cruive, or fank.
Ceann a chruinn (kayoun a chreinie), mast head, or tree head or end. Ceann, a head, end; cruinn, possessive of crann, a tree or mast.
Ceann an t' sail (kayoun an tarl), end or head of the salt water. Ceann, end or head; sail, salt water. Corrupted further south into Kintail.
Ceann loch iu (kayoun loch ew), head of Loch Ewe. Ceann, a head.
Ceardach ruadh (karstoch roo-er), Red smiddy. See [A cheardach ruadh].
Ceilidh (kayley), social meetings. From ceilidh, to visit.
Ceistear crubach (kaister crupboch), lame catechist. Ceistear, a catechist; crubach, lame.
Cibear Mor (keeipber more), big shepherd. Cibear, a shepherd; mor, great or big.
Clach (klarch), a stone. Possessive, Cloiche. Compare clough, found in some English names.
Clach a Mhail (klarch ar varl), Stone of rent. Clach, a stone; Mal, rent, tribute.
Clach an t' Shagart (klarch an taggart), Stone of the priest. Clach, a stone; shagart, possessive of sagart, a priest.
Clach nam Brog (klarch nam progue), Shoe stone. Clach, a stone; brog, a shoe.
Clachan garbh (klachan garrav), Rough village. Clachan, a village; literally stones; supposed to have originally been a Druidical term. See [Garbh].
Cladh nan Sasunnach (klug nan sarsenach), Burial-place of the English. Cladh, a burial-place; Sasunnach, English, Saxon, not a Gaelic speaker.
Claidheamh mor (klymore), a broadsword, a claymore. Claidheamh, a sword; mor, great, here broad.
Clais na leac (klarsh na lyck), Hollow of the flat stones or flags. Clais, a furrow, a hollow between ridges or hills; leac, a flag.
Claonadh (kluanar), slopes. Compare inclining.
Clann Eachainn (klan erchen), offspring of Hector. Clann, offspring or descendants. See [Eachainn].
Claymore. See [Claidheamh mor].
Cleireach (klearoch), literally clerk. Priests often called so from their scholarship. The Priest island off the Greenstone Point is called Cleireach in Gaelic. Compare Clericus.
Cliabh moine (kleea moanyer), peat creel. Cliabh, creel; moine, peats.
Cliff, or Clive (Gaelic Clu). See [Meall na Cluibha].
Clu (kloo), a local name; now treated as synonymous with English cliff. See [Meall na Cluibha].
Cnoc a chrochadair (kroka chrochater), Hangman's hill. Cnoc, a hill, a hillock; chrochadair, possessive of crochadair, a hangman.
Cnoc a croiche (krok a chroich), Gallows hill. Croich, a gallows.
Cnoc na mi-chomhairle (krok na mee ho-airlie), Hillock of evil counsel. Cnoc, a hillock; mi (like mis-), evil, comhairle, counsel. Mi is also a negative prefix like un-.
Coigeach (ko-yoch), probably the "fifth portion" [of a davach]. Coig, five.
Coille Aigeascaig (kul yaikaskaik); Wood of Aigeascaig. Coille, a wood; see [Aigeascaig].
Coinneach (kuinyoch), Kenneth. The progenitor of the Mackenzies.
Coinneach Mac Sheumais (kuinyoch mak eearmis), Kenneth the son of James. Coinneach, Kenneth; Seumas, James.
Coinneachadh Beag (koonyochor bek), Little meeting-place. Coinneachadh, meeting-place; beag, little.
Coire an Easain (corrie an easan), Corrie of the little waterfall. Easan, a little waterfall.
Coire Cheud Cnoc (corrie hehud crok), Corrie of a hundred hillocks. Coire, a corrie; ceud, hundred; cnoc, a hillock.
Coire Cheud Creagh (corrie hehud krayar), Corrie of a hundred spoils. Coire, corrie; ceud, a hundred; creagh, spoils. Name erroneously given by some to the Corrie of a hundred hillocks. See [last name].
Coire Dubh Mor (corrie dhoo more), Great black corrie (or dell).
Coire Mhic Cromail (corrie vic krommle), The corrie of the son of Cromail. Mhic, of the son of; Cromail, an old name, meaning unknown.
Coire nan Cuilean (corrie nan coollin), Corrie of the cubs. Cuilean, a cub, a pup.
Coppachy, properly Copachaidh (koppachie), Foam field. Cop, foam; achadh, a field.
Corcur (korker), red, crimson.
Cota gearr (koita gaerr), short coat. Cota, a coat; gearr, short.
Co-thional (ko-yearnal), gathering together. Comh, or co, fellowship (compare company); tional, gathering.
Cove. English name altered from cave. The Gaelic name of the place is really An Uamhaidh (nouahvie), or the place of caves, from uamh, a cave. But it is more properly called An Uamh Mhor, or the great cave, a name descriptive of the cave still used as a place of worship.
Cradh Gheadh (crargeear), Shieldrake. Geag, a goose.
Craig (kraik), a crag or rock; properly spelt creig, or creag.
Craig a Chait (kraig a hart), Rock of the cat. Chait, possessive of cat, which is the same in Gaelic as in English, but was originally applied only to the wild cat.
Craig an Dubh Loch (kraigan dhoo-loch), Rock of the black loch.
Craig an Fhithich (kraig an eech), Crag of the raven. Fhithich, possessive of fitheach, a raven.
Craig an Fhithich Mhor (kraig an eech vore), Big crag of the raven.
Craig an t' Shabhail (kraig an towl), Rock of the barn. Sabhal, a barn.
Craig Bhadain an Aisc (kraik vatn an ashk), Rock of the clumps or groves of burial. Badan, clumps or groves; aisc, obsolete word, meaning burial or interment, or preparation for burial.
Craig Bhan (kraig varn), White crag. Ban, white; and see [Craig].
Craig Roy. Properly [Craig Ruadh], which see.
Craig Ruadh (kraik roo-er), Red crag. See [Craig] and [Ruadh].
Craig Thairbh (kraik-harve), Bull rock. Tarbh, a bull.
Craig Tollie (kraig tollie), properly Creag Thollie (kraig holly), Rock of Tollie. See [Tollie].
Crannag (crannog). A crannog, or insulated fortress, usually constructed on piles in a loch; the same word as crannag, a pulpit.
Crasg (krask). Meaning uncertain, possibly something that lies across. Crasg is the top of a spade, or cross piece of a crutch. Crasgach is something that goes contrary.
Creagan an Inver (kraigan an innyr), Little rock of the mouth of the river. Inver, mouth of a river.
Cromasaig, properly spelt Crom Fhasadh (krommasak), Crooked hollow. Crom, crooked; fhasadh, possessive of fasadh, a hollow.
Crubach (kruboch), lame of a leg. Compare cripple.
Cruitear, or Cruitire (kroo-iter), a musician, a harper.
Cuairtear nan Gleann (kooairter nan gleyoun), Pilgrim of the glens. Cuairtear, a pilgrim; gleann, glens.
Cu-dubh (koo dhoo), black dog. Cu, a dog.
Cuil an Scardain (kool an scarten), Corner of the screes. Cuil, a corner, a nook; sgardan, screes. The name is very descriptive.
Cuilchonich (kulhoanie), Mossy corner. Coinneach, green moss; cuil, a corner.
Culinellan, properly Cul an eilean (koolineylen), Back of the island. Cul, back of; eilean, an island.
Cumha Thighearna Ghearrloch (koovtcheerna yairloch), Lament of or for the laird of Gairloch. Cumha, lament. See [Tighearna].
Dal Cruaidh (dal crewie), hard field or flat. Dal, a flat field; cruaidh, hard.
Darach (darroch), an oak.
Dearg (jarrak), red, like a rose.
Diabaig (teapik). Norse name, meaning unknown; possibly connected with Dia, God; aig, a small bay, so that it may mean the small bay of God. Perhaps this has reference to religious rites imported from the neighbouring monastery of Applecross. Diabaig is spelt Typack on the map of 1662.
Doire (derry), a grove.
Domhnull Dubh (donnullul dhoo), Black Donald. Domhnull, Donald; dubh, black.
Domhnull Gorm (donnullul gorrum), Blue Donald. Gorm, blue.
Domhnull Greannach (donnullul gruonnoch), Sour or savage-looking Donald. Greannach also means irascible.
Domhnull M'Eaine Roy Vic Choinnich, should be Domhnull Mac Iain Ruadh Mhic Choinnich (donald mak eean ruar vick kuinyoch), Donald son of John Roy (red John) son of Kenneth. Mac, son of; Mhic (or Vic), possessive of Mac.
Domhnull Mor (donnullul more), Big Donald. Domhnull, Donald; mor, big.
Domhnull Odhar MacIain Leith (donnullul our mak yan lay), Sallow or dun Donald son of Iain Liath or grey-haired John. Odhar also means drab. Leith, possessive of Liath, grey.
Donald. See [Domhnull Dubh], &c. Donald is often written in these pages instead of its Gaelic spelling.
Donn (down), brown, bay, or sable. Compare dun.
Donnachadh Mor na Tuaighe (donnochar mor na tew-ay), Big Duncan of the axe. Donnachadh, Duncan; mor, big; tuagh, an axe.
Donnachadh na Fadach (dunochar na fardoch), Duncan Fadach. Donnachadh, Duncan; Fadach, name of the farm he had in Kintail before he came to Inveran.
Druim a Chait (dream a-hart), Ridge of the cat. Druim, a ridge; chait, possessive of cat.
Druim Carn Neill (dream karneyal), Ridge of the cairn of Neil. Druim, or droim, a ridge or keel.
Drumchork, properly Druim a choirc (drum-a-hawk), Ridge of corn, or oats. Druim, a ridge; coirce, oats, corn.
Dubh Loch (dhoo-loch), Black loch.
Dun (doon), a castle; Dunan (doonan), a small castle.
Dun Naast (doonarst), Castle of Naast. See [Naast].
Eachainn (erchen), Hector. Hector is considered the English equivalent, though it is not a translation of this Gaelic name.
Eachainn Geal (erchen gayal), White Hector. See [Eachainn] and [Geal].
Eachainn Ruadh (erchen roo-er), Hector Roy. Hector is considered the English equivalent for Eachainn; and see [Ruadh].
Eilean (eylan), an island, isle.
Eileanach (eylanoch), Island of the field. Eilean, isle; ach, or achadh, or achaidh, a field. Perhaps it would be more accurately translated The place of islands.
Eileandonain (eylan donnan), Island Donain. Donain, name of a saint, probably short for Donnachadh, or Duncan.
Eilean a Mhor Righ (eylan a vor ree), Island of the great king. An erroneous suggestion of the origin of the name Maree.
Eilean Dubh na Sroine (eylan dhoo na stronyer), Black island of the nose or promontory. Dubh, black; sron (stron), a nose or promontory.
Eilean Grudidh (eylan gruydgie), Island Grudie. See [Eilean] and [Grudidh].
Eilean Horisdale (eylan horrisdel), properly Eilean [Thorisdal], the island of Thorsdale, a Norse name, which see.
Eilean Maree (eylan maree), Isle Maree. See [St Maelrubha].
Eilean na h' Iolaire (eylan nar hewlar-yer), Island of the eagle. Iolaire, an eagle.
Eilean Ruaridh Beag (eylan rooarie vek), Little island of Rorie or Roderick. Beag, little.
Eilean Ruaridh Mor (eylan ruorie mor), Big island of Rorie. Mor, big.
Eilean Suainne (eylan soo-in), Everlasting isle. Suainne, everlasting.
Eirthire Donn (erriyer down), Brown shore. Eirthira, shore; donn, brown.
Erradale (erradale). Norse; probably from earr, a boundary, the edge of.
Ewan McGabhar, properly Eoghan Mac Gabhar (ewen mak gower), Ewan son of the goat. Gabhar, a she-goat.
Ewe (ew). May be a corruption from uisge (usque), water. Compare similar Welsh root gwy, water, as in Wye.
Faidhir Mor (fire more), Great market. Faidhir, a fair or market; mor, great or big.
Failte Uilleam Dhuibh (falt yllyam oo-ey), Black William's salute. Failte, a salute; Uilleam, William; dhuibh, possessive of dubh, black.
Fannich, properly Fanaich (fannich). Meaning unknown.
Faoileag (fewlak), a sea-gull, name for a dog.
Farquhar (properly Fearchar) Buidhe (farkar boo-ie), Yellow-haired Farquhar. See [Buidhe].
Fasagh (fassoch). From Fasadh (pronounced fassoch), meaning a hollow.
Fe Leoid, properly Feith Leoid (fay lee-oade), The bog of Leod (Loud). Feith, a bog; Leoid, possessive of Leod, a Norse Christian name.
Feachaisgean, properly Feith Chaisgean (fay harshkin), Bog of Casgean. See [Beinn a Chaisgean].
Feadag-chuirn (fettak hee-oorn), Cairn plover. Gaelic name of the dotteril. Feadag, a plover; chuirn, possessive of carn, a cairn.
Fear, Feur, Feir, or Fiar loch (fear loch), sedgy loch. Feur, possessive feoir (feyoar), sedge, reedy grass.
Fear Shieldaig (fear shieldak), The goodman of Shieldaig. Fear means a man, a goodman.
Fedan Mor (fettan more), Big gullie. Fead (fet), a whistle; feadan, a little whistle or whistling thing (applied to a gully because the wind whistles through it). Feadag, the feminine diminutive of fead, is the name given to the golden plover on account of its piping.
Feileadh-beag (faylabek), philabeg, or kilt; literally little kilt, i.e. the kilt made up separately as distinguished from the Breacan an Fheilidh, the belted or kilted plaid.
Feill Iudha (fail you-her), Ewe market. Feill, a market; Iudha, possessive of Iu, Ewe.
Feir loch. See [Fear loch].
Feith an Leothaid. Same as [Fe-Leoid], which see. This is the more correct spelling.
Feith Mhic Iain Dhuibh (fay vik an ooie), The bog of Black John's son. Feith, a bog. See [Mac Iain Dhuibh].
Feithean Mor, properly Na feithean mor (fain more), The great morasses. Feith (pl. feithean), a morass, a bog.
Feur loch. See [Fear loch].
Fiaclachan (feearclochon), little toothed things. Diminutive of fiaclach, toothed or jagged, i.e. the little jagged rock; very descriptive.
Fiar loch. See [Fear loch].
Fionn Loch (fee-un-loch), Fingal's loch, or The white loch. It is called Loch Finn on the map of 1662. Fionn means white, pale, or wan. It is said the Fingalians were called the white men in contradistinction to the Dugals or black men.
Fionnla Dubh MacGillechriosd (feeounla dhoo mak gillie chree-est), Black Finlay, son of the servant of Christ. See [MacGillechriosd].
Fionnla Dubh na Saighead (feeounla dhoo na side), Black Finlay of the arrow. Saighead, an arrow.
Fionnla Liath (feeounla leear), Grey Finlay. Liath, grey.
Firemore. See [Faidhir mor].
Foura (foora), an island at the mouth of Loch Ewe. The name includes the Norwegian suffix "a," meaning an island. Fuar (four) is Gaelic for cold.
Fraoch-eilean (frooch-eylan), Heather isle. Fraoch, heather.
Fuirneis (furniss), Furnace. This name was most likely originated here by iron-workers from Furness in Lancashire. Furness, according to Rev. Isaac Taylor, may be Fireness, the "fire isle," or "Fore-ness." Ness is Norse for a nose or headland.
Gael (gale), properly Gaidheal (gai-al), a Highlander, a Gael.
Gaelic (gallik), properly Gaidhealach (gai-alloch), Highland.
Gairloch (garloch), Short loch. Originally, and more correctly, spelt Gearrloch or Gerloch. Gearr, short. It is always spelt Gearrloch in Gaelic.
Garadh Iaruinn (gaarogh eerun), Iron dyke. Garradh, a dyke, a fence wall; iaruinn, iron.
Garavaig, properly Garbhaig (garavaik), name of a small river or burn. The termination "aig" is said to be old Danish, and means a small bay, but the prefix is probably from garbh, rough.
Garbh (garav, or garve), rough.
Garbh Choire (garav chorrie), Rough corrie.
Garbh eilean (garaveylan), Rough island. Garbh, rough.
Gille (gillie), a lad, a young man, a gillie, a servant.
Gille Buidhe (gillie boo-ie), Yellow, or yellow-haired gillie. See [Gille].
Gille Cailean Mor (gilly callain more), The lad big Colin. See [separate words].
Gille Dubh (gillie dhoo), Black, or black-haired lad.
Gille Riabhach (gillie ree-oach), Brindled lad. Riabhach, brindled.
Gillean (gillyon), lads. Plural of [Gille], which see.
Gillean an t' Sealgair (gillyon ant shallager), the hunter's lads. Gillean, lads, or young men; sealgair, a hunter.
Gillespic (gill-yespik), servant of the bishop. Gille, servant; easbuig (espik), bishop. Compare Episcopus.
Glac Mhic Iain Dhuibh (glark vik an oo-ie), Hollow or dell of the son of Black John. Glac, a hollow or dell; Mhic, possessive of Mac, the son of; dhuibh, possessive of dubh, black.
Glac na Sguithar (glark nar skither), Hollow of Sguithar. An old name; meaning now lost.
Glas (glosh), grey. When applied to a man it means that he is pale or sallow, never grey-haired.
Glas eilean (glosh-eylan), Grey island. Glas, grey; eilean, an island.
Glas Leitire (glosh laytcher), Grey slope. See [Glas] and [Leitir].
Glen, properly Gleann (glen or gloun), a valley, a dale.
Glen a Bianasdail (gloun ar beeanarstle), Glen of skin field or dale, or thal. Bian, a wild animal's skin.
Glen Cruaidh Choillie (glen or gloun cruchollie). May perhaps be the hardwood glen. Cruid, hard; coille, wood.
Glen Dochartie, properly Gleann Dochartidh (gloun dochartie). Dochart, or Dochartie, is believed to have been the name of a man.
Glen na Muic (gloun na mook). Muic, possessive of muc, a pig.
Gobha dubh an uisge (gow dhoo an uisk), Blacksmith of the water. Gobha, a smith; dubh, black; uisge, water.
Gorm (gorrum), blue.
Groban (groben). Probably a grooved rock, from grobadh, to groove.
Grudidh, more correctly Gruididh (gruydyie). Possibly from gruid, dregs; because the dregs and sediment of several burns drain into the Grudidh river.
Gruinard, in Gaelic Gruinaird (grinyard). Meaning unknown; may be from grian, the sun, and aird, a height. It used to be sometimes spelt Greinord; may be Norse.
Hector Roy. English rendering of [Eachainn Ruadh], which see. No Gaelic word begins with H.
Heglis Gherloch, for Eaglais Ghearrloch (erkless yairloch), Church of Gairloch. Eaglais, a church.
Heglis Loch Ew, for Eaglais Loch Iu (erkless loch ew), Church of Loch Ewe.
Horisdale. See [Eilean Horisdale].
Iain Buidhe (eean boo-ie), Yellow, or yellow-haired John. Iain, John. See [Buidhe].
Iain Buidhe Taillear (eean boo-ie tyler), Yellow-haired John the tailor. Taillear, a tailor.
Iain Caol (eean cool), Slender John. Caol, slender.
Iain Dall (eean toul), Blind John. Dall, blind.
Iain Dubh Mac Ruaridh (eean dhoo mak rooarie), Black John, son of Rorie or Roderick. See [separate words].
Iain Geal Donn (eean gel town), Whitey-brown John. Geal, white; Donn, brown.
Iain Gearr (eean garr), Short John. Gearr, short.
Iain Gearr Mac Mhurchaidh Mhic Iain (eean garr mak muroochie vic yan), Short John, son of Murdo, son of John.
Iain Glassich (eean glassoch), John of [Strath] Glass.
Iain Liath (eean leear), Grey John. Liath, grey.
Iain MacAllan Mhic Ruaridh (eean mak allan vik rooarie), John, son of Allan, son of Rorie. See [separate words].
Iain Mac Coinnich Mhic Eachainn (eean mak kunyich vik erchen), John, son of Kenneth, son of Hector.
Iain Mac Eachainn Chaoil (eean mak erchen chooil), John, son of slender Hector. Chaoil, possessive of caol, slender.
Iain Mac Ghille Challum (eean mak illie challum), John, son of the lad Malcolm. See [Mac Ghille Challum].
Iain Mac Iain Uidhir (eean mak an eer), John, the son of dun John. Uidhir is the possessive of odhar, dun.
Iain Mor am Post (eean more am post, pronounced like cost), Big John the post.
Iain Odhar Mac Iain Leith (eean our mak an lay), Dun John, son of Grey John. Odhar, dun; liath, grey.
Iain Ruadh (eean ruor, or ruag), John Roy, or Red John.
Innis a Bhaird (ish y vard), Oasis (or "clearing") of the bard. Innis, an island, or green oasis in a brown heathery region; bhaird, possessive of bard.
Innis Ghlas (inch gloss), The grey oasis. See [Innis a Bhaird]. Glas, grey.
Inveran, in Gaelic Inbhiran (in youren). Inbhiran is the diminutive of Inbhir (inver), an estuary, or mouth of. Inveran therefore means the little estuary. It takes this name from the small estuary formed where the little river from Kernsary enters Loch Maree.
Inverasdale, should be spelt Inbhirasdal (in-ur-astle), Mouth of the river Asdaile. Called Ashfidill, Aspedell, or Absdill in old documents.
Inverewe, Anglicé for Inbhiriu (in yer ew), The mouth of the Ewe. Inver (Gallice Inbhir), mouth of a river.
Judha. See [Feill Iudha]. There is no word beginning with J in Gaelic.
Kenlochewe (kinloch ew). See [Ceann loch iu]. The letter k does not occur in true Gaelic.
Kenneth. English form of [Coinneach], which see.
Kernsary, spelt in Gaelic Cearnsair. A corruption, probably from carn, a cairn; aridh, a shieling.
Kerry, properly spelt Cearridh. Meaning unknown; may be connected with cearr, left, or wrong.
Kerrysdale. A modern English name; in Gaelic it is called Cathair Bheag, or the little seat or green knoll on which the fairies used to sit. Compare similar word in Welsh, as in Cader Idris. Bheag is possessive of beag, little.
Kintail. See [Ceann an t' sail].
Laide (laide), a slope. From leathad (pronounced laid), a slope. The place is called in Gaelic Leathad Udrigil, or The slope of Udrigil.
Lasan (larsan), a slight passion, wrath, anger.
Leabaidh na Ba Bàine (lyeppy na papann), Bed of the white cow. Leabaidh, a bed; ba, possessive of bo, a cow; bàine, possessive of ban, white.
Leabhar na Feinne (leeoar na fainyie), Book of the Fingalians.
Leac nan Saighead (lake nen side), Flag or flat rock of the arrow. Leac, a flat rock, a flag; saighead, an arrow.
Leacaidh (lyechy), Place of flags, or flat rocks.
Leitir (laychter, letter), slope on a hill side, declivity.
Leth chreag (laychrig), Half rock. Leth, half; chreag, possessive of creag, a rock. This name is applied to several rocky hills in Gairloch; it seems to imply that one-half of the rock has fallen away.
Letterewe (letter ew), Slope of Ewe. See [Leitir]. This name is properly Leitir Iu.
Leum an Doill (layum an toul), Blind man's leap.
Lews (looze). From Leogheas (leoas), i.e., the lands of Leod, the progenitor of the MacLeods of the Lews.
Liathgach (leeroch), The light-blue mountain. Liath, light blue. This name should not have Beinn before it.
Loch (loch), a lake, an arm of the sea. Lochan, a small lake, a tarn.
Loch a Bhaid Luachraich (loch a vat loocharar), Loch of the clump of rushes. Bad, a clump; luachair, rushes.
Loch a Bheallaich (loch a veealoch), Loch of the pass. Beallach, a pass.
Loch a Chroisg (loch ach roshk). Anglicé Loch Rosque. Chroisg, possessive of Crosg, name of a place. Meaning unknown; possibly connected with [Crasg], which see. Another suggestion is that Crosg may mean the Cross, and that the name was given by ecclesiastics who unquestionably lived here.
Loch a Druing (loch a tring), Loch of Druing. Druing is probably a Norse word. It occurs as Druingag in Tobar Druingag, The well of Druingag, which is at the south end of Loch a Druing.
Loch an Iasgair (loch an ee-esker), Loch of the fisherman. Iasgair, a fisherman; but in this case it refers to the nesting here of the osprey or fishing eagle.
Loch Bad na Sgalaig (loch bat na skallak), Loch of the servant's grove. [Bad, a grove (or clump); sgalag, a servant.
Loch Bad na h' Achlais (loch pat 'n achlass), Loch of the grove of the hollow. Achlais, a hollow, the armpit.
Loch Bharanaichd (loch varranocht), Loch of the barony. Baranachd, a barony.
Loch Broom (loch broom). An English imitation of the Gaelic name, which is Loch Bhraoin (loch vruin). Braon means a light shower, drops of rain, drizzle.
Loch Clair, properly Clar (loch clar). Means anything flat, as the head of a barrel, leaf of a table, the front or plain piece of a kilt. The stone tables of the law are called clar in the Gaelic bible.
Loch Coulin (loch koalin). Coulin (or Connlin) is from Connlach, a Fingalian hero, who was buried on a promontory in the loch. The site of his grave is still pointed out.
Loch Fada (loch fatter), Long loch. Fada, long.
Loch Fear, Feur, Feir, or Fiar. See [Fear loch].
Loch Gharbhaig (loch garravaik), Loch of the [Garavaig], which see.
Loch Maree. See [St Maelrubha].
Loch Mhic 'ille Rhiabhaich (loch vik illie reeoach), Loch of [MacGille Riabhach], whom see.
Loch na Beiste (loch na peyest), Loch of the beast. Beist, a beast, a brute.
Loch na h' Oidhche (loch na hayich), Loch of night. Oidhche, night.
Loch nan Dailthean (loch nan dullann), Loch of the meadows. Dail, a field, a meadow.
Loch Rosque. See [Loch a Chroisg].
Loch Torr na h' Eiginn (loch torr na haykin), Loch of the mound of violence. Torr, a mound; eiginn, violence.
Lochan a' Neigh. Should be [Lochan an Fheidh], which see.
Lochan an Fheidh (lochan a neay), Loch of the deer. Fheidh, possessive of fiadh, deer.
Lochan Cul na Cathrach (lochan cool na karroch), Tarn of [or at] the back of the fairies' seat. Cul, back of; cathrach, possessive of cathair, a seat, a word usually applied to the fairies' seats.
Lochan nan Airm (lochan nan arram), Loch of the arms. Airm, possessive of aram (or armachd), arms.
Lochan nan Breac, or Lochan nan Breac Adhair (lochanan brake aar), Lochan of the trout from the sky. Adhar, the sky. When trout are found in a loch without inlet or outlet, they are supposed to have fallen from the sky.
Lochend (Dog Gaelic), End of the loch.
Londubh (lonedhoo), Black bog. Lon, a bog; dubh, black.
Longa (longer). Norse name; the termination a is an old Norse suffix meaning an isle. Long may be Norse equivalent to the English long, or it may possibly be the Gaelic long, a ship. In old maps it is called Lunga.
Lonmor (lone more), Big bog. Lon (lone), a bog; mor, big.
Luibmhor (loopmore), Great bend [or loop]. Luib, a bend.
Lungard (lungard). An old name; meaning unknown.
Mac (mak), Son of. Possessive mhic (vik), of the son of.
Mac a Ghille Riabhaich (mak illie ree-oach), Son of Gille Riabhach. See [Gille Riabhach].
Mac Callum (makallum), Son of Malcolm.
Mac Coinnich (mak kunnich), Son of Kenneth. Mac, son of; Coinnich, possessive of [Coinneach], which see.
Mac Ghille Challum (mak illie Challum), The son of the lad Malcolm. Ghille, possessive of Gille; Challum, possessive of Callum, Malcolm.
Mac Gilleandreis (mak gilloundris), Son of the servant of [St] Andrew. Gille, a servant; Aindrea, or Andreis, Andrew.
Mac Gillechriosd (mak gillie chree-est), Son of the servant of Christ. Chriosd, Christ. See [Gille].
Mac Iain Dhuibh (mak an ooie), Son of Black John. Mac, son of; dhuibh, possessive of dubh, black.
MacLean (mak laine). In Gaelic this name is Mac'ill'ean, possibly for Mac Ghille Iain, meaning the son of the servant of John, or St John.
MacLennan (maklennan). In Gaelic the name is Mac a Leinnan, from leine, a shirt, referring to the first MacLennan having been the armour bearer who carried his "shirt" of mail for Mackenzie, lord of Kintail.
Mac Leod (makloud), the Son of Leod, progenitor of all the MacLeods.
Mac Mhic Cordaigh (mak vik orday), Son of the son of Cordaigh.
Mac Olamh Mhor (mak olar vor), Son of Olaf the Great. Olaf, a Norse name.
Macdonald, The son of Donald. It is not used in this form in Gaelic. The proper Gaelic equivalent is Domhnullach (donnulloch); it also means, the son of Donald. Mac Dhomhnuill is, however, frequently used.
MacRae (mak ray), Son of fortune. Mac, son of; rath, fortune.
Maighstir Sgoil (maishter skol), Schoolmaster. Maighstir, a master; sgoil, a school.
Mali chruinn donn (mallie cruntown), Round brown Molly. Mali, Molly; cruinn, round; donn, brown.
Maolmuire (melmur), Tonsured one of Mary. Maol, a cropped head; muire, the virgin [Mary].
Marbhrann (marvran), an elegy. Marbh, dead; rann, verse.
McKenzie or Mackenzie. Corrupted from [Mac Coinnich], which see.
Meall (meoul), a hill; literally a lump, usually applied to a lump of a hill. Meallan, a little hill.
Meall a Deas, (mella teyess), Hill of the south. Deas, south.
Meall a Ghuibhais (meyoul a huish), Hill of the fir. Guibhas, a fir.
Meall an Doire (meyoul an derry), Hill of the grove.
Meall Aridh Mhic Craidh (meyoul arry vik creear), Hill of the shieling of Criadh. Aridh, a shieling; Criadh, name of a man, meaning unknown.
Meall Aundrairidh (meyoul aurndrarey). Possibly meant for hill of Andrew, or of Andrew's shieling; if the latter, the termination would be from aridh, a shieling.
Meall Lochan a Chleirich (meyoul lochan a chlearich), Hill of the loch of the priest. Cleireach, a clerk. The priests were sometimes called cleireach, from their scholarship.
Meall na Cluibha (meyoul na clua), Hill of Clu (Anglicè Cliff hill). Clu may be connected with cluain, good pastures.
Meall na Glaice Daraich (meyoul na glarker darroch), Hill of the oak dell. Glac, a dell; darach, oak.
Meall nam Meallan (meyoul namellan), Hill of the hills. Meallan, plural of Meall, hills.
Meall Mheannidh, or Meadhonach, more correctly the latter (meyoul vahanny, or meyharnoch), The middle hill. Meall, hill; meadhonach, intermediate.
Meallan Chuaich (mellan chuaich), Little hill of the cup, or quaich. Compare quaff.
Meallan na Ghamhna (mellan a gowna), Stirk hill. Meallan, a little hill, gamhainn, a stirk.
Meallan Thearlaich (mellan harelich), Little hill of Charles. Tearlach, Charles; meallan, diminutive of meall. Anglicè, Mellon Charles.
Mellon Charles. See [Meallan Thearlaich].
Mellon Udrigil (mellon oodrigil), Hill of [Udrigil], which see.
Melvaig (melvik). Probably Norse; or may be from meal and beag, making Mealbheag (meyoul vek), the little hill. In Gaelic it is spelt Mealabhaig, which favours the Norse origin. Aig, old Danish for a little bay. Melvaig used to be spelt Malefage, Mailfog, Melvag.
Midton, for Middletown. An English word. See [Ballymeon].
Mioll. Corruption of Meall.
Moladh Mairi (molloch marrie), Praise of Mary. Moladh, praise; Mairi, Mary.
Mor (more, or mohr), great, or big.
Mor Ban (moore barn), Fair Sarah. Mor, Sarah; ban, white, fair.
Mullach Coire Mhic Fhearchair (mulloch corrie vik erraquhar), Summit of the corrie of Farquhar's son. Mulloch, summit; coire, corrie; Mhic, of the son of; Fhearchair, possessive of Farquhar.
Murchadh Mac Mhurchaidh (muroochuch mak muroochie), Murdo, son of Murdo. Murchadh, Murdo; possessive Murchaidh.
Murchadh Riabhach na cuirce (muroochuch reeoach na kurke), Brindled Murdo of the bowieknife. Murchadh, Murdo; riabhach, brindled; cuirce, possessive of corc, a knife like a bowieknife (a knife that does not shut).
Murdo Mc Conill varchue vic Conill vic Allister. Old (almost phonetic) way of writing the Gaelic for "Murdo the son of Donald Murdo, the son of Donald, the son of Alastair." Conill seems to represent Dhomhnuill (the initial "c" belongs to the preceding word), and varchue is for Mhurchaidh, the possessive cases respectively of Domhnuill and Murchadh. Vic, of course, is for Mhic, of the son of.
Naast, or Naust (narst). A Norse word. Fäste is Norse for a fortress; its Gaelic form with the article would be Näste. There is here a knowe by the sea called Dun Naast, apparently including the Gaelic Dun, a castle.
Ob Choir' I (ope corree), Bay of the island of the corrie, or Island Corrie Bay. Ob, a bay; choire, possessive of coire, a corrie; i, old Gaelic for an island. Iona is still called "I" in Gaelic.
Oban (open, or oben), a little bay.
Og (ogue, pronounced as in rogue), young.
Oighrig (eyrig). Woman's name; Euphemia is considered to be the English equivalent.
Openham. Corrupted from [Opinan], which see.
Opinan (opinen), Little bays. Corrupted from Obanan, plural of [Oban], which see.
Oran na Feannaige (oran na feounak), Song of the hoodie crow. Oran, song; feannag, a hoodie crow, i.e. the Royston or grey crow.
Ormiscaig (ormscaik). A Norse name; its termination means a small bay. The word may include Ormr, Norse for a serpent. (See [Rev. Isaac Taylor] on Orme's Head.)
Padruig Caogach (partrik kuogoch), Skew-eyed Peter. Caogach, skew-eyed; Padruig, Peter, or Patrick.
Philabeg. See [Feileadh Beag]. Philabeg is a lowland form of the name of the kilt.
Piobaire Ban (peepier ban), The fair piper. Piobaire, a piper; ban, fair, white.
Piobaire Dall (peepi-er toul), Blind piper. Piobaire, a piper; dall, blind.
Piobaireachd (peebyrocht), Pipe music. Usually applied to a set piece in the form now commonly called a pibroch.
Ploc (plok) of Torridon. See [Ploc].
Ploc-ard (plokart), Height of the round mass. See [Ploc] and [Aird].
Poll a Chuillin (poll a choolin), Pool of the hollies. Poll, a pool; cuilionn, hollies.
Poolewe (pool-ew). This name means the pool of the Ewe; in Gaelic it is Poll-iu. Poll, a pool; iu, ewe.
Port Henderson. A modern name. The colloquial Gaelic name of the place is Portigill (porstigil). May be from Port a geal, the white port.
Port na h' Eille (port na hail), Port of the thong. Iall, a thong, a leather strap; possessive eille.
Port na Heile (port na hail). See [Port na h' Eille].
Pronadh na Mial (prone-a na meoul), Crushing the louse. Pronadh, crushing; mial, louse.
Raasay, properly Rasaidh (raaser). Norse name. May perhaps include rath, an obsolete word for a round fort.
Rathad Mor (rart more), High (great) road. Rathad, road; mor, great.
Regoilachy (regoalachie). From fhrith (ree), a forest, and gobhlach, forked. The termination is probably for euphony, but may represent achadh, a field.
Rob Donn (rob doun), Brown or dun Robert; the soubriquet of the great Reay bard. Rob, Robert; donn, brown, or dun.
Rob Roy, for Rob Ruadh (rob rooer), Red Robert.
Rona (rowna). Norse; probably seal island. Ron is Gaelic for a seal; a is a Norse suffix meaning an island.
Roy. See [Ruadh].
Ru, or Rudha (roo, or rooah), a point, a promontory.
Ru Nohar. Should be [Rudha 'n Fhomhair], which see.
Ruadh (ru-er, or rooag), red, or auburn. Anglicé, roy.
Ruadh Stac (rooer stak), Red stack, or steep rock. Stac, a steep rock.
Ruaridh an Torra (roo-arie-an-tor), Rorie of the tor, or round smooth hill.
Ruaridh Breac (roo-arie brake), Spotted (or pock-pitted) Rorie, or Roderick. See [Breac].
Ruaridh Ceard (roo-arie kard), Rorie the tinker. Ceard, a tinker.
Ruaridh Donn (roo-arie doun), Brown or dun Rorie.
Ruaridh Mac Allan M'Leod (roo-arie mak allan mak loud), Rorie, son of Allan M'Leod.
Rudha aird an anail (roo-arten annall), High point of breathing. Anail, breathing; aird, high.
Rudha Chailleach (roo chyleoch), Point of the old woman. Rudha, a point; cailleach, an old woman.
Rudha Mac Gille Aindreas (roo mak ill andres), Point of the servant of [St] Andrew. See [Mac Gilleandreis].
Rudha mhadaidh ruaidh (roo vatter roo-ie), Fox point, or point of the red dog. Rudha, a point; madadh, a dog; ruadh, red.
Rudha 'n Fhomhair, or Fhamhair (roo noher), The point of the giant. Fomhair, a giant.
Rudha na Cloiche uaine (roo na clor-choo-ownyer), Greenstone point. Cloiche, possessive of clach, a stone; uaine, green.
Rudha Reidh (roo ray), Smooth point or headland. Rudha, a point; reidh, level. The name is very descriptive of the appearance of the headland as seen from the sea.
Runrig. A south Scotch or English word. In Gaelic it is called Mag maseach (mark mer sharch). Mag, a rig; maseach, alternate.
Ruymakilvandrich. See [Rudha Mac Ghille Aindreas].
Sabhal Geal (sowl gayal), White barn. See [separate words].
Sail Mor (sal more, or sowl more), The great heel. Sail, a heel. Descriptive of the shape of this spur of Beinn Eighe.
Saint Maelrubha (saint malruie). Maree is a corruption from this saint's name.
Sand (sand, or saunda). Name of a place by a sandy beach; evidently Norse. The full name of the place called Big Sand is Sanda a chorran, meaning "the sand of the shingly spit."
Sasunnach (sarsenach), Saxon, English, not a Gaelic speaker. Sasunnach mor, the big Englishman.
Scardroy. See [Sgaird ruadh].
Scuir, or Sgorr (skoor), a peak or cliff.
Scuir a Laocainn (scoor a lyooakin), Peak of the calf's skin. Laodh, a calf; gin, abbreviation for craiceann (crakin), a skin.
Scuir a Mhuilin (skoor a voollin), Peak of the mill. Mhuilin, possessive of muileann, a mill.
Scuir na Feart (scoor na hairsht). Name of a peak; meaning unknown.
Seann Rudha (shoun roo), Old promontory. Seann, old; rudha, promontory.
Seann Seoc (shoun shok), Old Jock. Seann, old; seoc, Jock or Jack.
Seann Tighearna (shoun tcheerna), Old laird. Seann, old; tighearna, laird, proprietor.
Seannachaidh (shennachie), Reciter of old tales, recorder, remembrancer.
Seonaid Chrubach (shounat chruboch), Lame Jessie. Seonaid, Jessie; crubach, lame.
Sgaird ruadh (scart rooer), Red scree. Sgaird, a scree, shingly slope.
Sgalag (skallak), a servant, farm servant.
Sgeir, or Skeir (skeer), a rock surrounded by the sea.
Sgeir a Bhuic (skeir a vook), Island rock of the buck. From sgeir, a rock surrounded by the sea, and bhuic, possessive of boc, a buck.
Sgeir an Fharaig (skeir an harrik), Island rock of the surf. From fairge, surf, sea.
Sgeir Bhoora (skeir voora), Island rock of Boor. From sgeir, a rock surrounded by the sea, and Bhoora, possessive of Boor.
Sgorr, or Sgurr (skor, or skoor), a peak. It is often written here as elsewhere Scuir, but the former words are more correct.
Sgorr Dubh (scorr dhoo), Black peak.
Sgurr Ban (skoor barn), White peak. Sgurr, a peak; ban, white.
Shieldaig (shieldak). Probably a Norse name; meaning unknown. Aig is an old Danish suffix meaning a small bay. Shieldaig was formerly spelt Syldage, Sildag, and Shilkag.
Sian, or Seun (shee-un), a spell, charm, incantation.
Siol Mhic Ghille Challum (sheeol vik illie challum), Seed of [Mac Gille Challum], whom see.
Siol Tormod (sheeol tormot), Seed of Tormod.
Siol Torquil (sheeol torquil), Seed of Torquil.
Sitheanan Dubha (sheean-an dhooar), Black knowes, fairies' hills. Sithean, a knowe; dubh, black.
Skar (scar), a screen. Obsolete.
Slaggan, properly Slagan (slagan). Diminutive of slag, or lag, a hollow. This place is for identification called in Gaelic An slagan odhar (an slagan our), or The little dun hollow.
Slatadale (slay ter dle). Norse; or it might possibly be connected with slaitan, fishing rods. In the old map of 1662 it is spelt Slotadull.
Slioch, or Sleugach (slee-och), resembling a spear. Sleagh, a spear. The mountain from some points of view is like a broad spear head. The name should not have Beinn before it.
Slogan (sloggan), a war cry. Obsolete now.
Smiorsair (smearesar). Name of a hamlet; probably from smior, the marrow, the best; aridh, a shieling.
Spidean Moirich (speetan moi-or-ich), Peak of Martha. Spidean, a peak; Moirich, possessive of Moireach, Martha.
Sporan (sporran), a purse.
Srondubh (strondhoo), Black nose or promontory. Sron (stron), a nose or promontory.
Sron a Choite (strunyer hote), Nose (or promontory) of the coble. Sron (stron), a nose or promontory; choite, possessive of coite, a coble.
Stac Buidhe (stack boo-ie), Yellow stack, i.e. steep rock. Stac, a stack, buidhe, yellow.
Stank house. An English name; but stank is from the Gaelic staing, a ditch.
Steall a Mhunidh (shteyole a vonie), Splash of the Pisvache. A fine waterfall, resembling the Pisvache of European celebrity.
Strath, properly Srath (strah), a broad valley.
Strath Chromple (strath roumpil), Valley of the curved opening. Crom, curved; beul, mouth or opening.
Suarachan (shore-achen). Soubriquet of Big Duncan of the Axe, being the diminutive of Suarach, insignificant; referring to his not having been thought worthy of being armed for the battle of Park.
Suidheachan Fhinn (seeachan een), Fingal's seat. Suidheachan, a turf seat; Fhinn, possessive of Fionn, Fingal.
Tagan (tahkan). Possibly Norse; may be from tathaich, a resort.
Talladale (tallardle). Probably Norse; may be from talla, a hall, and the Norse dahl or dal. In old documents it is spelt Alydyll, Allawdill, and Telledill. The two former spellings suggest that the name was formerly spelt with "th," pronounced as a soft aspirate.
Thorisdal, Dale of the Norse god Thor. See [Eilean Horisdale].
Tigh Dige (ty dgeegie), House of the ditch. Tigh, a house; dig, a ditch.
Tigh mo Sheanair (ty mer henner), House of my grandfather. Tigh, a house; mo, my; sheanair, possessive of seanair, grandfather.
Tighearna Crubach (tcheerna krupboch), Lame laird.
Tighearna Ruadh (tcheerna roer), Red or auburn-haired laird or proprietor. Tighearna, laird; ruadh, red.
Tighearna Storach (tcheerna storroch), Buck-toothed laird.
Tighnafaolinn (ty na fualin). The sea-mews' home. Tigh, a house, home; faoileann, a sea-gull.
Tobar Mhoire (toppervorie) Well of the Virgin Mary, or of Mourie. Tobar, a well; Mhoire, possessive of Moire, Mary.
Tobar nan ceann (topper nan keyoun), Fountain or well of the heads. Tobar, a fountain, a well; ceann, a head.
Tollie, properly Tollidh (tolly), diminutive of Toll, a hole. All the Tollies are in hollows. Idh is a rare diminutive, but is sometimes used even in the present day.
Torasgian. See [Tor-sgian].
Torr (torr), a mound or lump; generally applied to a round hill. The name is common in Gairloch and the neighbourhood, and seems specially applicable to the hummocks or domes of gneiss, noted as so frequent in this locality by Professor Geikie. The name Cnoc (krock), a knoll, has a somewhat similar meaning.
Torran nan Eun (torranan eeon), Mounds of the birds. Torran, mounds; eun, a bird.
Torran nan tighearnan (torran nan tchee-ernan), Mounds of the chieftains. Torr, a mound; tighearn, a chief, literally superior of land.
Torridon (torriden). Old name; perhaps Norse. Can it possibly be connected with torran, mounds, or lumps, which would be very descriptive? It is spelt Torvedene in the Sheriff's protocol of 1494.
Tor-sgian (toroshkin), peat cutter. Tor, a lump; sgian, a knife.
Tournaig, Gallice Turnaig (toornak). A Norse name. The suffix aig means a small bay in old Danish.
Truibhais (trewish), trews, a sort of trousers.
Tulachan (toolachen), a sham calf. Compare Gaelic tulg, to rock, or toss. The sham calf was moved to and fro to make the cow think it was sucking.
Tulchan. See [Tulachan].
Tulloch Ard (tullochart), High knoll. Tulloch from tulach, a knoll; ard, high.
Uamh (oo-av), a cave.
Uamh a' Mhail (oo-av a varl), Cave of rent or tribute. Mhail, possessive of Mal, rent or tribute.
Uamh nam Freiceadain (ooie nam rekatan), Cave of the guard. Freiceadan, a guard, watching.
Uamh an Oir (ooav an or), Cave of gold. Oir, possessive of or, gold.
Uamh gu do roghiann (ooie gat der ooun), Cave for your choice. Gu, to, or for; do, your; roghiann, choice.
Uamh Mhic 'ille Rhiabhaich (ooie vick illie reeoach), The cave of the son of the brindled gillie or lad. Mhic (vik), possessive of Mac, son of; 'ille, for ghille, possessive of gille. See [Mac Gille Riabhaich].
Udrigil (oodrigil). Probably a Norse name; meaning unknown.
Ullapool (oo-la-pull). An old name; probably from uile, all, and poll, a pool; signifying that it is a pool large enough for all.
Uistean (ooshtan). A Gaelic Christian name; Hugh is considered the English equivalent.
Vic. Popular spelling of Mhic, the possessive of Mac, son of. There is no v or w in Gaelic.
INTRODUCTION.
Rathad mor a Ceann-loch-iu,
Rathad ur a Ghearloch;
Gabhaidh sinn an rathad mor
Olc na math le cach e.—Gaelic Song.
The high road to Kenlochewe,
The new road to Gairloch;
Storm or sunshine, take with me
The high road to Gairloch.—Free rendering.
Gairloch is a typical Highland parish on the west coast of Ross-shire. Its length, from Loch Rosque to Rudha Reidh, is thirty miles, and its width is fifteen miles, so that it is one of the most extensive parishes in Great Britain.
The name "Gairloch" is composed of two Gaelic words, gearr and loch. Gearr means "short"; and the sea-loch which gives its name to the parish is appropriately called short, as compared with Loch Broom, Loch Ewe, and other more deeply indented arms of the sea. The native spelling and pronunciation of the name prove the derivation beyond all question.
There is a curious muddle in the old and new Statistical Accounts about the origin of the name Gairloch. In the former ([Appendix C]) it is said to have been taken from "a very small loch near the church and the house of Flowerdale, and so close by the shore that the sea at high tides covers it." In the New Statistical Account ([Appendix E]) "a hollow spot of ground" is spoken of as "the Gairloch," and the writer states that the natives allege that the parish takes its name from it. The explanation is supplied by the story of Hector Roy and the three M'Leods given in [Part I., chap. ix]. The place referred to as "a very small loch" and "a hollow spot of ground," is now represented by a well, still called "the Gairloch" from the reason given in that story, but it did not originate the name of the parish.
The name Gairloch is used in four different senses both in the following pages and among the inhabitants. It means,—
1. The sea-loch or bay of Gairloch.
2. The whole parish.
3. The place at the head of the sea-loch where the hotel, &c., stand, more properly called Achdistall.
4. The original estate of the Mackenzie lairds of Gairloch.
These various meanings are a little confusing, but the context generally makes clear what is intended.
Considerations of health, followed by growing appreciation of the charms of Gairloch, have caused me to make my Highland home in this out-of-the-world parish. Its romantic scenery and health-giving climate are its most obvious attractions; but add to these its wonderful legends and traditions, the eventful history of its dominant family, the story of its old ironworks, the interesting peculiarities of its Highland inhabitants, the distinction conferred upon it by the visit of Her Majesty Queen Victoria, the great geological controversy about its rocks, the sport its waters afford to the angler, the varied subjects it displays to the artist, and the pregnant fields of research it yields to the scientist, and you have a list of allurements it would be difficult to beat elsewhere. Though its boundary line extends to within five miles of the railway, Gairloch still preserves many of the characteristics of old days, and these not only possess a peculiar fascination for most people, but are also well fitted to arouse and nourish a spirit of investigation.
The famous Loch Maree (with the small but romantic islet known as Isle Maree) is surrounded by the finest scenery in the parish. Their attractions bring annually some three thousand visitors to Gairloch. One might have fancied that such an influx of people would have led to the accumulation of a large and increasing stock of knowledge of this Highland parish, but as a rule the visitors are here to-day and gone to-morrow, and take no thorough interest in the country or its inhabitants.
Some years ago I happened to travel by the railway from Inverness to Achnasheen in the company of a pleasant party, comprising a gentleman and three ladies, who were making a tour in the Highlands. They boasted that, though their time had been limited to a very few days, they would have seen the greater part of the Highlands before they returned home. On the day I fell in with them their object was to see Loch Maree. To accomplish this they had arranged by telegraph for a carriage and pair to await the arrival of the train at Achnasheen. The day proved wet and misty, and I saw them leave the railway station in a close carriage. I followed soon after on the mail-car. A short delay took place at Kenlochewe whilst the horses were changed. There I found my fellow-travellers enjoying their lunch in the hotel. They told me that although the day was too wet for them to drive down to the shore of the loch, and too misty to admit of its being fully seen from a distance, yet they were quite able to say that they had seen Loch Maree, for at one point they had put their heads out of the windows of their carriage during a brief cessation of the rain and had distinctly seen the water of the loch! They were returning to Achnasheen as soon as they had swallowed their lunch, to catch the train back to Inverness the same afternoon.
These tourists, who thus professed to have "seen Loch Maree," were a fair type of too many of those who rush through Gairloch, as if their sole object were to cover the most ground in the shortest possible time, and who thus fail to obtain any true perception of the belongings of the country, even of the scenery.
There are first-rate hotels within the parish, and lodgings may frequently be hired, or a furnished house taken. The hotels offer the inducement of lower terms to those whose visits exceed the usually brief period.
Impressions of scenery are fixed by repetition; insight into nature is deepened by observation; and knowledge of a country is vastly more valuable if it include some acquaintance with the population, their characters, condition, and means of livelihood. Too many visitors overlook their opportunities in these directions.
Some remarks are necessary with regard to the traditions of Gairloch, contained mostly in [Part I]. In recent times there has been a tendency to discredit all such traditions, and to treat them as symbolic or didactic legends, or as localisations (with extra colouring) of myths common to the heroic period of every country. The principal features of one or two of the Gairloch traditions are certainly to be found in stories of other parts of the Highlands, and occasionally, but rarely, a resemblance may even be traced to the plot of some ancient European myth. On the other hand, it is to be noted that the Highland bards, down to the present time, have regularly transmitted their stories in precisely the same language from one trained memory to another, so that even the very words put into the mouths of the dramatis personæ have been insisted upon in every transmission. Another point to be noticed is, that except in two instances the Gairloch traditions do not date further back than four centuries. In the older legends referred to, visible evidences, such as the tombstones in Isle Maree and the cave at Ardlair, may perhaps be considered confirmatory. For my own part, I am disposed to accept all the traditions as generally worthy of credence. Much interest in the locality is gained by doing this, and certainly nothing is lost!
A difficulty the visitor to Gairloch always experiences is due to the Gaelic names. The Glossary should help to overcome this obstacle. Not only does it include the meanings of the Gaelic words, but it attempts to indicate their pronunciations. I am bound to warn the reader that the pronunciations stated are only approximate. There are sounds in the Gaelic language which cannot be expressed by English tongues or to English ears by any combinations of letters. Yet most of the pronunciations stated are sufficiently near the truth to answer ordinary purposes. I recommend the reader to refer to the Glossary at the occurrence of each Gaelic name in the book, and those names and their import will soon become familiar. The Gaelic sound of ch is about the same as that of the German ch; it does not occur in the English language, but unless you can master it there is no use in your trying to speak even the two leading names in this parish,—viz., Gairloch, and Loch Maree. Whatever you do, pray avoid pronouncing loch as if it were lock. This is the most egregious error made by many southerners in trying to speak the commonest Highland names.
In communicating to the public the information about Gairloch contained in the following pages, I claim the right to offer a word or two of counsel and entreaty.
I would submit that it is unfair, as well as discourteous, to interfere with the rights of those who take deer forests or rent sheep farms. Rambles on upland moors and mountain ascents are almost certain to injure the sport or privileges of others. I am aware there is a strong feeling that every one ought to have access to mountains. Whether this be legalised by Parliament or not, I would appeal to the visitor here to refrain from the illiberality and discourtesy of spoiling other people's hardly-earned and well-paid-for privileges. There is plenty of room for all. Why should unpleasant feelings be stirred up, and tourists as a class be blamed for the intolerance of a few? All the mountains and hills of Gairloch are haunts of the red deer or feeding-grounds of sheep, and no ascents ought to be undertaken unless by due arrangement, which cannot be expected in the deer-stalking season, and which, when obtainable, should be made with the head-keeper of the ground.
There are some drawbacks to mountain ascents that may help the visitor more willingly to forego them. How often the view from a summit is entirely blotted out by clouds or mist, or marred by the distance being lost in haze! How often the fine morning that induced the expedition is followed by a stormy afternoon! To these must be added the frequent injury to health caused by the unusual strain on the systems of persons unaccustomed to mountaineering, and the possible risk of being lost in mist. It is hoped that tourists will be content with the shorter climbs recommended in [Part IV]. Artists tell us that landscapes seen from lower elevations are more thoroughly picturesque than the bird's-eye views from mountain tops.
Again, I entreat botanists and others looking for wild flowers and plants to abstain from rooting up the rare or beautiful things they may find, and from trespassing in places where their presence is obviously not required. The mania for removing every fragment of an uncommon plant has grown much of late years,—witness the extermination of the edelweiss from some of its best known habitats on the Swiss Alps. Who does not remember places whence our own rare holly-fern has within the past few years been eradicated? A few years ago that comparatively scarce fern the sea-spleenwort (asplenium marinum) was abundant within three hundred yards of the Gairloch Hotel; now it is unknown there. A gentleman fond of botany planted some uncommon ferns not natives of Ross-shire in a wood in Gairloch parish; they were soon discovered by tourists staying at a neighbouring hotel, who ruthlessly removed the whole. Instances of this kind have brought the British tourist into disrepute in many parts of the world.
It is in the spirit of these remarks that I beg to introduce the reader to the charms of Gairloch and Loch Maree.
PART I.
Records and Traditions of Gairloch.
| CHAPTER | PAGE | |
| I. | Early History | [3] |
| II. | The Tragedy of Isle Maree | [7] |
| III. | The Mackenzies of Kintail | [11] |
| IV. | Ewan Mac Gabhar, the Son of the Goat | [14] |
| V. | The MacRaes of Kintail and Gairloch | [19] |
| VI. | The MacBeaths | [21] |
| VII. | The M'Leods of Gairloch | [24] |
| VIII. | The Macdonalds in Gairloch | [27] |
| IX. | Hector Roy Mackenzie, First Laird of Gairloch | [29] |
| X. | John Glassich Mackenzie and his Sons | [36] |
| XI. | John Roy Mackenzie | [38] |
| XII. | Expulsion of the M'Leods from Gairloch | [43] |
| XIII. | Alastair Breac, and his Son and Grandson | [49] |
| XIV. | The Baronets of Gairloch, and some other Gairloch Mackenzies | [53] |
| XV. | Gairloch Estates, and Old Names of Places | [60] |
| XVI. | Ecclesiastical History of Gairloch | [63] |
| XVII. | Ancient Gairloch Ironworks | [72] |
| XVIII. | The Historic Ironworks of Loch Maree | [75] |
| XIX. | The Iron Ores used in Gairloch | [86] |
| XX. | Remains of Ironworks in the Parish of Gairloch | [90] |
| XXI. | Antiquities | [97] |
GAIRLOCH
Chapter I.
Early History.
The blessedness attributed to the nation without a history cannot be assigned to the parish of Gairloch. Although her ancient history has never been written, it is to be feared her inhabitants were far from wholly blessed in the far off days of yore. The earlier annals of Gairloch are indeed veiled in mists, almost as impenetrable as those that often shroud her mountains. Amid the gloom there are faint glimpses to be had of the wild natives of the district, of fierce warriors from other lands, and of saintly Christian pioneers; but complete pictures of the doings of those old times can be found only in the galleries of the imagination. The same everlasting hills still tower over the same straths, glens, and lochs; but the actors are changed, the play has another plot, with incidents of a very different kind. In a region so innocent of letters, so inaccessible to the scholar, it is easy to account for the total absence of ancient records. The narratives of the seannachies, or bards, handed down by oral tradition from generation to generation, might have been expected to fill in the blank, yet it is only in the stories of some few salient adventures that these traditions have been preserved beyond the past four centuries.
Even imagination fails to carry us further back than the Picts or Celts or Gaels, who are supposed to have been the aborigines of all the British Isles. They were a wild warlike race,—wild from their rough struggling state of existence, warlike in their constant attitude of self-defence. Some have supposed that there were giants among them in those days, and that these were the originals of the colossal heroes of the Fingalian legends. The name of the Giant's Point (Ru Nohar) on Loch Maree, and the discoveries in the neighbourhood of what are alleged to be enormous graves, give some colour to the supposition. There are slight traces of Fingalian legends still current in the parish. Thus the hollow near the Gairloch Established Church, in which the Free Church communion services are held, is said to have been scooped out by Fingal for a bed where his white cow might calve. It is still called Leabaidh na Ba Bàine, or the bed of the white cow. Then the large stones in Loch Maree, in a line between the base of the Fox Point and the nearest part of the opposite shore, are said to have been placed there by Fingal for stepping-stones, to keep his feet dry when going this way to court Malvina, who lived in the direction of Torridon. Only an enormous giant could have stepped from stone to stone; they are to this day called the sweetheart's stepping-stones. Again, there is a mound in a depression near the summit of Beinn Tarsuinn, called Suidheachan Fhinn, or Fingal's seat, where they say he used to sit and spy when hunting on the mountains. These fragments are all we are told of Fingal's doings in Gairloch.
Though we know nothing of their history, we can infer much regarding the condition of the original Pictish inhabitants of Gairloch. That they were numerous, we may judge from the several remains of Pictish brochs or round houses to be seen in the parish. These are doubtless but samples of numbers of others, still buried beneath moss and heather, or long since obliterated by agricultural operations. Each broch was the abode of several families, huddled together beneath its roof of skins. Most of the primitive weapons or implements to be enumerated in the chapter on the antiquities of Gairloch belonged to the Pictish natives of the parish. Our eyes may see, our hands may grasp, the very implements these Gairloch men formed and used possibly before the Christian era; and as we look upon them we may readily conceive how straitened were their owners' circumstances. Amongst the antiquities some alleged Druidical remains will be mentioned. Whether these were really Druidical or no, it is certain that the religion of this district before Christianity took root was that of the Druids. The sacrifices of bulls on Isle Maree, practised, as we shall see, so lately as 1678, were unquestionably relics of the rites celebrated by the Druidical priests, though they themselves had vanished a thousand years before.
When Agricola invaded Scotland in a.d. 81, the tribe of Picts who inhabited Ross-shire was called the Cantæ. A punster might be excused for remarking (and that truly), that in Gairloch at least the race is still "canty," i.e. knowing. It is not probable that the Romans ever reached this part of Ross-shire; the nearest evidence of their invasion is some trace of their roads in Strathspey, a hundred miles from Gairloch. It is very likely that Gairloch men helped their fellow Celts in the battles with the Romans. Tacitus relates how the Highlanders at that period made sacrifices before going to battle, and fought with broadsword and targe. The country was then almost destitute of agriculture, being mostly vast forests and morasses, teeming with wolves and other wild beasts; the possessions of the people were herds of cattle.
When the Romans abandoned Britain, about a.d. 446, the Picts were under the sway of a king called Drust, the son of Erp, who is said to have lived a hundred years, and to have fought a hundred battles. The Pictish monarchy continued until a.d. 843, when Kenneth II. took Camelon, the capital of the Picts; on this the kings of Scotland, and subsequently of Great Britain, became at least the nominal rulers of the Highlands.
The introduction of Christianity brought a refining and civilising element to the rough people of the North, but it was many centuries before its influence became general. St Columba began his mission in a.d. 563, and the ecclesiastical establishment at Iona was the result. Local tradition says the little chapel at Sand of Udrigil, in Gairloch parish, was built by St Columba, or one of his immediate followers. But it was St Maelrubha who was the apostle of Gairloch and of the adjoining parish of Applecross; he founded the church of Applecross a.d. 673, and died there on 21st April a.d. 722. He appears to have made his Gairloch home on Isle Maree, a site that suggests the necessity, at least at first, of the Christian missionary having recourse to the protection afforded by an insular position. The new teaching soon displaced the Paganism of the Druids, though, in accordance with the policy of the early Christian church, the sacrifices of bulls were permitted, as we have seen, for a thousand years afterwards. The first church of Gairloch was dedicated to St Maelrubha; it was probably not erected until many years after his death. Tradition says that his cell on Isle Maree was occupied for some generations by the successors of this holy man; one of them is mentioned in the legend of the island given in the next chapter.
During the rule of the Pictish kings the Norwegian Vikings made continual raids upon the Highlands, at first as independent pirates, but later on as vassals of Harold Harfager, the first king of all Norway. About the end of the ninth century the Norwegians became so powerful as to be able to establish a separate and independent kingdom in Orkney and the Western Isles. Parts of Ross-shire were frequently ravaged, and often held, by them. In Gairloch they have left a number of footprints in the names of places. Thus the Islands Longa and Foura exhibit the Norwegian suffix a, meaning an island. The Vikings used to retire during the winter months to small islands off the coast, where they laid up their vessels. The names of these two Gairloch islands, according to the Rev. Isaac Taylor, bear curious evidence to their having been the winter quarters of Vikings. The tragic legend of Isle Maree, given in the next chapter, is an episode in the career of one of these piratical princes. A large Gairloch island is named Thorisdale, after the Norse god Thor. Among other Norwegian names in Gairloch is "Sgeir," i.e. a detached rock; it occurs in Sgeir Bhoora, Sgeir an Fharaig, &c. So also the suffix dale or dal is Norwegian; it occurs in Thorisdale, Talladale, Slatadale, Erradale, Inverasdale, &c. Naast is believed to be a Norwegian name. Other Norse names are given in the [Glossary].
It has been supposed that the Danes did not invade the west coast, but an examination of Gairloch names shews that they were most likely here. Some of the Vikings were Danes. Mr Taylor says that the termination aig signifies a small bay, and is Danish; it occurs in a number of Gairloch names (see the [Glossary]). The Danes were driven out of Scotland in 1040.
There can be no doubt that both Norwegians and Danes intermarried with the people of Gairloch, and thus the native Pictish breed became a mixed race. One can almost identify Norwegian and Danish types of face in Gairloch to this day.
The dominion of the Norwegian monarchs over the Hebrides and some parts of the mainland was broken by the defeat of Haco the aged king of Norway, at the battle of Largs, on 3d October 1263. His successor Magnus, in 1266, ceded the whole of the Scottish territory held by Norway (except Orkney and Shetland) to the king of Scotland. An Icelandic saga states that Ross-shire was part of the dominion of the earls of Orkney under Norway, whilst another authority regards it as part of Scotland. In all probability the wild Highlanders of Ross had never entirely submitted to either king. Though the king of Norway at this time abandoned all claim to Ross-shire, yet some tribes of Norwegian descent long afterwards held Gairloch; they were the MacBeaths and M'Leods, of whom more shortly.
The earls of Ross followed the Norwegians in the rule of the Northern Highlands. They were of the ancient Celtic family of the O'Beolans, and had been the Pictish maormors of Ross before the title of earl (comes) took the place of the older Pictish designation. Gairloch, as a part of North Argyle, was included by name in the Sheriffdom of Skye, erected in 1292 by King John Balliol. This is believed to be the first mention of Gairloch in existing records. King Robert Bruce confirmed the possession of Gairloch to the earls of Ross between 1306 and 1329. In 1366 Earl William granted "to Paul M'Tyre and to his heirs by Mary of Grahame, with remainder to the lawful heirs of Paul, the lands of Gerloch within the parts of Argyle, for yearly payment of a penny of silver in name of blench ferme in lieu of every other service except the forinse service of the king when required." In 1372 King Robert II. confirmed the grant. Paul M'Tyre is stated to have been a cousin of Earl William; we hear no more of him.
Earl William left only a daughter, who married Walter Leslie. They had a son, Alexander, who became Earl of Ross, and also a daughter, who married Donald, Lord of the Isles. Earl Alexander married a daughter of the Regent, Robert Duke of Albany. Their only child Euphemia died young in 1406, after she had resigned her title to the son of the regent. Donald, Lord of the Isles, by virtue of his marriage with the daughter of Walter Leslie, laid claim to the earldom of Ross, in opposition to the regent's son. After a prolonged strife the earldom of Ross was forfeited, and annexed to the crown in 1476. During the unsettled period which began with Donald's ambitious claim, Gairloch seems to have been in a state of anarchy. Not only the MacBeaths and M'Leods struggled for its possession, but the Macdonalds, as clansmen of the Lord of the Isles, appear to have overrun the district.
Meanwhile the Mackenzies of Kintail had grown to be a great power in Ross-shire, and being of the same original stock as the O'Beolan earls of Ross, they had a better right to Gairloch than the other claimants, all of whom in turn gave way to the victorious Mackenzies.
The legends and narratives which follow are placed as nearly as may be in chronological order. They all belong to the period of the Mackenzies, except that of the tragedy of Isle Maree, which forms our next chapter; it occurred long before.
Chapter II.
The Tragedy of Isle Maree.
Isle Maree was as sweet a spot at the end of the ninth century as it is now. A thick grove of tall trees crowded round its circular Druidical enclosure. There were noble specimens of the indigenous oak, so mysteriously connected with the Druidical worship; there was a dense thicket of the smooth-leaved holly, the sacred tree brought here by St Maelrubha himself, who, it would seem, intended it to become (as it did) a Christian rival to the Pagan oak. Then, as now, the undergrowth of ferns and flowers, and a large kind of grass, attained almost tropical proportions beneath the benign influence of the warm shade.
The scene of our story is laid in this beautiful and hallowed island. St Maelrubha had been long gathered to his fathers, and the sacred college of Iona had appointed a successor to his hermitage on Isle Maree, who in turn had made room for another. The occupant of the cell at the date of our story is an aged saint of peculiar sagacity and piety. Long known to the wild people of Gairloch for his bold denunciations and shrewd penetration, he had acquired by his stern eloquence and ascetic life an extraordinary influence over them. The Christian festivals brought successive offerings to the sainted hermit, and the island oft resounded with the psalms of David chaunted by the throng of faithful pilgrims.
But not only the common people resorted to the cell of the holy man; the Norse Vikings, who held the district in partial subjugation, frequently came to him for the ministrations of religion and for the benefit of his sage counsel. To one and all, to young and old, to Celt and Norwegian, he was alike accessible.
A young Norwegian prince was chief among the Vikings who then dominated this part of the west coast. Prince Olaf was of the blood royal of Norway, and on this account alone would have been willingly adopted by his fellows as their leader, had not his personal bravery and reckless daring secured to him the post of honour. He had a grievous failing,—a restless and ungovernable temper. Naturally high-spirited, he had been as a boy the spoilt darling of his fellows, and had grown up a creature of impulse, subject to paroxysms of fearful passion. Whenever he was thwarted in his plans, or roused to anger by foe or friend, the evil spirit came upon him, and he lost all command of himself.
The prince lived with his fighting men in his great war galley, except during the winter, when they encamped on one or other of the islands of Loch Ewe. Often would Olaf repair to the hermitage of Isle Maree, and receive from the saint kindly advice and priestly absolution.
It was natural that one so impulsive should early fall under the influence of the tender passion. We need not try to imagine the story of Olaf's love; it was no common attachment; the flame burned in his breast with an intensity becoming his fiery spirit.
But a difficulty arose. He was unwilling, at least at first, to ask his bride to exchange the comparative quietude of her father's home for the restless life of a ship of war. In dire perplexity he sought the advice of his friend the saint of Isle Maree. The wise old man proposed that another and a larger dwelling should be erected in the form of a tower to the west of the enclosure in the centre of which stood his own humble cell. To this tower Olaf might bring his bride and there they might take up their abode, within easy reach of the prince's galley on Loch Ewe.
To hasten on. The prince eagerly adopted this plan, and in a short time the tower was built, and Olaf brought his bonny bride to the island. Here they were married by the aged hermit, amid the rejoicings of their followers. The princess and her maidens were delighted with the romantic and secure retreat. Olaf's attendants pitched their tents around, and the leafy grove grew gay with joyful laughter and with genial song.
For a while all went smoothly. The life of the young lovers was a continual delight; their passion for one another only increased as months rolled on. In vain his comrades sent message after message entreating the presence of the prince on board his ship. He could not tear himself away from his darling, and she in turn was more than unwilling that he should leave her. At length there came word that a long-planned expedition, in which other leaders were to take part, was ready to start, and Olaf was expected to assume the command. He dared no longer remain in retirement. With aching heart he told the princess of his approaching departure. Her tears were unavailing; on the morrow he must leave. Meanwhile strange forebodings of evil filled the minds of both. What if he should be slain in battle! What if some unknown danger should cause her death in his absence! A scheme was concocted for shortening the final moments of suspense. It was agreed that when the prince should return, a white flag would be displayed from his barge on Loch Maree if all were well; if otherwise, a black flag would be shewn. The maidens prepared these flags, and the prince took them with him. The princess was to leave the island in her barge whenever her lord's boat should come in sight, and she in like manner was to display a white or black flag to denote her safety or the reverse.
The morning came, and they parted. The prince arrived at Poolewe, was received by his men with wild enthusiasm, and set sail at once. It is not necessary that we should follow him through the perilous campaign. Enough that all ended well, and the victorious prince returned safely to Poolewe. In hot haste, and half crazy with excitement, he sought his boat on Loch Maree, raised with his own hand the snow-white banner of success, and mustered the faithful attendants who were to row him to Isle Maree.
During his absence the princess had passed through several phases of anxiety. At first despair took possession of her heart, and it was long ere the good old saint and her own maidens were able to soothe her with words of hope. As she became calmer, a new misgiving occurred to her. Did Olaf prefer the excitement of warfare to the peaceful society of his bride? Had she lost the devotion of his heart? Did he really love her? Then horrible jealousy became her absorbing feeling. Was the faithless prince to treat her as an insignificant plaything, to be caressed one day and deserted the next? It was all in vain that her companions strove to check this new folly; she declared continually that her husband had never truly loved her. Under the influence of this crushing doubt, she devised a scheme whereby she resolved to test the reality of his vaunted affection, if indeed he should ever return.
LOCH MAREE FROM INVERAN.
At last the lookout announced that he saw the prince's barge, bearing the white flag, emerge from the river Ewe into the open loch. And now what emotions filled the breast of the lovely princess! What conflicting sentiments, love and doubt, joy and fear! All had been arranged to carry out her strange scheme. The large barge was ready; from its stern the black flag was raised aloft; a bier was placed in the centre of the barge on which the princess herself—now pallid with anxiety—reclined as if sleeping the sleep of death; a white shroud covered her recumbent form; around were grouped her maidens, gloomy with well-simulated grief; and the sad and silent rowers moved the barge slowly onwards toward the lower end of Loch Maree.
Meanwhile Olaf gazed earnestly in the direction of the island (which was kept in sight all the way), urging anon his willing crew to put forth their utmost speed. Soon, in the distance, he discovered the barge of the princess. Could he be mistaken? Was that the black flag of death which waved above it? He made all his men in turn scrutinize the approaching barge, and each reluctantly confirmed what Olaf's own eyes had testified. Gradually the prince grew frantic with awful despair. Was he to be thus foiled by evil fate in the very hour of his triumph? Had death snatched his darling from his fond embrace? Were they never to meet again? Yes, he would follow her to that heavenly home the holy father had often told them of! His agony increased each moment; he cursed; he raved; his manly face became like a maniac's; his words and gestures were those of a man possessed. The crew were horror-struck; none dared speak; they pulled the oars with what seemed superhuman strength, but the wind was against them, and some time elapsed before the barges were alongside. The dreadful interval served only to increase the prince's frenzy; his wild ravings became unintelligible.
Before the vessels touched, the madman leapt into the other barge. He saw the shroud; he raised it; he gazed a moment on the still, pale face of his bride; he gave one agonized cry; then he plunged his dirk in his own breast, and in a moment that storm-tossed heart ceased to beat!
And now the miserable princess sprang from the bier, convinced too late of her husband's passionate love; there he lay dead, she alone the cause; with a wild shriek of remorse, she drew the dirk from Olaf's heart and plunged it in her own. Her death was not so instantaneous as his, and life had not quite fled when the barge, with its terrible freight, arrived at Isle Maree. The holy father raised the crucifix before the lady's closing eyes, and uttered words of earnest prayer; then her spirit passed away, and all was over.
The bodies of the unhappy pair were buried within the enclosure on the island, beneath the shade of the sacred hollies; they were laid with their feet towards each other, and smooth stones with outlines of mediæval crosses (see [illustration]) were placed over the graves, and there remain to this day. A few stones still indicate the site of the hermit's cell, and a considerable mound marks where the tower stood.
Such, with some little filling-in of detail, is the story as commonly told in Gairloch of the sad tragedy which casts a halo of romance around the beautiful Isle Maree. There are, as might be expected, some slightly different versions of the legend, but this is the most usual one. Its variations in form only go to prove its general truthfulness, and there is no reason to doubt that the tragedy really occurred substantially as here related; the tombstones, with their ancient crosses, are still to be seen, and there is no other account of them proposed.
CROSSES ON THE GRAVES OF THE PRINCE AND PRINCESS ON ISLE MAREE.
Chapter III.
The Mackenzies of Kintail.
Two origins of the great house of Mackenzie, lords of Kintail, and afterwards earls of Seaforth, of whom the Gairloch family are a branch, have been propounded, and have given rise to considerable discussion.
By one pedigree they have been made to spring from Colin Fitzgerald, descendant of Otho who came to England with William the Conqueror, fought with him at the battle of Hastings in 1066, and was created Castellan and Baron of Windsor. Otho married a Welsh princess; their grandson Maurice distinguished himself in the subjugation of Ireland, was appointed to the joint government of that country, and was created Baron of Wicklow and Naas Offelim in 1172. Others say this Maurice was of the ancient Tuscan family of Gherardini, who date as far back as a.d. 800. Gerald, a son of Maurice, was created Lord Offally. A grandson of Gerald married the grand-daughter and representative of the last of the ancient line of the kings of Desmond. Colin Fitzgerald was their eldest son. He came to Scotland, and assisted Alexander III. at the battle of Largs. It is said that Colin was afterwards settled by Alexander III. in Eileandonain Castle, in Kintail; that he received a grant of the lands of Kintail from that king; that he married the daughter of MacMhathain, heritor of the half of Kintail; and that their only son Kenneth became the progenitor of the clan MacKenneth, or Mackenzie.
The use of the Cabar Feidh, or deers' horns, as the crest of the Mackenzies, is supposed to have originated in a brave deed done by Colin Fitzgerald. He was hunting with Alexander III. in the forest of Mar in 1265 when an infuriated stag, closely pursued by the hounds, charged the king. Colin interposed, and shot the stag in the head with an arrow. The grateful monarch granted to Colin a stag's head puissant as his armorial bearing.
The other genealogy of the Mackenzies asserts that the first Kenneth from whom the family sprang was of a native Gaelic stock, almost as ancient as the ancestry of Fitzgerald. This descent is argued by Mr Alexander Mackenzie, in his History of the Mackenzies. Relying on an old MS. dated 1450, he shows that Kenneth was of the seed of Gilleon Og, or Colin the younger, son of Gilleon na h'Airde, who lived in the tenth century, and was also the ancestor of the O'Beolan earls of Ross. It seems that Angus MacMhathain, constable of Eileandonain, was descended from Gilleon Og, and was a near relative of the O'Beolan earls of Ross, who were the superior lords of Kintail. Kenneth, the only son of Angus, was a nephew of William, third Earl of Ross, and succeeded his father in the government of Kintail. This Kenneth, we may assume, was the founder of the Mackenzie family.
The question really seems to be whether Kenneth was a MacMhathain on his father's side or on his mother's side. In either case he had the blood of the earls of Ross flowing in his veins.
Kenneth, who died about 1304, set his relative, the Earl of Ross, at defiance, and established himself in an independent position as lord of Kintail, but his descendants were harassed by the earls of Ross, who endeavoured to regain their power in the district.
John Mackenzie, the second lord of Kintail, and only son of Kenneth, sheltered Robert Bruce when he was in hiding, and afterwards assisted him to gain the throne of Scotland. John Mackenzie led five hundred of his clansmen—some of them possibly Gairloch men—to the victorious field of Bannockburn on 24th June 1314, and by his loyalty and valour rendered more secure his possessions in Kintail.
Kenneth Mackenzie, called Kenneth of the Nose, only son of John, became third chief of Kintail; he was a weak man, and in his time the Earl of Ross regained a considerable hold over the district.
Kenlochewe, which is part of Gairloch in the present day, was attached to the lordship of Kintail and shared its troubles. It was about 1350 that some of the followers of the Earl of Ross made a raid into Kenlochewe, and carried off a great spoil. Kenneth Mackenzie, third lord of Kintail, pursued them, slew many of the invaders, and recovered much of the spoil. The Earl of Ross after this succeeded in apprehending Mackenzie, and had him executed at Inverness. The Earl then granted the lands of Kenlochewe to his follower Leod Mac Gilleandreis.
The fourth lord of Kintail was Black Murdo of the Cave, only lawful son of Kenneth of the Nose. Murdo received this soubriquet because, being a wild youth, he preferred, rather than attend the ward school where the heirs of those who held their lands from the king were sent, to take up his abode in some one or other of the caves about Torridon and Kenlochewe, hoping to get a chance of slaying Leod Mac Gilleandreis. The latter hearing of Murdo's resort, and fearing mischief, endeavoured to apprehend him, so that Murdo had to flee the country. He went to his uncle, M'Leod of the Lews, and there met one Gille Riabhach, who had come to Stornoway with twelve men about the same time as himself. After so long a time had elapsed that Mac Gilleandreis supposed Murdo was dead, his uncle gave to Murdo one of his great galleys or birlinns, with as many men as he desired. Murdo embarked at Stornoway, accompanied also by Gille Riabhach and his twelve men, and with a favourable wind they soon arrived at Sanachan in Kishorn. Thence they marched straight to Kenlochewe, and concealed themselves in a thick wood near the house of Mac Gilleandreis. Mackenzie left his followers there, whilst he went to look for his old nurse, who lived thereabouts. He found her engaged in making up a bundle of sticks to carry to Leod's house. Murdo inquired her name, for he did not remember her face at first. She gave her name, and inquired in return who he was. He told her, on which she replied, "Let me see your back, and I will know if you are that man." She remembered that he had a black spot on his back. He took off his clothes, and she saw the black spot, and so she knew him. She was overjoyed at his return, having long grieved for his supposed death. He asked her to procure him information of Leod's doings, and to let him know that night. He made up the bundle of sticks for her, and she went to Leod's house, and duly returned with the news that Leod had fixed a hunt for the next day, and was to meet the people at Kenlochewe in the morning. She said Leod might be known by the red jacket he wore. Murdo determined to take advantage of this occasion, and was early on the ground, accompanied by his followers. As the people arrived he slew all he did not recognise; the natives he knew were dismissed to their homes. When Leod, in his red jacket, came on the ground with his sons and attendants, Murdo and his band attacked them with their swords, and after a slight resistance Mac Gilleandreis and his followers fled, but were soon overtaken at a place ever since called Fe Leoid, where they were all slain except one of Leod's sons, named Paul, who was taken prisoner, but afterwards released on his promising never again to molest Mackenzie. Murdo gave the widow of Leod Mac Gilleandreis to Gille Riabhach to wife, and their posterity were long known at Kenlochewe. The heads of the people who were slain in Kenlochewe were cut off and thrown into the river there; the stream carried the heads down to a ford, where they massed together, and this place has ever since been called Ath-nan-ceann, or the "ford of the heads." The name is now corrupted into Athnagown or Anagown. It is shewn on the maps. The place where Leod Mac Gilleandreis and his followers were slain is about three miles from Kenlochewe, on the hill to the east of the Torridon road. The name Fe Leoid, more correctly written Feith Leoid, means the bog of Leod; it is also shewn on all the maps.
Black Murdo of the Cave, after dispossessing Leod Mac Gilleandreis, went to Kintail, where he was received with open arms by all the people of the country. He married the only daughter of his friend Macaulay, who had defended Eileandonain Castle during his long absence, and through her Mackenzie succeeded to the lands of Loch Broom (including probably the parts of Gairloch lying to the north of Loch Maree and Loch Ewe), granted to Macaulay's predecessor by Alexander II. In 1357, when David II., king of Scotland, returned from England, Murdo laid before his majesty a complaint against the Earl of Ross for the murder of his father, but could obtain no redress; however the king confirmed him in his possession of Kintail by charter dated 1362. Murdo died in 1375.
Murdo of the Bridge, only son of Black Murdo of the Cave, became the fifth lord of Kintail. He was one of the Highland chiefs who accompanied the Earl of Douglas to England and defeated the renowned Hotspur at the battle of Otterburn, or Chevy Chase, on 10th August 1388. Murdo refused to join Donald, the great Lord of the Isles, in his insurrection which culminated in the battle of Harlaw. The history of the Highlands shows that this was a period of extreme disorder and violence, and Gairloch itself was not exempt from the terrors of anarchy. Murdo does not appear to have troubled his head about his rights in Gairloch, and, as other parts of our history will shew, it was overrun by several tribes. Possibly neither this Murdo nor his father pressed their claim to Gairloch, being sufficiently occupied in keeping possession of Kintail. Ten years after King Robert II. had confirmed Kintail to Black Murdo of the Cave, the same king confirmed the grant of Gairloch made by the Earl of Ross to Paul M'Tyre ([Part I., chap. i.]). But we hear no more of Paul M'Tyre; and, as an old writer has well said of this time, "during this turbulent age securities and writs, as well as laws, were little regarded; each man's protection lay in his own strength."
Murdo of the Bridge, who died about 1416, married Finguala, daughter of Malcolm M'Leod of Harris by his wife Martha, daughter of Donald Earl of Mar, a nephew of King Robert Bruce. Their only son, Alexander the Upright, so called "for his righteousness," became the sixth laird of Kintail. He died in 1488, about ninety years of age. By his first wife, Anna Macdougall of Dunolly, he had two sons, Kenneth and Duncan. By his second marriage he had one son, known among Highlanders as Eachainn Ruadh, or Hector Roy, destined to become the famous founder of the Gairloch family. There was also a daughter by the second marriage, who became the wife of Allan M'Leod, laird of Gairloch.
In the year 1452, during the rule of Alexander the Upright, the desperate skirmish of Beallach nan Brog occurred, in which the Earl of Ross, to punish the western tribes for seizing his son, attacked and slaughtered his foes, including Mackenzie's Kenlochewe men, who are said to have been almost exterminated.
It is not within the scope of this narrative to pursue further the history of the great house of Kintail. The next chapter will relate a Gairloch legend treating of events which occurred during the time of one of the earlier Kintail Mackenzies.
It may be convenient to explain, that long before 1609, when Kenneth, twelfth laird of Kintail, was created Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, these great lairds were commonly called Lords of Kintail. Colin, son of this Kenneth, was created Earl of Seaforth and Viscount Fortrose in 1623. Some time prior to this date the possessions of the Kintail family had increased to the dimensions of a province, and Eileandonain Castle had ceased to be their headquarters, the castle of Chanonry in the Black Isle, formerly the bishop's palace, being preferred. The first Lord Seaforth added to Chanonry Castle, and built Brahan Castle, which continued the residence of the Seaforth family to a recent date. The family became extinct in the male line on the death of the last Lord Seaforth in 1815. Long before the erection of Brahan Castle the lairds of Kintail frequently resided at a mains or farm they possessed at Brahan.
Chapter IV.
Ewan Mac Gabhar, the Son of the Goat.
On the north-eastern shore of Loch Maree, about three miles above the place where the river Ewe leaves the loch, is situated Ardlair, than which no lovelier spot can be found in all the range of Highland scenery. There are groves of different kinds of trees, and a belt of them skirts the shingly shore of the loch; smooth grassy glades are interspersed among the woods, behind which rise a series of marvellous precipices, unclimbable, except in two or three places, save by sure-footed deer or goats. Below the steep background lie here and there great masses of rock, which ages ago have fallen from the cliffs above. About a quarter of a mile to the south-east of the present Ardlair House, and rather nearer to the house than a small tarn nestling there beneath the cliffs, is a large cairn or assemblage of enormous rocks, heaped and piled upon each other in fantastic confusion. Ash trees and wild roses, heather and ferns, grow in tangled medley among the débris, and, concealing the interstices, render access extremely difficult. But the persevering searcher will discover a roomy cave, formed by a mighty block of rock lying slantways over other fallen blocks. The entrance to the cave is well concealed, and can only be got at by climbing on to a ledge that forms a narrow platform in front of it. After groping two or three yards along a low narrow passage a dark chamber is reached in which one can stand upright. The floor is level, and perfectly dry. The cairn is about a hundred and fifty yards from the shore of Loch Maree. This cave is called by old Gairloch people now living "The cave of the king's son," a name that it owes to the following story, the opening scene of which is laid here. No date can be assigned to the events narrated, but they cannot have occurred later than in the thirteenth or fourteenth century.
AT ARDLAIR.
A worthy old woman named Oighrig (Euphemia) lived near Letterewe with her only son Kenneth. They had a pet goat called Earba (i.e. a roe). The goat failing to yield the usual supply of milk was watched by Kenneth, who with much trouble and difficulty traced her at length to "the cave of the king's son," about three miles distant from their home. Here the goat held possession of the small platform in front of the entrance, and would not allow Kenneth to climb to it. He went for a rope, and throwing it over the goat's horns secured the animal. A beautiful little boy now appeared on the scene, and uttering sympathetic cries hugged the struggling goat. At first Kenneth thought that the child was a fairy, but he soon discovered his mistake. A young lady of great beauty came forth from the cave on hearing the cries of the little boy. It now appeared that the couple had taken refuge in this cave, where they would have perished from hunger had they not enticed the friendly Earba to supply them with her milk. Kenneth reported all the circumstances to his mother, who seeing that the helpless couple in the cave must ultimately die of want and cold if they remained there, went and persuaded them to come and live at the humble cottage near Letterewe. The young lady's name was Flora, and she told them that the boy's Christian name was Eoghan, or Ewan, but she would not reveal either of their surnames, so the boy was called Eoghan Mac Gabhar, i.e. Ewan the son of the goat, to his dying day. They all lived happily together. Earba brought them kids of her own, which the little Ewan herded and fed. Flora grew more lovely than ever, and Kenneth astonished even his own mother by his success in hunting and fishing for the maintenance of the increased family. Kenneth naturally fell in love with the beautiful Flora, though his mother strongly dissuaded him from his suit, pointing out that Flora was doubtless of royal lineage, being probably, though much older, the sister of Ewan, who from the sword and mantle that Flora with much care preserved for him, was probably the son of a king. The mantle was a robe of state of scarlet velvet bound and fringed with pure gold, and the sword had a hilt of gold and ivory, and some mystic characters engraved upon it. As young Ewan grew, his lordly disposition and commanding presence confirmed the belief that he was of royal birth.
Matters continued thus until one day the great lord of Kintail came from Eileandonain Castle to hunt the mountains of Letterewe. He came unexpectedly to Oighrig's cottage, and entering without ceremony jocosely blamed Kenneth, who was one of his foresters, for not being at the hunt. Then seeing Flora and Ewan he began to inquire who they were. Evasive answers were returned, and Kenneth and Flora pretended they were man and wife. The lord of Kintail on hearing the name Ewan Mac Gabhar exhibited surprise and even alarm, for he recalled a well-known prophecy about "the son of the goat," which had been erroneously interpreted as unfavourable to the destinies of the house of Kintail. Failing in persuading Flora to go away with him, his lordship left his kinsman Hector Dubh to watch the family. Flora and Ewan growing anxious under such circumstances soon afterwards resumed their concealment in the cave. On this Hector, suspecting that he was duped, hastened home with the news to Kintail. Fearing Lord Mackenzie's sleuth-hounds, the whole family decamped and went down to Poolewe, and Earba followed with her two kids. Next evening a vessel came to Poolewe and sent a boat ashore. Kenneth and Flora went down hand in hand to ask for a passage to the islands. As the boat approached they saw by their tartan that the crew were from Eileandonain Castle. They fled like deer, but the ground was rough for Flora, and they were soon overtaken, captured, and carried off in the vessel.
Oighrig and Ewan remained disconsolate, protected by friends near Poolewe; their store comprised the three goats, three baskets, and a small locked chest containing Ewan's sword and mantle and a few jewels. The captain of a vessel, which shortly came in to Poolewe, promised to take them to Eileandonain, where Oighrig wished to go in search of her son; but, whether by chance or design, the hapless pair were conveyed instead to the country of a great chief named Colin Mor Gillespie.
Oighrig and Ewan were there taken ashore. The captain searched their baggage, and found the mantle of state and the royal sword. Oighrig told him all the tale, and he repeated it to Colin Mor, who placed Oighrig in a hut beside his castle, provided well for her goats, and gave her a cow. He took Ewan to his castle, and brought him up with his own sons as a warrior and a gentleman. Meanwhile Kenneth, after gaining the favour of the lord of Kintail by his prowess in warfare, had found means to escape from Eileandonain with Flora; they married, and ultimately discovered Oighrig, who lived with them to a good old age.
As for Ewan Mac Gabhar, he grew up a strong brave man, and none could match him in warlike exercises. Orders came from the Scottish king for the prosecution of a great war against a realm which included the island of Mull, and was then under the rule of the queen widow of Olamh Mor, who had been the renowned monarch of that land. Colin Mor was joined by the lord of Kintail in this great enterprise, and with their allies they mustered an army of twenty thousand men. Ewan Mac Gabhar was all fire and eagerness for the glorious war, and was entrusted with the command of a thousand men. During the bustle of preparation a Highlander came and proffered his services to Ewan as page. Ewan at first rejected the offer, on the ground of the slender form and small stature of the man; but every day the page was in waiting, and proved so handy, that Ewan at last engaged him and entrusted him with his baggage.
The invading army succeeded in taking possession of the whole of the large island of Mull, which they plundered and burned. They then proceeded to the mainland in a vast fleet of vessels, and anchored in a long arm of the sea that extended twenty miles into the country, apparently Loch Sunart. Here they anchored, and the soldiery immediately began to burn and plunder without opposition.
At night the chiefs and some of their followers returned to the fleet as a safe and comfortable retreat. The main body of the army encamped at a considerable distance, having seen no appearance of a foe. But before daybreak the forces of the queen, who had quietly entered the loch in the night, surrounded the fleet of the invaders, and boarding the vessels, made prisoners of all the chiefs and of such of their followers as were with them, except a small number who were slain in a fruitless attempt at resistance. Colin Mor was taken, with two of his sons and Ewan Mac Gabhar. The lord of Kintail and three of his brothers, with sixty other gentlemen, were also made prisoners. The army on shore was surprised at the same time, and routed with great slaughter.
The nobles and chiefs were taken before the gallant and ruthless queen, who made a vehement speech charging them with being the slaves of a tyrant and with having persecuted and destroyed her royal race. She declared for vengeance, and in accordance with the savage usages of the times, ordered that next morning at nine o'clock the whole of the prisoners should be brought into her presence and hanged by sevens at a time, beginning with the youngest, so that the fathers might behold the dying throes of their sons.
The hour arrived, and the seven youngest prisoners were led forth to make their obeisance to the queen before their execution. When the queen saw them she began to shew signs of emotion, her colour went and came, her lips quivered, and she shrieked out, "O God! what do I see? Stop the execution! stop!" and then she fell down in a swoon. Her maids came to her assistance, and now a hundred shouts rent the air, "Mac Olamh Mhor! Mac Olamh Mhor!" (the son of Olaf the Great); and instantly all the queen's chiefs and kinsmen were kneeling round one of the condemned prisoners. He was a tall and goodly youth, clothed in his father's royal robe and with his father's ancient sword of state girded by his side. The reader will have guessed the name of the young king; he was none other than Ewan Mac Gabhar! Soon the enthusiastic shouts of the people seemed to rend the rocks, and Ewan was borne aloft on the shoulders of his kinsmen and seated on his father's throne. When the queen recovered, she began to doubt the sentiments of her own heart, and required proof that Ewan was indeed her beloved child who had long ago, as she believed, been foully murdered in his bed, along with her own sister, by the conspirators who had planned the destruction of her royal seed. The evidence was soon forthcoming. Ewan's page was none other than Flora, who was herself the youngest sister of the queen. She had, unrecognised, accompanied Ewan to the war, and, having charge of the mantle and the sword, had that morning arrayed him as his father was wont to be, certain of the effect. She explained how at the time of the conspiracy she had given up her bed to the wife and child of one of the conspirators who had intended to slay her and the infant Ewan, but who in the darkness had murdered the others instead; and how she had then escaped with her precious charge to "the cave of the king's son" at Ardlair on Loch Maree.
Thus Ewan Mac Gabhar was established in his kingdom. His first act of authority was to release all his condemned associates, whose joy and astonishment may well be conceived. He entertained them gallantly at his castle for many days, and a friendly league was formed that long preserved the peace and tranquillity of those realms. Ewan was greatly assisted in his kingdom by Kenneth, who had become a renowned warrior, and who with his beloved Flora came and resided at Ewan's castle. Ewan married Mary, youngest daughter of Mackenzie lord of Kintail, and by his friendship helped to increase the dominions of that great house, so that the old prophecy about the son of the goat (already referred to) was literally fulfilled:—
"The son of the goat shall triumphantly bear
The mountain on flame and the horns of the deer,—
From forest of Loyne to the hill of Ben Croshen,
From mountain to vale, and from ocean to ocean."
Chapter V.
The MacRaes of Kintail and Gairloch.
It is a singular fact that the first six lairds of Kintail (counting with them Angus Mac Mhathain) had each but one lawful son, so that the family of Mackenzie, now so numerous, increased at first but slowly. Murdo of the Bridge, fifth laird of Kintail, being thus without kindred of his own blood, invited one MacRae to join him in Kintail. This MacRae was from the same original stock as the Mackenzies. His father had come from Clunes, and settled at Brahan. MacRae, the son, accepted the invitation of Murdo, and went with him to Kintail, where his descendants became a numerous tribe, always owning the Mackenzies as their chiefs. Murdo hoped for faithful service from MacRae, and it was willingly given from generation to generation. The MacRaes were ever foremost in battle for their lairds, and became known as "Mackenzie's shirt of mail." This term "shirt of mail" was generally applied to the chosen bodyguard who attended a chief in war and fought around him. Hence it would appear that the bodyguard of the Mackenzie chiefs was composed of MacRaes.
The name MacRae was originally MacRath, signifying "the son of fortune." If it be true that "fortune favours the brave," these valiant warriors were rightly named, for bravery was ever their bright distinction, as our narrative will sufficiently shew. Not only were the MacRaes devoted to the Kintail family, but after Hector Roy Mackenzie went to Gairloch they assisted him and his descendants in conquering their possessions. Some of them settled in Gairloch, where their offspring are to this day.
In the following pages Iain MacIain Uidhir, Donald Mor, and Alastair Liath, who took part in the attack on MacBeath in the island of Loch Tollie; Donnachadh Mor na Tuaighe, or Big Duncan of the Axe, commonly called Suarachan, and Dugal his son; Iain Liath, who accompanied John Roy Mackenzie to Gairloch; and Donald Odhar, Iain Odhar, and Fionnla dubh na Saighead, who all three took leading parts in ousting the M'Leods from Gairloch,—were MacRaes from Kintail, and were all warriors of renown.
The Rev. Farquhar MacRae ([Appendix A]), ordained vicar of Gairloch in 1608 and afterwards constable of Eileandonain, was of the same tribe, but his fighting was confined to the church militant.
The effigy of the renowned Donald Odhar is one of the supporters in the coat-of-arms of the Gairloch Mackenzies sculptured on the old barn of Flowerdale, called the Sabhal Geal, erected by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Bart. of Gairloch, in 1730.
Several of these MacRaes were wonderful archers. The arrow fired at the serving-man on the Loch Tollie island by Alastair Liath, must have killed its victim at a distance of fully five hundred yards. Donald Odhar and Iain Odhar, the heroes of Leac na Saighead, slew many M'Leods with their arrows nearly four hundred yards away. Fionnladh dubh na Saighead is said to have shot Neil M'Leod at a still greater distance. Lest any reader should doubt the authenticity of these performances, on account of the marvellous ranges attained, some instances of wonderful shots made by Turks may here be mentioned. In 1794 Mahmood Effendi, the Turkish Ambassador's secretary, in a field adjoining Bedford House, shot an arrow with a Turkish bow four hundred and fifteen yards against the wind, and four hundred and eighty-two yards with the wind. The secretary said the then Sultan of Turkey had shot five hundred yards, which was the greatest performance of the modern Turks up to that time; but he said that pillars stood on a plain near Constantinople marking distances anciently attained by bow-shot up to eight hundred yards. In 1798 the Sultan of Turkey surpassed all these achievements, by shooting an arrow nine hundred and seventy-two yards, in the presence of Sir Robert Ainslie, British Ambassador to the Sublime Porte.
It was always the privilege of the MacRaes of Kintail to bear the dead bodies of their chiefs to burial. At the funeral in 1862 of the Hon. Mrs Stewart Mackenzie, daughter and representative of the last Lord Seaforth, the coffin was borne by MacRaes of Kintail only. It was the last time! At the funeral of her son Colonel Keith Stewart Mackenzie, on 25th June 1881, there was not a sufficient number of MacRaes to bear the coffin from Brahan Castle. The few who were present claimed their privilege, and essayed to carry the dead. Some slight disputation occurred, but the vacant places had to be supplied from the Brahan tenantry. The following curious statement, referring to this incident, appeared in an Inverness newspaper soon afterwards:—"This seems to have had a most depressing effect upon the few handsome MacRaes, who hitherto were the most picturesque frequenters of the Inverness wool market, for on the last occasion not a single MacRae was seen dressed in the garb of the race. They have now nearly all been driven from the lands of their ancestors, and they have apparently thrown aside the kilt and donned the lowlanders' garb in disgust."
Chapter VI.
The MacBeaths.
Before the M'Leods got possession of Gairloch a tribe of MacBeaths were the most powerful sept in the district. They originally came (presumably in the thirteenth century) from Assynt, in the country of the Mackays in Sutherlandshire, and were of Norwegian descent. There are still some families of MacBeaths in Melvaig in Gairloch who are of the old breed. The chiefs of the MacBeaths had at least three strongholds in Gairloch, viz., Eilean Grudidh on Loch Maree, the island on Loch Tollie, and the Dun or Castle of Gairloch, all to be described in our chapter on the antiquities. Seven generations of MacBeaths occupied Eilean Grudidh, which seems to have been the last they held of these fortalices. The M'Leods, after a long struggle, subdued the MacBeaths, and expelled most of them from Gairloch. Those who were driven out fled to Applecross, where their descendants are to this day.
The earls of Ross must have had many a conflict with the MacBeaths, but no traditions on the subject are extant, nor have any accounts been preserved telling how the M'Leods ousted the MacBeaths. It is possible, however, that a fight which is said to have taken place near a very small loch or pond called Lochan nan Airm, to the right of the road as you go from Gairloch to Poolewe, may have been an engagement in which the MacBeaths were concerned. Lochan nan Airm, or "the tarn of the arms," is about two hundred yards from the road, and half a mile beyond the top of Achtercairn Brae. Those who were vanquished in this fight threw their arms into the loch (whence its name), partly to lighten themselves for flight, and partly to prevent the weapons from falling into the hands of the victors. It is said that the formation of a drain, intended to empty the loch so as to discover the arms, was once commenced, but was stopped by the then laird of Gairloch, whose permission had not been asked. The beginning of the drain is still apparent; it would be interesting to complete it.
The following story relates an attempt on the part of some of the lord of Kintail's men to slay one of the leaders of the MacBeaths, possibly the chief of the tribe. It evidently took place in the latter part of the career of the MacBeaths in Gairloch.
Once upon a time there lived a powerful man—Iain Mac Iain Uidhir—in the Carr of Kintail, and when he heard such aliens (the MacBeaths) resided in the island of Loch Tollie, he thought within himself, on New Years' night, that it was a pity that such mischievous strangers should be in the place, raising rents on the land which did not of right belong to them, while some of the offspring of gentlemen of the clan Mackenzie, although a few of them possessed lands, were without possessions.
Some little time after this, when the snow was melting off the mountains, he lifted his arrow bladder on his back, sent word for Big Donald, son of the son of Ranald MacRae from Inverinate, and they walked as one together across Kilaolainn. Old Alastair Liath of Carr accompanied them. They walked through the mountains of Loch-carron. They came in by the mountains of Kenlochewe. They came at a late hour in sight of Loch Tollie, and they took notice of MacBeath's castle in the island, and of a place whence it would be easy for them to send their arrows to the castle. There was a rowan-tree alongside the castle, which was in their way, but when the darkening of night came they moved down to the shore in such a way that the heroes got near the bank of the loch, so that they might in the breaking of the sky be opposite MacBeath when he came out.
ON CRAIG TOLLIE.
When MacBeath came out in the morning, the other man said to Donald Mor, "Try how true your hand is now, if it is not tremulous after the night; try if you can hit the seed of the beast, the hare, so that you make a carcase of him where he is, inasmuch as he has no right to be there." Donald shot his arrow by chance, but it only became flattened against one of the kind of windows in the kind of castle that was in it.
When the man from Carr saw what happened to the arrow of the man from Inverinate, he thought that his companion's arrow was only a useless one. The man from Carr got a glimpse of one of the servants of MacBeath, carrying with him a stoup of water to boil a goat buck, which he had taken from Craig Tollie the night before; but, poor fellow! it was not he who consumed the goat buck. Old Alastair Liath of Carr threw the arrow, and it went through the kidneys of him of the water-stoup.
MacBeath suspected that a kind of something was behind him which he did not know about. He thought within himself not to wait to eat the goat buck; that it would be as well for him to go ashore—life or death to him—as long as he had the chance to cross. He lifted every arrangement he had, and he made the shore of it. Those who would not follow him he left behind him; he walked as fast as was in his joints, but fast as MacBeath was, the arrow of the son of Big Donald fixed in him in the thickest of his flesh. He ran with the arrow fixed, and his left hand fixed in the arrow, hoping always that he would pull it out. He ran down the brae to a place which is called Boora to this day; and the reason of that name is, that when MacBeath pulled the arrow out, a buradh, or bursting forth of blood, came after it.
When the Kintail men saw that the superior of the kind of fortress had flown, they walked round the head of Loch Tollie sprawling, tired as they were; and the very ferry-boat which took MacBeath ashore took the MacRaes to the island. They used part of the goat buck which MacBeath was to have had to his meal. They looked at the man of whom they had made a corpse, while the cook went to the preparation for the morning meal. Difficulty nor distress were not apparent on the Kintail men. The fearless heroes put past the night in the castle. They feared not MacBeath; but MacBeath was frightened enough that what he did not get he would soon get.
Although the pursuit of the aliens from Mackay's country was in the minds of the Kintail men, they thought they would go and see how the lands of Gairloch lay. They went away in the morning of the next day, after making cuaranan (untanned shoes) of the skin of the goat buck by putting thongs through it, as they had worn out their own on the way coming from Kintail. They came through Gairloch; they took notice of everything as they desired. They walked step by step, as they could do, without fear or bodily dismay. They reached Brahan; they saluted Mackenzie. They said boldly, if he had more sons that they would find more land for him. Mackenzie invited them in, and took their news. They told him about the land of Gairloch, the way in which they saw MacBeath, and the way in which they made him flee, and the time which they lived on the flesh of the goat buck. "And Kenneth," says Donald (addressing the chief), "I shall remember the day of the foot of the goat buck as long as Donald is [my name] on me."
Chapter VII.
The M'Leods of Gairloch.
It is difficult to tell how the M'Leods came to Gairloch. It is not impossible that their claim to it may have dated back to the times of the Norse Vikings, from one of whom, tradition says, the M'Leods were descended. There were two clans of M'Leod,—the Siol Torquil, and the Siol Tormod,—perfectly distinct and independent of each other, though said to have sprung from one common progenitor named Leod. It was a branch of the Siol Torquil who took possession of Gairloch.
Donald, Lord of the Isles, who about 1410 laid claim to the earldom of Ross in right of his wife ([Part I., chap. i.]), was the son of John Macdonald of Islay, first lord of the Isles. John claimed the islands of Skye and the Lews under a grant by Edward Balliol. When John made his peace with King David in 1344 he retained the Lews. From this time the Siol Torquil held the Lews as vassals of the house of Islay. It seems highly probable that Gairloch, Loch Broom, Coigeach, and Assynt, being the adjacent parts of the mainland, were at first similarly held by the Siol Torquil, a branch of whom called the Siol Mhic Ghille Challum also acquired the island of Raasay. In this case their original claim to Gairloch would be derived either from the first lord of the Isles, or his son Donald, Lord of the Isles and Earl of Ross. On no other theory can the sway of the M'Leods in Gairloch be accounted for consistently with the history of the times, unless indeed it was purely the result of "vaulting ambition."
However this may have been, a branch of the Siol Mhic Ghille Challum soon made good an independent claim to Gairloch. Oddly enough a family feud was the commencement, as another was the ending fifty years later, of their legal title to Gairloch. In 1430 King James I. granted "to Nele Nelesoun, for his homage and service in the capture of his deceased brother Thomas Nelesoun, a rebel, the lands of Gerloch and others in the earldoms of Ross and Sutherland and sheriffdom of Innernys."
On this grant Neil, the son of Neil M'Leod, no doubt took steps to enforce his claim to Gairloch, and to subdue the MacBeaths, most of whom he drove from the country. He is said to have captured their three strongholds,—Eilean Grudidh, the Loch Tollie island, and the Gairloch Dun. It is in the time of the M'Leods that we first hear of the Tigh Dige (ditch house), situated in a field below where Flowerdale House now stands. It was a "black house," built of turf, roofed with divots (large thin turfs), and surrounded by a moat or ditch.
The M'Leods also had another stronghold in Gairloch, between Port Henderson and Opinan, the site of which is still called Uamh nam Freiceadain, and which was the last fortress they held in Gairloch.
Eilean Ruaridh Beag, in Loch Maree, was held by one Roderick (Ruaridh) M'Leod, after whom it was named. A fierce struggle, the details of which are now lost, took place before the M'Leods were ejected from this island, which afterwards became the residence of John Roy Mackenzie, the fourth laird of Gairloch.
About 1480 Allan M'Leod, son of Roderick M'Leod, was laird of Gairloch. His wife was daughter of Alexander the Upright, sixth laird of Kintail, and sister of Hector Roy Mackenzie. They had two sons, who were then little boys. The family lived on the island in Loch Tollie,—the same fortalice formerly occupied by the MacBeaths. It was considered a safe retreat in those unsettled times. Allan M'Leod was a peaceful man, and occupied himself to a great extent with the sport the country afforded. But an evil day was coming. His two brothers, who resided with their people in the Lews, were unwilling that Mackenzie blood should run in the veins of the heir of Gairloch. They determined to slay their brother and his two boys, so that the inheritance might fall to themselves. With this evil purpose they came over to Gairloch, and took up their abode at the Tigh Dige, where they made every preparation for the carrying out of their wicked scheme.
ISLAND OR CRANNOG ON LOCH TOLLIE.
On the morning of the fatal day Allan M'Leod left the Loch Tollie Island in his boat, and having landed at the east end of the loch, went down Croftbrae to fish the river Ewe. At midday, as it was hot, and the fish were not taking, he lay down on the green hill at Croft, where the house of Kenneth Urquhart (called Kennie Rob) now stands. The hill is named to this day Cnoc na mi-Chomhairle, or the "Hill of evil counsel." There Allan fell fast asleep. His two brothers came over from Gairloch to carry out their murderous intention. When they came to Loch Tollie they saw the boat ashore at the east end of the loch, and therefore rightly concluded that their brother had gone down to fish the river. They followed, and finding him asleep, killed him where he lay. They cut off his head, and threw it into the mill-lead or race, between the green hill and the spot where the Widows' house, originally built for a distillery, and therefore known as "The still," now stands, and the head was washed down into the river. The brothers then returned to Loch Tollie, and taking the boat reached the island. There they told their brother's widow how they had slain him, and then they tore her little boys from her trembling grasp. They carried them away with them, and when they came to a spot above and to the north of the place now called "The glen" the ruffians killed the boys, and buried them there at a rock still called Craig Bhadan an Aisc, or the "rock of the place of interment." It is shewn on the [six-inch ordnance map]. They stripped the blood-stained shirts from the bodies as proofs that the boys were dead, and took them with them to the Tigh Dige. At that time the dress of a boy consisted only of a stout shirt or tunic, with a belt round the waist, until such time as he was old enough for the belted plaid. The bereaved mother came ashore as soon as she could, and followed the murderers. She came in the evening to a place called Clachan garbh, on the little burn half way between Achtercairn and the present Gairloch Hotel. There were houses there at that time. She went to an old man there, who had been a faithful retainer of her husband; she told him her terrible story. He bade her wait until he went to the Tigh Dige to see if her brothers-in-law had really killed the two boys. When it became dark he went to the Tigh Dige, and through an opening he saw by the firelight the boys' little shirts hanging up. He managed unperceived to get possession of the shirts, and brought them to the mother; they were covered with blood. The mother took the shirts, and went off straight with them to Brahan to her father, Alexander the Upright, who did not credit his daughter's terrible tale until she shewed him the blood-stained shirts. Alexander, who was then an infirm old man, sent his son Hector Roy Mackenzie to Edinburgh to the king, and he produced the shirts to satisfy the king that the triple murder had really been committed. The king gave Hector Roy a commission of fire and sword for the destruction of the M'Leods, and in 1494 he received a grant of Gairloch by charter from the crown.
The proceedings which ensued, and the circumstances attending the expulsion of the M'Leods long afterwards from Gairloch, will be narrated later on. Meanwhile the reader will be glad to learn that the two murderers were afterwards routed in a skirmish on the south side of Gairloch by one of the MacRae heroes, who pursued them to a spot between South Erradale and Point, where he slew them both, and they were buried in a hollow there, which is pointed out to this day.
Although the crown charter of 1494 granted the whole of Gairloch to Hector Roy Mackenzie, the M'Leods, as we shall see, retained for another century one-third part of Gairloch. The terrible murder committed about 1569 by Ruaridh Mac Allan M'Leod of Gairloch ([Part I., chap. xii.]) is curiously analogous to that recorded above. The murder of 1569 was the immediate cause of the warfare which resulted in the final expulsion of the M'Leods from Gairloch, just as that of 1480 had led to their being ousted from a great part of their territory there.
Family feuds and jealousies were the causes of the ultimate dismemberment of the Siol Torquil, and of the alienation of the whole of their vast possessions. Anyone who cares to trace their history, as given in Donald Gregory's and other works, will learn how all this happened; it does not concern us further here.
Chapter VIII.
The Macdonalds in Gairloch.
It will be remembered that Donald, Lord of the Isles, laid claim to and took possession of the earldom of Ross. This was about the beginning of the fifteenth century. It was probably from him, or from his father John Macdonald of Islay, first lord of the Isles, that the MacLeods of the Lews (the Siol Torquil) first obtained a title to Gairloch, as pointed out in the last chapter. To some extent Donald succeeded in subjugating Ross-shire, though several chiefs, including Mackenzie of Kintail, maintained their independence. It is easy to understand that Gairloch and other places adjacent to Skye would be overrun by the Macdonalds of Skye, the clansmen of the lord of the Isles. Some of them settled in Gairloch, and their offspring are still there. A charter of 1584 shews that Torridon, on the southern border of Gairloch, then belonged to Macdonald of Glengarry, a descendant of the lord of the Isles, and nineteen families of Macdonalds still dwell in Alligin on Loch Torridon.
One of the Macdonalds who came to Gairloch was named Mac Gille Riabhaich. Possibly he was a descendant of Gille Riabhach, who assisted Murdo Mackenzie, fourth lord of Kintail, to overcome Leod Mac Gilleandreis ([Part I., chap. iii.]). He took up his abode in a cave called Uamh Mhic 'ille Rhiabhaich, or the "cave of Mac Gille Riabhaich." It is close to a picturesque loch bearing the same name, on which are two small islands, one of which seems to have been a crannog or island fortalice, probably a refuge of Mac Gille Riabhaich in times of danger. The cave and loch are among the hills, two miles due east from Tournaig, in the parish of Gairloch.
Mac Gille Riabhaich was a notorious freebooter, as well as a warrior of renown. He was at the battle of Flodden Field in 1513. He became a well-known "lifter" of other people's cattle, and is said to have been outlawed. A story is related of him, which is given here not only because it illustrates the reckless lawlessness of the old Highlanders, but because its hero was an inhabitant of Gairloch.
A party of Macdonalds invaded one of the Outer Hebrides, and Mac Gille Riabhaich accompanied them. At that time he was a powerful youth, and always carried a stout oak cudgel. The invaders having exhausted their provisions, landed on an island in a state of hunger. Proceeding to reconnoitre, they soon came unperceived upon a party of the natives gathered round a fire in the open air, over which hung, from three sticks joined at the top, a large pot, in which meat was being stewed. Mac Gille Riabhaich, longing for something to allay the appetites of himself and his hungry comrades, suddenly rushed on the natives, and plied his oak staff with such effect that they fled in all directions. He then seized the pot, and by placing the oak stick through the suspender, swung it over his shoulder, and carried it away with its reeking contents to his companions, regardless of the risk of its burning him. For this daring exploit Mac Gille Riabhaich received the soubriquet of Darach or Darroch, which is Gaelic for an oak.
From him are descended the numerous families of the Darrochs in Jura and Kintyre, of whom is Mr Duncan Darroch, the present proprietor of Torridon. They still wear the Macdonald tartan. An ancestor of the laird of Torridon, also named Duncan Darroch, was the son of a tacksman whose grandfather had come from the north and settled in Jura. The story of Mac Gille Riabhaich is confirmed by the fact, that when this last-named Duncan Darroch, having made a fortune in Jamaica, went to the Heralds Office to matriculate family arms and to prove his right to assume those of Macdonald, the Lyon King at Arms remarked, "We must not lose the memory of the old oak stick and its exploit;" whereupon the arms, still borne by the family, in which the oak is prominent, were granted to "Duncan Darroch, Esquire of Gourock, chief of that ancient name, the patronymic of which is M'Iliriach."
Donald Dubh Mac Gillechriosd Mhic Gille Riabhaich is said to have been a relative of our hero of the oak stick, if indeed he were not the same individual. He lived at Kenlochewe about the same period. When Hector Roy Mackenzie was attacked and brought to terms by his nephew John of Killin, ninth lord of Kintail, the latter surrounded and set fire to Hector Roy's house at Fairburn. John of Killin called on his uncle to surrender and come forth, assuring him of his life. Hector was about to comply, when Donald Dubh, who was one of John of Killin's followers, made for the door with his two-edged sword drawn. Hector Roy, seeing Donald Dubh, called out to his nephew that he would rather be burned in the house than slaughtered by Donald Dubh. John called Donald away and Hector rushed out of the burning pile, whereupon he and his nephew became reconciled. It was agreed that Hector Roy should manage the Kintail estates as tutor to his nephew until the latter came of age. Next day Hector set about arranging the lands of Kenlochewe, which, it will be remembered, had long been part of the Kintail estates. Donald Dubh applied for a set of land. Hector Roy said, "I wonder, Donald, how you can ask land this day that was so forward to kill me yesterday." Donald, in reply, justified his hostility by a reference to the murder of Kenneth Og, eighth laird of Kintail (elder brother of John of Killin), to which Donald Dubh incorrectly supposed Hector Roy had been accessory. Donald had been foster brother of Kenneth Og, and bitterly resented the murder, for which in reality the laird of Buchanan was solely to blame. Hector Roy answered, "Well, Donald, I doubt not, if you had such fosterage to me as you had to that man, you would act the like for me, so you shall have your choice of all the land;" and Donald got it. From this time he was at peace with Hector Roy, and was among the clansmen who accompanied him and John of Killin to the fatal field of Flodden in 1513. Here it was that Donald Dubh at length avenged the death of his foster brother Kenneth Og, the late chief of Kintail. In the retreat of the Scottish army he heard some one near him exclaiming, "Alas, laird! thou hast fallen!" On inquiry he was told it was the laird of Buchanan, who had sunk from loss of blood. The faithful Highlander drew his sword, and saying, "If he has not fallen, he shall fall," made straight to Buchanan, whom he killed on the spot.
Chapter IX.
Hector Roy Mackenzie, First Laird of Gairloch.
Many years ago there lived at Craig of Gairloch an old man named Alastair Mac Iain Mhic Earchair. He was a man of great piety and respectability, and was one of those who devote much of their time to religious exercises, and are called "the men." He is remembered by old people now living. It was in the first quarter of the nineteenth century that early one morning Alastair went out for a load of bog fir for firewood. When he came to the peat moss where the wood was to be found, there suddenly appeared before him a tall fair-haired man attired in the Breacan an fheilidh, or belted plaid; with him were twelve other men similarly dressed; their plaids were all of Mackenzie tartan, and their kilts were formed of part of the plaid pleated and belted round the waist as was the manner in the old days. The fair-haired one, who from his noble bearing was manifestly a chief, inquired, "How fare the Gairloch family?" Alastair replied, "They are well." Then they departed. When they were leaving him, Alastair heard not the sound of their tread nor saw them make a step, but they passed away as if a gust of wind were bending down the tall grass on the hillside. Alastair, to his dying day, declared and believed that he had had a vision of the great chief Hector Roy with his bodyguard of twelve chosen heroes.
This account not only illustrates the reverential pride and affection with which the memory of the famous Hector Roy is regarded by the elder natives of Gairloch, but it also supplies a slight yet graphic sketch of the traditional appearance of the great chief.
We have already learnt ([Part I., chap. iii.]) that Hector was the son of Alexander Mackenzie (known as "the Upright"), sixth lord of Kintail by his second wife. She was the daughter of Macdonald of Clanranald, and Hector Roy himself married a daughter of Ronald MacRanald, the laird of Moidart. Hector was born about 1440, but the date cannot be positively fixed. He was called Ruadh or Roy, from the auburn colour of his hair; he was a tall powerful man, of marvellous physique, a fearless hero, and a redoubtable warrior,—in a word, a typical Highland chieftain.
Many of the old traditions of the Gairloch seannachies have centred in Hector Roy and the deeds of his followers, but in the present generation they are passing out of mind, so that our account of the famous warrior cannot be so complete as it might have been made fifty years ago.
In [Part I., chap. vii.], we have seen the circumstances under which the king gave Hector Roy a commission of fire and sword for the destruction of the M'Leods who were in Gairloch. Hector Roy soon set about the work of extermination, but he was so much occupied in other warfare that it was long before he made much way in Gairloch. Ultimately he received a charter from the crown in 1494, and later a new charter under the great seal dated 8th April 1513, of Gairloch, together with Glasleitire and Coire nan Cuilean in Kintail, in feu and heritage for ever. Notwithstanding these charters, he never himself succeeded in completely ousting the M'Leods from Gairloch.
Hector Roy resided with his father at Kinnellan or Brahan, and afterwards at Fairburn. When in Gairloch he seems to have fortified himself in the Tigh Dige mentioned in [Part I., chap. vii.], but the M'Leods still held the Dun or Castle of Gairloch not far away.
At that time a rock stood at the edge of the shore near the head of the bay of Ceann an t' Sail, or bay of Charlestown as it is now often called; it is the bay where Flowerdale House and the present Gairloch post-office and pier are situated. This rock then projected so far on the shore that the road round it was covered by the sea at high water. When the present road was made, a great part of the rock was removed and the road banked up above the reach of the tide. Before this the projecting rock contained several large recesses. Hector Roy went out one day unattended to reconnoitre the Dun, still occupied by his enemies the M'Leods, possibly thinking to devise a scheme for its capture. The M'Leods observed him, and three of them slipped out of the castle hoping to seize him. Hector, unwilling alone to face three of his foes, ran quickly towards the Tigh Dige. When he came to the rock with its recesses, he threw himself into one of them, with his dirk drawn. As the first pursuer rushed round the rock, Hector slew him with one slash of his dirk, and in an instant threw him into another recess just before the second pursuer came round the rock to meet the same fate, as did the third also, leaving Hector free from a rather awkward position. There is now at this place a small well by the roadside; it was formerly within one of the recesses. This recess was always called "the Gairloch," because it was the means of saving the life of the great chief of Gairloch, and since it has been removed the little well has borne the same title. Many persons in the neighbourhood can point out "the Gairloch," but few are now-a-days acquainted with the story. It was a favourite pastime of the sons of the late Sir Hector Mackenzie, Bart. of Gairloch, when they were boys, about 1815, to re-enact this episode, an iris or "flag" being used to represent the destroying dirk of their renowned ancestor.
During the later years of Alexander the Upright, his eldest son Kenneth Mackenzie, who was known as "Kenneth of the Battle," led the clan in the many contests in which it was engaged. Hector Roy usually assisted his brother Kenneth in warfare. He took a leading part in the celebrated battle of Park, which gave Kenneth his appellation.
It seems that Kenneth of the Battle had married Margaret, daughter of John Macdonald of Islay, who laid claim not only to the lordship of the Isles, but also to the earldom of Ross. One Christmas eve Kenneth imagined himself, with some reason, to have been insulted by Alexander Macdonald, nephew and heir of John of Islay. In revenge for the insult Kenneth sent his wife (whom he did not love) back to Alexander, who was her cousin. The lady was blind of an eye, and she was sent away mounted on a one-eyed pony, accompanied by a one-eyed servant and followed by a one-eyed dog. The result was that John Macdonald of Islay determined on a great expedition to punish the Mackenzies. He mustered his followers in the Isles, and his relatives of Moidart and Ardnamurchan, to the number of three thousand warriors. Kenneth called out the clan Mackenzie, and strongly garrisoned Eileandonain Castle. Macdonald and his nephew Alexander marched to Inverness, reduced the castle there, left a garrison in it, and then plundered the lands of the sheriff of Cromarty. They next marched to Strathconan, ravaged the lands of the Mackenzies, put some of the inhabitants to the sword, and burned Contin church one Sunday morning, together with the aged people, women and children, and the old priest, who were worshipping in the church at the time. Kenneth Mackenzie sent his aged father, Alexander the Upright, from Kinellan, where he was residing, to the Raven's Rock above Strathpeffer, and himself led his men, numbering only six hundred, to the moor still known as Blar na Pairc. The Macdonalds came to the moor to meet him. Between the two forces lay a peat moss, full of deep pits and deceitful bogs. Kenneth had his own brother Duncan, and his half-brother Hector Roy, with him. By the nature of the ground Kenneth perceived that Macdonald could not bring all his forces to the attack at once. He directed his brother Duncan with a body of archers to lie in ambush, whilst he himself advanced across the moss, being able from his knowledge of the place to avoid its dangers. The van of the enemy's army charged furiously, and Kenneth, according to his pre-arranged plan, at once retreated, so that the assailants following him became entangled in the moss. Duncan Mackenzie then opened fire from his ambush on the foe both in flank and rear, slaughtering most of those who had entered the bog. Kenneth now charged with his main body, and Macdonald's forces, thrown into confusion by the stratagem, were after a desperate battle completely routed. Kenneth was attacked by Gillespie, one of Macdonald's lieutenants, and slew him in single combat. Hector Roy, who commanded a division, fought like a lion, and most of the Macdonalds were slain. Those who fled before the victorious Mackenzies rallied on the following morning, to the number of three hundred, but Kenneth pursued them, and they were all killed or taken prisoners. Both Macdonald himself and his heir Alexander were taken prisoners, but Mackenzie released them within six months, on their promising that they would not molest him again, and that they would abandon all claim to the earldom of Ross.
During the battle a great raw ploughboy from Kintail was noticed by Hector Roy going about in an aimless stupid manner. The youth was Donnachadh Mor na Tuaighe, or Big Duncan of the Axe, commonly called Suarachan. He was one of the MacRaes of Kintail; you would have called him in English Duncan MacRae. He received the name of Big Duncan of the Axe because, not having been thought worthy—much to his annoyance—of being properly armed that morning for the battle, his only weapon was a rusty old battleaxe he had picked up. Hector Roy called upon Duncan to take part in the fight. In his chagrin at the contempt with which he had been treated, he replied, "Unless I get a man's esteem, I shall not do a man's work." Hector answered, "Do a man's work, and you will get a man's share." Big Duncan rushed into the battle, quickly killed a man, drew the body aside, and coolly sat upon it. Hector Roy noticed this extraordinary proceeding, and asked him why he was not engaged with his comrades. Big Duncan answered, "If I only get one man's due, I shall only do one man's work; I have killed my man." Hector told him to do two men's work and he would get two men's reward. Big Duncan went again into the fight, killed another man, pulled the body away, placed it on the top of the first, and sat upon the two. Hector Roy saw him again, and said, "Duncan, how is this; you idle, and I in sore distress?" Big Duncan replied, "You promised me two men's share, and I killed two men." Hector quickly answered, "I would not be reckoning with you." On this Big Duncan instantly arose with his great battleaxe, and shouted, "The man that would not be reckoning with me, I would not be reckoning with him." He rushed into the thickest of the battle, where he mowed down the enemy like grass, so that that mighty chief Maclean of Lochbuy determined to check his murderous career. The heroes met in deadly strife; for some time Maclean, being a very powerful man clad in mail, escaped the terrible axe, but at last Duncan, with one fell swoop, severed his enemy's head from his body. Big Duncan accompanied his chief in the pursuit of the fugitives next day. That night when the triumphant chief, Kenneth of the Battle, sat at supper he missed Big Duncan, and said to the company, "I am more vexed for want of my great sgalag (ploughman) this night than any satisfaction I had of the day." One of the others said, "I thought I saw him following some men [of the enemy] that ran up a burn." He had scarcely finished speaking when Big Duncan entered, with four heads bound in a woodie (a sort of rope made of twisted twigs and bark of birch trees), and threw them before the chief; "Tell me now," says he, "if I have not earned my supper."
In 1488, as his father Alexander the Upright lay on his deathbed, Hector Roy led five hundred of his clan in the battle of Sauchieburn, near Stirling, in support of King James III. Later on Hector submitted to King James IV., who is said to have granted Gairloch to him, and to have given him Glasleitire in Kintail and other estates. This may have been prior to the crown charter of Gairloch already mentioned as dated 1494.
Alexander the Upright died in 1488, and Kenneth of the Battle only survived his father three years. On his death Kenneth Og, his eldest and only son by his first wife, became entitled to the lordship of Kintail, but was murdered in 1497 through the treachery of the laird of Buchanan, avenged long after by Donald Dubh, as related in the last chapter. The next heir was John Mackenzie, commonly called John of Killin, who was the eldest son of Kenneth of the Battle, by his second wife, a daughter of Lord Lovat. It was a question whether this marriage was regular; but in 1491 the pope legitimised the marriage. On the death of Kenneth Og, Hector Roy, notwithstanding the pope's decree, declared his nephew John of Killin to be illegitimate, and took possession of the Kintail estates for himself, the whole clan, with whom he was a great favourite, willingly submitting to his rule. During this period occurred the battle of Druim a chait, in which Hector Roy, with only one hundred and forty men, completely routed seven hundred of the Munros, Dingwalls, and Maccullochs, under Sir William Munro of Fowlis, at a place on the south side of the hill called Knock-farrel, between Dingwall and Strathpeffer. Sir William was lieutenant of James Stewart, second son of King James III., who had been created Duke of Ross. Munro, instigated by Lord Lovat, grandfather of John of Killin, determined to punish Hector Roy for his contumacy in holding Kintail. Hector having only time to gather seven score men, resolved to make up for his numerical inferiority by a stratagem. He lay in ambush on Knock-farrel, and as Munro returned in the gloaming from plundering Hector's house at Kinellan, Hector Roy and his men suddenly attacked the triumphant foe. Munro's seven hundred men were not expecting any danger, as they believed Hector Roy had fled the country, hence they were marching carelessly and out of order. Hector's sudden onslaught in the dusk threw them into confusion, and the rout became so general that the Mackenzies slew all the Dingwalls and Maccullochs, and most of the Munros. Hector Roy's men were armed with axes and two edged-swords. The slaughter, on the first charge, was terrific; no fewer than nineteen heads rolled into the well, still called Tobar nan Ceann, or "the fountain of the heads." Our old friend Big Duncan of the Axe was there, and, by the side of his fierce chief Hector Roy, performed prodigies of valour. Duncan pursued one of the enemy to the church of Dingwall; as he was entering the door Big Duncan caught him by the arm, when the man exclaimed, "My sanctuary saves me!" "Aye," replied Duncan, "but what a man puts in the sanctuary against his will he can take out again." So he pushed him back from the door and slew him. It would seem as if Big Duncan had joined Hector Roy that day unexpectedly, for tradition says that when, after the fight, Hector and his men sat down to take food, they only had one bannock for each man, and there was none for Big Duncan; but every man gave him a mouthful, and in that way he got the largest share,—seven score mouthfuls, from which circumstance we gather that Hector Roy lost not a single man in this sanguinary affray, though hundreds of the foe were slain.
In 1499 a royal warrant was issued to the Mackintosh to put down and punish Hector Roy, who had become obnoxious to the government, as a disturber of the public peace. He was outlawed; a reward was offered for his capture, and MacCailean, Earl of Argyle, was appointed to receive his rents and account for them to the crown. A period of anarchy and disorder ensued. Hector, with his faithful bodyguard, took refuge in the hills, and MacCailean came down to gather the rents. The Caithness men, who at that time made frequent raids on Ross-shire, determined to destroy MacCailean and his force. When MacCailean looked out one morning the Caithness men were gathering above him, but he said to his followers, "I am seeing a big man above the Caithness men, and twelve men with him, and he makes me more afraid than the Caithness men all together." MacCailean and his men determined to cut through the Caithness men. When the combat began, Hector Roy and his twelve warriors came down and also attacked the Caithness men; few of them escaped. After the battle, Hector Roy and MacCailean went to speak to each other. MacCailean asked what he could do for Hector, who replied, "It's yourself that knows best." On this MacCailean bade him go to Edinburgh at such a time, and said he would meet him there. Hector Roy went to Edinburgh and saw MacCailean, who told him to be in a certain place on such a day, and, when he should see MacCailean and the king walking together, to approach them and kneel before the king. MacCailean said the king would then lay hold of him by the hand to take him up, and Hector was to make the king remember that he had laid hold of him. Before this MacCailean and the king were talking together about Hector Roy; the king said Hector was a wild brave man, and it was impossible to lay hold of him. MacCailean replied, "If you will grant my request, I will give you hold of his hand." To this the king agreed. On the day fixed Hector Roy came to where the king and MacCailean were walking together, and kneeled before the king. The king took his hand to raise him up, when Hector Roy gave him such a grasp that the blood came out at the points of the king's fingers. "Why did you not keep him?" said MacCailean, as Hector Roy turned away. "There is no man in the kingdom would hold that man," replied the king. Said MacCailean, "That is Hector Roy, and I must now get my request." "What is it?" asked the king. "That Hector Roy should be pardoned." The king granted the pardon, and took a great liking to Hector Roy for his strength and bravery.
In our last chapter is a reference to the attack made on Hector Roy by his nephew John of Killin, ninth lord of Kintail, and to Hector's surrender to the latter. John of Killin, who had now grown up a fine strong young man, had determined to compel his uncle to recognise his rights as the legitimate heir of Kintail. By a stratagem he put Hector Roy off his guard, and then surrounded and set fire to the house at Fairburn where he was stopping. Hector was compelled to capitulate. He was allowed to continue the management of the Kintail possessions during the remainder of his nephew's minority, and he himself retained Gairloch and Glasleitire in Kintail, besides other estates, as his own property. This was about 1507.
GAIRLOCH FROM STRATH.
Hector Roy now again set about the work of driving the M'Leods from Gairloch, and a long struggle ensued. He was greatly assisted by Big Duncan of the Axe, who had become the father of a son of like valour named Dugal. They, with ten other MacRaes of Kintail, were ready to attend upon Hector whenever he desired their aid; these twelve MacRaes seem to have acted as Hector Roy's bodyguard; most likely they all settled in Gairloch. The greatest defeat Hector ever gave to the M'Leods was at Beallach Glasleathaid, near Kintail, where most of them were taken or killed. Big Duncan of course took part in this victory, and on being told that four men were at once attacking his son Dugal, he answered, "If he be my son, there is no risk in that." Dugal MacRae killed those four M'Leods, and came off himself without serious wounds.
After the fight at Beallach Glasleathaid, and several other skirmishes, the M'Leods were content to allow Hector Roy two-thirds of Gairloch, retaining the other third, which included the parts to the east and south-east of the Crasg, a hill to the west of the old churchyard of Gairloch, and between the present Free and Established churches. Thus the only strongholds left to the M'Leods in Gairloch were the Dun or Castle of Gairloch, and the Uamh nam Freiceadain, mentioned in [Part I., chap. vii].
In 1513 Hector Roy, in response to a summons from King James IV., gathered his Gairloch warriors, and with them joined his nephew John of Killin, and the main body of the clan Mackenzie, in the war with England. They fought on the disastrous field of Flodden, and many of the clan perished with their king. The two chiefs of the Mackenzies were not among the slain; John of Killin was made prisoner, but escaped; Hector also made his way home in safety.
In 1517 John Duke of Albany, Regent, appointed "Colin, Earl of Ergile," lieutenant of the Isles and other lands, including Gairloch, for three years or more at the Regent's pleasure, for the purpose of establishing peace among the inhabitants. From this commission it may be inferred how troublous the Highlands then were.
Hector Roy had four sons and three daughters by his marriage with Anne Macdonald. He had also a son called Iain Beg, who, according to some authorities, was illegitimate.
The great warrior chief of Gairloch died in 1528, and some say was buried in the churchyard of Gairloch. If he was born as seems likely about 1440, he must have attained nearly ninety years of age. A large number of families trace their ancestry to him; they are known as Clan Eachainn, a name that signifies that they are the seed of Hector Roy.
Chapter X.
John Glassich Mackenzie and his Sons.
There is little but trouble and misfortune to be recorded as regards the immediate successors of the great Hector Roy. His eldest son, Iain Glassich, was a minor at the time of his father's death, having been born about 1513. As a boy he was brought up in the house of Chisholm of Strathglass, whence his name of Glassich. On coming of age, he was served heir to his father of the lands of Gairloch, and the grazings of Glasleitire and Coire nan Cuilean in Kintail. We know nothing of his personal appearance.
Soon after John Glassich Mackenzie came of age, he endeavoured to upset the arrangement his father Hector Roy had made with John of Killin, ninth lord of Kintail, and a desperate feud ensued. In 1544 he was compelled to enter into a bond undertaking to keep the peace, and promising obedience to his cousin Kenneth, the tenth lord of Kintail. Notwithstanding this bond, he seems to have still persevered in his claims, which, as some say, extended to the whole of the Kintail estates.
In 1547 John Glassich refused to join the royal standard, and upon this his estates were forfeited to the crown; but though this forfeiture was never reversed, it does not appear to have affected the succession. The escheat was granted to the earl of Sutherland, but it is not likely that he was able to act upon the grant in such a wild inaccessible country as Gairloch then was.
In 1550 Kenneth, lord of Kintail, still suspicious of the intentions of John Glassich, sent for him to Brahan, where he came with only one attendant, Iain Gearr, probably one of the MacRaes who had settled in Gairloch. Kenneth, after charging John Glassich with designs against him, caused him to be apprehended. Seeing this, Iain Gearr drew his two-handed sword and made a fierce stroke at the lord of Kintail, who sat at the head of the table, and whose skull would have been cloven asunder had he not ducked his head under the table. Iain Gearr was instantly seized by Mackenzie's men, who threatened to slay him on the spot, but the chief, admiring his fidelity, strictly charged them not to touch him. When Iain Gearr was asked why he had struck at the lord himself, instead of at those who had seized his master, he boldly replied, "I see no one else whose life is worth that of my own chief." The sword made a deep gash in the table, and the mark remained until Colin, first earl of Seaforth, had the piece cut out, saying that he "loved no such remembrance of the quarrels of his relations."
John Glassich was removed to Eileandonain Castle, where they say his death was occasioned by poison administered to him in a mess of milk soup, prepared by the wife of MacCalman, a clergyman, and deputy-constable of the fort. His body was sent to the people of Strathglass, who buried him in Beauly priory, where the Gairloch baronets are interred in the present day.
It was in the days of John Glassich that Donald Gorm of Sleat, in Skye, made an expedition against Kintail, taking advantage of the absence of Mackenzie of Kintail. The latter had opposed the pretensions of Donald Gorm to the earldom of Ross. In the month of May 1539 Donald Gorm crossed over to the mainland. He first came to Kenlochewe, which, though part of Gairloch in the present day, still belonged at that time to the lord of Kintail. Here the Macdonalds destroyed all before them, and killed Miles, or Maolmuire, son of Fionnla Dubh MacGillechriosd MacRae, at that time governor of Eileandonain Castle. The remains of a monument erected on the spot where Maolmuire MacRae was killed were to be seen in 1704. Donald Gorm was himself killed soon afterwards, when attacking Eileandonain Castle, by a barbed arrow fired at him by a nephew of Maolmuire MacRae.
During the feeble rule of John Glassich the M'Leods strove to regain Gairloch, but were kept in check by the clansmen, including some of the valiant MacRaes.
John Glassich married Agnes, daughter of James Fraser of Foyness, and had three sons, viz., Hector, Alexander, and John, known as John Roy Mackenzie.
Hector, the eldest son of John Glassich, succeeded his father. During his minority the estates were given in ward to John, fourth of the Stewart earls of Athole. Hector came of age in 1563. His death occurred, probably by violence, in September 1566.
His brother Alexander, called Alastair Roy, second son of John Glassich, then succeeded to Gairloch, but as he did not make up his title he is not reckoned as one of the lairds of Gairloch. He and his brother Hector are said to have lived in Eilean Suainne, on Loch Maree. His death (without issue) took place within a few weeks of his brother's decease, and probably from the same cause. Some say that these two young men were slain at the instigation of their relatives of Kintail; but it seems quite as probable that their deaths were due to the M'Leods, who still held one-third of Gairloch. Alastair Roy married a daughter of John MacGillechallum M'Leod, laird of Raasay, by his marriage with Janet, daughter of Mackenzie of Kintail.
The Gairloch family have thus been under a cloud since the death of the great Hector Roy; but John Roy, the youngest son of John Glassich, saw brighter days. The story of his long and prosperous life will form the subject of our next chapter.
Chapter XI.
John Roy Mackenzie.
Iain Ruadh Macchoinnich, or John Roy Mackenzie, third son of John Glassich, and grandson of the great Hector Roy, was a minor when his brothers died in 1566, and his lands were in 1567 given in ward by Queen Mary to John Banerman of Cardenye.
John Roy became one of the most renowned of the old chiefs of Gairloch; he was in fact second only in fame to his celebrated grandfather, whom he closely resembled in appearance and physique. He is one of the most prominent figures in the old traditions of Gairloch, though there are no stories extant of his personal prowess in warfare.
He was born in 1548, but two years before his father was poisoned at Eileandonain. On this event his mother, Agnes Fraser, fled with John Roy to her own relatives, and she concealed him as best she could, putting him, it is said, every night under a brewing kettle. His mother afterwards became the wife of the laird of Mackay in Sutherlandshire, and John Roy then spent some time in hiding on his patrimonial estate of Glasleitire in Kintail, under the faithful guardianship of Iain Liath, one of the MacRae heroes. It is said he was afterwards concealed by the lairds of Moidart and of Farr.
John Roy grew up a tall, brave, and handsome young Highlander. When he could carry arms and wear the belted plaid, he went to the Mackay country to visit his mother. None but his mother knew him, and neither she nor he made known who he was. In those days any stranger who came to a house was not asked who he was until he had been there a year and a day. John Roy lived in the servants' end of the house, and slept and fed with them. Mackay had two rare dogs, called Cu-dubh and Faoileag, and they became greatly attached to John Roy, so that they would follow no one else. Near the end of the year Mackay told his wife that he suspected the stranger was a gentleman's son. Her tears revealed the truth. John Roy was then kindly received at the table of the laird, who asked him what he could do for him. John Roy begged that Mackay would give him a bodyguard consisting of the twelve of his men whom he might choose, and the two dogs Cu-dubh and Faoileag. He got these, and they went away to Glas Leitire in Kintail, taking with them an anker of whisky. Arriving there John Roy placed his twelve men in concealment, and went himself to the house of Iain Liath Macrae. It was the early morning, and the old wife was spinning on the distaff. She looked out, and saw a man there. She called to Iain Liath, who was still lying down, "There is a man out yonder sitting on a creel, and I never saw two knees in my life more like John Roy's two knees." Iain Liath got up, went to the door, and called out "Is that you John?" John Roy answered that it was. "Have you any with you?" "Yes, I have twelve men." "Fetch them," said Iain Liath. He killed the second bull, and feasted them all. Then he told John Roy that Mackenzie of Kintail was coming that very day to hunt on the Glas Leitire hills of his (John Roy's) fathers. John Roy, with his twelve men and Iain Liath, went to the hill, taking the whisky with them. Mackenzie arrived to hunt the deer, and when he saw John Roy and his men, he sent a fair-haired lad to inquire who they were. John Roy bade the boy sit down, and gave him whisky. Whenever he rose to go, more whisky was offered, and he was nothing loath to take it. Mackenzie, thinking the lad was long in returning, sent another boy, who was treated in the same way. Mackenzie then saw that John Roy had returned, so he went back with his followers to Brahan, and John Roy was not further molested by the lords of Kintail.
John Roy came back with Iain Liath to his house, when the latter told him that he had Hector Roy's chest with the title-deeds of Gairloch, and that John Roy must claim the estate. Iain Liath took all his belongings, and accompanied John Roy and his twelve men to Gairloch. They came to Beallach a Chomhla, at the side of Bathais [Bus] Bheinn. Coming down the mountain they found a good well, and there they rested and left the women and the cattle. The well is called to this day "Iain Liath's well." They met people who informed them that Iain Dubh Mac Ruaridh M'Leod, or Black John the son of Rorie M'Leod, who was governor of the old castle of the Dun, was accustomed to walk every day across the big sand and to lie on the top of the Crasg to spy the country. The party went to the Crasg, and Iain Liath told Iain Dubh Mac Ruaridh M'Leod, whom they met there, that unless he left the castle before that night he would lose his head. M'Leod took the hint, and sailed away in his birlinn with all his valuables, except one chest containing old title-deeds, which came into John Roy's possession along with the castle.
It is said that after this John Roy had the resolution to wait on Colin Cam Mackenzie, lord of Kintail, who established him in all his lands. John Roy came of age about 1569, but it was not until 1606 that he received a charter erecting Gairloch into a free barony.
How John Roy came to revenge the assassination at the hands of Ruaridh MacAllan M'Leod of Gairloch, of the sons of Mac Ghille Challum of Raasay, and how this led to John Roy obtaining possession of the third part of Gairloch, which had been retained by the M'Leods since Hector Roy's time, will be related in our next chapter. John Roy had a long feud with the M'Leods, and it seems to have been nearly the end of the sixteenth century before they were finally expelled from Gairloch. In the latter part of this struggle John Roy was much assisted by his twelve valiant sons, several of whom, as will be seen, also figured in struggles with the M'Leods after they had abandoned Gairloch.
John Roy was twice married. By his first wife, Elizabeth, daughter of Angus Macdonald of Glengarry, he had eleven children. By his second wife, Isabel, daughter of Murdo Mackenzie of Fairburn, he had five children. Besides these he had several illegitimate children. The recorded pedigrees give the names of only eleven sons; but tradition says that, as John Roy's family grew up, his bodyguard of twelve chosen warriors was composed solely of his own sons.
The northern lairds, like the nobility further south, profited by the alienation of church property which followed the Reformation. The rectory and vicarage of Gairloch was vacant for some years, and in 1584 we find John Roy dealing with the tiends or tithes. Disputes ensued, and ultimately John Roy seems to have abandoned his claim.
The ironworks at Letterewe were commenced about 1607 by Sir George Hay; they were on the property of Lord Mackenzie of Kintail. The iron-smelting furnace at Talladale was most likely established by Sir George Hay about the same time. No doubt woods on John Roy's Gairloch estate were cut down to provide charcoal for smelting, and if so John Roy must have derived pecuniary benefit from the Talladale ironworks, but there is no record to confirm this conjecture.
John Roy resided in Eilean Ruaridh, on Loch Maree. There are two islands of the name, distinguished as big and little; they almost adjoin. It was in the little island that John Roy dwelt, in the house where formerly Ruaridh M'Leod had lived. John Roy enlarged and improved the house, and made it his Gairloch home. Some remains of the house and adjoining garden are still to be seen.
It was early in 1609 that John Roy paid a visit to the laird of Mackay in Sutherlandshire. On his return journey the laird of Mackay escorted him as far as the Meikle Ferry, on the Kyle of Sutherland. When the party arrived at the ferry, the groom of a gentleman, who was also about to cross, endeavoured to keep possession of the boat. Amongst the attendants of the laird of Mackay was his youthful piper, named Roderick Mackay, a fine lad of seventeen summers. The groom placed his hand on the boat to hold it until his master should come up. The hot-headed young piper drew his dirk and cut off the groom's hand. The laird of Mackay said, "Rorie, I cannot keep you longer; you must leave the country." John Roy Mackenzie said to the piper, "Will you come with me, Rorie?" The piper lad was only too glad to accept this invitation, and his master, who had a great liking for the handsome and talented boy, was quite willing that he should go with John Roy, who sent Hugh Mackenzie of Gairloch, his gamekeeper, to the laird of Mackay in exchange for the piper. The descendants of Hugh Mackenzie still dwell in Sutherlandshire, where it is remembered how their ancestor came from Gairloch. Donald Mor Mackay, an elder brother of Rorie the piper, spent a number of years in Gairloch, and assisted his brother in the office of piper.
In the following winter—probably early in 1610—Kenneth, Lord Mackenzie of Kintail (son of Colin Cam), who had lately obtained a charter to the Lews, and had been raised to the peerage, returning from his new possessions, landed at Torridon on his way home to Brahan. His lordship sent a messenger to John Roy Mackenzie, desiring him to meet him at Torridon. John Roy's growing power had revived the old jealousy of the Kintail family, and Lord Mackenzie had determined to slay him. John Roy's sons strongly dissuaded their father from going to Torridon, fearing that he might share the fate of his father, but he determined to go, and to go alone. He requested his sons to follow him, and to keep watch, but to do nothing until the morning of the following day. Towards evening John Roy arrived at Torridon, and was hospitably received by Lord Mackenzie. He and his men were drinking and making merry far into the long winter night. At last they resolved to retire to sleep. It was in a barn where their couches of heather were prepared. John Roy would not lie down except on the same bed as Lord Mackenzie. He lay quite still as if asleep. After a while a man came in, with his dirk drawn, and asked Lord Mackenzie if he should stab John Roy. Lord Mackenzie replied, "No, you shall not befoul my bed; let be until daylight." At daybreak a man came hurriedly into the barn, and told his lordship that there were twelve big men and a piper on the Ploc of Torridon, putting the stone and playing other Highland games, and that one who seemed to be the chief of them was so tall that he had the head above the whole of them. Lord Mackenzie got up and went out in some alarm. No one knew who the men were, until Lord Mackenzie asked John Roy. John Roy said, "They are only my boys come to see if I got safe over the hill." It was a hard winter, and the snow was deep on the mountains. Lord Mackenzie then told John Roy that he had been thinking to do him harm. John Roy said, "If you had had the supper you intended, you would have had a dirty breakfast." When the young men saw their father they told the piper to play; they came up to where their father was and took him away with them. They went over the shoulder of Liathgach, and the piper played all the way to the top of the hill without a halt. Then they made their way homewards, and reached their house in Eilean Ruaridh without mishap. The man who was a head taller than any of the others was Alastair Breac, second son of John Roy, and his successor in Gairloch. The piper was Donald Mor Mackay, brother of John Roy's piper Rorie.
GLEN GRUDIDH FROM LOCH MAREE.
The terrible feud between the Glengarry Macdonalds and the Mackenzies of Kintail came to a head during John Roy's life. He was not involved in the warfare, and it is unnecessary to give any account of it in these pages. During its blood-stained progress Alexander MacGorrie and Ranald MacRory, allies of Glengarry, made an incursion to the district of Kenlochewe, and there meeting some women and children who had fled from Lochcarron with their cattle, attacked them unexpectedly, killed many of the defenceless women and all the male children, and killed and took away many of the cattle, houghing all they were unable to carry along with them. At this time Kenlochewe seems to have still formed part of the Kintail possessions.
Later on we find that the lord of Kintail was staying on a visit with John Roy at his house in Eilean Ruaridh in Loch Maree. There is some confusion or obscurity in the dates, but it seems certain that this visit was after the incident at Torridon; it shows that the enmity between the Kintail and Gairloch Mackenzies was now at an end, and we hear no more of it.
When the M'Leods were finally expelled from Gairloch, and all the fights to be recorded in our next chapter were over, John Roy applied to the crown for a "remission" for himself and his sons for their lawless conduct during the struggle, and this was granted by King James VI. on 2d April 1614, in a document now in the Gairloch charter-chest, which gives John Roy and his sons credit for "much and good benefit to His Majesty's distressed subjects."
John Roy acquired some properties in the part of Ross-shire, towards the east coast, partly in right of his mother and partly by purchase. He built the first three storeys of the tower of Kinkell, and no doubt himself resided there at times. He was a shrewd and prudent chief, frank and hospitable, and (notwithstanding his necessarily imperfect education) a good man of business. He greatly furthered the interests of his people and of his own large family.
He died at Talladale in 1628, in his eightieth year, and was buried in the chapel his son Alastair Breac had erected in the old churchyard of Gairloch.
Chapter XII.
Expulsion of the M'Leods from Gairloch.
The stories of the various contests, extending over more than a century, during which the M'Leods were gradually expelled from Gairloch, fill a large page in the traditional history of the parish.
We have seen how Allan M'Leod, laird of Gairloch, was assassinated (along with his two little boys) by his jealous brothers, and how this led to the commission of fire and sword being granted by the king about the year 1480, directing Hector Roy Mackenzie to exterminate the Gairloch M'Leods. It must have been in Hector Roy's time that Ruaridh M'Leod was driven from the island in Loch Maree which bears his name, for we find that before Hector Roy's death, and after the fight at Beallach Glasleathaid and other skirmishes, the M'Leods were restricted to one-third of Gairloch, being the parts to the east and south-east of the hill called the Crasg, so that they must from that time have only retained the two strongholds known as the Dun of Gairloch and the Uamh nam Freiceadain ([Part I., chaps. vii]. and [ix].).
The following incident seems to have occurred during the struggles in which Hector Roy took part, and before the M'Leods had been ousted from the islands of Loch Maree.
At this time a Mackenzie, known as Murchadh Riabhach na Chuirce, or Brindled Murdo of the Bowie-knife, lived at Letterewe. The M'Leods still held the fortalice or crannog called Eilean Grudidh, in Loch Maree, about a mile distant from Letterewe. One of these M'Leods, named MacIain Dhuibh, or Black John's son, crossed over one day in his boat to the house of Brindled Murdo at Letterewe, when the latter was away on an expedition among the hills. Only the women had stayed at home, and M'Leod is charged with a foul deed. He remained at Letterewe over night. Next day Brindled Murdo returned home, and finding what had happened, attacked M'Leod, who, becoming disabled, fled up the hills behind Letterewe. Seeing that Murdo was outrunning him, and knowing that his end had come, M'Leod stopped, and, as his pursuer approached, entreated that he might die in sight of his beloved Loch Maree. Brindled Murdo of the Bowie-knife refused his petition, and slew him where he stood, and there they buried him. The place is called to this day Feith Mhic Iain Dhuibh, i.e. "the bog of Black John's son." On the [six-inch ordnance map] it is called Glac Mhic Iain Dhuibh, or "the dell of Black John's son."
During the time of John Glassich Mackenzie and his two elder sons, there are no records of the warfare with the M'Leods. It seems possible that both Hector and Alastair Roy, sons of John Glassich, were slain by M'Leods of Gairloch, though some suppose that their deaths were the result of the continued hostility of their relatives of Kintail.
About the time that John Roy Mackenzie, youngest son of John Glassich, came to Gairloch, Ruaridh MacAllan M'Leod, head of the M'Leods of Gairloch, who had the soubriquet of Nimhneach, or "venomous," committed a fearful crime. It will be remembered that John Roy's deceased brother, Alastair Roy, had married the daughter of Iain MacGhille Challum M'Leod, laird of Raasay (called Iain na Tuaighe, or John of the Axe), by his marriage with Janet, daughter of John Mackenzie, lord of Kintail. Iain MacGhille Challum had given great offence to his clan, the Siol Mhic Ghille Challum, by marrying his daughter to a Gairloch Mackenzie. After the death of Janet Mackenzie, his first wife, Iain MacGhille Challum had married a sister of his relative, the before-named Ruaridh MacAllan M'Leod. There were sons by both marriages. Ruaridh MacAllan, taking advantage of the discontent of the Siol Mhic Ghille Challum, plotted the destruction of MacGhille Challum and his sons by his first marriage, hoping that his own nephew, the eldest son of MacGhille Challum's second marriage, would then inherit Raasay. Ruaridh MacAllan induced MacGhille Challum, and his sons by the first marriage, to meet him at the island of Isay, in Waternish, on the pretence that he desired to consult them on matters of importance. After entertaining them at a feast he retired to another room, and then caused them to be summoned singly to his presence. As each came forward he was assassinated. The eldest son of the second marriage, then a young boy, who was in an inner apartment, hearing the dying screams of one of his half-brothers, called out in an agony, "That's my brother's cry!" "Never mind," said the ruthless Ruaridh MacAllan, "his screams will make you laird of Raasay." Donald Gregory, in his history, says that the Mackenzies of Gairloch pursued Ruaridh Mac Allan, in revenge for the murder of Iain Mac Ghille Challum's sons, whose mother had been Janet Mackenzie, and whose sister had been the wife of John Roy's brother. At this time there was a great feud between Ruaridh M'Leod of the Lews, assisted by Neil Angusson M'Leod of Assynt and by the blood-stained Ruaridh Mac Allan of Gairloch on the one hand, and Colin Mackenzie, lord of Kintail (assisted by other chiefs), fighting on behalf of his cousin Torquil Connanach M'Leod, on the other hand. It is unnecessary in these pages to state the origin and course of this dispute. Donald Gregory tells us that John Roy Mackenzie, impelled no doubt by the motive of revenge already mentioned, was most active on the side of his relative of Kintail. In June 1569 the Regent Murray and his council sat at Inverness, and put a stop for the time being to the feud so far as the leaders were concerned, but their intervention did not make an end of John Roy's vengeful proceedings against Ruaridh Mac Allan M'Leod of Gairloch. The warfare between these chieftains is said to have been long and fierce. Ultimately Ruaridh Mac Allan was slain—probably shot—by the great MacRae archer, Domhnull Odhar Mac Iain Leith, of whom more anon. It seems to have been nearly the end of the sixteenth century before John Roy finally expelled the M'Leods from Gairloch. They had long since abandoned the Dun of Gairloch, and were now driven from the Uamh nam Freiceadain, their last stronghold in the parish.
The savage nature of this prolonged struggle is illustrated by the tradition, that a number of M'Leods were hung on gallows erected on a hillock a little to the north of the Free Church at Kenlochewe. The hillock is called to this day Cnoc a Chrochadair, or "the hangman's hillock." They say that Domhnull Odhar took part in the capture of the M'Leods who were executed here.
It was after the expulsion of the M'Leods that the affair of Leac nan Saighead occurred. Many of the M'Leods who had been driven from Gairloch had settled in Skye. A number of young men of the clan were invited by their chief to pass Hogmanay night in his castle at Dunvegan. There was a large gathering. In the kitchen there was an old woman, who was always occupied in carding wool. She was known as Mor Ban, or Fair Sarah, and was supposed to be a witch. After dinner was over at night the men began to drink, and when they had passed some time thus they sent into the kitchen for the Mor Ban. She came, and sat down in the hall with the men. She drank one or two glasses, and then she said it was a poor thing for the M'Leods to be deprived of their own lands in Gairloch and to live in comparative poverty in Skye. "But," says she, addressing the whole party, "prepare yourselves and start to-morrow for Gairloch, sail in the black birlinn, and you shall regain Gairloch. I shall be a witness of your success when you return." The men being young, and not over-burdened with wisdom, believed her, because they thought she had the power of divination. They set sail in the morning for Gairloch, and the black galley was full of the M'Leods. It was evening when they came into the loch, and they dare not risk landing on the mainland, for they remembered that the descendants of Domhnull Greannach (a great Macrae) were still there, and they knew their prowess only too well. They therefore turned to the south side of the loch, and fastened their birlinn to Fraoch Eilean, in the shelter opposite Leac-nan-Saighead, between Shieldaig and Badachro. They decided to wait there till morning, then disembark and walk round the head of the loch. But all the movements of the M'Leods had been well watched. Domhnull Odhar MacIain Leith and his brother Iain Odhar MacIain Leith, the celebrated Macrae archers (sons of Iain Liath, mentioned in [Part I., chap. xi].) knew the birlinn of the M'Leods, and they determined to oppose their landing. They walked round by Shieldaig and posted themselves before daylight at the back of the Leac, a protecting rock overlooking Fraoch Eilean. The steps on which they stood at the back of the rock are still pointed out. Donald Odhar, being a short man, took the higher of the two steps, and Iain the other. Standing on these steps they crouched down in the shelter of the rock, whence they commanded a full view of the island on which the M'Leods were lying here and there, while the Macrae heroes were invisible from the island. They were both celebrated shots, and had their bows and arrows with them. As soon as the day dawned they opened fire on the M'Leods; a number of them were killed before their comrades were even aware of the direction whence the fatal arrows came. The M'Leods endeavoured to answer the fire, but not being able to see their foes, their arrows took no effect. In the heat of the fight one of the M'Leods climbed the mast of the birlinn, for a better sight of the position of the foe. Iain Odhar took his deadly aim at him when near the top of the mast. The shaft pierced his body and pinned him to the mast. "Oh," says Donald, "you have sent a pin through his broth." So the slaughter continued, and the remnant of the M'Leods hurried into the birlinn. They cut the rope and turned her head seawards, and by this time only two of them were left alive. So great was their hurry to escape that they left all the bodies of their slain companions on the island. The rumour of the arrival of the M'Leods had spread during the night, and other warriors, such as Fionnla Dubh na Saighead and Fear Shieldaig, were soon at the scene of action, but all they had to do was to assist in the burial of the dead M'Leods. Pits were dug, into each of which a number of the dead bodies were thrown, and mounds were raised over them, which remain to this day as any one may see. The name Leac-nan-Saighead means "the flat stone of the arrows."
Donald Odhar is credited with a similar feat to that performed by his brother Iain at Leac-nan-Saighead. It was probably before the affair at that place that a birlinn, manned by M'Leods, came in to the bay, now called the Bay of Charlestown, to reconnoitre Gairloch. Donald Odhar was on the hill behind Flowerdale, called Craig a Chait, and as usual carried his bow and arrows. He saw the Macleods enter the bay; one of them climbed the mast of the vessel for a better view, when Donald Odhar, taking advantage of the comparatively distinct mark thus presented, let fly an arrow with unerring aim, and pinned the unfortunate M'Leod to the mast. The distance traversed by the arrow cannot have been less than half a mile.
Fionnla Dubh na Saighead was a relative of Donald Odhar and Iain Odhar, and was also of the Macraes of Kintail. Finlay usually lived at Melvaig. As a marksman he was on a par with Donald Odhar. In his day young M'Leod, laird of Assynt, came to Gairloch in his birlinn to ask for a daughter of John Roy in marriage. He was refused, and set off northwards on his return voyage in his birlinn, which was manned with sixteen oars. They rowed quite close to the land round Rudha Reidh, the furthest out headland of the North point; Rudha Reidh was then known as Seann Rudha, a name which is still sometimes given to it. Fionnla Dubh na Saighead sat on a rock as the birlinn passed. He called out, "Whence came the heroes?" They replied, "We came from Gairloch." "What were you doing there?" said Finlay. "We were asking in marriage the daughter of Mackenzie of Gairloch for this young gentleman." "Did you get her?" said Finlay. They replied, "Oh, no." Finlay dismissed them with a contemptuous gesture and an insulting expression. They passed on their way without molesting him, because they had no arms with them. Young M'Leod brooded over the insult he had received from Finlay Macrae, who was well known to him by repute. He soon returned with his sixteen-oared birlinn, manned by the choicest warriors of Assynt, to take vengeance on Finlay, who noticed the galley and guessed who were its occupants. He called for one Chisholm, his brother-in-arms, and the two of them proceeded to a leac, or flat stone, close to the edge of the low cliff about a mile north of Melvaig; the leac is still pointed out. They reached this place before the Macleods could effect a landing. On the way the Chisholm said to Finlay, "You must leave all the speaking to me." As the birlinn drew near Chisholm called out, "What do you want?" "We want Fionnla Dubh na Saighead." "You won't get him, or thanks," said Chisholm; "go away in peace." The M'Leods began to threaten them. "If that is the way," said Chisholm, "let every man look out for himself." The contest (cath) began. Finlay and Chisholm were well sheltered at the back of the leac. A number of the M'Leods were killed by the arrows of the two heroes on shore, whilst they themselves remained uninjured. The M'Leods, finding their losses so severe, soon thought that discretion was the better part of valour, and, turning their birlinn northwards, departed for their own country. They never again molested Finlay.
There is an elevated place on the north point of Gairloch, called Bac an Leth-choin, or "the hillock of the cross-bred dog." About mile to the east, and much lower, is a ridge called Druim Carn Neill, or the "ridge of the cairn of Neil." Fionnla Dubh na Saighead one day spied a man named Neil M'Leod near his own house at Melvaig, at the south-west corner of the North Point. Finlay fired an arrow at the man and wounded him. Neil, who was a swift runner, fled eastwards over the high ground. Finlay gave chase, accompanied by a cross-bred dog, a sort of lurcher, which followed on the track of Neil. When Finlay reached the Bac an Leth-choin he caught sight of Neil, and shot him dead at the Druim Carn Neill. Neil was buried where he fell, and a cairn was raised over his grave. Both the Bac an Leth-choin and the Druim Carn Neill are shown to the north of Inverasdale on the [six-inch ordnance map]. Some remains of Neil's cairn are still pointed out.
It would seem that the Gairloch M'Leods did not soon give up all hope of regaining their former territory, for we find that in 1610 a severe engagement took place between Mackenzies and M'Leods at Lochan an Fheidh (sometimes wrongly spelt Lochan a' Neigh), on the west side of Scoor Dubh, above Glen Torridon, just past the southern corner of Gairloch. The Mackenzies, under the leadership of Alastair Breac, John Roy's second son, and assisted by Donald Odhar and other MacRaes, completely routed the M'Leods, who were commanded by Iain MacAllan Mhic Ruaridh (now the representative of Allan M'Leod, formerly laird of Gairloch), accompanied by his uncle John Tolmach M'Leod. Iain MacAllan was taken prisoner; many of his followers were killed, seventeen or eighteen taken prisoners, and the few who escaped with John Tolmach were pursued out of the district. The slain M'Leods were buried on the field of battle, where their graves are still pointed out; nettles are growing about them to-day.
In August 1611 Murdo Mackenzie, third son of John Roy, with a party of Gairloch men, set sail for the Isle of Skye in a vessel well stocked with wine and provisions, with the object of carrying off the daughter of Donald Dubh MacRuaridh, a cousin of Iain MacAllan. A marriage between John Roy's son and Donald Dubh's daughter would have vested the ancient rights of the Gairloch M'Leods in the Mackenzies. Some say that Murdo's intention was also to seize John Tolmach M'Leod, who had escaped from Lochan an Fheidh. The ship was driven by a storm into a sheltered bay off Kirkton of Raasay, where young M'Leod, the laird of Raasay, at that time resided. Here Murdo Mackenzie cast anchor. Young Raasay hearing that Murdo was on board, resolved to attempt to secure him by stratagem, in order to get him exchanged for his relative Iain MacAllan Mhic Ruaridh, still a prisoner in Gairloch. Raasay, with Gille-challum Mor and twelve men, started for the ship, leaving orders for all the men in Raasay to be in readiness to go out to their assistance in small boats as soon as the alarm should be given. Murdo Mackenzie received his visitors in the most unsuspecting manner, and hospitably entertained them with as much wine and other viands as they could consume, sitting down with them himself. All his men joined in the revelry, except four heroes, who, feeling a little suspicious, abstained from drinking. Ultimately most of the party became so drunk that they retired to sleep below deck. Murdo Mackenzie remained sitting between Raasay and Gillie-challum Mor, when Raasay suddenly started up and told him he must become his prisoner. Murdo in a violent passion threw Raasay down, exclaiming, "I would scorn to be your prisoner." In the struggle which ensued one of Raasay's men drew his dirk and stabbed Murdo Mackenzie through the body, and he fell overboard. Being a good swimmer, he was making for Sconser on the opposite shore of Skye, when the Raasay men, who had heard the row, coming out in their small boats, pelted Murdo with stones and drowned him. The four heroes who had abstained from drink now fought nobly for their lives. The other members of Mackenzie's party were all slain, but not a soul of the Raasay men ultimately escaped alive from the dirks of the four abstaining Mackenzies. The small boats surrounded the vessel, and the Raasay men attempted to board her, but were thrown back, and slain without mercy by her four gallant defenders, one of whom, Hector MacKenneth, was however killed by a chance shot or arrow from one of the boats. The other three managed to cut their anchor cable, hoist their canvas, and sail away before a fresh breeze, with their horrible cargo of dead bodies lying about the deck. As soon as they were out of danger they threw the bodies of Raasay and his men overboard. It is said that none of the bodies were ever found except that of Gille-challum Mor, which came ashore on Raasay. The bodies of the dead Mackenzies, and of Bayne of Tulloch who had accompanied them, were taken to Lochcarron and buried there. The three heroes who survived were Iain MacEachainn Chaoil, Iain MacCoinnich Mhic Eachainn, and Coinneach MacSheumais; the first named lived for thirty years after, dying in 1641, the second died in 1662, and the third in 1663—all very old men. This seems to have been the last conflict between Mackenzies and M'Leods, and the Mackenzies have ever since held undisputed possession of Gairloch.
Chapter XIII.
Alastair Breac, and his Son and Grandson.
Alexander, second son of John Roy Mackenzie, succeeded his father in 1628 as chief of Gairloch, his elder brother having died without male issue during the father's lifetime. Alexander was known as Alastair Breac; the soubriquet "breac" means "pock-pitted," and had reference to traces of smallpox, then a terrible scourge in the Highlands. He was fifty years of age when he succeeded his father. He was a very tall man, being as we saw in [Part I., chap. xi.], a head above all his brothers, who were themselves fine men. Not only was he mighty in stature, but he was also a renowned warrior. It was he who led the Mackenzies in the battle at Lochan an Fheidh in Glen Torridon, described in our last chapter, when the M'Leods were completely routed; and he is said to have been his father's principal assistant and agent in finally expelling the M'Leods from Gairloch. He is described as having been "a valiant worthy gentleman."
He was twice married, and had twelve children. He added by purchase or arrangement to the family estates. He seems to have mostly resided on Eilean Suainne in Loch Maree, where he died; his father's house and garden on Eilean Ruaridh were still in existence in his days, and he certainly used at times the old Temple house at Flowerdale.
In the days of Alastair Breac, Gairloch was still subject to raids, especially by cattle-lifters from Lochaber. The Loch Broom men used often to assist the people of Gairloch in repelling invaders. The trysting-place of the Gairloch and Lochaber men was at the spring or well just below the present road at the head of Glen Dochartie. The present road has buried the well, but the water is still there.
There lived a man in Lochaber in those days called Donald, the son of Black Donald. He was a cross man, and a choice thief. He had a brother known as Iain Geal Donn, or White-brown John, and there was only one other man in all Scotland who was a better "lifter" of cattle than these two. Donald sent word to Alastair Breac, laird of Gairloch, that he would "take spoil of him, and no thanks to him." On a previous occasion Donald had been foiled in an attempt to rob Gairloch. Alastair Breac sent for Alastair Buidhe Mackay, from Strath Oykell in Sutherlandshire, who was the strongest and most valiant man he could hear of in the three counties, and him he appointed captain of his guard. Iain Geal Donn came with his men to An Amilt, in Easter Ross, and there they "lifted" eleven cows and a bull. They came with their spoil through Strath Vaich and Strath Conan to a place called Sgaird-ruadh, or Scardroy, where they stayed the night. It was they who gave this name to the place, because they had pushed the beasts so hard that blood came from them there in the night. Alastair Buidhe Mackay had a Lochaber lad for his servant, and it was this lad who told him for certain that the thieves were stopping that night at a shieling bothie at Scardroy. Mackay and his servant hurried away to Scardroy. There he put the muzzle of his gun to the lad's body, and made him swear to be faithful to him. They moved on to the bothie, and there Mackay again made the lad swear to be true to him, and not to let any of the thieves come out alive. The Lochaber thieves were in the bothie quite unsuspicious, roasting a portion of the bull. Mackay posted his servant at the door, whilst he himself climbed on the other end of the bothie. He quietly lifted the lower edge of a divot on the roof, and peeped in to see what was going on. He saw Iain Geal Donn looking very jolly, and warming the backs of the calves of his legs at the fire. Iain suddenly turned round, and said to his men who were about the fire roasting the meat, "Look out! I am getting the smell of powder." Before he could say another word, the charge from Mackay's gun was lodged in the small of his back. The instant he had fired the shot, Mackay rushed to the door to assist his servant, and the two of them slew all the Lochaber men as they came to the door, except one who got off by a fluke, and he had the heel cut off one foot! They followed him a little way, but were too tired to catch him. They returned to the dead bodies at the bothie, and ate their fill of the meat that was roasting. They sewed up the body of Iain Geal Donn in the bull's hide, and put the roasting spit across his mouth. Then they went away, leaving the dead in the bothie. Alastair Buidhe Mackay returned west to Gairloch, and told the laird what he had done. Alastair Breac was so pleased with the account, that he sent a running gillie at once to Brahan with a letter to tell Lord Mackenzie of Kintail what had occurred. Who should happen to be dining with Lord Mackenzie but Cameron of Lochiel! When his lordship had read the letter, he threw it over to Lochiel, saying, "There is blood on you over there, you thieves." Lochiel was so stung that he left the dinner untouched, and went straight home to Lochaber. He sent gillies to Scardroy, and they brought away the body of Iain Geal Donn. They buried him in Corpach in Lochaber, where his memorial cairn stands to this day. Soon after this, Lochiel meditated a raid on Gairloch; he thought he would make it hard for Alastair Breac, in revenge for the slaughter of the Lochaber men. When Alastair Breac heard of this, he collected four score men to keep back the Lochaber invaders. They were with the laird all night in the old house called the Temple, now the head-gardener's house at Flowerdale. They were a ragged crew, but they were strong and they were brave. In the morning they went away, and soon reached the Great Black Corrie of Liathgach. There were shieling bothies at the foot of the glen, and the Gairloch men thought their Lochaber foes might be lying in ambush in the bothies. Alastair Ross from Lonmor volunteered to go and see if the Lochaber men were in the bothies, which were not in use at that time of the year; he was not much in his clothing, but he did not lack pluck. He went to the bothies, and in a loud voice challenged the Lochaber men to come out. But he got no answer. The Lochaber men, fortunately for themselves, had not come forward, having heard of Alastair Breac's preparations to resist them. The Gairloch men got the news of the retreat of the Lochaber men from the people of Coire Mhic Cromail in Torridon, who at the same time assured them they would have assisted them against the invader had they come. Our ragged rabble, without pride or fear, returned to Gairloch, and spent the night with Alastair Breac in the Temple house, with music, drinking, and revelry. It was on their tramp homewards that they met at Kenlochewe Ruaridh Breac, son of Fair Duncan, the old bard who lived at Cromasaig, and he composed the celebrated song to the "Guard of the Black Corrie."
The story of the watch at Glac na Sguithar belongs to the same period. The dell bearing that name is to the east of the head of Glen Dochartie. Then almost all the proprietors in the Highlands paid blackmail to Colla Ban; consequently he made no raids upon their territories; and if others made raids upon them, Colla made good the loss. The laird of Gairloch refused to pay blackmail to Colla, and he sent him word that he had many brave men in Gairloch, therefore he would give blackmail to no one. Colla replied, "He would soon make a raid upon Gairloch, and before driving away the spoil he would sleep a night in the laird of Gairloch's bed." Upon hearing this Mackenzie called out the bravest and strongest of the Gairloch men, and he sent them to keep guard in the passes through which the Lochaber men were most likely to advance northward. There were thirty picked men in the Coire Dubh, and an equal member in Glac na Sguithar. In each guard Mackenzie had his own near relations and kinsmen. At this time there was an inn at Luib, at the Gairloch end of Loch Rosque; it was on the green at the head of the loch, below where the present Luibmhor inn stands; the innkeeper was called Iain Caol. While the guard of Glac na Sguithar were on duty, late on a Saturday night, four of the Lochaber men, who had been sent on in advance to spy the land, took up their quarters in Iain Caol's hostelry. On Sabbath morning they sat round the fire in the one public room in the house, and Iain himself went out for a walk. He was not long away, but soon returned to the Cameron spies from Lochaber. Addressing them he said, "I see four of the Gairloch men from the watch at Glac na Sguithar coming this way. I am sure they will call in for their 'morning.' Go to the other end, where you slept last night, and remain there quietly for a little. They will soon be off again." This request displeased the Camerons, for they answered rather tartly, "Where did we ever see four from whose face we would turn away?" "Be that as it may," said Iain, "take my advice just now. You can see and hear all that may go on; and, when you do so, if you think it prudent to go among them, you can join them before they leave the house." They took his advice and retired. The four came in, each of them a scion of the Gairloch family, except one who was a Chisholm. Big Murdo, son of the good man of Shieldaig, sat at the far end of the bench next the partition; beside him Iain Gearr Mac Mhurchaidh Mhic Iain took up his position. The third was Murdo Roy; and Chisholm occupied the other end of the bench. Big Murdo of Shieldaig called for a bottle of whisky; they drank it. Iain Gearr called for another bottle, and they drank it. Murdo Roy called for a third bottle; they got it also, and drank it. Then Chisholm called for a bottle. "You have enough," said Iain Caol. "Is it because I am not one of the gentry that you refuse me?" said Chisholm, with rising ire: "Give me my bottle of your own good will, or I will have it against your will." They got the fourth bottle, and while they were discussing it Murdo of Shieldaig said to Iain Caol, "Do you ever see any of those braggarts from Lochaber who are troubling us, keeping us on guard away from home? I wish a few of them came, till we would have some sport with them." "Not a man of them ventures this way," said Iain Caol. The Gairloch men went away, and Iain accompanied them over the hill. Here they sat and drank Iain's bottle, which he had concealed under his arm. Then Iain returned, and found the Lochaber men sitting again at the fire. "Have I here the heroes who never saw men from whom they would retreat?" said Iain Caol to them. One of them replied, "We saw only two of them, but we never saw such men before. If one of them caught any of us, he could easily crush every bone of the body in his hand." So the Lochaber spies quietly returned home. The Camerons never again attempted to make a raid upon Gairloch, and Alastair Breac heard no more of their menaces.
Alastair Breac died 4th January 1638, aged sixty, and was buried in the chapel he had erected in the Gairloch churchyard.
He was succeeded by his eldest son Kenneth, sixth laird of Gairloch, who was a strong royalist during the wars of Montrose and the Covenanters, and commanded a body of Highlanders at Balvenny, under Thomas Mackenzie of Pluscardine, and his own brother-in-law the Earl of Huntly, but when the royalist army was surprised and disarmed he managed to escape. As a malignant he was fined by the Committee of Estates for his adherence to the king (see [Appendix F]).
Kenneth added to the family property. He was three times married, and had eleven children. He built the Stankhouse, or "moat-house," on the site of the old Tigh Dige, and made his Gairloch home there. He died in 1669, and was buried in Beauly Priory, where his great-grandfather, John Glassich Mackenzie, had been interred.
Alexander, eldest son of Kenneth, became the seventh laird of Gairloch. He also added to the family estates. He was thrice married, and had six children. He seems to have lived a quiet life; he died in 1694, aged forty-two, and was buried in the burial-place in the Gairloch churchyard.
Chapter XIV.
The Baronets of Gairloch, and some other Gairloch Mackenzies.
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, eldest son of Alexander, seventh laird of Gairloch, was created a baronet of Nova Scotia by Queen Anne on 2d February 1703. These baronetcies were frequently conferred upon proprietors who assisted in peopling Nova Scotia, then an object of great solicitude with the crown, so that it is possible the first baronet of Gairloch, or his father, may have promoted emigration among the Gairloch people. He was educated at Oxford, and represented Ross-shire in the Scottish Parliament, where he strongly opposed the Union. When in Gairloch he lived at the Stankhouse. He had six children. He died in December 1703, aged only thirty-two, and was buried in Gairloch in the old chapel within the churchyard, which was the burial-place of the family. This old chapel was roofed in 1704. The sum of thirty merks was then expended in "harling, pinning, and thatching Gairloch's burial place." At his death Sir Kenneth was deeply involved in debt.
Sir Alexander, eldest son of the first baronet, became the ninth laird of Gairloch when only three years of age. For want of means he and his sister Anne had to be brought up in tenants' houses. During his long minority some of the debts were paid off. In 1712 he was sent to the school at Chanonry, and after six years there he went to Edinburgh to complete his education. He afterwards made a foreign tour, and on his return in 1730 married his cousin Janet of Scatwell, by whom he had nine children. He was called by his people Seann Tighearna, and seems to have resided mostly in Gairloch, for latterly his lady lived alone at Kinkell. In 1738 he pulled down the Stankhouse, which stood in a low marshy situation on the site of the old Tigh Dige, and built the present Flowerdale House on a raised plateau surrounded by charming woods and rugged hills, and with a southern aspect. The glen here was a perfect jungle of wild flowers before the introduction, long after this time, of sheep farming, and so Sir Alexander appropriately gave the name of Flowerdale to his new chateau.
The attempt of the unfortunate Prince Charlie to regain the throne of his ancestors occurred in the time of Sir Alexander. This prudent cautious baronet kept out of the "Forty-five," though some of his people fought with their fellow Highlanders at the fatal battle of Culloden.
It was shortly after that battle, when Prince Charlie was hiding on the west coast, that two vessels came to Sgeir Bhoora, the small island rock near Poolewe at the head of Loch Ewe, and remained there a short time waiting for a messenger, who was expected to bring gold sent by the court of France for Prince Charlie's use. Whether afraid of being caught in a corner by an English man-of-war, or impatient of the delay in the arrival of the messenger, the two vessels sailed away a few days before the occurrence of the incident about to be related.
BEINN LAIR FROM FIONN LOCH.
There were at this time three brothers of the name of Cross, who were sons of one of the last of the Loch Maree ironworkers. One of them was a bard, who built a house at Kernsary, still called Innis a bhaird, or "the oasis of the bard." One of the bard's brothers, named Hector, who had become a crofter at Letterewe, was at a shieling at the Claonadh (or Slopes), at the back of Beinn Lair, above Letterewe, where he and other crofters grazed their cattle in summer. One day after the battle of Culloden a stranger, a young Highlander, with yellow hair and clad in tartan, came to Hector's bothie and asked for shelter and refreshment. When the girl gave him a bowl of cream, he drank it off, and returned it to her with a gold piece in it. The news quickly spread among the shieling bothies that the stranger had gold about him. Soon after his departure from Hector's hospitable roof next morning, a shot was heard, and on a search being made the dead body of the young man was found, robbed of all valuables. The murder and robbery were ascribed to a crofter, whose name is well remembered, and whose descendants are still at Letterewe, for from that time the family had money. It is almost superfluous to add that no steps were taken to bring the murderer to justice; the unsettled state of the Highlands at the time would alone account for the immunity of the offender. It afterwards transpired that the murdered stranger had been a valet or personal servant to Prince Charlie, and that he had gone by the name of the "Gille Buidhe," or "yellow-haired lad." He was conveying the gold to his master, which had been sent from France, and it was to meet him that the two vessels had come to Sgeir Bhoora, near Poolewe. It seems he carried the gold in one end of his plaid, which had been formed into a temporary bag, an expedient still often resorted to in the Highlands. A portion of the Gille Buidhe's plaid formed the lining of a coat belonging to an old man at Letterewe in the nineteenth century. Kenneth Mackenzie, an old man living at Cliff (now dead), told me he had seen it.
The Gille Buidhe was not the only one to whom gold sent from France was entrusted in order that it might be taken to Prince Charlie. Duncan M'Rae, of Isle Ewe, who had been with the prince in his victorious days in Edinburgh, and had there composed a song entitled "Oran na Feannaige," received a small keg or cask of gold pieces for the use of the prince. It was soon after the date of the murder of the Gille Buidhe, that Duncan M'Rae and two other men brought the keg of gold across Loch Ewe from Mellon Charles to Cove, and then hid it in the Fedan Mor above Loch a Druing, where Duncan M'Rae, by means of the "sian," caused the cask to become invisible. In [Part II., chap, xiv.], the superstition illustrated by this incident will be described. They say the cask of gold still remains hidden in the Fedan Mor. Duncan M'Rae was one of the faithful Highlanders who did all that could be done to secure the prince's safety and serve his interests. It seems the incident must have occurred after the prince had fled to Skye.
About the same time as the murder of the Gille Buidhe, one of the men-of-war cruising in search of the prince came into the bay at Flowerdale, and the captain sent word to Sir Alexander Mackenzie to come on board. The latter thought he was quite as well ashore among his people, so he sent his compliments to the captain, regretting he could not accept his invitation, as he had friends to dine with him on the top of Craig a chait (the high rocky hill behind Flowerdale House), where he hoped the captain would join them. The reply was a broadside against the house as the ship sailed off. One of the cannon balls, "apparently about an 18 lb. shot," was sticking half out of the house gable next to the sea in the youth of Dr Mackenzie (a great-grandson, still living, of Sir Alexander's), who adds, that "had the cannon ball hit but a few feet lower, it might have broken into a recess in the thickness of the gable, the admittance to which was by raising the floor at a wall press in the room above, although this had been forgotten, till masons, cutting an opening for a gable door to the kitchen, broke into the recess, where were many swords and guns. Then it was recollected that Fraser of Foyers was long concealed by our ancestor, and, of course, in this black hole."
Sir Alexander consolidated the family estates, and was a shrewd man of business. He was a kind landlord, and very popular with his people, though the conditions in the leases he granted would probably be considered oppressive in the present day. John Mackay, the celebrated "blind piper" (son of Rorie, who had been piper to John Roy Mackenzie and to his successors to the third generation), was piper and bard to Sir Alexander, who seems to have loved a quiet home life. He died in 1766, aged sixty-five, and was buried with his ancestors in the little chapel in the Gairloch churchyard.
He was succeeded by his eldest son Sir Alexander, tenth laird, who was called in Gairloch "An Tighearna Ruadh," or Alastair Roy, from the colour of his hair. He had also another soubriquet, viz., "An Tighearna Crubach," which had reference to a physical defect. Like his father, he travelled on the continent as a young man. Angus Mackay (son of the "blind piper") was his piper, and Sir Alexander left Angus in Edinburgh for tuition whilst he himself went abroad. This Sir Alexander built Conan House, about 1758, during his father's lifetime, and it still continues the principal residence of the baronets of Gairloch. He was twice married, and had six children.
His second son John raised a company, almost entirely in Gairloch, of the 78th regiment of Ross-shire Highlanders, when first embodied. He obtained the captaincy, and was rapidly promoted, becoming colonel of the regiment in 1795. He attained the rank of major-general in the army in 1813, and full general in 1837. He served with distinction, and without cessation, for thirty-five years, viz., from 1779 to 1814. From his personal daring and valour he became known as "Fighting Jack," and was adored by his men. He often said that it gave him greater pleasure to see a dog from Gairloch than a gentleman from anywhere else. He died, the father of the British army, on 14th June 1860, at the advanced age of ninety-six.
Sir Alexander (tenth laird) left his estates burdened with debt. He died on 15th April 1770 from the effects of a fall from his horse, and was buried with his forefathers at Gairloch.
Sir Hector Mackenzie, eldest son of the tenth laird, became the fourth baronet and eleventh laird of Gairloch. He was known among his people as "An Tighearna Storach," or the buck-toothed laird. He succeeded to the estates when a minor only twelve years of age. During the minority some of the debts were paid off, and in 1789 Sir Hector sold several properties (not in Gairloch) to pay off the balance of the debts. He lived at home, and managed his estates himself; and though he kept open house throughout the year at Conan and Gairloch, he was able to leave or pay a considerable fortune to each of his sons. In 1815 he was appointed lord-lieutenant of Ross-shire. He only visited London once in his life, and appears to have divided his time nearly equally between Flowerdale House and Conan, which he enlarged. He was adored by his people, to whom he acted as father and friend. His character was distinguished by kindness, urbanity, and frankness, and he was considered the most sagacious and intelligent man in the county.
Though not tall, he was very strong, almost rivalling in this respect his famous ancestor Hector Roy. (See the reference to his powerful grasp in the account of Alexander Grant, the big bard of Slaggan.) Sir Hector was a great angler. (See [Appendix E].) A curious anecdote, shewing how Sir Hector befriended his hereditary foe, Macleod of Raasay, will be given in [Part II., chap. xxv].
John Mackay (son of Angus), the last of the hereditary pipers of the Gairloch family, was piper to Sir Hector, and Alexander Campbell was his bard, in whose life ([Part II., chap xx.]) will be found an anecdote illustrating Sir Hector's kindly disposition.
Sir Hector gave a great impetus to the Gairloch cod-fishing, which he continued to encourage as long as he lived. Christian Lady Mackenzie (Sir Hector's wife), who was called in Gairloch "A Bhantighearna Ruadh," seems to have been as much beloved as her husband. Sir Hector's fourth son, Dr John Mackenzie of Eileanach, still survives, and is well known as a thorough Highlander. A number of extracts from his MS. "Odd and End Stories" are included in these pages. Sir Hector died on 26th April 1826, aged sixty-nine, and was buried in Beauly Priory.
Sir Francis Alexander was the fifth baronet and twelfth laird of Gairloch. He followed the example of his father Sir Hector in his kindly treatment of his tenantry, for whose benefit he published in 1838 the book quoted further on, entitled "Hints for the Use of Highland Tenants and Cottagers, by a Proprietor." Sir Alexander was a great sportsman and practical farmer, and spent a considerable part of each year at Flowerdale House.
By his first wife Sir Francis had two sons, viz., Kenneth Smith, the present baronet; and Mr Francis Harford Mackenzie. By his second wife he had one son, Mr Osgood Hanbury Mackenzie of Inverewe, who has largely assisted in the preparation of this book. Sir Francis died on 2d June 1843, aged forty-four. His widow, the Dowager Lady Mackenzie of Gairloch, now resides at Tournaig, in the parish of Gairloch.
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie, the sixth baronet and thirteenth laird of Gairloch, succeeded to the estates when a minor. Following the example of his immediate ancestors, he takes the lead in all local and county matters. Like his grandfather he is lord-lieutenant of his native county. He deals personally with his tenantry. His principal residence is Conan House, but he spends a portion of every year at Flowerdale in Gairloch. He was a member of the Royal Commission appointed 22d March 1883 to inquire into the condition of the crofters and cottars in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland. This is not the place to offer any encomium on the present baronet of Gairloch, but it may be mentioned that the historian of the Mackenzies, himself a native of the parish, states that Sir Kenneth is "universally admitted to be one of the best landlords in the Highlands." Sir Kenneth married, in 1860, Eila Frederica, daughter of the late Walter Frederick Campbell of Islay.
There have been several collateral families of Mackenzies in Gairloch, to whom some reference must be made.
The Mackenzies of Letterewe were descended from Charles, the eldest son of Kenneth Mackenzie, sixth laird of Gairloch, by his third wife. By his father's marriage-contract Charles Mackenzie got Logie Wester, which in 1696 he exchanged with his half-brother Alexander, the seventh laird of Gairloch, for the lands of Letterewe. Letterewe continued in this family until Hector Mackenzie, in 1835, sold the estate to the late Mr Meyrick Bankes of Winstanley Hall, Lancashire. The present representative of the Letterewe family is Mr Charles Mackenzie, a lawyer in the United States of America; their representative in this country is Mr John Munro Mackenzie, of Morinish and Calgary. The present Letterewe House is an enlargement of the older residence of this family.
The Mackenzies of Lochend, or Kinloch (now Inverewe), sprang from John Mackenzie of Lochend, third son of Alexander, the seventh laird of Gairloch, by his second wife. They were tacksmen of Lochend, which belonged to the Coul Mackenzies, by whom it was ultimately sold to Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie in 1863. The old Lochend House stood where the walled garden of the present Inverewe House is.
The Mackenzies of Gruinard sprang from John Mackenzie, a natural son of George, second earl of Seaforth and fourteenth laird of Kintail, who, with Captain Hector Mackenzie, conveyed the news of the defeat of the Royalists by Oliver Cromwell at the battle of Worcester, in 1651, to his father in Holland, where the latter was at that time living in exile. This family produced several distinguished soldiers, especially Alexander, a colonel in the army, who served with the 36th Regiment throughout the Peninsular War. John Mackenzie, the fifth laird of Gruinard, who was a captain in the 73d Regiment, sold the property, which included Little Gruinard, Udrigil, and Sand, all in the parish of Gairloch, to the late Henry Davidson of Tulloch, who resold it to Mr Meyrick Bankes. William Mackenzie, the sixth head of this family, was a captain in the 72d Regiment, and is said to have been the handsomest man in his day in the Highlands. The Gruinard family increased rapidly. The first laird had eight sons and eight daughters, who all married. George, the second laird of Gruinard, was twice married; by his first wife he had fourteen sons and nine daughters, and by his second wife four sons and six daughters,—making the extraordinary total of thirty-three children, nineteen of whom at least are known to have married, and most of them into the best families of the north. The Gruinard family resided at Udrigil House, and subsequently at Aird House, both of which they built.
There was a family of Mackenzies settled at Kernsary who were descended from Murdo Mackenzie, fifth son of Colin Cam, the eleventh lord of Kintail. Murdo had a son and daughter. The son was killed in 1645 at the battle of Auldearn, where he commanded the Lews Mackenzie regiment.
In the seventeenth century the Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie, from Bute, purchased the Kernsary estate from the Mackenzies of Coul, to whom it then belonged. He was an Episcopalian clergyman, and held services in the little Inverewe church at the place now called Londubh, on the Kernsary estate, close to which he lived in the house now occupied by James Mackenzie. He married a daughter of Mackenzie of Letterewe. They had a son Roderick, who succeeded to the Kernsary property; so did his son Roderick. This second Roderick married Mary, sister of Mackenzie of Ballone; she was a beauty, and was known as Mali Chruinn Donn. Their son Alexander sold Kernsary to the Seaforth family some fifty years ago; his son, the Rev. Hector Mackenzie, was minister of Moy, and died a few years back.
In bringing to a close this account of the Mackenzies of Gairloch, their history and present position may be summarised thus:—A strong offshoot of the family of the earls of Ross separated from the parent stock, and having taken root in Kintail, developed into the illustrious family of the Kintail or Seaforth Mackenzies. Again, a vigorous branch of the Kintail Mackenzies took root in Gairloch, and culminated in the present series of the baronets of Gairloch. The earls of Ross disappeared centuries ago, and the family of Seaforth has become extinct in the direct male line, whilst their estates have melted away. The Gairloch family remain, and their fine property has increased in value. Although the present baronet does not claim the chieftainship of the whole clan, which is believed to belong to a more remote offshoot of the Kintail family, that dignity is now but a name, and Sir Kenneth Mackenzie of Gairloch is to-day the most influential and distinguished of the great Mackenzie race.
The crest of the Gairloch Mackenzies is the figure of Donald Odhar, though some lairds of Gairloch have used the general crest of the Mackenzies, viz., the Cabar Feidh, or stag's head and horns. The badge of the Mackenzies is the deer grass, or stag's horn moss. Their war-cry or slogan is "Tulloch-ard," the name of a mountain in Kintail. This mountain has sometimes been used as a crest with the "warning flame" on its summit, representing the beacon whence the clan was apprised of danger.
Of pipe music the following tunes have been stated to be specially appropriated to the Mackenzies:—
Marches: Cabar Feidh and Gabhaidh sinn an rathad mor, usually called, "The high road to Gairloch."
Salute: Failte Uilleam Dhuibh (Black William's salute).
Gathering: Co-thional (Mackenzie's gathering).
Lament: Cumha Thighearna Ghearrloch (Laird of Gairloch's lament).
A list of the Mackenzie lairds of Gairloch is given in [Table V].
Chapter XV.
Gairloch Estates, and Old Names of Places.
An account must be given here of the ways in which the different parts of the parish of Gairloch came into the hands of the present proprietors. It shall be brief. Some notes on old names of places are included.
Hector Roy Mackenzie is said, in an old MS., to have possessed, among other properties, "Kenlochewe, a district adjoining to Gairloch on the east." But after his time it belonged to the lords of Kintail, and subsequently to the Mackenzies of Coul, from whom Sir Alexander Mackenzie, ninth laird of Gairloch, purchased it in 1743, with the proceeds of the sale of Glas Leitire, in Kintail. Kenlochewe has belonged to the Gairloch baronets since that date. It extends from the west end of Loch Rosque to the water flowing from Glen Torridon past the village of Kenlochewe into the head of Loch Maree, and to a burn running down Slioch on the north-east side of that loch; it also extends six miles on the road from Kenlochewe village to Torridon.
Gairloch itself became the property of Hector Roy under charters from the crown, and has ever since remained the possession of the Gairloch Mackenzies. In the earliest document of title extant, a protocol from John de Vaux, sheriff of Inverness, dated 10th December 1494, "the landis of Gerloch," granted to Hector, and of which the sheriff gave him possession by that protocol, are described as "lyande betwix the watteris callyde Innerew and Torvedene, within the Shireffdome of Innerness." The boundaries thus stated for Gairloch are the waters of Ewe, i.e. Loch Maree, the river Ewe, and Loch Ewe on the north, and Torridon on the south. The sheriff's protocol was sealed at "Alydyll"—no doubt Talladale—"in Garloch," and that place has always formed part of Gairloch, as have also the islands of Loch Maree.
The retour, in 1566, of Alexander, second son of John Glassich Mackenzie, specifies "the lands of Garloch" as including "Garloch, Kirktoun, Syldage, Hamgildail, Malefage, Innerasfidill, Sandecorran, Cryf, Baddichro, Bein-Sanderis, Meall, Allawdill." Kirktoun seems to have been the designation of the place now called Charlestown, near Flowerdale, being near the old Gairloch church; Syldage represents Shieldaig; Malefage, Melvaig; Innerasfidill, Inverasdale; Sandecorran, Big Sand (of Gairloch); Cryf, Cliff (Poolewe); Baddichro, Badachro; Meall, Miole or Strath; and Allawdill must be Talladale. Hamgildail no longer exists.
In 1638 "Kenneth McKeinzie of Garloch was served heir male to his father, Alexander McKeinzie of Garloche, in the lands and barony of Garloche, including Kirktoun, with the manor place and gardens of the same, Sildag [Shieldaig], the two Oyngadellis [same as Hamgildail, in the retour of 1566], Mailfog [Melvaig], Debak [Diabaig], Inneraspedell [Inverasdale], Sandacarrane [Sandacarran, or Big Sand], Badichro [Badachro], the two Sandis [north side of Loch Gairloch], Erredell [Erradale], Telledill [Talladale], Clive [Cliff, Poolewe], Tollie [same as now], and the two Nastis [Naast]; the lands of Ellenow [Isle of Ewe], Auldgressan [Altgreshan], with the waters and salmon fishings of Kerrie and Badechro, the half of the water of Ew, and the salmon fishings of the same, Achetcairne [Achtercairn], Meoll [Miole, or Strath], with the mill, Udroll, the loch of Loch Maroy [Loch Maree], with the islands of the same, and the manor place and gardens in the island of Ilinroy [Eilean Ruaridh], the loch of Garloch with the fishings of the same, with other lands in Ross, all united into the barony of Garloche and the town of Clive [Poolewe], with the harbour and shore of the same being part of the same barony of Garloch erected into a burgh of barony." This must have been a list of the inhabited places on the Gairloch estate two hundred and fifty years ago.
In a Dutch map of Ross-shire, by the famous geographer Blaeu, engraved by Pont, and dated 1662, kindly lent me by Mr D. William Kemp, some of the old Gairloch names are given with curious spellings. This map of Ross-shire purports to have been made by "R. Gordonius a Strath-loch." The map shows Telladull, Slotadull, Tawy, Yl Ew, Ruymakilvandrich, Dunast, Inner-Absdill, Melvag, Sanda, Erdull, Viroill, Meall, Achagacharn, Heglis Gherloch, Knokintoull, Ingadill, Shilkag, Padechry, Erradill, Typack (Diabaig), Ardetisag. Rudha Reidh is called Rowna Ra; the island of Longa is called Yl Lunga; the sea-loch of Gairloch is called Gher Loch; Loch Maree is called Loch Ew, which name is also given to the present Loch Ew, and the Garavaig river is called Alt Finnag. This last name seems to be for Allt Feannaige, or "the burn of the hoodie crow," a bird which still frequents the locality. These are all the names given on what was the original Gairloch estate. Of other names within the parish of Gairloch there are Inner Ew, Turnag, Drumnachoirk, Badfern, Oudergill, Sanda, Inoran, Ardlarich, Achabuy, Letyr Ew, Fowlis, Smirsary, Pinesdale, Achanaloisk, Glenmuik, Lecachy, Glen-dochart, Glas-Letyr, Heglis-loch-ew (apparently where Culinellan now is), and Groudy. The only mountain named is Bin Cherkyr. A large island on Loch Maree has the name Sow, probably intended for Suainne, which island had then previously been a residence of Alastair Breac, laird of Gairloch. Lochs Finn [Fionn loch], Dow [Dubh loch], Garavad [east of Letterewe], Fadd, and Clair, are the only lochs with names. It is curious that such places as Kenlochewe and Clive [Poolewe] are not named on this old map. The names that are given are very instructive when compared with the names in the old records just quoted. Ruymakilvandrich is not found elsewhere; it seems to be intended for Rudha Mac Gille Aindreas, or "the point of the son of Gillanders," i.e. of the servant of Andrew, and is applied to a small headland near Boor; it doubtless had reference to some incident long ago forgotten. Dunast [Dun Naast] is still the name of a rock close to Naast; from this name being given instead of Naast, it may be inferred that in the seventeenth century there was some part of the dun that stood there still remaining The names Heglis Gherloch, Heglis-loch-ew, Knokintoull, and Achanaloisk, do not occur elsewhere, either in old descriptions or modern nomenclature. Viroill seems to be the same as Udroll in the description of 1638. The map shows it where Lonmor now is. The other names are easily identified. The place called Ingadill on this old map, Hamgildail in the retour of 1566, and Oyngadellis in 1638, has now entirely disappeared; it seems to have been at the mouth of the river Kerry. The map gives only two churches in Gairloch parish, viz., Heglis Gherloch, near where the present Gairloch church now stands, and Heglis-loch-ew, at the head of Loch Maree. The names of places given on the map most likely indicate the most populous localities at that date. Some of the names are spelt phonetically; thus Bin is the Gaelic pronunciation of Beinn, and Finn is still the pronunciation by the natives of the name of Fionn loch.
Alexander Mackenzie, seventh laird of Gairloch, bought the second half of the water of Ewe and Mellon Charles in 1671. The precise extent of this purchase does not appear. Mellon Charles still belongs to the Gairloch Mackenzies, as well as Isle Ewe, and the whole right to the salmon fishings of Loch Ewe, the River Ewe, and Loch Maree. To finish with the Gairloch estate of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, the present baronet, it may be mentioned that the Kernsary estate was purchased from the Seaforth family in 1844, very early in Sir Kenneth's minority, and was resold by his trustees to his half-brother Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie, in 1862, with the exception of the strip of territory extending from Inveran to Londubh on the north-east bank of the river Ewe, which, with Gairloch proper, Kenlochewe, Mellon Charles, and the Isle of Ewe, completes Sir Kenneth's possessions in the parish of Gairloch. They form a noble estate, which comprises more than three-fourths of the whole parish.
Letterewe unquestionably belonged to the Kintail or Seaforth family up to and including the early part of the seventeenth century. It was either acquired by Kenneth, sixth laird of Gairloch, at the time (about 1648) when he became cautioner for the Earl of Seaforth in a bond for five thousand merks, or else later on (in 1671) by his son Alexander as part of his acquisition of the second half of the water of Ewe. In 1696 this Alexander gave up Letterewe to his brother Charles in exchange for Wester Logie. Charles became the progenitor of the family of Mackenzie of Letterewe, who possessed the property until 1835, when it was sold to the late Mr Meyrick Bankes, whose daughter Mrs Liot Bankes is the present liferenter of it. It extends from Slioch, along the shore of Loch Maree, to a burn between Ardlair and Inveran, and back to Fionn loch. With Letterewe is held the old Gruinard estate; it includes all the lands on the promontory called the Greenstone Point, except Mellon Charles. The older annals of this property are complex, and need not be fully narrated here. It came into the possession of the Gruinard Mackenzies before 1655, and continued in the same family until 1795, when it was sold to Henry Davidson of Tulloch, who again sold it to the late Mr Bankes, about 1835, along with the other parts of the Gruinard estate to the south of the Meikle Gruinard river. Mrs Liot Bankes is also liferenter of this property: it forms, with Letterewe, a fine estate, which covers just one-sixth of the parish of Gairloch.
The remaining property in Gairloch parish is that of Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie. It includes Kernsary (except the strip on the north-east side of the Ewe, which, as before stated, is Sir Kenneth's), Lochend or Inverewe, and Tournaig. Kernsary, as we have seen, was, after belonging to more than one family, purchased by Sir Kenneth's trustees in 1844, and sold by them to Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie in 1862. It was bought from the Seaforth family, who had acquired it as providing a port at Londubh, from which the island of the Lews, then their estate, was accessible. The Lochend and Tournaig properties were in 1863 purchased by Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie from Sir William Mackenzie of Coul, to whom they had come after having had a succession of proprietors. These and Kernsary now constitute Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie's charming estate of Inverewe, about one-sixteenth of the whole parish of Gairloch.
Chapter XVI.
Ecclesiastical History of Gairloch.
The chronological order of events, otherwise pretty closely adhered to in Part I., will be necessarily broken in this and the following chapters.
When we first hear of a church in Gairloch it was dedicated, as we should naturally expect, to St Maelrubha. It was a common kirk of the canons of Ross, and stood in what is still called the churchyard of Gairloch. The priests probably lived in the Temple house, as it was long called, which is now the dwelling of the head-gardener at Flowerdale. Possibly the little churches of Inverewe (now Londubh) and of Sand of Udrigil existed in pre-Reformation times, but they are not named in the Dutch map of 1662. There is a church shewn on that map called "Heglis Loch Ew," i.e. the church of Lochewe; it is at the head of Loch Maree, and was probably at Culinellan, near Kenlochewe. The map does not of course prove that this church existed before the Reformation, but it adds to the probability that it did so. It would be convenient of access for the monastics of Applecross. Little is known of the church history of Gairloch before the Reformation, which was consummated in Scotland about 1560.
Sir John Broik was rector of Gairloch at the time of the Reformation, and continued so until his death in 1583.
In 1560 Presbyterianism was established in Scotland, but it does not appear to have materially differed from the Episcopalianism it displaced, or rather absorbed, for it had superintendents whose office closely resembled that of bishops.
In 1572 the titles of archbishop and bishop were introduced, and a form of Episcopacy established. The bishops, however, enjoyed but a small portion of the benefices, and were known as "Tulchan bishops." The origin of this epithet "tulchan," is curious:—When a calf died and the cow thereupon refused to give her milk, the skin of the calf was stretched on a wickerwork frame and moved about to make the cow believe it was sucking, whilst the maid was really taking the milk; the sham calf was called "Tulachan."
In 1592 Presbyterianism was restored by Parliament; and in 1598 Episcopacy was reintroduced.
In 1641 King Charles I. sanctioned Presbyterianism; and in 1643 the Westminster Assembly met, and the Solemn League and Covenant was signed.
In 1649 King Charles I. was beheaded, and James Grahame, Lord Montrose, began his struggle in behalf of the king and the cause of Episcopacy.
In 1651 Charles II. was crowned at Scone, and signed the Covenant. On the Restoration in 1660 Episcopacy was re-established.
In 1689, immediately after the Revolution, Presbyterianism was finally established.
These changes from Episcopacy to Presbyterianism, and vice versâ, had very little effect in the Highlands, where the clergy and people long clung to Episcopacy; only one or two keen Covenanters on the east coast maintained Presbyterianism. The change in the government of the church was so slight, that in the days of Episcopacy the bishop, when present, presided as moderator over the Presbytery, which then consisted, as now, of the ministers and elders within the bounds. It was not until well into the eighteenth century that Presbyterianism became popular in Gairloch, and even then it does not appear to have introduced any great changes in the church, or in the form of worship. The principal Christian festivals were observed in Gairloch until the nineteenth century.
A list of all the ministers of Gairloch, with the dates of their presentation, will be found in [Table IV]. There are a few facts and anecdotes about several of them, which are worth recording here.
The Rev. Alexander Mackenzie was in 1583 presented to the parsonage and vicarage of Gairloch, vacant by the decease of Sir John Broik. Mr Mackenzie was vicar of Gairloch in 1590. He was the first vicar of Gairloch appointed after the Reformation.
In 1608 the Rev. Farquhar MacRae was appointed vicar of Gairloch by Bishop Leslie of Ross. He is referred to in our account of the old ironworks of Loch Maree, and some passages of his life are given in [Appendix A]. He was one of the Macraes of Kintail. In 1610 he was sent by Lord Mackenzie of Kintail on a mission to the Lews, with the most beneficial results. Though he continued his ministerial work in Gairloch until 1618, and though in his biography he is said to have been minister of Gairloch for ten years, yet his official position as such seems to have terminated sooner, for we find that some time before 1614 the Rev. Farquhar Mackenzie, who had "laureated" at the University of Edinburgh on 31st July 1606, was admitted minister of Gairloch. Probably Mr MacRae restricted his ministrations to those parts of Gairloch to the north of Loch Maree and Loch Ewe, which were then generally considered as in Loch Broom parish.
In 1649 the Rev. Roderick Mackenzie, third son of Roderick Mackenzie of Knock-backster, was admitted minister of Gairloch, and continued so until his death in March 1710, after an incumbency of sixty-one years. He seems to have been a man of quiet easy-going temperament. When he came to Gairloch Presbyterianism ruled; when Episcopacy was established in 1660, he conformed; and when the Revolution put an end to Episcopacy, he became a Presbyterian again. "Whatsoever king may reign, still I'll be vicar of Bray, sir!" The extracts from the presbytery records of the period, given in the first section of [Appendix F], shew how careless this worthy minister was to obey the mandates of the presbytery. He married a sister of the laird of Knockbain, and had a son, Kenneth, born about 1703.
Some time during the seventeenth century the Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie, an Episcopalian clergyman, came from Bute, and bought the Kernsary estate. He resided in the proprietor's house at Kirkton, still standing close to the present Inverewe churchyard in Londubh, and officiated in the old church there, some remains of which are still to be seen. His great-great-grandson, the late Rev. Hector Mackenzie, minister of Moy, stated, some few years ago, that he remembered his grandmother Mrs Mackenzie of Kernsary (called Mali Chruinn Donn) shewing him an old prayer-book in an oak chest at the house at Kirkton, and that she said the chest and prayer-book had belonged to his ancestor who bought Kernsary. A loose stone may be seen in the part of the ruined church which was used as the burial-place of the Kernsary family; it is inscribed "K M K 1678," and is believed to have recorded the date when the Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie built or restored the little church. Possibly this clergyman chose Gairloch as a comparatively safe refuge for an Episcopalian in the covenanting times, and his services were most likely purely voluntary, and not intended to compete with those of the minister of the parish; or he may have voluntarily taken the place of Mr Farquhar MacRae as minister for those parts of Gairloch which were considered to be in Loch Broom parish.
The Rev. John Morrison became minister of Gairloch 1st March 1711. Although Presbyterianism had now been established for more than twenty years, it appears that some of Mr Morrison's parishioners still clung to Episcopacy, and in consequence the poor man had a bad time of it.
At the first meeting of the presbytery after his admission, Mr Morrison presented a petition, stating "that after two days sojourn, in going to preach, he was interrupted at Kenlochewe by the tenants of Sir John Mackenzie of Coul, who had laid violent hands on him and his servant, rent his clothes, made prisoners of them, and kept them three days under guard in a cottage full of cattle and dung, without meat or bedding the first two days, the tenants relieving one another in turn by a fresh supply every day. On the third day a short supply was allowed, but they were yet kept prisoners in the same place without other accommodation. When the fifth day came Mr John was carried to Sir John's house, who declared no Presbyterian should be settled in any place where his influence extended, unless Her Majesty's forces did it by the strong hand."
Another example of the persecution of Mr Morrison is traditional in Gairloch. He was travelling on the east side of Loch Maree, and when at Letterewe was attacked by the inhabitants, who seized him, and having stripped him naked, bound him to a tree, where they left him. This would be about September 1711, and the midges were in full force. The sufferings of poor Mr Morrison are said to have been dreadful. Towards evening a woman of the place took pity on him and released him from his miserable position. Thus set free he escaped, and it was some time before he again visited his parish. It is a saying in Gairloch, that there has never been a really pious holy man in Letterewe since this outrage on a minister of the gospel was committed there!
Having thus no access to his parish, Mr Morrison, and a neighbouring clergyman who was in a similar plight, fled to Sutherland on 7th November 1711. On the petition of George Mackenzie of Gruinard, who "had built a little church at Udrigil at his own expense," Mr Morrison agreed (8th April 1713) to preach there once a year at least.
On 23d October 1716 Mr Morrison represented his grievances to the presbytery, and solicited an "act of transportation," or, in other words, prayed to be transferred to some other parish. On 12th November 1716 he stated that, "having no glebe, manse, or legal maintenance, he was obliged to take a tack of land, and that for three or four years successively his crops were destroyed by cattle. In the time of the rebellion the best of his cattle were taken away by the rebels, and very lately his house plundered of all provision to the value of four hundred merks." His solicitation was granted 14th November 1716, and he was transferred to Urray. It is said that the "tack of land" Mr Morrison took was in Tollie bay, and that he built a humble dwelling for himself close to the shore of Loch Maree. This was in the latter days of his short incumbency, after his return from Sutherlandshire. He conducted services in a turf-built church which stood by the shingly beach in Tollie bay. Old people now living say that they remember seeing the remains of the turf walls of Mr Morrison's church. Here is a curious story of this period:—It was nearly Christmas, probably in 1715, and whisky was required for the hospitality of the season. No whisky was made in Gairloch until long after this, but in Ferintosh, on the other side of Ross-shire, there was plenty of whisky distilled. Mr Morrison had a brother Rorie, who was also a minister. Rorie is said to have been the minister of Urray. If so, he must either have died about 1716, or have resigned to make room for his brother on the sudden transfer of the latter from Gairloch to Urray in that year. Early one morning the Rev. John Morrison sent off a man from Tollie with a horse to his brother at Urray for two casks of whisky. The man reached the brother's house the same night. Rorie determined to play a trick on his brother, so when his brother's man was out of the way he made his own servants fill the two casks with water-gruel instead of whisky. Next day the man returned to Tollie, believing the casks to be full of whisky. It was Christmas eve when he reached Tollie, and a party was assembled to celebrate the festivities of the season. But when the casks were opened there was no whisky,—only water-gruel!
The Rev. James Smith, after an interregnum of five years caused by the difficulty of finding a clergyman willing to undertake the charge of this wild parish, succeeded Mr Morrison in 1721. In his day the Presbytery of Gairloch was erected. A sum of £1000 was allowed him by the Assembly, and the heritors or proprietors of the parish provided a manse with garden and glebe, and erected churchyard dykes. Mr Smith was a man of energy, and effected much in the way of reforming the morals of his people and spreading religion among them. In 1725 he had a missionary catechist at work, and he established a presbyterial library. In 1724 a school was established in Gairloch by the Society for Propagating Christian Knowledge, but was removed to Strathglass in 1728 for want of encouragement by the people. However, the first parochial school in Gairloch was in operation before Mr Smith's removal.
Though under Mr Smith Presbyterianism appears to have made way in Gairloch, it was otherwise in the contiguous parish of Lochcarron. The hero of the following incident is said to have been the Rev. Mr Sage, first Presbyterian minister of Lochcarron. He was settled in Lochcarron in 1727, and in 1731 prayed the presbytery for "an act of transportability." Mr Sage, who was a very powerful man, was travelling on foot to Gairloch viâ Glen Torridon, accompanied by his servant, a mere boy, who carried the "bonnet" which held the provisions for the way. Two of Mr Sage's parishioners had conspired to put an end to his life. They followed him, and after a time joined company, beguiling the way with conversation, until a fit place should be reached for the carrying out of the projected murder. When they came to the burn of the Black Corrie the minister announced that the luncheon hour had arrived, and asked his parishioners to join him. He took the "bonnet" from the boy, and began to dispense the viands. The would-be assassins seated themselves quite close to the minister, one on either side, and the leader now at last mustered pluck enough to inform Mr Sage that he had been condemned to die, and that his hour had come. The powerful minister instantly threw an arm round the neck of each of the villains, and squeezed their heads downwards against each other and upon his own thighs with paralysing force, holding them thus until they were on the verge of suffocation, when, in response to their abject screams for mercy and promises of safety for himself, he released them from his strong pressure, and they went away both better and wiser, let us hope, for this display of the good minister's muscular Christianity.
The Rev. Æneas M'Aulay was minister of Gairloch from 1732 to 1758. He had bad health, and was often absent from his parish. He employed a catechist.
The Rev. John Dounie was minister of Gairloch from 1758 to 1773. In his time Mr Thomas Pennant visited Poolewe ([Appendix B]). He heard Mr Dounie preach in the church at Tollie Croft, or Cruive End, and stayed the night with him in the manse at Cliff, Poolewe. Pennant, in the preface to his "Tour," speaks in high terms of Mr Dounie.
The Rev. Daniel Mackintosh, who succeeded Mr Dounie, seems to have been in smooth waters, and religion flourished in his time. His incumbency extended from 1773 to his death in 1802. He wrote the paper on Gairloch in the Old Statistical Account ([Appendix C]), from which we learn that there was no division or dissent in the parish. He was greatly assisted in his labours by the support of the generous and enlightened baronet of Gairloch, Sir Hector Mackenzie, and his wife the beloved lady of Gairloch.
The Rev. James Russell was minister of Gairloch from 1802 to 1844. Some objection was made to his appointment on account of his imperfect Gaelic; but he was found to be advancing in his knowledge of the language. Notwithstanding his progress, some amusing stories are still told in Gairloch of the ludicrous mistakes he used to make in his Gaelic sermons. For instance, intending to mention the two she-bears that came out of the wood and tare the children who mocked Elisha, he used Gaelic words which made the animals to be she roebucks! Up to and during Mr. Russell's time the education of children in Gairloch, and the correction of adults for offences against morals, were in the hands of the presbytery. In 1825 the presbytery, having instructed Mr. Russell to deal with one of his parishioners charged with immorality, found that he was too remiss in so dealing, and suspended him from the office of the ministry. He appealed to the General Assembly, who reinstated him, and warned the presbytery to act with greater caution in future towards its members in such cases. The separate ecclesiastical (or "quoad sacra") parish of Poolewe was formed during Mr Russell's incumbency. The Rev. Donald MacRae was presented to the new church of Poolewe in 1830, though the separate parish was not declared to be such until an Act of Assembly on 25th May 1833, and was not erected by the Court of Teinds until 3d December 1851.
The Rev. Donald MacRae wrote the paper on Gairloch in the New Statistical Account ([Appendix E]).
In 1843 the secession from the Established Church of Scotland, usually termed the "Disruption," occurred, and the Free Church was formed. Mr MacRae seceded to the Free Church.
Mr Russell died in 1844, having been forty-two years minister of Gairloch. On the departure of his successor from Gairloch, the Rev. D. S. Mackenzie, the present minister of Gairloch, was appointed in 1850.
On the establishment of Presbyterianism, Gairloch was in the Presbytery of Dingwall. Several minutes show the difficulties in the way of the ministers of Gairloch attending the meetings of presbytery, and of members of presbytery visiting Gairloch. Minutes of the presbyteries relating to these and other matters in Gairloch are extracted in [Appendix F].
Sometime between July 1668 and June 1672 there seems to have been nominally a Presbytery of Kenlochewe, but it does not appear that this presbytery ever met, and there are no records of it extant. In 1672 Gairloch was reannexed to the Presbytery of Dingwall by the bishop and synod.
On 4th September 1683 the "Highland churches," including Gairloch, were annexed to the Presbytery of Chanonry. This step appears to have been intended as a punishment to the ministers of the Highland parishes for their non-attendance at meetings of the Presbytery of Dingwall. Thus for a time Gairloch was no doubt in the Presbytery of Chanonry, but there is no other reference to the fact in the ecclesiastical history of the period. This was during the long incumbency of the Rev. Roderick Mackenzie, whose isolated position in Gairloch seems to have rendered him indifferent to the action of the presbytery.
On 19th May 1724 the Presbytery of Gairloch was erected by the General Assembly. This presbytery was composed of the same parishes as now constitute the Presbytery of Lochcarron. The meetings of presbytery were held at different places,—Kenlochewe, Gairloch, and Poolewe are mentioned.
In 1773 an Act of the General Assembly ordained that the Presbytery of Gairloch should be called in all time coming the Presbytery of Lochcarron, and Gairloch and Poolewe remain to this day in that presbytery.
The old parish church of Gairloch, dedicated to St Maelrubha, stood, as we have seen, in the churchyard of Gairloch, which is now used as the parish burial-ground. There was a church in existence here before 1628, for we find from an old document that Alastair Breac, fifth laird of Gairloch, had caused a chapel to be built "near the church" of Gairloch, during his father's lifetime, where he and his wife, and no doubt also his father John Roy Mackenzie, were buried. According to the Rev. Daniel Mackintosh, in the Old Statistical Account, the Gairloch church of his day had existed for "more than a century," so that it must have been erected in the middle or latter part of the seventeenth century,—possibly by John Roy or Alastair Breac; it stood most likely on the same site as the original church. In 1727 Mr Smith, minister of Gairloch, got the heritors of the parish to erect churchyard dykes. In 1751 the Rev. Æneas M'Aulay is said to have got a new church built. It must have been a frail structure, for in 1791 it had fallen into a ruinous condition; it was a thatched building. James Mackenzie says, that about 1788, when his mother was attending the parish school at Strath of Gairloch, under the tuition of William Ross, the Gairloch bard, she and other girls went one day during the dinner hour to the old church. The children opened the church door, when, from some cause or other—very likely only a puff of wind—the door closed in their faces with a bang, and they got a great fright!
The present Gairloch church was erected in 1791, and repaired in 1834.
The little church at Sand of Udrigil, which we may call the chapel of Sand, is commonly believed to have been originally erected by St Columba himself. In 1713 George Mackenzie of Gruinard, who is said to have built a little church at Udrigil, prayed Mr Morrison, the refugee minister of Gairloch, to preach there. Whether this was the same church we cannot be sure; tradition says George Mackenzie only thatched and repaired the ancient church. After this time the ministers of Gairloch periodically preached at this little church until at least the end of the eighteenth century.
There was an old church at Culinellan near Kenlochewe; the date of its erection is uncertain. The Rev. Daniel Mackintosh, in his paper in the Old Statistical Account, refers to this place of worship as existing in 1792.
CHAPEL OF SAND OF UDRIGIL.
The church at Tollie Croft, now called Cruive End, is not likely to have been of any antiquity. In 1733 the kirk-session of Gairloch petitioned the presbytery to enlarge the "chapel at Pollew," and the presbytery agreed to do so. This was probably the place of worship at Tollie Croft close to Poolewe. It was no doubt the church where Mr Thomas Pennant heard the Rev. John Dounie preach in 1772, for it was close to the place where he would land from his boat on Loch Maree (see [Appendix B]); the Rev. D. Mackintosh mentioned it in 1792. Old people now living remember the Rev. James Russell preaching in this little church as lately as 1826. At that time Duncan Mackenzie, the innkeeper at Poolewe, previously butler to Sir Hector Mackenzie at Flowerdale House, used to read the Scriptures to the people in the Cruive End church pending Mr Russell's arrival from Gairloch. This church would be very convenient for the minister of Gairloch when he had his manse only a mile away at Cliff, Poolewe, as was the case between 1759 and 1803.
The turf-built church in Tollie bay, where the Rev. J. Morrison used to hold his humble services, was only a temporary expedient during his short and troublous incumbency.
The old chapel of Inverewe, on the east side of the river Ewe, close to the former mansion-house of the Kernsary estate, seems to belong to the seventeenth century, judging from the appearance its ruins now present, but there is no record whatever of its history. The Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie, proprietor of Kernsary, preached there, as we have seen, during some part of the seventeenth century.
The present church of Poolewe was completed in 1828.
If there was a rectory, parsonage, or manse in Gairloch before the Reformation, it must have then ceased to be church property. The Rev. Farquhar MacRae, who became vicar of Gairloch about 1608, lived at Ardlair, on the north-eastern shore of Loch Maree. Ardlair is near Letterewe, where dwelt the ironworkers for whose special behoof Mr MacRae was sent to Gairloch by Lord Mackenzie of Kintail; and it may have been part of the arrangement under which Sir George Hay acquired the woods of Letterewe from Lord Mackenzie for the ironworks, that his lordship should allow Mr MacRae the use of a house at Ardlair, which was also on his property.
Poor Mr Morrison, in 1711-16, had no glebe, manse, or legal maintenance, and his hut in Tollie bay was on land leased by himself.
In 1728 a manse and glebe were provided by the heritors for the minister of Gairloch at Achdistall, near where the Gairloch hotel now stands.
In 1759 the presbytery exchanged the glebe at Achdistall for other land at Clive, or Cliff, close to Poolewe, and a manse was shortly after erected on the new glebe.
In 1803 the old glebe of Clive was exchanged by the presbytery for a portion of the lands of Miole at Strath of Gairloch, and a new manse was erected at once. This is the present manse of Gairloch; it was added to in 1823, when Hugh Miller, then a mason, took part in the work. His experience in Gairloch at that time is recorded in "My Schools and Schoolmasters."
The present manse of Poolewe was built in 1828.
The old Free church at Gairloch, and the Free manse there, were erected shortly after the Disruption in 1843. The church having become unsafe was pulled down in 1880, and the present handsome building erected on the same site.
The Free church and manse at Aultbea were also erected soon after the Disruption. The Free Church has also mission churches or meeting-houses at Poolewe, Opinan, and Kenlochewe in Gairloch parish. The first minister of the Gairloch Free church was the Rev. Duncan Matheson, who was succeeded by the Rev. John Baillie, the present minister. The first minister of the Aultbea Free church was the Rev. James Noble; to him succeeded the Rev. William Rose; after whose death the Rev. Ronald Dingwall, the present minister, was appointed.
Chapter XVII.
Ancient Gairloch Ironworks.
Many visitors to Gairloch, and not a few of the inhabitants, will learn with astonishment that the manufacture of iron was carried on in the parish from remote times, and that there are still abundant remains to testify to the magnitude and importance of the industry. There are many places in this wild and picturesque Highland district where are to be seen to this day large heaps of slag and dross, and remains of blast-furnaces or bloomeries; whilst many acres of arable ground, as well as of uncultivated moorland, are still thickly strewn with fragments of charcoal and of several kinds of iron ore.
The remains of ironworks examined in Gairloch may be roughly divided into two classes, viz:—(1) The ancient ironworks, of which there are no historical records extant; and (2) The historic ironworks of Loch Maree.
The ancient ironworks or bloomeries are the subject of our present chapter. Some of them appear, as we should expect, to belong to a later period than others, but nothing can be said with precision about the date of any of them. They will be described in [Part I., chap. xx].
There are some interesting notes on the subject of ancient Highland ironworks in the curious book entitled "Remarks on Dr Samuel Johnson's Journey to the Hebrides, by the Rev. Donald M'Nicol, A.M.," published in 1779, and extracted in [Appendix G]. Mr M'Nicol does not give his authorities, but there is ample ocular demonstration of the truth of his statement, that "the smelting and working of iron was well understood and constantly practised over all the Highlands and Islands for time immemorial." Other writers have expressed the opinion, that iron was made throughout Great Britain long before the Roman invasion.
Perhaps a coin now in my possession, which was found some years ago in a field on the bank of the river Went in Yorkshire, near large quantities of ancient heavy iron slag, may be taken as giving some clue to the date of the older ironworks. It is an ancient British coin of the type of the quarter stater of Philip II. of Macedon. The British coinage is supposed to have been in existence at least as far back as 150 b.c., and this is one of the early types.
The querns frequently found in all parts of the Highlands shew that the ancient inhabitants grew some corn,—that they had some acquaintance with "the staff of life." It seems a reasonable inference, that they used iron implements for tilling their lands and securing their crops. It is certain that some iron weapons, tools, and implements, besides those employed in agriculture, were in use in the Highlands in those old days. An iron axe-head, of the shape of the bronze celt figured among our illustrations, and with the aperture for the handle similarly in a line with its axis instead of at right angles to it, was found in 1885 in the garden at Inveran; its remains are much eaten by rust, but there is enough to shew that this iron axe is of an old type. It may be objected, that if iron implements for peace or war were extensively used in ancient days there would be more relics of them. The obvious reply to such an objection is, that iron is so liable to oxidation that most of the smaller iron articles of ancient times must have perished from that cause. Many of the small masses of rust-cemented gravel and earth, found everywhere, may have originally had for their nucleus an ancient iron implement, or a fragment of one. If it be allowed that the Picts or other early inhabitants of the north used iron tools and weapons, the question at once arises,—Where and how did they procure them? The remains of the ancient class of ironworks supply the answer. Those so-called savages well knew where to procure iron, and how to fabricate from it the articles they required,—another proof that the Picts were by no means the uncivilised barbarians that some people suppose.
The ancient ironworks of Gairloch were probably not more numerous than those of some other parts of the Highlands and Islands. There is little doubt but that many of the remains, both in Gairloch and elsewhere, have been obliterated by the husbandman, or concealed by overgrowth of heather and other plants. In many places throughout Sutherlandshire, Ross-shire, and Inverness-shire, as well as in other Scottish counties, there are large quantities of iron slag. The Inverness Scientific Society have examined remains of ancient iron-smelting near Alness in Easter Ross. The Rev. Dr Joass, of Golspie, and Mr D. William Kemp, of Trinity, have to a certain extent investigated some Sutherlandshire remains. There are also quantities of slag on the Braemore estate, on the shores of Loch Rosque between Achnasheen and the eastern boundary of Gairloch parish ([Part IV., chap, iii.]), and in many other parts of Wester Ross, as well as in the island of Soa off the west coast of Skye, and many other places.
At the iron-smelting works near Alness a native hematite iron ore was used, as well as what is termed bog iron. Bog iron is also believed to have been used at a bloomery near Golspie, Sutherlandshire. This bog iron appears to have been commonly employed by the ancient ironworkers; it was extracted by the action of water from ferruginous rocks and strata, and was accumulated at the bases of peat bogs. In process of time granular masses of oxides of iron were thus formed, sometimes covering a considerable area. Within the parish of Gairloch there are still quantities of bog iron to be seen, apparently formed exactly in the manner described. The localities will be stated in [Part I., chap. xix]. No bog iron has been found in proximity to any of the remains of ironworks; probably the iron-smelters consumed all that was conveniently near the scenes of their operations. In the neighbourhood of all the remains of ironworks in Gairloch are found ferruginous rocks and shales, or rust-coloured earths. The best samples of these rocks have on analysis yielded but eight per cent. of metallic iron, and the rust-coloured earths are by no means rich in the metal. But there can be no doubt that bog iron was formerly present in the vicinity of these rocks, shales, and earths; and the analyses of the ancient iron slags prove to demonstration that such bog iron was the ore used at the ancient bloomeries.
Mr W. Ivison Macadam, analytical chemist of Edinburgh, is hopeful that the analyses he has undertaken may in course of time throw more light on the methods and productions of the ancient ironworkers. It is not probable that we shall ever know much of their history. According to the Rev. Donald M'Nicol they made iron "in the blomary way, that is by laying it under the hammers in order to make it malleable, with the same heat that melted it in the furnace." In the present day the processes of smelting iron and of producing malleable iron are separate and distinct; these ancient artisans probably combined the two. The slags produced at their furnaces contained a large proportion of metallic iron. Mr Macadam has found fully fifty per cent. of iron in most of the samples of ancient Gairloch slags he has analysed, and at some modern ironworks quantities of ancient slag have actually been found worth resmelting. The wasteful richness of the old slags can be easily accounted for; the ancient methods of smelting were comparatively imperfect, labour was cheap, the iron used cost nothing, and the forests whence was derived the charcoal for smelting it were apparently inexhaustible, whilst the business was no doubt carried on more for the supply of local and immediate wants than as a branch of commerce. If the ironworkers could obtain by their primitive processes enough iron to supply their own requirements, they would naturally be careless of the amount of metal wasted.
The fuel universally used for iron-smelting, until far into the eighteenth century, was wood-charcoal, and even to the middle of the nineteenth century it was still employed at two blast-furnaces in Scotland. Every part of the Highlands, not excepting the parish of Gairloch, was clothed with dense forests of fine timber. Far up the mountain slopes, and down to the rocky shores of the sea, the fir, oak, and birch flourished in wonderful and beautiful profusion. There is no poetic license, no picturesque exaggeration in this statement. Everywhere the relics of trees are to be seen to this day, and much of the timber used by Gairloch crofters in roofing their dwellings and for other purposes consists of branches found underground. The disappearance of the great Caledonian forest has been accounted for in several ways; some have conjectured that a vast conflagration or series of conflagrations destroyed it; others think that its destruction was more gradual, and resulted from the labours of the charcoal burners and similar doings. In Gairloch there are charred stumps still to be seen preserved in peat bogs, that support the conflagration theory; but there is also widespread evidence of extensive charcoal burnings, so that there must be some truth in both these modes of accounting for the destruction of the woods. Some localities of charcoal burnings will be mentioned in [Part I., chap. xx].
McLAGAN & CUMMING, LITH, EDINR
SIR GEORGE HAY OF MEGGINISH, KNIGHT,
THE IRONFOUNDER OF LOCH MAREE,
FROM A PORTRAIT BY FERDINAND,
IN DUPPLIN CASTLE.
All the ancient Gairloch ironworks are in the vicinity of burns. This fact raises a strong inference that the older ironworkers, like their historic successors, utilised the water-power afforded by adjoining streams for the purpose of working machinery. The Rev. D. M'Nicol's statement, already quoted, that hammers were used to produce malleable iron confirms the inference; and the remains of dams or weirs, and other expedients for augmenting the water-power, convert the conjecture into an established fact. It appears certain, then, that heavy hammers worked by machinery, with water for the motive power, were used in remote times,—another testimony to the ingenuity and mechanical skill of the ancient inhabitants of the Highlands. The tuyere for a furnace-blast found at Fasagh (see [illustration]) is another evidence of that skill.
The reader must please remember that the ancient ironworks referred to in this chapter are quite distinct from the historic series to which our next is devoted.
Chapter XVIII.
The Historic Ironworks of Loch Maree.
To the lonely and romantic shores of the queen of Highland lochs belongs the curiously incongruous distinction of having been the scene where the new departure in iron-smelting processes, which commenced the present series of Scottish ironworks, was inaugurated. How wonderful it seems, that the great iron industry of Scotland, which to this day enriches so many families and employs so many thousands of workmen, should have sprung from this sequestered region! The claim to the distinction is based on the facts, that up to the present time no records of any earlier manufacture of iron have been discovered, and that the iron industry established here early in the seventeenth century became, as we shall shew, of such national importance as to call for special legislation. It appears to have been in 1607 that Sir George Hay commenced ironworks at Letterewe, on Loch Maree, which were continued for at least sixty years. It is true that in 1612 a license previously granted by the king to "Archibald Prymroise, clerk of his maiesties mynis, his airis and assignais quhatsomeuir ffor making of yrne within the boundis of the schirefdome of perth," was ratified by Parliament, but the date of the license is not given, and we hear no more of these Perthshire ironworks.
It was not until the eighteenth century that the seed sown by Sir George germinated, and the iron industry began to spread in Scotland.
The iron furnaces in Glengarry, referred to by Captain Burt, are said to have been established by a Liverpool company, who bought the Glengarry woods about 1730.
The iron-smelting works at Abernethy, Strathspey, were commenced in 1732 by the York Buildings Company. This company was formed in 1675 to erect waterworks on the grounds of York House in the Strand, London, and was incorporated in 1691 as "The Governor and Company of Undertakers for raising the Thames water in York Buildings." The operations of the company have been described by Mr David Murray, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., in an able pamphlet entitled "The York Buildings Company: A Chapter in Scotch History." The company raised at the time of its incorporation the then immense capital of £1,259,575, and conducted not only the original waterworks, but also enormous speculations in forfeited estates in Scotland; the company also carried on coal, lead, and iron mines, the manufacture of iron and glass, and extensive dealings in timber from the Strathspey forests. Their agents and workmen in Strathspey are described in the Old Statistical Account as "the most profuse and profligate set that were ever heard of in this country. Their extravagances of every kind ruined themselves and corrupted others." Their ironworks were abandoned at the end of two years, i.e. in 1734, or, according to the Old Statistical Account, in 1737. They made "Glengarry" and "Strathdoun" pigs, and had four furnaces for making bar iron. The corporation of the York Buildings Company was dissolved in 1829.
The Loch Etive side, or Bonawe, ironworks, were commenced by an Irish company about 1730. They rented the woods of Glenkinglass, and made charcoal, with which they smelted imported iron ore. That company existed till about 1750. In 1753 an English company, consisting of three Lancashire men and one Westmoreland man, took leases, which ran for one hundred and ten years, and these were renewed in 1863 to the then manager of the company for twenty-one years, expiring as lately as 1884. By the courtesy of Mr Hosack, of Oban, I have seen duplicates of the leases under which the undertaking was carried on. The works comprised extensive charcoal burnings and the blast-furnace at Bonawe; they were discontinued before 1884.
Other important works of a similar character were afterwards established by the Argyle Furnace Company, and by the Lorn Company, at Inverary.
In a work on "The Manufacture of Iron in Great Britain," by Mr George Wilkie, Assoc. Inst. C.E., published in 1857, it is stated that the Carron works were established in 1760 by Dr Roebuck of Sheffield and other gentlemen; that in 1779 two brothers of the name of Wilson, merchants in London, established the Wilsonton ironworks in Lanarkshire; that in 1788 the Clyde ironworks were established in the neighbourhood of Glasgow, and that in that year there were only eight pig-iron furnaces in Scotland, of which four were at Carron, two at Wilsonton, one at "Bunawe in Lorn," and one at "Goatfield in Arran," the two latter being worked with wood charcoal for fuel. The furnace at Bunawe is that already noticed as on Loch Etive side. Of the alleged furnace at "Goatfield in Arran" there are no records or remains to be found in Arran to-day. Probably Goatfield was in Argyleshire.
But we need not here further trace the wonderful growth of the still existing series of Scottish ironworks. To establish our claim to precedence, it will suffice to shew that the furnaces on Loch Maree were commenced by Sir George Hay more than a century earlier than any of those just named.
Pennant, in his tour of 1772 ([Appendix B]), mentions the time of the Queen Regent as the period when Sir George Hay was head of a company who carried on an iron furnace near Poolewe; this statement is given on the authority of the Rev. John Dounie, minister of Gairloch. The regency of Mary of Guise extended from 1542 to 1560; so that the historical commencement of the ironworks on Loch Maree might date as far back as the middle of the sixteenth century. But Sir George Hay lived at a later date, and Mr Dounie must have been inaccurate in this respect.
From Donald Gregory's history of the Western Highlands, Alexander Mackenzie's history of the Mackenzies, and several old MSS., including the genealogy of the MacRaes ([Appendix A]), we glean the following facts:—
In 1598 a party of gentlemen, known as the "Fife Adventurers," obtained a grant from the crown of the island of the Lews, and took steps to plant a colony there. Mackenzie of Kintail and the M'Leods of the Lews, ceasing for the time their own feuds, combined to oust the Fife Adventurers. In 1607 the king granted the Lews to Lord Balmerino (Secretary of Scotland and Lord-President of the Session), Sir George Hay, and Sir James Spens of Wormistoun (one of the original "Fife Adventurers"), who in 1608 renewed the attempt to colonize the Lews, but without success. In 1609 Lord Balmerino was convicted of high treason and executed, thus forfeiting his share. Sir George Hay and Sir James Spens about that time sent an expedition to the Lews, but Neil M'Leod, secretly backed by Mackenzie of Kintail, opposed the intending colonists, who were driven from the island. Mackenzie was raised to the peerage in the same year with the title of Lord Mackenzie of Kintail, after he had induced Sir George Hay and Sir James Spens to give up their scheme and transfer their rights in the Lews to himself. Lord Mackenzie, in part payment, gave them the woods of Letterewe for iron-smelting; the arrangement was concluded in 1610, and Lord Mackenzie then obtained a fresh grant to himself from the crown.
But we can carry back the history of the Letterewe ironworks to a slightly earlier date still.
The Rev. Farquhar MacRae was appointed vicar or minister of Gairloch by Bishop Leslie of Ross in 1608, in order that he might "serve the colony of English which Sir George Hay kept at Letterewe." Mr MacRae continued his work in Gairloch parish till 1618, and his son informs us, in the "Genealogical Account" ([Appendix A]), that on his death in 1662 Mr MacRae "had lived fifty-four years in the ministry, ten of which at Gairloch." Thus it is evident that he was ordained vicar of Gairloch in 1608. This was two years before Sir George Hay acquired the woods of Letterewe from Lord Mackenzie, but the later date of his acquisition of those woods does not preclude the possibility of Sir George having already commenced the manufacture of iron there, perhaps in a tentative manner. It will be noticed that the Genealogical Account of the MacRaes speaks of Sir George Hay's undertaking at Letterewe as a going concern when Mr MacRae was sent in 1608 to minister to the ironworkers. It seems almost certain, therefore, that it had begun in 1607, for we cannot but assume that the appointment of Mr MacRae to Gairloch was made to supply a want that must have taken at least a year to develop. The conclusion that Sir George Hay began the Letterewe ironworks in 1607, receives some confirmation from the fact that the grant of the Lews to him and his colleagues took place in the same year. The two matters were very probably connected. Either Sir George was led to enter into the Lews adventure from his being located at Letterewe, so near to Poolewe, the port for the Lews, or—which is more probable—the advantages of Letterewe attracted his attention when at Poolewe planning the subjugation of the Lews. The date (27th January 1609) of the act forbidding the making of iron with wood ([Appendix G]) is not inconsistent with the commencement of the ironworks in 1607. Assuming that the prohibition was (as seems likely) aimed at the Letterewe ironworks, it is reasonable enough to suppose that they must have been begun in 1607, so as to have attained sufficient importance to excite the alarm of the legislature in January 1609. News from the Highlands took a long time to travel so far as Edinburgh in those days.
We hear nothing more of Sir James Spens in connection with the ironworks.
Sir George Hay's history is remarkable. He was the second son of Peter Hay of Melginche, and was born in 1572. He completed his education at the Scots College at Douay in France. He was introduced at court about 1596, and seems at once to have attracted the attention of James VI., who appointed him one of the gentlemen of the bedchamber, and in 1598 gave him the Carthusian priory or charter-house at Perth and the ecclesiastical lands of Errol, with a seat in Parliament as a peer. But he declined the peerage, was knighted instead, and subsequently adopted the profession of the law, in which he attained to great distinction. He seems to have been a favourite with the king, whom he defended when in 1600 the Earl of Gowrie was killed in his treasonable attempt on his majesty's life. Assisted by the favour of the crown, Sir George acquired large territories both in the Highlands and Lowlands. (See extract from "Douglas's Peerage," [Appendix G].) But some think that at the time he settled at Letterewe he was under a cloud. Political troubles had arisen; one of his partners, Lord Balmerino, had been convicted of high treason and executed; so that the statement that Sir George had chosen the remote Letterewe "for the sake of quiet in those turbulent times" appears reasonable enough. The fact that he occupied the leisure of his enforced retirement in establishing and improving iron-smelting, is a standing testimony to the energy of this remarkable man. He is said to have resided some years at Letterewe, or at least to have made his headquarters there. No doubt Lord Mackenzie would provide the best habitation he could for the learned and enterprising lessee of his woods. Probably Sir George lived in an old house on the site of the present Letterewe House.
The only Gairloch iron-furnaces which we can be sure were carried on by Sir George Hay were those at Letterewe, Talladale, and the Red Smiddy near Poolewe. (They will be described in [Part I., chap. xx].). The vast woods of Letterewe were undoubtedly the prime motive that led Sir George to start the ironworks there. They must have been very extensive, for it is the opinion of those who should know, that each furnace would annually use as carbonised fuel the product of one hundred and twenty acres of wood. The works Sir George conducted seem to have combined two classes of industry,—(1) The manufacture of wrought-iron, the ore being smelted with charcoal into a mass of metal called a bloom, which was hammered whilst yet hot into bars of wrought iron, or into various articles used in the arts of peace or war; (2) The manufacture of pig-iron and articles of cast-iron, the metal being poured into moulds.
The Letterfearn MS. says, that at Letterewe "Sir George Hay kept a colony and manufactory of Englishmen making iron and casting great guns, untill the wood of it was spent and the lease of it expired."
The Genealogical Account of the MacRaes tells of "the colony of English which Sir George Hay of Airdry kept at Letterewe, making iron and casting cannon."
The Bennetsfield MS. mentions the grant of the "lease of the woods of Letterewe, where there was an iron mine, which they wrought by English miners, casting guns and other implements, till the fuel was exhausted and their lease expired."
Pennant notes in his Tour ([Appendix B]), that the Rev. John Dounie had seen the back of a grate marked "S. G. Hay," or Sir George Hay. Those acquainted with old inscriptions tell us that the initial S was a usual abbreviation for the title "Sir."
It appears, then, that Sir George not only produced articles used in warfare, but also such goods as we are accustomed to procure at the ironmonger's.
It is certain that improved processes of iron-smelting were introduced at Furnace, Letterewe, and perfected at the Red Smiddy, Poolewe, so that the results obtained at the latter place were almost on a par with those of the newest methods of the present day. The credit of these improvements must be given to Sir George Hay. In resuscitating the ancient manufacture of iron, he brought the intelligence of his cultivated mind to bear on the subject in a practical and successful way.
The "new industry" thus commenced on the shores of Loch Maree soon attracted the attention of the government. Reference has already been made to the act of 27th January 1609, prohibiting the making of iron with the natural woods of the Highlands. The act is printed verbatim in [Appendix G]. There seems little doubt, as previously remarked, that it was intended to injure Sir George Hay. It was probably passed on the instigation of a political foe.
But Sir George must have still possessed considerable influence at court, and the importance of his new industry must have produced a strong impression, for on the 24th of December 1610, at Whitehall, the king gave him what appears to have been a monopoly of the manufacture of iron and glass throughout the whole of Scotland, for thirty-one years from that date, and this gift was ratified by Act of Parliament, dated 23d October 1612. The delay of two years in its ratification seems a little strange, and perhaps indicates that whilst Sir George continued such a favourite with his king as to receive from him so valuable a "Christmas box," he still had enemies in the Privy Council or the Parliament of Scotland. The ratification will be found in [Appendix G]; it recites the license. It would appear from a Scots Act passed 16th November 1641, that several noblemen and gentlemen had obtained monopolies of other manufactures,—probably about the same time. That act brought these monopolies to an end in the same year (1641) that Sir George Hay's monopoly of the manufacture of iron expired. Whether Sir George carried on ironworks elsewhere than on Loch Maree we know not, but it is most likely that they were his principal, if not his only, undertakings of the kind.
In 1613 a proclamation was made by the Privy Council restraining the export of iron ore out of the country, so that the enterprise of the new industry should not be hindered or disappointed ([Appendix G]). If the act of 1609 prohibiting the making of iron with wood had been obtained by an enemy of Sir George Hay's, the adverse influence of the foe was now at an end. Possibly Sir George had by this time returned from the Highlands, for we find that in 1616 he was appointed Clerk-Register. If so, his personal influence may have over-ridden that of his former political enemies. Under this proclamation Sir George became able to procure the clayband ironstone almost at his own price. He used it extensively both at Furnace (Letterewe) and at the Red Smiddy, as well as at Talladale.
There is another record relating to Sir George Hay's iron manufacture; it is the curious license anent selling of his iron, granted to him by a Scots Act, dated 4th August 1621, and printed in [Appendix G]. It purports to be a license to Sir George to carry his iron to any port or harbour of the free burghs royal, and to dispose of the same to any person notwithstanding the privileges and liberties of the burghs. This license, granted fourteen years after the commencement of the Letterewe ironworks, testifies to the vigour with which the enterprise had been pushed. It would seem that the quantity of iron produced now only required a free market. The monopoly granted to Sir George, the proclamation restraining the export of iron ore, and the special license he now obtained for selling his iron in royal burghs, were exceptional provisions, which would now-a-days be considered antagonistic to cherished political principles. To what extent Sir George profited from the advantages granted to him we cannot tell. That he became a rich man there seems no doubt, and the ironworks on Loch Maree may have added to his wealth.
THE MINISTER'S STONE, ARDLAIR.
John Roy Mackenzie was the prudent, business-like, and hospitable laird of Gairloch during the residence at Letterewe of Sir George Hay, who appears to have had a furnace at Talladale on John Roy's Gairloch estate. Doubtless some intercourse took place between them, but as John Roy had been previously engaged in warfare, and could not, so far as we can judge from the story of his youth, have been a man of much culture, it is unlikely that he and Sir George became very intimate. But Sir George, the learned lawyer and man of science, had a thoroughly congenial friend in the great Latin scholar the Rev. Farquhar MacRae, vicar of Gairloch, whose house at Ardlair was but a three miles' walk or row from Letterewe House. The account given in [Appendix A] proves that the friendship of this accomplished and genial clergyman was much appreciated by Sir George, who endeavoured to induce Mr MacRae to accompany him when he himself returned to the south. A remarkable rock or stone at Ardlair, called "The minister's stone" (see [illustration]), is still pointed out as the place where Mr MacRae used to preach in English and Gaelic. No doubt he also preached at Letterewe; and we are told that he "did not only please the country people, but also the strangers, especially George Hay." The interesting memoir of Mr MacRae, in [Appendix A], is well worth perusal; he married in 1611, and brought his bride to the parsonage at Ardlair, where several of his children were born. Unquestionably the refined life of the vicar and his family at their beautiful and retired home, would be more enjoyable to Sir George than the rougher habits of the natives of the country, nay, even than the society of the fighting laird of Gairloch himself.
The date when Sir George left Letterewe is not certain; the reason of his departure is plain,—he had superior calls on his presence in the south. After he left his Highland retreat his career was one of unbroken success and distinction. In 1616 he was appointed Clerk-Register, and on 16th July 1622 he was constituted High Chancellor of Scotland. He was raised to the Peerage by the title of Viscount Duplin and Lord Hay of Kinfauns in 1627, and was created Earl of Kinnoull by patent dated at York 25th May 1633. As chancellor he won "the approbation of the whole kingdom, and the applause of all good men, for his justice, integrity, sound judgment, and eminent sufficiency." He died in London in 1634, aged sixty-two. Some account of the statue of his lordship, of the epitaph on his monument, and of the portraits of him still extant (see [illustrations]), will be found in [Appendix G]. If we may trust the expressions contained in the epitaph, it would almost appear that the iron-founder of Loch Maree became, under his king, the ruler of fair Scotland, for he is termed "the great and grave dictator of our clime."
But the departure of Sir George from Letterewe did not stop the progress of his ironworks on Loch Maree. The concession or monopoly granted by the crown had still many years to run, and the works were unquestionably continued for a long further period under a manager or factor. The last manager is said to have been called John Hay, a name which obviously suggests that he was a relative of Sir George.
In the Gairloch churchyard is a picturesque tombstone, evidently of considerable age. It has a well carved skull and cross bones, and underneath them a shield (originally faced with a brass), with a design below it resembling an inverted fleur-de-lis. At either side of the shield are the letters I and H, of large size. The inscription round the border of the stone is only partly legible. It runs as follows:—
* * R ‧ LYIS ‧ IOHNE ‧ HAY ‧ SON * * HAY ‧ OF ‧ KIRKLAND ‧ WHO ‧
DIED ‧ AT ‧ LOCH * * * * * *
It is said that this stone was sent to the port or wharf at Port na Heile, in Gairloch (the present Gairloch pier), some years after the death of John Hay, to be placed over his grave; that he was the last manager of the Letterewe ironworks; that he died, and was probably buried, at or near Letterewe; that the stone lay at the port for many years; and that, ultimately, when the situation of John Hay's grave had been forgotten, Sir Alexander Mackenzie, the second baronet and ninth laird of Gairloch (who succeeded 1703, came of age 1721, and died 1766), authorised one William Fraser to place the stone in the burial-place of his (Fraser's) family, where it now lies. It is added that "Sir Alexander received a stone from William Fraser for it."
McLAGAN & CUMMING, LITH, EDINR
SIR GEORGE HAY, 1ST EARL OF KINNOULL, HIGH CHANCELLOR OF SCOTLAND,
THE IRONFOUNDER OF LOCH MAREE,
FROM A PORTRAIT IN DUPPLIN CASTLE,
ATTRIBUTED TO GEORGE JAMESONE, THE SCOTTISH VANDYCK.
These statements about the Hay tombstone are from the mouth of James Mackenzie, who says that William Fraser and his own grandfather were first cousins, and that the facts about the gravestone were told him on their authority when he was young. He is corroborated by other old Gairloch men.
Although this John Hay, whose father appears from the tombstone to have been Mr Hay of Kirkland, was probably a relation of Sir George Hay, it is impossible to fix the degree of relationship. Sir George Hay's father had three sons, Patrick, George, and Peter. This Peter was designated as of Kirkland of Megginch. He had a son called Francis, whose great-grandson Thomas succeeded to the earldom of Kinnoull, on the direct line of Sir George Hay, the first earl, becoming extinct in the person of William, the fifth earl, in 1709. Possibly Peter Hay had a son known as James Hay of Kirkland, or else some collateral relation of the family bore that designation, for we gather from a short account of the parish of St Martins, Perthshire, contained in a footnote to the account of that parish in the Old Statistical Account, that a James Hay acquired Kirkland by an exchange with Mr John Strachan, minister of St Martins. The son, Thomas, of this minister, "after his return from his travels, when he had waited on the earl of Kinnowel his son as his governour for the space of three years, became conjunct with his father, and died minister there in the year 1671." Kirkland was a "good manor house;" it was built of old by the abbot of Halyrood-house, and was afterwards the minister's manse. It is possible that this Kirkland may not have been the same as Kirkland of Megginch. In all probability, however, John Hay, the last manager of the Loch Maree ironworks, was a son of James Hay, and the latter was a relative of the great Sir George. It was indeed natural that Sir George should prefer to entrust his ironworks to a relative rather than to a stranger.
After the death of the Earl of Kinnoull, his ironworks appear to have fallen into a languishing condition, possibly from the timber being exhausted. In Knox's Tour it is stated that Mr Alexander Mackenzie of Lochend, in 1786, told the author (Mr Knox) that cannon were still made at Poolewe in 1668. Mr Mackenzie said his grandfather had "lent ten thousand marks to the person or persons who carried on the works, for which he got in return the back of an old grate and some hammers." It is curious that these relics are the only remains known to have existed (except the breech of a cannon and some small pigs of iron) of the productions of the Loch Maree ironworks. The "back of an old grate" was no doubt the same as that which Mr Dounie told Pennant of, and the hammers, or at least one of them, must have been the same as existed in living memory. (See [Part I., chap. xx].)
So far as we can judge, the ironworks were discontinued soon after the date of the loan mentioned by Mr Mackenzie of Lochend. Thus the undertaking was carried on for a period of at least sixty years. Local tradition affirms that the industry was prolonged into the eighteenth century, but there is nothing to confirm the tradition except the story of the Gille Buidhe ([Part I., chap. xiv].); it speaks of men living in 1746 as being sons of one of the last of the Letterewe ironworkers.
The artisans employed by Sir George Hay are said by some to have been from Fife, by others to have been Welsh, and by all to have been "English." But this last term only means that the ironworkers spoke English, for as truly remarked by the Rev. Donald MacRae, minister of Poolewe ([Appendix E]), "Highlanders look upon all who do not speak the Gaelic language as Sasganaich [Sasunnach] or Englishmen."
The names Cross, Bethune or Beaton, and Kemp, are still known in Gairloch parish as belonging to descendants of the ironworkers. Cross is a common Lancashire name. Mr D. William Kemp, of Trinity, who has read a valuable paper on old ironworks in Sutherlandshire to the Scottish Society of Arts, says that the name Kemp is very uncommon in Wales, but is a north of England name, and was common in Cumberland after the fourteenth century, artisans of that surname having settled in that county in the reign of Edward III.
It is probable that Sir George Hay's artisans were mostly from Fife; they were very likely some of the men who had been taken by the "Fife Adventurers" to the Lews, with the object (frustrated as we have seen) of establishing a colony there. To these Fifeshire men were no doubt added a few (including a Cross and a Kemp) who had come with iron ore from Lancashire or Cumberland. Of course all of them were ignorant of Gaelic.
These ironworkers remained in Gairloch for several generations; some of them became permanently settled in the parish. It is said that at one time an epidemic of smallpox carried off a number of them. Narrators of Gairloch traditions differ as to where the ironworkers buried their dead. Some believe it was at the burial-place on flat ground near the head of Loch Maree, which is accordingly called to this day Cladh nan Sasunnach, or "the Englishman's churchyard," but others say, with more probability, that the beautiful burial-ground on Isle Maree was their place of sepulture. This last view is in accord with the information obtained by Dr Arthur Mitchell ([Part II., chap. xi.]), and appears to be the better opinion.
I do not think the Cladh nan Sasunnach was used for interment so recently as the time of Sir George Hay's undertaking. I examined this strange place on 12th May 1884. There are indications of twenty-four graves, all with the feet pointed towards the east, and all covered more or less with large unwrought stones. There are head and foot stones more or less distinct to all the graves, which, from their dimensions, might well be called the graves of giants. I opened two of the graves in different parts of the group to the depth of four or five feet, in fact as far as the ground was workable with ordinary pick and spade. In the first grave opened, a cavity, filled with water, eighteen inches deep and much wider than the grave, was reached at a depth of between two and three feet, and below that the stratum was nearly as hard as concrete. There were no indications whatever of organic remains. In the case of the second grave opened, which was the largest and most marked of the group, no water was reached and no remains were found. To the depth of about four feet the gravel was comparatively loose, as if it had been wrought at some time. Below that it was so hard that evidently it had never been moved by man. Now, had there been interments here in the seventeenth century, there must surely have been some traces of them. My own opinion is, that these graves date back some centuries earlier than the ironworks, in fact to the period when tradition says it was usual to bury the dead in shallow graves scraped out of hard gravel, and then to cover the graves with large stones, the hardness of the gravel and the weight of the superincumbent stones being intended to hinder wolves from exhuming the bodies.
We should like to know more about the ironworks, and particularly about the men who were employed at the furnaces, and their families and circumstances. The struggles that had engaged the MacBeaths, Macdonalds, M'Leods, and Mackenzies for two centuries, and had rendered Gairloch a veritable battlefield, were at an end in Sir George Hay's time. With the exception of occasional raids on Gairloch by Lochaber and other cattle-lifters, there was now peace throughout the parish. The Scots Act of 27th January 1609 ([Appendix G]) speaks of the "present generall obedience" of the Highlands, as contrasted with the previous "savagness of the inhabitantis." Letterewe was then, as now, a peculiarly retired spot; there is still no access to it for wheeled vehicles; Sir George Hay's choice of it as a retreat from political troubles confirms the view that it was safe and secluded; the mountains behind Letterewe had long been a favourite hunting-ground of the lords of Kintail ([Part I., chap. iv.]); and we may well believe that Sir George and his men were able not only to carry on their business without interruption, but also to enjoy in peace the sport afforded by the district. At the same time, it must be remembered that the natives were still in a half savage condition, miserably fed, clothed, and housed, and entirely destitute of education. Very loose notions of morality were prevalent; and to a great extent the old principle that "might is right" still ruled the daily life of the people. They say that some of the ironworkers, severed from home ties, and finding themselves far away from the executive of the law, became reprobates. One of the latest of the ironworkers, or a son of one of them, was known as the Sasunnach Mor, or "Big Englishman"; he is said to have been a wild character. A crofter and carter now living at Londubh is a great-grandson of the Sasunnach Mor; the last Mackenzie of Kernsary testified, in the presence of persons now living, to the descent of this Londubh crofter from the Sasunnach Mor. But whatever were the idiosyncrasies, either of the early or of the latest ironworkers, there can be no doubt that they all led rough and almost lawless lives in their wild Highland homes.
Chapter XIX.
The Iron Ores used in Gairloch.
The first question that most people ask, when they hear of the ironworks in the parish of Gairloch, is,—Where did the iron that was smelted come from? The answer can only be supplied by an examination of the remains of the ironworks now to be met with, and of their neighbourhood. Of records bearing on the subject there are none. There are but two incidental notices that help to throw light on the question; both are comparatively modern.
The Bennetsfield MS. speaks of "the woods of Letterewe, where there was an iron mine which they wrought by English miners."
The New Statistical Account ([Appendix E]), in the account of Gairloch written by the Rev. Donald MacRae in 1836, says, "Sir James Kay [Sir George Hay] sent several people to work at veins of iron ore on the estate of Letterewe."
Let us discuss the questions of the ores used at the ancient bloomeries and at the historic ironworks under separate heads.
I.—At the Ancient Bloomeries.
It has been already stated ([Part I., chap. xvii.]) that bog iron was the source whence the ancient ironworkers of Gairloch obtained their metal, so that the terms "iron mine" and "veins of iron ore" quoted above must be considered as referring—unwittingly perhaps—to it. The ingredients of ancient Gairloch iron slags, as ascertained by Professor Ivison Macadam, shew that they have unquestionably resulted from the smelting of bog iron. His analyses and conclusions will in due time be made public; they will prove that the iron ore used at the ancient ironworks in the parish of Gairloch was undoubtedly bog iron.
Mention has been made of ferruginous rocks, shales, and earths existing in the vicinity of the old ironworks. Local tradition affirms that these were the sources of the iron used in the old days. It appears certain that bog iron was found in the vicinity of these ferruginous strata,—probably derived from them,—but they cannot have been the subjects of the ancient iron-smelting. Mr Macadam finds that the richest samples of them do not yield more than 8 per cent. of metallic iron, and that the sulphur they contain does not occur in the slags produced at the furnaces, as would have been the case had they been used.
The most abundant and apparent of these rocks is the large band of ferruginous stone that runs from Letterewe, in a south-easterly direction, along the shores of Loch Maree to the further end of the base of Slioch. It is so extensive, and so rusty in colour, that it can be easily discerned from the county road on the opposite side of the loch. Similar ferruginous rock appears in several other places, as far at least as to the head of Glen Dochartie, but not so abundantly, and therefore not so conspicuously. It also occurs in other parts of Gairloch parish. Gairloch people point out several places where they say this ferruginous rock was quarried, viz.: (1) on the south side of the Furnace burn at Letterewe, nearly a quarter of a mile above the site of the iron furnace; (2) on the face of the ridge immediately behind and above the cultivated land at Innis Ghlas; (3) at Coppachy; and (4) in a gully, called Clais na Leac, at the north-west end of the cultivated land at Smiorsair. At each of these places there are exposed scaurs or escarpments of the ferruginous rock, which are said to have been the results of quarrying, but which are much more like natural fractures. We may therefore dismiss the tradition that iron ore was obtained directly from these supposed quarries as not only unreliable but impossible.
The absence of bog iron in the neighbourhoods of the Gairloch iron furnaces or bloomeries is quite intelligible; it was no doubt all consumed by the ironworkers. Considerable quantities of bog iron are still to be seen in other parts of Gairloch, and their frequent occurrence throughout the parish confirms the contention that this description of ore formerly existed near the bloomeries, and was used at them. Most bog iron is rich in the useful metal. Mr Macadam has analysed a sample from Golspie, submitted by Dr Joass, and has found it to contain 54½ per cent. of metallic iron. Some Gairloch samples are nearly as rich, as will be seen from the results of Mr Macadam's analyses stated below.
The deposits of bog iron are locally called by the descriptive name of "pans." The following is a list of places where these deposits occur within the parish of Gairloch, as so far noticed by Mr Macadam and myself:—
1. In the churchyard at Sand of Udrigil.
2. At the highest point on the road between Aultbea and Laide.
3. In the village of Cove; masses of bog iron are built into fence walls.
4. Near Meallan na Ghamhna.
5. Near the Inverasdale Board School, where there are three "pans."
6. In the township of Strath of Gairloch; the "pans" have been broken up; they say there were several of them.
7. At the north-west end of the township of Lonmor; here too the "pans" have been broken up, and lumps of bog iron are to be seen in walls or dykes. Mr Macadam has found 51¼ per cent. of metallic iron in a heavy sample from this place.
8. Among the sand hills at the easternmost corner of the farm of Little Sand; one "pan" is entire; another is partly broken up. Mr Macadam's analysis shews 51½ per cent. of metallic iron in a sample from this place.
9. At North Erradale; "pans" broken up. Mr Macadam states that a heavy sample of bog iron from this place yields 49 per cent., and a sandy portion 38¾ per cent. of metallic iron.
10. At South Erradale. There is a fence wall, locally called Garadh Iaruinn, or the "iron dyke," entirely composed (for fifty yards of its length) of masses of bog iron, varying from 3 to 13 inches in thickness, and some of them nearly a yard in length. The dyke was erected in 1845, when the present system of crofts was being established in Gairloch. Quantities of bog iron are also to be seen in other dykes, and the soil of probably about two acres of the adjacent cultivated land mainly consists of comminuted bog iron. There must have been large deposits of it at this place; one or two unbroken masses still remain in situ. Mr Macadam finds that the heavier kind yields, on analysis, 50 per cent. of metallic iron, whilst a sandy portion contains 46½ per cent.
11. On the farm of Point, Gairloch, near the house of Mr MacClymont, farmer. The heavy bog iron analysed by Mr Macadam yields 50 per cent. of metallic iron, and some red sand from the same place contains 15 per cent.
II.—At the Historic Ironworks.
Mr Macadam is of opinion that bog iron was not only used at the ancient bloomeries, but also at some of the historic furnaces in Gairloch parish, particularly at Letterewe and Talladale. He gathers this from the general character and composition of some of the slags found at these places. It was in the early stage of Sir George Hay's career as a manufacturer of iron that he used the native bog iron ore; later on he began to import iron ores of a different kind from other parts of the kingdom,—at first in order to mix them with the local bog iron, and afterwards, perhaps, for separate use. The introduction of these imported ores may have been primarily due to the failure of the supply of the bog iron; it undoubtedly led to a vast improvement in the results obtained at Sir George Hay's furnaces.
The evidence that Sir George imported what we may term foreign ores is not far to seek.
At the Letterewe ironworks there are to be seen fragments of two kinds of imported iron ore, scattered in the soil of the field adjoining the furnace, or built into fence walls; they are red hematite ore, and clayband ironstone.
Mr J. E. Marr, F.G.S., has described these foreign ores as follows:—"Red hematite exactly the same as that in the Furness and Whitehaven districts in England. Large masses of a brown clay ironstone; one of these masses being a septarian nodule, with radiating crystals along the cracks; the other being bedded, and containing numerous plant and fish remains, but no shells; these fossils shew them to belong to the carboniferous system."
Some small fragments of similar clay ironstone have been found on the traditional site of the Talladale iron furnace.
On the bank above the ironworks on the river Ewe, called the Red Smiddy, are fragments of clayband ironstone, which Mr Marr has described as follows:—"Clay ironstone nodules, mostly blue inside, and weathering red and yellow on the outside. Many of these were septarian; and when fossils occurred they were of shells, and there were no traces of plants or of fish remains. This ore, in fact, is entirely different from either of the two kinds found at the Letterewe furnace. At the same time, the fossils shew that it also belongs to the carboniferous system."
On the west bank of the pool at Poolewe, the landing-place both for Letterewe and the Red Smiddy, is a considerable heap of red hematite exactly similar to that found at Furnace, Letterewe. At the same place are many masses of clay ironstone, which include all the varieties found at Letterewe and the Red Smiddy. In the soil in the bank below Poolewe church, where a jetty and storehouse were erected in 1885, there are also large quantities of clayband ironstone, which were not seen by Mr Marr.
Mr Macadam has examined and analysed samples of all these foreign ores. He is unable to draw the same distinction as Mr Marr between the apparent varieties of clayband ironstone, and thinks that they were in all probability from the same place, and that most likely the south of Scotland. He finds that the samples of hematite ore contain metallic iron varying in quantity from 30 to 60 per cent. The samples of clayband ironstone he finds to yield from 6 to 38 per cent. of metallic iron; they also contain a considerable quantity of lime.
Mr Marr thinks that these foreign or imported ores were mixed with local ore. The lime in the clayband ironstone would render it a useful ingredient from its quality of acting as a flux. Mr Marr adds, "The theory of intermixture of local and imported ores receives support from a similar case in Wales which has come under my observation, where somewhat impure ore containing quantities of phosphorus, occurring among the old slaty rocks of North Wales, is carried to South Wales to mix with the carboniferous ores."
For convenience of reference in our next chapter, the several sources from whence iron was obtained for the smelting-furnaces on Loch Maree, and in other parts of Gairloch, may be classed as follows:—
1. Bog iron obtained locally.
2. Red hematite. Same as found in Lancashire and Cumberland, and unquestionably imported thence.
3. Clayband ironstone, possibly in two varieties. This was also imported either from the south of Scotland or elsewhere.
Chapter XX.
Remains of Ironworks in the Parish of Gairloch.
The following descriptions will include all the remains of ironworks so far noticed within the parish of Gairloch, whether belonging to what we have called the ancient class, or to the more modern historic set.
The slags found in and about the various remains are broadly divided by Mr Macadam into two classes, which he describes as follows:—
(1.) A dark black slag, compact and heavy, in some cases slightly porous; the percentage of iron in this slag is high; in many samples more than half is iron.
(2.) A gray light porous mass, resembling the slags formed in blast furnaces at the present day; this slag contains a large proportion of lime, and a comparatively small proportion of iron.
The descriptions of iron ores found at the different places are indicated by numbers referring to the list of ores at the end of the last chapter.
It appears certain that there were ironworks in the following different places in Gairloch parish,—
1. Glen Dochartie; three places.
2. Fasagh.
3. Furnace, Letterewe.
4. Talladale.
5. Garavaig, on Slatadale farm.
6. Red Smiddy, near Poolewe.
1. Glen Dochartie.
The traveller proceeding from Loch Maree to Achnasheen may notice, to the right of the road, about four hundred yards before the head of Glen Dochartie is gained, and on the seven hundred feet contour line of the ordnance survey, a scattered heap of small pieces of the slag No. 1. The burn runs past not many yards below. No site of a furnace can be identified. On the other side of the road, about three hundred yards up the hill, on the thousand feet contour, are more extensive similar remains, with the same kind of slag. Mr Macadam finds that this slag contains 66 per cent. of metallic iron, and no lime as silicate. There is red earth in the neighbourhood resembling what is found with "pans" of bog iron. The burn runs past, but is now in a deep gully. At the foot of the glen, more than a mile nearer Kenlochewe, and a little to the west of the bridge over the burn, are fragments of similar slag, and traces of charcoal burnings. The place is on the ancient beach, about twenty feet above the level of the road. No doubt all these remains are of considerable antiquity; they may perhaps have been parts of the same undertaking.
2. Fasagh.
The most extensive remains of ironworks on Loch Maree are on the south side of the Fasagh burn, close to where it runs into the loch. This burn comes from Loch Fada, a considerable sheet of water to the north of Slioch. There are remains of a sluice or dam where the burn leaves Loch Fada, evidently used long ago to regulate the water supply. The burn flows into Loch Maree at its south-east corner, close to the head of the loch. There are indications of a large artificial bank, probably the remains of a dam, formed at right angles to the burn, near the site of the ironworks; but the burn has of late years been subject to great floods, that have to some extent varied its course, and altered the surrounding features.
There are two places which seem to have been the sites of furnaces or bloomeries; at each of these spots, which are near each other, and have a small watercourse (now dry) running alongside, there is a mass of slaggy material surrounding a root or stump of a tree. In the same part is a quantity of blackish material, weathering red and splitting on exposure like quicklime, and on all sides are heaps and scattered masses of dark heavy slag No. 1. The tuyere (see [illustration]) of a furnace was in 1882 removed from a cottage close by, where it had been for a long time; it is now in the possession of Mr Macadam, and is to be placed in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. I have obtained from an old man at Kenlochewe, an ancestor of whose brought it from the Fasagh ironworks, a curious article (see [illustration]); it is of cast-iron, and seems to have formed part of the apparatus for working a large forge-hammer. In examining the furnaces with Mr Macadam in April 1886, we found a portion of a thin bar, which appeared to be of iron. They say that a massive hammer head brought from Fasagh was long at Culinellan, and that an anvil at the Kenlochewe smithy was formed from part of it. Not far from the sites of the furnaces is a mound of rust-coloured earth like that found with bog iron (ore No. 1). There are evidences of extensive charcoal burnings on the other side of the burn, to the west of the ironworks.
Mr Macadam has supplied the following results of his analyses of samples of substances obtained at Fasagh:—The slaggy material from tree roots contains 66 per cent., the blackish material 73 per cent., and the dark slag 68 per cent. of metallic iron; the slag also contains 11 per cent. of silica; the bar of iron contains 63 per cent. of metallic iron, and a large quantity of carbon.
About half a mile to the east of the Fasagh works, at the foot of the crag called Bonaid Donn, is a small circular pond, or rather a large hole in the middle of a circular marsh. It is called Lochan Cul na Cathrach. There is a perpetual flow of spring water from this hole, and the surrounding marsh prevents close approach to it. It is the common tradition, accepted with the fullest credence, that into this hole the last ironworkers at Fasagh threw all their implements when the furnaces were discontinued. Possibly a drag might bring something to light, or the hole might be drained. The tradition is so firmly believed, that it produces on one's mind a strong impulse to search the hole, and try to find something bearing on the nature and history of the Fasagh ironworks.
From the character of the slags, the comparatively complete state of the remains, and from the tuyere and other things having been discovered, it seems probable that the Fasagh works, whilst belonging to the ancient class of ironworks, were amongst the most recent of that class; and Mr Macadam thinks it possible that Sir George Hay may have commenced his operations at this place in continuation, no doubt, of older ironworks.
3. Furnace, Letterewe.
The remains of the ironworks at the hamlet of Furnace, a mile south-east of Letterewe, are perhaps the most generally interesting in Gairloch, as being especially identified with Sir George Hay. The furnace which gives its name to the hamlet is on the north-west bank of the "Furnace burn," about one hundred yards from its confluence with Loch Maree. The remains of the furnace are tolerably complete, and a hole in its lower part looks as if it had been the aperture for the blast. On the banks of the burn are masses of sandstone, which formed part of the furnace. Some fragments of vitrified bricks are also to be seen. In the soil of the adjoining field, and in its fence walls, are quantities of the ores 2 and 3. In places the soil is quite red with fragments of hematite. In other places it is stained black with charcoal burnings, and many fragments of charcoal are to be found. No doubt the water-power of the burn was utilised, and Loch Maree afforded an easy means of transport of imported ores from Poolewe, where they were landed.
The slags found about this furnace are of both classes. May we not conclude from this fact, that Sir George Hay commenced the manufacture of iron on the old methods anciently in vogue, and that it was at Letterewe that he began the improved processes which were afterwards carried to still greater perfection at the Red Smiddy? This furnace belongs of course to the historic class.
4. Talladale.
A strong local tradition places the Talladale furnace on the bank of a small burn about one hundred and fifty yards south-east of the Talladale river; it stood in the corner of the field nearest to, and to the west of, the road. They say that when this field was reclaimed and trenched, large quantities of slag were turned up, and were buried in the land and in drains. The few specimens of slag found on the surface in 1883 are of both kinds. Some small fragments of ore discovered are No. 3. It seems pretty certain, therefore, that the Talladale furnace was carried on by Sir George Hay, and that it belongs to the historic class of ironworks.
5. Garavaig, on Slatadale Farm.
The Garavaig furnace stood in a slight hollow in the east corner of what is now the easternmost field of the Slatadale farm, close to where the Garavaig burn (on which are the Victoria Falls) runs into Loch Maree. They say the water-power of the burn was anciently increased by artificial means. When I first examined the field where the furnace stood it was newly ploughed, and part of it was stained black with fragments of charcoal, indicating extensive burnings. The farmer stated that he had buried immense quantities of slag in the drains and soil of this recently reclaimed field. There are still numerous fragments of No. 1 slag on the surface, so that the furnace belonged to the ancient class. The farmer said that he had noticed indications of there having been a furnace in the slight hollow already mentioned, and the fragments of slag are thickest there. The agricultural operations have reduced the place almost to a dead level. No kind of iron ore is found, but the locality is just the place where one would have expected "pans" of bog iron might have occurred.
6. Red Smiddy, Near Poolewe.
The remains of the iron furnace on the river Ewe are still called A Cheardach Ruadh, or "the Red Smiddy." They are more perfect, and therefore to some extent more attractive to one studying the subject, than any of the others. Unquestionably they are also more recent. That the Red Smiddy was part of Sir George Hay's undertaking appears certain; but it was very likely under his manager or factor that it was established, and probably a number of years later than the Letterewe furnace. The slags are exclusively of class No. 2, and closely resemble those formed in blast-furnaces at the present day, thus demonstrating the progress Sir George made in the art of the manufacture of iron after his commencement at Letterewe. Mr Macadam finds that this light slag is completely soluble in acids, and that it contains 16 per cent. of oxide of calcium, and only 23 per cent. of metallic iron. The ore found on the bank above the Red Smiddy and elsewhere near its remains are of the No. 3 class. Many of the fragments of ore have been roasted. This process does not seem to have been adopted at any of the other furnaces. It is another indication of the more recent date of the Red Smiddy, and of the improvements in the methods pursued there. The Letterewe and Talladale furnaces appear to have been originally established solely for the smelting of bog iron (No. 1). Gradually the paucity of that ore, the advantage of mixing imported ores with it, and their superior quality, led to the introduction of the latter; and then the convenience of having a furnace near the place where these imported ores were landed, led to the establishment of the Red Smiddy. No doubt timber for charcoal burning was at first obtainable in every direction, and afterwards, if there were not a sufficient quantity standing near the Red Smiddy, it could easily be floated down to it from Letterewe or other places on Loch Maree.
The Red Smiddy is on the north-east bank of the river Ewe, immediately below the termination of its navigable part, which also bears the name of the "Narrows of Loch Maree," so that this furnace may properly be said to stand at the foot, as the Fasagh works stand at the head, of the loch. The furnace is about half a mile from Poolewe, and is said to have been approached from the other side of the river by means of a weir or dam, which was long afterwards converted into a cruive dyke. This weir served also to maintain the water-power used for working the hammers. It spanned the river in a transverse direction from east to west, and the line of the old road is still visible leading down to its west end. Leaving the navigable part of the Ewe at the east end of the weir was a race or cut, more or less artificial, the channel of which still runs past the furnace which it formerly insulated. It was not till some time prior to 1830 that the old weir was restored, and used for salmon cruives. They were removed about 1852 in order to lower the level of the water above, and so drain land at the head of Loch Maree.
The furnace is still tolerably complete. It is about six feet square, and stands on a mound red with its remains. It is built of sandstone. The chimney stalk was standing to the height of eight or ten feet at the time the cruives were removed. Several men in the neighbourhood speak to this fact, and identify numerous pieces of sandstone lying about as having formed portions of it. They are all vitrified along the cracks. Some bricks or pieces of brick are also found; they are formed of rough clay. Mr Marr thought they contained rushes, that had been mixed with the clay to bind it. There is a large heap of the slag No. 2 near the furnace. A flat space to the north of the furnace appears to have been artificially formed for the purpose of moulding the iron; here I have found two small masses or pigs of cast iron. Mr Macadam has found that one of these masses contains 98‧8 per cent. of metallic iron, very little carbon, and only ‧8 per cent. of silicon. A pig of iron which Dr Arthur Mitchell found here in 1859, and deposited in the museum of Scottish Antiquities at Edinburgh, is of cast iron. Besides these pigs of iron several other iron articles have at different times been taken from the Red Smiddy. Pennant was told by the Rev. Mr Dounie in 1772, that he (Mr Dounie) had seen the back of a grate marked S. G. Hay. Mr Alexander Mackenzie of Lochend informed Mr Knox in 1786, that his grandfather had got from these works "an old grate and some hammers." Sir G. S. Mackenzie of Coul mentions in his "General Survey," in 1810, "the breech of a cannon he had found among the rubbish, which appeared to have been spoiled in casting." Old men state that they remember to have seen, about 1840, in front of the inn at Aultbea, a large iron hammer head which had been brought from the Red Smiddy; it required two men to lift it, and to raise it from the ground was a common test of strength; it was removed from Aultbea by Donald Macdonald, fishcurer at Lochinver. It may have been one of the hammers mentioned by Mackenzie of Lochend.
There are evidences of extensive charcoal burnings on several flat places along the east bank of the Narrows of Loch Maree for a space of nearly half a mile above the Red Smiddy, and much of the bank immediately above it is black with charcoal and the remains of fires where ore was roasted.
There is a tradition that Sir George Hay or his manager projected a canal, to connect the navigable part of the Ewe with the sea at a place called Cuil an Scardain, at the south-west corner of Loch Ewe. Two large circular holes at this place, now nearly filled up with stones cleared from the adjoining arable land, are said to have been borings made to test the feasibility of the project. They give some probability to the tradition.
In chronological order the Glen Dochartie and Garavaig bloomeries were probably the earliest of the Gairloch ironworks. The Fasagh works seem to have been intermediate between those and the historic series, which includes Furnace (Letterewe), Talladale, and the Red Smiddy. These last belong, as we have seen, to the seventeenth century.
Old inhabitants have a tradition that there was a bloomery in Tollie bay on Loch Maree. They say that after it was discontinued the business of tar boiling was carried on at the same place. If this were so, it must have been long ago, for no vestiges of old fir trees are now to be seen in the neighbourhood. Some small fragments of slag are found among the shingle in Tollie bay. Mr Macadam has analysed a sample of this slag, and is of opinion that it is lime-kiln slag; it contains 33 per cent. of carbonate of lime, and 64 per cent. of insoluble silicates, which include only 13 per cent. of metallic iron.
There are a few masses of slag near the entrance to the Gairloch churchyard. Owing to the crowded state of the graves within, some interments have recently taken place outside the churchyard, and this slag has been dug up. Mr Macadam finds that it contains 29½ per cent. of metallic iron, and 8¼ per cent. of insoluble silicates. He does not think this slag has been the result of iron-smelting.
Two notices not already quoted referring to iron mines or the manufacture of iron in the neighbourhood of Loch Maree or Loch Ewe ought to be mentioned before concluding this part of our subject.
The following is an extract from the letterpress (written in 1660) on the back of Blaeu's map of the north of Scotland—the old Dutch map previously referred to in these pages. It seems to speak of an outer and inner Loch Ewe, the latter (Loch Maree) surrounded by thick woods where in past years there had been iron mines (ysermijnen).
After describing Kintail, and then Lochcarron, it goes on to say (proceeding northwards):—"Dus voort-tredende komt men aen eenige onbekende zeeboesems, en den volght de zeeboesem Ew, en duysent schreden daer boven de binnenzee Ew, van alle zijden met dichte bosschen beslotten, daer in de voorgaende jaren ysermijnen gevonden zijn, en ick weet niet of men noch heden daer aen arbeyt."
The other notice occurs in the "Present State of Great Britain and Ireland," printed by J. Brotherton, London, 1742, where we read that "further on the same coast lies Loch Ewe with thick woods on all sides, where a great deal of iron was formerly made."
This brings to a close my remarks on the old ironworks of Gairloch. The dense forests of timber that yielded the charcoal used by the iron-smelters of old have disappeared, and coal, which is not found in Gairloch, is now the usual fuel for smelting. The local bog iron does not occur in such quantities as would be required for profitable working in the present day. It is therefore unlikely that the iron industry will again find a footing in Gairloch; but it must ever be interesting to recall what we know of the ironworks, both those commenced by the illustrious Earl of Kinnoull, and the others of more ancient date.
ON THE EWE.
The existing remains almost go to prove that the parish of Gairloch has been in bygone days the "Black Country" of the west coast. Whilst admiring the energy and skill of the former ironworkers, may we not be allowed to express the hope that charcoal burnings and iron furnaces may never again—at least in our time—be set agoing to mar with their smoke and refuse the beautiful shores of Loch Maree and the river Ewe?
Chapter XXI.
ANTIQUITIES.
In this chapter I shall attempt little more than to catalogue the objects of archæological interest in Gairloch parish, and to suggest some subjects for the investigation of archæologists.
Gairloch is very deficient in remains of old buildings. In ancient times the mason's art was unknown in the district, and the erections of those days were formed of uncemented and unchiselled stones, so that no architectural features are to be found among the slight remains of ancient buildings.
Of Druidical, or supposed Druidical, remains there are very few in Gairloch, and even these are of doubtful origin. The only place connected by local tradition with the Druids is a circular enclosure in Tollie wood. It is formed of a rough wall enclosing a regular circle. The stones composing the wall are of comparatively small size, and are much scattered. There are several heaps of stones and remains of detached pieces of wall near the circle. This part of Tollie wood consists mostly of indigenous oaks, which are said to be descended from the oaks of the Druids. By some the traditional Druidical origin of these remains is discredited, and the circle and other buildings are supposed to have been fanks or folds for cattle or sheep. The tradition is however generally current in Gairloch, and at least deserves consideration.
The circular enclosure on Isle Maree, which has for many centuries been used as a burial-ground, was supposed by Thomas Pennant ([Appendix B]) to be Druidical, and Dr Arthur Mitchell inclines to the same opinion. The sacrifices of bulls, and other pagan practices, connected with this island, render this view highly probable.
The circular island in the paddock below Flowerdale House, which was until recent times the place where justice was administered in Gairloch, is probably Druidical. It is to-day scarcely an island, the moat or ditch which formerly insulated it being now filled up, or nearly so. It formed no part of the Tigh Dige, or its garden or outbuildings, which were all in the field on the seaward side of the paddock. A full account of the manner in which the administration of justice was conducted at this island will be given in [Part II., chap. iii]. The curious way in which the laird and his assessors or jurymen were stationed at trees favours the Druidical origin; the criminal and his accusers were also stationed at ancient trees.
Of other prehistoric remains the Pictish brochs or round houses are perhaps the most notable. One occurs on Craig Bhan, on the north-east side of the river Ewe, half-way between Poolewe and Inveran, within two hundred yards of the road. Another round house, with unusually high and perfect walls, stands on a grassy eminence to the east of the road between Poolewe and Tournaig. Three others were exposed to view in trenching new land on the shores of Loch nan Dailthean at Tournaig several years ago. Some steatite whorls, stone troughs (see [illustrations]), ashes, and other remains, were found in them. Other round houses occur near Kernsary, and in other places. No doubt the remains of many are now concealed by an overgrowth of heather and other plants, and many more have been destroyed by agricultural operations.
The only vitrified fort in Gairloch stood on the rocky eminence near the volunteer targets at the south-west end of the largest sandy beach at Gairloch. Slight traces of the vitrification are said to be still found.
There are remains of a number of ancient strongholds or fortalices in Gairloch. Some were duns or castles, others were crannags or crannogs, i.e. fortified islands, more or less artificial.
The one most frequently mentioned in the traditions of the country is the Dun or Castle of Gairloch. It occupied the same site as the vitrified fort just referred to. Probably it was more of a fortification than a castle. Some of the low banks or lines of stones on the rocky eminence are said to be the ruins of the castle walls. This dun is said to have been a stronghold of the MacBeaths, and subsequently of the M'Leods.
The remains on Eilean Grudidh are more perfect. The natural rocky bank of the island appears to have been completed and heightened into a fortification by rude masonry cemented with clay. This fortification surrounded the island; the interior formed a tolerably level plateau, now much overgrown; on this plateau are slight remains of buildings, which in the present day are little more than mounds. At one place there is a deep hole with a circular wall round it; tradition says this was a dungeon. The area of Eilean Grudidh is barely half an acre. Like the Dun of Gairloch, it is said to have been held by the MacBeaths and afterwards by the M'Leods.
Of the stronghold, or rather crannog, on Loch Tollie, there only remain the loose stones scattered on the little island (now overgrown by bushes) and in the water around it. This small island (see [illustration]) is to-day the nesting-place of two or three pairs of the common gull, and no one would suppose that it was once a fortalice of the MacBeaths, and subsequently of the M'Leods.
Another stronghold, or dun, said to have been the last held in Gairloch by the M'Leods, is now only known by a large mound, apparently natural, with traces of a long straight bank on its top, and by the name Uamh nam Freiceadain. It is situated on the headland between Port Henderson and Opinan; its position is marked on the [six-inch ordnance map]. The name Uamh is said to be derived from a recess on the face of the hill towards the sea.
There were also duns at Tournaig and Naast. The site of the former is still called Dunan, or the "little dun"; it is only evidenced to-day by the large stepping-stones that give dry access to it at the highest spring-tides. There are no remains of the castle of Naast, said to have been a fortalice of Vikings. The rock on which it was situated still bears the name of Dun Naast.
There are crannogs, or artificial islands, on Lochs Kernsary and Mhic 'ille Rhiabhaich; nothing is known of their history. It is interesting to recall that, in the instructions given by the Privy Council of Scotland to the commissioners appointed in 1608 to treat with the Highland chiefs, "crannaks" were specially referred to. They must have caused much difficulty in dealing with the Highlanders, who found in them secure refuges against attacks by government agents.
There were six churches, or places of worship, in old days in Gairloch, mentioned in the traditions still current among the people, and referred to in [chapter xvi.] of this Part:—
1. The church of Gairloch was originally dedicated to St Maelrubha, and perhaps erected by him in the seventh century; it stood near the centre of the burial-ground at Gairloch. There are no remains whatever of it. In the Dutch map of 1662 the place is called Heglis Ghearrloch, i.e. the church of Gairloch.
2. The church at Culinellan, near Kenlochewe, was mentioned in the Old Statistical Account ([Appendix C]) as a place of worship at Kenlochewe; no traces of it remain. It is probably the church referred to in the map of 1662 as Heglis Loch Ew.
3. The turf-built place of worship near the beach in Tollie bay was but a temporary expedient; some remains of it (since obliterated by farming operations) existed in the memory of old men now living.
4. A little church or meeting-house stood at Cruive End or Tollie Croft. Here Pennant heard the Rev. John Dounie preach in 1772, and here some old people still living attended public worship up to 1826, when it fell into disuse upon the erection of the present church at Poolewe. It was a thatched house, and agricultural works have destroyed all traces of it.
5. The church or chapel of Inverewe stood in what is still called the Inverewe churchyard. This place is perhaps more generally known as the Londubh burial-ground. The old name of Londubh is Baile na h' Eaglais, which means the town of the church. The burial-ground is a hundred yards to the east of the road leading from Poolewe towards Aultbea, a short distance beyond Pool House. The house where James Mackenzie lives is close to the churchyard; this house used to be the residence of the proprietors of Kernsary; the place is now called Kirkton, a literal translation of Baile na h' Eaglais. What is left of this old church of Inverewe is supposed by some to be the remains of the oldest church in Gairloch parish. It seems to have been forty feet long and eighteen feet wide; it was not placed due east and west. The original wall forming the north-east side of the church is still standing, overgrown with a large mass of ivy. The Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie, from Bute, founder of the Kernsary family ([Part I., chap, xiv.]), purchased the Kernsary estate, including this churchyard, some time during the seventeenth century. He was an Episcopalian clergyman, and held services in the church of Inverewe, probably with much acceptance among his neighbours, who clung to the old form of worship long after Presbyterianism had been established by law. It seems likely he built this little church; some say he only restored an older church; in either case this may have been the site of an ancient pre-Reformation church, and even of a monastic institution, for there are many traces of buildings in the neighbourhood. On the death of Mr Mackenzie there was no one to conduct services here; and on the final establishment of Presbyterianism in Scotland in 1689, or within a few years thereafter, the church was partly pulled down, and the two present roofless apartments or chapels were constructed out of its remains for family burial-places; they have since been used as such. The Inverewe church does not seem to have possessed any architectural features; a moulding round the door of one of the burial-places is Jacobean. A loose stone in one of the burial-places is inscribed "K M K 1678," and very likely records the date when the Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie built or restored the church. On the lintel of the door of the principal burial-place are initials and a date, now nearly eradicated by decay; the date looks as if it had been the same as that on the loose stone. The stone basin of the font lies loose in the burial-ground near; a stone now placed over a grave is moulded along one edge, and may possibly have formed part of the altar.
6. The chapel of Sand of Udrigil (see [illustration]), situated in a churchyard crowded with graves, close to the village of Laide, is stated in Dr Scott's Fasti Ecclesiæ Scoticanæ, Part V., to have been built (about 1713) by George Mackenzie of Gruinard, at his own expense, as a Presbyterian place of worship; but the universal tradition in Gairloch is, that the little church was erected by St Columba, the apostle of Scotland, or one of his followers, in the seventh century, and that the chapel was only thatched by George Mackenzie of Gruinard, if indeed his place of worship were not an altogether different edifice. I incline to the opinion that the chapel dates further back than the eighteenth century. It seems to have been an Episcopal church, for (1) it is placed nearly east and west; and (2) when I first knew the little ruin, its single window showed what appeared to be the remains of a mullion and tracery, which I would not have expected in a Presbyterian church of the eighteenth century. If then the church be older than the time of George Mackenzie of Gruinard, who can say that the local tradition may not be authentic? The walls of the church are cemented with lime made by burning shells, or possibly shell sand from the island of Tanera, some twelve miles away. I am bound to say that several houses in the locality, known not to date further back than the eighteenth century, were cemented with similar lime, notably the old house of Ardlair, demolished about 1883. The strength of such lime was shown at Ardlair, where blasting-powder had to be resorted to for the destruction of the old house. The little church of Sand is very picturesquely placed near the seashore.
Of old burial-places worth examination there are several in Gairloch:—
1. The Cladh nan Sasunnach, or English burial-ground, near the head of Loch Maree. It contains twenty-four graves. Some have supposed that it was the cemetery of the ironworkers, but I incline to the opinion that the graves are far older than the period of the historic ironworks ([Part I., chap. xviii.]). I recommend this burial-ground to the investigation of antiquaries.
2. The burial-place in Isle Maree so thoroughly described by Dr Arthur Mitchell ([Part II., chap. xi.]). Its most interesting gravestones are those beneath which the unfortunate Norwegian prince and his bride are sleeping.
3. The mounds to be seen on Fraoch Eilean, in Gairloch, mark the graves of the M'Leods slain by the heroes of Leac nan Saighead ([Part I., chap. xii.]).
4. The Gairloch churchyard is now overcrowded with graves. In it are the chapel or burial-place where lie some of the older lairds of Gairloch, and the tombstone of John Hay, described in [Part I., chap. xviii]. There are two unroofed chapels or burial-places. The northern one is that of the lairds of Gairloch; it contains two flat tombstones, one not inscribed, the other bearing an illegible inscription. Outside this chapel is a raised tomb covered with a flat bevelled stone, on which are the Cabar feidh, the initials K M K and I M K, and the date 1730. In the other burial-place are several graves, but no monuments or inscriptions; outside it, on the east wall, are monuments to the Chisholm family. Into the wall facing south is built a handsomely sculptured stone, with the text "Timor domini est initium sapientiæ" carved upon it in relief; below is what looks like a representation of the Cabar feidh, with the letter A on one side and M K on the other side. The date 1633 is cut into the stone, in a different character and evidently by a different hand to that of the original sculptor. If the date were 1638 the stone would unquestionably be a monument to Alexander (Alastair Breac), fifth laird of Gairloch; perhaps it may have been in memory of one of his family. Many of the leading celebrities among the natives of Gairloch in the days that are gone repose in the churchyard. None of the older gravestones bear inscriptions. Of modern ones, the monument to William Ross, the Gairloch bard, is most noticeable.
5. The Inverewe churchyard, where stands the ruined old chapel already described. A few shapeless stones are the only antiquities beyond those connected with the little church.
6. The churchyard or burial-place at Culinellan, near Kenlochewe, to which the same remark applies.
7. The churchyard at Sand of Udrigil already referred to. It contains nothing except the ruins of the old chapel which can interest the archæologist.
I am told an ancient burial-place was discovered some years ago at Bruachaig, near Kenlochewe, where the bodies had been buried in a doubled-up position, the well-known custom in remote times. I have visited another spot, in a glen among the mountains, traditionally described as a burial-place of giants; it may have been so, but the stones (which indeed are mostly flat) look more as if they had been deposited naturally than by human agency.
Of remains of old buildings, besides those already described, there are few of any antiquarian interest in Gairloch:—
1. Perhaps the oldest remains of these other buildings are the few stones and the mound on Isle Maree, supposed to represent the cell of St Maelrubha and the tower to which the Norwegian prince brought his bride ([Part I., chap. ii.]).
2. On Eilean Ruaridh Beag are the remains of the residence of John Roy Mackenzie, fourth laird of Gairloch, who lived here in the latter part of the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth. It is said that long before that time Ruaridh M'Leod, who gave his name to the island, resided here, possibly in the same house, or in one on the same site. This small island almost adjoins Eilean Ruaridh Mhor on its south side. The buildings present no architectural features, and only ruinous dry-stone walls remain; there are also some half-wild garden fruit-trees on the island. I remember about the year 1868 seeing a small cannon ball sticking in one of the walls, and I am told that bullets have often been found in the moss on this island. Perhaps the cannon ball and the bullets had been there since the fight when Ruaridh M'Leod was driven from the island. The remains of John Roy's house confirm Captain Burt's accounts of the "huts" in which the Highland lairds of his day (early in the eighteenth century) resided; the chiefs seem to have been generally little better lodged than their clansmen.
3. On Eilean Suainne were the houses or huts where the sons of John Glassich Mackenzie, the second laird of Gairloch, dwelt in the sixteenth century, and where Alastair Breac, the fifth laird of Gairloch, resided from about 1628 to 1638. There are very slight, if any, remains of these dwellings.
4. The old Tigh Dige and its gardens and outbuildings stood in the field below Flowerdale House. The Tigh Dige itself was, as its name implies, a house in a ditch or moat. Its remains still existed up to the time of the late Sir Francis Mackenzie, Bart. of Gairloch, in the centre of this field, but agricultural operations have now entirely obliterated them. Simon Chisholm, at Flowerdale, remembers them well. The lines of the garden walls can still be traced in the part of the field lying to the east. This was the Gairloch home of Hector Roy Mackenzie, the founder of the family in the latter part of the fifteenth century. The Tigh Dige is said to have been originally a turf hut, with a roof made of sticks and divots. Kenneth Mackenzie, the sixth laird of Gairloch, erected on the same site, within the same moat, about the middle of the seventeenth century, a more substantial building, which was called the Stank House or Moat House, and continued to be the west coast home of the Gairloch family until 1738, when Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Bart., the ninth laird of Gairloch, erected the present west coast residence of the family, which he named Flowerdale House. Sir Alexander also built there the old barn called Sabhal Geal (still in use) in 1730. On the south side of the barn the arms of the Gairloch Mackenzies are carved in stone, with the date 1730 below. The figure of Donald Odhar, in tartan trews, appears as one of the supporters of the shield. There are two Latin mottoes, viz., "Fidelitatis præmium" and "Non sine periculo;" the former (above the coat-of-arms) refers to the faithfulness of Donald Odhar; the latter is the usual motto of the Mackenzies. The old Temple House at Flowerdale, where Alastair Breac seems to have sometimes lived, is now occupied by Simon Chisholm above named, who is Sir Kenneth's present forester and head-gardener. It is a modernised dwelling. No doubt a great part of the wall is ancient. Simon Chisholm says the style of the windows and entrance when he first remembers the house, gave probability to the tradition that it was originally, as its name implies, a church or temple of worship. It may have been the residence of the priest or priests of Gairloch church before the Reformation.
ANTIQUITY NO. 1.—
BRONZE RING FOUND AT LONDUBH.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
5. The old house of Kirkton, close to the Inverewe or Londubh churchyard, is probably the house erected as his residence by the Rev. Kenneth Mackenzie, in the seventeenth century. It is a good example of a laird's dwelling of that period. It is said that Mr. Mackenzie, who came from Bute, had a smack load of Bute earth brought to Kirkton. Part of it was put into the Inverewe church, so that when he was buried there he might lie beneath Bute soil; the overplus was deposited in the garden of Kirkton house, where the heap is still preserved.
6. The houses of Udrigil and Aird were old residences of the Mackenzies of Gruinard, but possess no architectural features, and are not of great antiquity. The same remark applies to Letterewe House, which was the residence of the Letterewe Mackenzies. Cliff House, Poolewe, was formerly the manse of Gairloch, and was erected about 1760. In the old house of Udrigil are curious large cupboards or closets in the very thick walls; they are said to have been used for the purpose of detaining recruits captured by the pressgangs.
Most of the bronze weapons and other remains found near Poolewe have been described by Mr William Jolly, F.G.S., F.R.S.E., in a paper he wrote on the subject. Representations of the most perfect of the bronze and stone weapons or implements so far discovered are included in our illustrations. The following is a list of them:—
No. [1]. Bronze ring, T-shaped section.
[2]. Hollow bronze ring.
[3]. Bronze spearhead, small.
[4]. Bronze spearhead.
[5]. Bronze celt.
[6]. Stone celt.
[7]. Bronze spear.
[8]. Bronze celt.
[9]. Stone implement.
[10]. Quern or trough.
[11]. Fragment of trough.
[12]. Penanular ring.
All these except Nos. 3 and 9 to 12 are in the possession of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie; Nos. 3, 9, 10, and 11 are in the possession of Mr O. H. Mackenzie. Nos. 1, 2, 4, and 8 were found by Hector Maciver whilst cutting peats at Londubh. No. 3 was found near Inverewe House, about three feet below the surface in a peat cutting; a stag's horn was found at the same place in the following year. No. 5 was found at Slatadale; it is considerably worn. No. 6 was found at Cove; it is of some variety of trap well polished. No. 7 was found by two sons of Kenneth Urquhart (Kennie Rob) in a peat cutting near Croft, not far from the place where the Feill Iudha was formerly held. No. 9 was found in 1844 in a peat cutting between Inveran and Kernsary; it is of a sandstone uncommon in this country; it may have been used in flaying cattle and deer. Nos. 10 and 11 were found in brochs or Pictish round houses on the shores of Loch nan Dailthean, when land was newly trenched there in 1879. No. 12 is a penanular ring of bronze with expanded ends; being of a type rare in Scotland, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie deposited it in the museum of antiquities at Edinburgh. Hector Maciver found another bronze ring at Londubh, similar to Nos. 1 and 2, at the same spot where he discovered the above-named. There is a stone quern, resembling No. 10, lying near Drumchork House.
ANTIQUITY NO. 2.
HOLLOW BRONZE RING FOUND AT LONDUBH.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
ANTIQUITY NO. 3.—
BRONZE SPEAR HEAD
FOUND, ALONG WITH A STAG'S HORN, NEAR INVEREWE HOUSE.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
On the flat peat moss behind Poolewe, and to the west, a large market was held for generations, known as the Feill Iudha, or "ewe market." It was frequented by the Lews men, as well as by the people of the district. The last of these markets was held about 1720, when many of the Lews men who had attended the market were lost in a violent storm in the Minch, while returning home in their open boats. Traces of this old market have frequently turned up while cutting peats, in the form of bundles of cabars or sticks tied up with withes, as brought from the woods ready for exportation; moulds of some fatty substance, either butter or tallow; and a rounded block of wood, fourteen inches in diameter, found ten or twelve years ago, probably prepared for being converted into the wooden bickers or plates formerly common in the Highlands.
The remains of the ironworks described in the last chapter are of considerable archæological interest. Two of the iron articles found near the Fasagh furnaces are represented among our illustrations; they are Nos. [13] and [14] in the list of antiquities illustrated; they are to be deposited in the museum at Edinburgh.
Among our illustrations are outlines of the [crosses] on the tombstones of the prince and princess who were buried on Isle Maree. The tragic story connected with them is told in [Part I., chap. ii].
The caves at Cove and Sand of Udrigil are said to be meeting-places of great antiquity; they are still used for public worship. I have explored for some little distance the cave on the seashore at North Erradale, but have discovered nothing of interest beyond some apparently recent evidences of distillation of whisky.
PART II.
Inhabitants of Gairloch.
| CHAPTER | PAGE | |
| I. | Ancestry and Names | [109] |
| II. | Warfare and Weapons | [112] |
| III. | Polity and Customs | [114] |
| IV. | Religion and Religious Observances | [117] |
| V. | Character and Characteristics | [121] |
| VI. | Language and Dress | [125] |
| VII. | Ways and Means | [132] |
| VIII. | Agriculture and Stock | [136] |
| IX. | Fisheries | [143] |
| X. | Posts and Roadmaking | [147] |
| XI. | Superstitions of Isle Maree | [150] |
| XII. | Superstitions of Isle Maree—continued | [153] |
| XIII. | Superstitions generally | [158] |
| XIV. | Witchcraft and Magic | [163] |
| XV. | Visions and Second Sight | [169] |
| XVI. | Bards and Pipers | [173] |
| XVII. | Hereditary Pipers of the Gairloch Family | [177] |
| XVIII. | William Mackenzie and Malcolm Maclean | [180] |
| XIX. | William Ross, the Gairloch Bard | [183] |
| XX. | Alexander Campbell, Bard to Sir Hector | [185] |
| XXI. | Alexander Grant, the great Bard of Slaggan | [187] |
| XXII. | John Mackenzie of "The Beauties" | [189] |
| XXIII. | Living Gairloch Bards | [192] |
| XXIV. | The Poolewe Artist | [200] |
| XXV. | James Mackenzie's Gairloch Stories | [201] |
Chapter I.
Ancestry and Names.
No traveller can claim even a moderate acquaintance with the parish of Gairloch unless he has acquired some knowledge of her Highland population. This part of our book is designed to help the reader in obtaining that knowledge; nevertheless it is not intended to supersede personal inquiry and observation.
To the casual observer the people here differ very little from the inhabitants of other parts of Great Britain; a closer examination reveals peculiarities in their race, language, manners and customs, superstitions, religious observances, and other characteristics, well worthy the examination of all who resort to this romantic country.
There is a common misconception on the part of English tourists who pay flying visits to the Highlands. Many of them suppose that the natives are of the same blood, and speak the same dialect, as the lowland Scot. Nothing could be further from the fact. To speak of a Highlander "as a Scotsman only," is, as Captain Burt says, "as indefinite as barely to call a Frenchman an European." The Highlander, though inhabiting a part of Scotland, is essentially different from the typical Scotchman. The apprehension of this truth, which will be illustrated in the following pages, is the first step towards the knowledge of the Gairloch Highlanders.
ANTIQUITY NO. 4. BRONZE SPEAR HEAD FOUND AT LONDUBH.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
In [Part I., chap. i.], we have seen how the original Pictish tribe of the Caledonians called the Cantæ, who inhabited Ross-shire, became intermixed with two foreign, yet probably cognate breeds, the Norwegians and the Danes. Further admixture of blood took place by the settlement in Gairloch of Highlanders of other septs, particularly the MacBeaths, M'Leods, MacRaes, and Macdonalds. The ironworkers left their mark on the breed, in such names as Cross, Kemp, and Bethune or Beaton. In more recent times sheep-farming brought lowland blood, identified by the names of Watson, Reid, Stewart, MacClymont, Lawrie, Boa, &c. Again, it is said, no doubt with truth, that some few English or even foreign sailors have at different times settled in Gairloch, owing to shipwrecks or other causes. A Spanish ship, possibly connected with the Armada, is said to have been wrecked on the Greenstone Point, and one or two persons used to be pointed out who, though bearing native names, were believed from their dark wavy hair to have Spanish blood in their veins. So the Taylors of Badachro are descended from a lowland sailor lad. Lastly, the minor admixtures of blood from the immigration of attendants who came with brides of the Gairloch lairds (of whom are the Campbells or M'Ivers, Grants, Chisholms, &c.), and of some other individuals mentioned in these pages, such as Rorie Mackay, the piper, have, in a less degree, leavened the Gairloch breed. On the whole, however, it must be considered as mainly sprung from the original Pictish stock, herein differing ab initio from the lowland race.
The surname Mackenzie greatly predominates in Gairloch, and there are a number of distinct families of that name; many of them have an unbroken lineage from one or other of the lords of Kintail, or of the lairds of Gairloch, whose ancient origin has already been given. In the present day pedigrees are less thought of than in the time of the old seannachies, who were the genealogists of their clans, but many people now living in humble circumstances could, if they pleased, trace their ancestry a thousand years in an unbroken line through the original Kenneth, the progenitor of the family. The blood of kings and nobles flows in their veins, and accounts no doubt for the innate courtesy and gentle manner often noticeable among the humblest of the Gairloch Highlanders.
ANTIQUITY NO. 5. BRONZE CELT FOUND AT SLATADALE.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
Surnames were little used in Gairloch in old times, and it is supposed that many persons of different races who settled in the Mackenzie country were after a time reckoned to be Mackenzies. Possibly the clan name was originally adopted only as a means of connecting the follower with his chief, whose tartan of course he wore for identification.
To the present day surnames are little used in Gairloch when Gaelic is being spoken, and even in English a number of men are often called by the equivalents of their Gaelic names. These Gaelic names are formed by the addition to the Christian name of a soubriquet or byname, often hereditary, or else of the father's, grandfather's, and even the great-grandfather's Christian names or some or one of them. Thus in the minutes of the Presbytery of Dingwall, referring to sacrifices of bulls ([Appendix F]), we find the names of Donald M'Eaine Roy vic Choinnich and Murdo M'Conill varchu vic Conill vic Allister, which in English are respectively "Donald the son of John Roy the son of Kenneth" and "Murdo the son of Donald Murdo the son of Donald the son of Alexander." "Roy," properly "Ruadh," happens to be the only soubriquet in these two compound names. Take some examples from names of men now living:—Alexander Mackenzie, the senior piper of the Gairloch volunteers, is the son of John Mackenzie of Moss Bank; the father is known as Iain Glas, i.e. Pale John; the son is always called in Gaelic Ali' Iain Ghlais, i.e. Alexander [son] of Pale John. This name also illustrates the custom of continuing a soubriquet, whether appropriate or not, from one generation to another; Iain Glas is so called, not because he has a pale face, but because the byname had belonged to an uncle of his. So we find John M'Lean, the industrious crofter on the east side of the Ewe, called Iain Buidhe, or Yellow-haired John, not because he has yellow hair, but because an ancestor of his was dubbed with that byname.
Among very numerous instances of the application of bynames to men now living, the following may be given:—Donald Og, Alie Ruadh, Uilleam Ruadh, Alie Beag, Iain Dubh, Eachainn Geal, Seann Seoc, and Alie Uistean, meaning respectively Young Donald, Red-haired Alexander, Red-haired William, Little Alexander, Black John, White Hector, Old Jock, and Alexander Hugh. Young Donald is an elderly man; Little Alexander a tall man; Old Jock acquired the name as a boy because he had then an old head on young shoulders; and Alexander Hugh is so called because he had an ancestor named Hugh, though he himself was baptized Alexander only. In each of these cases the individual is either a Mackenzie, Urquhart, or Maclennan, but is never so called by his neighbours. The same system of nomenclature is similarly applied to the other sex.
It is worth notice that several Gaelic names are not translatable into English; thus Eachainn is not really Gaelic for Hector, any more than Uistean is for Hugh, but these English names have long been adopted as reasonably good equivalents for the Gaelic.
Some female names in Gairloch sound strange to lowland ears, i.e. those formed by adding ina to a man's name not usually associated with that termination in the south,—for example, Simonina, Donaldina, Murdina, Seumasina (or Jamesina), Angusina, Hectorina, &c.
Chapter II.
Warfare and Weapons.
Up to the middle of the seventeenth century Gairloch seems to have been a continual battlefield. As to Kenlochewe, it was so often ravaged, and its population so frequently decimated, that one is surprised to find anything left of it!
Among the MacBeaths, M'Leods, Macdonalds, and Mackenzies (assisted by MacRaes), Gairloch was a veritable bone of contention; and for some time after the fierce struggles among the warriors of these clans or tribes had ceased it was still a prey to the raids of the Lochaber cattle-lifters.
What wonder that the Highlander had actually to sleep in his war-paint!
Several weapons of warfare have been mentioned incidentally in Part I., viz., the dirk of Hector Roy, the battle-axe of Big Duncan, the bows and arrows of several of the MacRae archers, and the shotgun of Alastair Buidhe Mackay. The broadsword and targe of the Highlanders were mentioned by Tacitus, and continued to be their arms when in battle array until the eighteenth century. The broadsword is often called the claymore or big sword; it was two-edged. The targe was a round shield of wood covered with leather. Bows and arrows were used against enemies at a distance, and the battle-axe was a favourite and deadly weapon at close quarters. The dirk was mostly used in personal encounters, or when heavier weapons were not at hand. All these weapons were common among Gairloch warriors, except the gun, which was rare here, and in most parts of the Highlands. Bows were made, it is said, of ash; and the present ash trees at Ardlair, and other places hereabouts, are supposed to have sprung from old trees grown long ago on purpose to supply bows.
After the "Forty-five" the clan system faded away, and it is not likely, indeed not possible, that we shall ever again see the able-bodied men of a clan gathered under their chief in battle array.
The immediate substitute for the old system was the raising by several Highland chiefs of regiments of their clansmen as part of the regular army of Great Britain. Lord Seaforth raised the regiment known as the 78th Highlanders in 1793; and, as we have seen, John, second son of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, tenth laird of Gairloch, gathered from Gairloch a company for that regiment, of which he became captain.
All the same, enlisting in the army was never popular in Gairloch; and, as a rule, recruits could be procured only by the detestable means of the pressgang, which was also used for obtaining sailors for the navy.
Dr Mackenzie, writing of the days of his father, Sir Hector Mackenzie, says:—"One of my father's amphibious crofters disappeared, leaving his wife and family to the care of Providence, without a clue to his being dead or alive, for some five years. One day my father, superintending some job near the bay, noticed a man coming towards him with a true sailor-like roll. Intimate with the cut of every man on the estate, says he, 'Surely that is dead Donald M'Lean's walk;' and, on coming near, it certainly was Donald himself, in naval attire. 'Halloa, Donald!' says he, 'where on earth are you from?' speaking, as he always did to his people, in Gaelic. Donald pulled up, and saluting, replied in two words, also in Gaelic, 'Bho Iutharn,' the English of which is simply 'From hell.' The service on board a man-of-war was then really infernal, though Donald, who had been grabbed by a press-gang, had survived five years of it, and found his widow and children glad to see him again."
ANTIQUITY NO. 6.
STONE CELT FOUND AT COVE.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
For other stories connected with the press-gang system see [Part II., chap. xxv]. Very few recruits are in the present day forthcoming from Gairloch for the army, navy, or militia.
The Volunteer corps, which is the "I" Company of the Ross Highland Rifle Volunteers, is well supported, and is generally over its authorised strength. It has three pipers, and the rank and file comprise a number of fine men.
Though perhaps not exactly within the subject of this chapter, the following account given by James Mackenzie of almost the first guns brought to Gairloch may be added:—
It was about 1823 that a large ship was destroyed by fire at Ullapool. Part of her cargo was saved. Besides some casks of fish-hooks, a number of guns were taken out of the burning ship. There was a man then living at Mellon Udrigil in Gairloch named Finlay Fraser; he had come as a foxhunter from Beauly; he got seven of the guns out of the ship. It is said that one of these guns of more than sixty years ago was recently to be seen preserved as a curiosity in the farmhouse of Tollie. Finlay carried on illicit distillation of whisky in a large cave on the Greenstone point. He used to steep barley in whisky, and spread it on the ground in front of a sort of screen, called in Gaelic "skar," behind which he lay in wait with one of his guns until wild geese and other birds came to eat the barley, which soon rendered them "drunk and incapable," when Finlay got easy pot-shots at them. Though the guns obtained from this ship were the first in general use in Gairloch, it is certain that guns had occasionally been brought into the parish long before.
Chapter III.
Polity and Customs.
Notwithstanding the introduction of Christianity in the seventh century, the revival of religion at the time of the Reformation, and later on the militant piety of the stern Covenanters, the people of Gairloch did not make much progress until their previously continuous state of warfare came to an end after the "Forty-five." The abandonment of the clan system, the disarming of the Highlanders, and the proscription of their distinctive dress, entirely changed the condition of the people, and nearly assimilated them to their lowland neighbours as regarded many of the outer circumstances of daily life. The lover of romance may pardonably raise sentimental objections to the change, but it unquestionably heralded a vast improvement in the general condition of the Highland population.
The report in the Old Statistical Account ([Appendix C]) on the state of Gairloch in 1792 contrasts very favourably with what is known of its condition prior to the "Forty-five." The first parochial school appears to have been established in Gairloch about 1730, and in 1792 there was still only the one school; it was well into the nineteenth century before the number of schools was increased. During the minority of the present baronet the number grew, mostly at his expense, to sixteen. As elsewhere education was formerly in the hands of the ecclesiastics, but it was as a rule only to the higher classes that they imparted instruction in the old days. Even the parochial school was up to the passing of the present Education Act (1872) visited and examined by the presbytery.
Few of the people could read or write until quite recently. On 6th March 1811 the Rev. James Russell, minister of Gairloch, reported "the number of persons capable of reading English in the parish to be three hundred and twenty-four; capable of reading Gaelic alone, seventy-two; and unable to read either English or Gaelic, two thousand five hundred and forty-nine." In the present day, under the School Board system, established in 1873, education has reached a high pitch. The teachers in the ten and a half schools of the parish pass at the annual examinations by Her Majesty's inspectors about eighty per cent. of their scholars, and it would surprise a stranger to witness the general intelligence and acquirements of the school children. There are still a number of elderly people in the parish who can neither read nor write, but the rising generation are well educated.
Under the old clan system there was no organized method of relieving the poor; indeed it is certain that the mass of the population was then in miserable plight. With the progress of the church a system of relieving paupers sprang up. Under the ministry of the Rev. D. Mackintosh, the poor, to the number of eighty-four, had the annual collections made in the church, with the interest of £20, distributed among them. The collections averaged £6, 7s. This mode of assisting the poor continued until the introduction of the present poor-law system, which is very thoroughly applied to the parish. Only one remark need here be made about it. It is, that though begging is almost unknown, and though the people have a large measure of Highland pride, they are as a rule callous to the humiliation of receiving relief from the poor-rates; nay rather, some few even appear to think that they have a positive right to draw parish pay, irrespective of the state of their purses.
The very few beggars seen in Gairloch are generally lowland tramps of the drinking class. The travelling tinkers rarely beg; they pitch their rude tents in sheltered places, and repair the tin pans of the neighbourhood. Some few tinkers are well known, and are considered respectable; others are not to be trusted. Gipsies are scarcely ever seen so far north. There is a strange old man often to be noticed wandering about Gairloch. He is a native of the parish, but is now homeless and in his dotage. He goes about seeking, as he says, the road to America. It seems that many a year ago he emigrated with his wife and family to the United States. They all became more or less insane, and all died except the father, this poor old man. He returned to Scotland, and now divides his time among those who are kind to him,—and they are not a few. Barring his absorbing anxiety he does not appear to be unhappy. He always wears a tall hat, and is respectably dressed. Her Majesty Queen Victoria mentions this old man in "More leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands." Describing the excursion to Torridon, Her Majesty writes, "An old man, very tottery, passed where I was sketching, and I asked the Duchess of Roxburghe to speak to him; he seemed strange, said he had come from America, and was going to England, and thought Torridon very ugly."
Among old customs still remaining in Gairloch are those connected with marriages and funerals, and the New Year, which is the only festival observed in the parish.
The marriage customs are a relic of the remote past. They consist of the washing of the feet of the bride and bridegroom at their respective homes on the evening before the wedding, and the putting to bed of the married couple on the night of the ceremony. Captain Burt notices these customs in 1730. Some of the younger people shirk these proceedings, especially in the more accessible parts of the parish, but as a rule they are strictly observed to the present day.
Funerals are not now accompanied by such striking peculiarities. Until the last few years, when a death occurred all the people of the township ceased working until after the funeral, which was attended by every adult male. Of course drinking was much in vogue, and the well known Irish wakes were closely imitated. Now, only those invited to a funeral are expected to attend, and the whisky is confined to the serving of a dram all round (preceded by a prayer) before the funeral procession starts, with additional "nips" whenever a halt is made for rest on the way to the place of burial, and these halts are not infrequent. Until quite lately it was customary for each man accompanying the funeral to throw a stone on the spot where the coffin was placed when a halt was made, thus forming a considerable heap; sometimes the number of stones thrown was the same as the years of age of the deceased. This custom has been generally discontinued in Gairloch since the roads were made, though it is still in vogue in the wilder parts of the adjoining parishes of Applecross and Lochbroom. The use of whisky at funerals is not now universal in the parish of Gairloch; some ministers wisely discourage it, partly on account of its generally evil tendency, and partly because the providing of it is a serious burden on the family of the deceased, already weighted by other expenses in connection with the death or previous sickness.
New Year's eve and New Year's day are kept according to the old style, on the 12th and 13th of January, and both days are general holidays. There is always a keen contest for the "first-footing" at midnight on New Year's eve; the one who succeeds in first entering a neighbour's house claims the inevitable dram. Occasionally a shinty or "clubbing" match takes place on New Year's day.
Some old weights and measures are still adhered to; milk is sold by the pint, which is half a gallon.
The administration of justice in Gairloch is in the present day conducted as in other parts of the country, by the sheriff and justices of the peace; but until the time of Sir Hector Mackenzie, the eleventh laird of Gairloch, they say justice was administered by the chief in a rough and ready fashion. In the paddock below Flowerdale House, immediately adjoining on the east the field in which the Tigh Dige formerly stood, is a small round plantation on a circular plot of land, which deserves its title—the island—as it is surrounded by a wet ditch; it is shown on the [six-inch ordnance map]. It was formerly quite an island, and was approached by a plank or small foot-bridge. Simon Chisholm, the present forester and head-gardener at Flowerdale, remembers when there were the large stumps of five forest trees on this little island, one in the centre and the other four around it. In the line of the hedge which divides this paddock from the field to the west were several other large trees, some of the stumps of which remain to this day. When a trial was to take place the laird of Gairloch stood at the large tree in the centre of the "Island of justice," and one of the principal clansmen at each of the other four trees. These four men acted as jurymen or assessors, whilst the laird himself performed the functions of judge. The accused person was placed at a large tree immediately facing the island, and within forty yards of it, whilst the accuser or pursuer and the witnesses stood at other trees. When the accused was found guilty of a capital crime, the sentence of death was executed at the place still called Cnoc a croiche, or "Gallows hill," about half a mile distant from the island of justice. The Gallows hill is a small knowe close below the high road, on the south side of the ridge called the Crasg, between the present Gairloch Free church and the old Gairloch churchyard, and it overlooks the latter. A few stones still shew that there used to be a wall which formed a small platform on which the gallows stood; they say this wall was more complete within living memory than it now is. The ravine or fissure immediately below the platform provided an effectual "drop." When the body was cut down it would fall to the sea-shore below, and perhaps at high tide into the sea itself. The face of the sloping rock, immediately below the platform where the gallows stood, looks almost as if it had been worn smooth by the number of bodies of executed criminals dashed against it in their fall. This old manner of trial is said to have continued until the eighteenth century. But it must not be supposed that Sir Hector Mackenzie, who regularly dispensed justice among his Gairloch people from 1770 to 1826, adhered to the primitive form.
Folk-lore is little thought of now-a-days in Gairloch. Among the old men who still love it, and from whom many of the traditions and stories given in this book have been derived, are James Mackenzie of Kirkton, Kenneth Fraser of Leac-nan-Saighead, Roderick Mackenzie of Lonmor (Ruaridh-an-Torra), George Maclennan of Londubh, Alexander Maclennan of Poolewe, John M'Lean of Strath, Kenneth and George Maclennan of Tollie Croft, Donald Ross of Kenlochewe, and Simon Chisholm of Flowerdale. Some of them can speak English fluently.
ANTIQUITY NO. 7.—BRONZE SPEAR FOUND AT CROFT.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
Chapter IV.
Religion and Religious Observances.
The progress of religion among the people of Gairloch cannot readily be traced beyond the incumbency of the Rev. Daniel Mackintosh, minister of the parish from 1773 to 1802. Superstition of the grossest kind usurped the place of religion in ancient days. The Rev. James Smith, minister of Gairloch from 1721 to 1732, appears to have been the first Presbyterian clergyman who made a general impression on the people; in the time of Mr Mackintosh they had become, as he tells us in the Old Statistical Account (1792), sober, regular, industrious, and pious.
We have no records of the comparatively elaborate observances and ritual which undoubtedly attended the ministrations of the Church in Gairloch, with its fasts, festivals, and saints' days, before the Reformation. Some of the natives long clung to Episcopalianism, but the bald simplicity of Presbyterian worship was gradually adopted by the parish, and is the only form now known, except indeed an occasional Episcopal service for visitors at the Gairloch Hotel.
The present observances of the Presbyterian churches in the parish appear to have undergone little or no modification since the commencement of the nineteenth century, except by the secession of the Free Church in 1843, and that did not alter the articles of faith or the manner of worship.
As a rule the Sunday services are held at twelve o'clock, and are mostly in Gaelic. A short English service follows at two, and in some cases there is also a meeting at six.
Both the Established and Free churches hold to the doctrines laid down in the Confession of Faith and the Shorter Catechism of the Westminster Divines.
The sacrament of baptism is generally administered at the close of a Sunday service; the father is required to declare his adherence to the doctrines of the Christian faith before the congregation; there are of course no other sponsors.
The sacrament of the Lord's supper is "dispensed" at the Gairloch and Aultbea Free churches twice a year, and these are great occasions in the parish. There are three days of preparation before the Sacrament Sunday, and one day of thanksgiving after it. The first day is called the "Fast-day," and is observed as a Sunday.
Dr Mackenzie, who is an earnest Free Churchman, gives the following graphic and interesting account of the church attendance and religious observances in Gairloch prior to the "Disruption," in fact about 1820. The mode he describes of holding the communion services in the Leabaidh na Ba Bàine, or "Bed of the white cow," is nearly the same now as it was in the days he writes of sixty or seventy years ago, with one exception of importance, viz., that the sort of "Aunt Sally" game he mentions is now quite unknown. He says:—
"Our people then thought nothing of a ten mile walk to and from church. Many came by boat from the coast townships, and in fine weather the well dressed and mutched people filling the boats scattered over the bay en route to the different townships gave things quite a regatta-like look, that we shall never see again owing to the roads now everywhere. One of our largest tenants took his son to church for the first time, a mite of a man, who on being asked in the hand-shaking crowd after church, 'Well, Johnnie, what saw you in church?' replied, 'I saw a man bawling bawling in a box, and no man would let him oot.' Mr Russell made up for want of matter in his sermons by needless vigour in his manner. The said Johnnie is now risen to be a large wise landed proprietor in his old age in the Western Islands.
"Between difficult access for helpers to our pastor at communion times, and other causes, that ordinance used when I was young to be celebrated only about every third year in our Elysium of the west. Perhaps consequently the whole western world seemed to us to congregate to the occasion, from all parts of the country, over roadless 'muirs and mosses many O.' I doubt if the reasons [why they came] of the vast majority would sound well at the confessional, or look well in religious print; and it seems singular that only in the Scotch Presbyterian Church are Christians ever invited to devote five days to the communion services, while in every other church the Sabbath day alone is considered sufficient for the ordinance. Many earnest Christians think, that while on some particular and unlooked for occasion it may be right to hold religious services on week days, as a rule Christians are expected to work six days weekly, which they cannot do if they belong to the Scotch Presbyterian Church. It would appear as if an idea prevailed, that it required many clergymen to assemble at communion seasons, or else that there could be no anxious inquirers about eternity, so many accept invitations to attend; and probably on this account, instead of there being only one communion table at which there can be no difficulty in all meeting and partaking together, there are always (except in one church where I helped to improve matters) many tables, each one generally having its own clergyman in charge; the services being thus greatly protracted, probably in hopes of this causing a 'revival,' as it is termed.
"So in our west parish (Gairloch), with the communion only every third year, the crowd that attended was probably nearer four than three thousand, of whom perhaps two hundred might be communicants. Of the rest who seemed so devoted to religion (though of course very many did not pretend to such anxiety), the reply, when asked why they were not communicants, would in almost every case be, 'They were not yet worthy.' So they generally remain—refusing to obey their Saviour's dying request—unworthy, till they die,—not yet sinless! I once received as a reason for an excellent man's shrinking from the communion table, that 'his father and mother also shrank from it;' and this given by a man of good education, the secretary to a bank! But till the Presbyterian clergy grow wiser, the same sad disobeying our Redeemer's dying command will remain.
"But anent our western communion, every hole and corner within reach of our church was cleared out where straw or heather or ferns could offer a night's quarters to the crowd of communion visitors, for about a week; and such a bad time as every living eatable animal had then preparing for the visitors, who took 'neither scrip nor purse' with them on such occasions, was wonderful; and such baking, boiling, roasting, and stores of cold food, as made our kitchen a mere meat manufactory for the sacrament week; and on the Sabbath there was such a spread of cold food in the house, to which the clergymen, at a lull in their duty, and all the upper crust of the parish, were invited to attend, as was quite a marvel, involving such labour to every servant all day long as quite rendered their attending church at this holy fair absurd to be thought of!
"Close beside our parish church was a most wonderful hollow (the Leabaidh na Ba Bàine) in the sandy-soiled prairie. It was naturally formed, beyond memory of man, and, as we knew well, by Fingal, for a bed where his white cow was to calve. It had a complete coat of beautiful inch-long benty grass, and a thousand spades could not have formed a more perfectly egg-shaped cup, in the bottom of which was placed the wooden preaching box, and in front of it long narrow tables and benches for the communion. A few 'shuparior pershons' sent before them stools, &c., on which to sit, see, and listen, but ninety-nine of the hundred of us sat on the nicely sloping banks all around the 'bed,' till they overflowed on to the level of the equally grassed ground outside. The 'bed' was estimated to hold two thousand persons seated, and perhaps three thousand were often gathered in all to the services, packed tight to one another, as was the popular fashion at these times. A more orderly and seriously conducted congregation than that in Fingal's white cow's bed I am sure has never been seen anywhere, or more polite young men towards the women, who, often thirsty from the shadeless situation and the crush, &c., I have often seen kindly supplied with a shoefull of water from the well close to the burial ground! We often hear of grand public rooms of bad quality for hearing the speaker, but the faintest word from the bottom of Fingal's bed was heard as clearly as if in a closet. And I should be very much surprised if any one who once heard an old Gaelic psalm floating in the air, from the thousands of worshippers in the 'bed,' could forget it in a hundred years. The finest organ ever made was trash to that solemn sound.
"On the plea that so many people far from home might starve, a sort of commissariat regiment used to attend on the shore of the bay with booths for bread, cheese, and gingerbread, goodies, &c.; and I fear the report that the feeders, rather than carry away uneaten stock at nights, used to have, say, a loaf set on a stick for a shy at it with another from a set distance for a small sum, hit or lose, that same is owre true a tale, though of course it must have been the ungodly of the crowd who attended that holy fair!
"Ah! dear, dear! Who could approve of such wild arrangements at a communion season, compared with every clergyman having the communion in his own church for his own people, monthly or quarterly or so, quietly and solemnly, without a crowd of ministers and people from neighbouring parishes to injure and confuse every solemn thought with the fuss and bustle of a crowd. May God send us more wisdom than Scotland can at present shew on these occasions!"
Every visitor to Gairloch should see and hear one of the out-door communion services in the Leabaidh na Ba Bàine, if he have the opportunity.
The Gairloch people are still a church-going race, though not so regular to-day as even ten years ago. Nearly the whole population adheres to the Free Church. Some characteristics of the Free Church services may be noted. Children are generally conspicuous by their absence. The people take no part whatever, except in the very primitive singing; and some few appear to compose themselves deliberately to sleep. The Christian festivals are entirely ignored; and the sermons, usually extempore, are on some occasions bare statements of doctrine. The Free Church organisation watches closely the religious conduct of the people. It is said there is not a crofter's house in the parish of Gairloch where family worship is not conducted every day; and the Sabbath is very strictly observed.
There is an air of settled gloom on the faces of many of the people,—intensified on the Sabbath day. It seems to partake of a religious character. The ministers, catechists, and elders nearly all oppose dancing, and every kind of music. Surely they are short-sighted! A sort of fatalism is the most apparent result of the religion of the natives of Gairloch. It has a depressing effect when illness comes.
If anything here stated is calculated to convey the idea that the religious thought and religious observances of the Gairloch Highlanders are unreal or perverted, let me correct it by adding, that as a rule their piety is genuine and practical.
ANTIQUITY NO. 8.—BRONZE CELT FOUND AT LONDUBH.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
Chapter V.
Character and Characteristics.
It is an invidious task to criticise the general characters of one's neighbours. "Charity thinketh no evil," but it cannot be blind to obvious faults. Sentimental predilections ought not to be allowed to warp the judgment, any more than prejudices based on first impressions or partial knowledge should be permitted to mature into dogged dislike. What a Scylla and Charybdis to steer through!
Highlanders have been over-praised by some, and unreasonably condemned by others: the truth is, they are like other races; there is of course an admixture of good and bad among them. But are the black sheep more numerous than the white ones? So far as the parish of Gairloch is concerned, I am of opinion, speaking from personal experience, that the black sheep are in a decided minority. Taking the people as a whole, they are unquestionably more disposed to honesty and morality than are the bulk of our urban populations.
In the old clan days all Highlanders were remarkable for fidelity to their chief and to their fellow-clansmen. Circumstances have abolished these ties to a great extent, though some remnants of the clan feeling still linger among the older people.
Courtesy and hospitality continue to be leading good qualities among all ranks of Highlanders, and the Gairloch folk are no exception to the rule.
That shrewd writer Sir George Steuart Mackenzie, after pointing out the faults of indolence and carelessness, adds, "With all their defects the people have numerous good qualities, which, under proper management and judicious direction, might become the source of comfort and wealth to themselves and to their superiors. In honesty and sobriety the people of the west coast are far superior to their inland neighbours."
Sir Francis Mackenzie, in his "Hints," pays the following tribute to the character of his Gairloch Highlanders:—"I can produce, I rejoice to say, from my own people individuals, totally unlettered, who shall in every amiable quality of which humanity can boast far outshine some of the common specimens of our students, either at Oxford or at Edinburgh; and this arises more from early training, and the good example of attentive parents, than from the natural goodness or depravity of dispositions. Long then may you retain your native honesty, your spirit of generosity, and noble courtesy. Long may you remember that true politeness is not servility; and may you never forget that rudeness is not only degrading, but unchristian; and may you ever prove to surrounding countries, that a spirit of courtesy naturally springs from the freedom and independence which, as Highlanders, have ever been your inheritance."
Love of country, or perhaps more accurately attachment to home, is a salient feature in the character of the Highlander; it has always been so, and there is no sign of any diminution of the sentiment. I have received letters from absent Gairloch men speaking in the fondest terms of affection of their homes, and avowing constant and loving recollection of the wild surroundings amid which they were brought up. Is this to be wondered at? To the dweller in Gairloch the hill pasture, the rocky shore, the rough peat moss, the mountain path, the expanse of the sea loch, with the background of lordly summits, are all his own; others may have proprietary rights, the real enjoyment is his. Pining home-sickness is the immediate result of emigration, and it is often long before the practical business of life overcomes it. No blame attaches to this natural and irresistible passion for home; on the other hand, it is evidence of a valuable depth of character and an ennobling simplicity of heart; it is in fact the sentiment which is the basis of all true patriotism.
A less admirable characteristic of the Gairloch people is their cautious, "canny" disposition; it is, however, by no means confined to them. Modern curtailment of their privileges, the advent of tourists and other strangers, and a constant need for strict economy, have tended to the growth of this trait. It is evinced in a strong disinclination to reveal their views and intentions, and a grasping keenness in driving bargains. Here is an example from my personal experience:—A crofter had made known his desire to sell a heifer; a gentleman, wanting to purchase one, came some distance to see the animal; the crofter at first denied flatly that he had anything to sell; on the gentleman turning to leave, he said he would shew him a heifer; at length he named an exorbitant price; then finding the possible customer was a judge of cattle, he reduced the figure but still held out for too high a sum; no bargain was concluded that day.
Captain Burt, in his racy "Letters" (about 1730), charges Highlanders with a want of cleanliness. A similar charge, supported by evidence of the same nasty kind, is even in the present day made against some Highlanders. Here in Gairloch the charge is not generally applicable; nay, it may truly be said that the people are in their persons even more cleanly than their neighbours in our large centres of population. True the odour of stale peat "reek," and the stains it leaves on articles of dress, sometimes convey an impression of dirtiness, but there is no real filth in this, and the presence of parasites is now-a-days very rare. Let the visitor enter one of the public schools of the parish and see the clean neatly-dressed children, and the charge will at once be disposed of.
In former days, and even to the beginning of the nineteenth century, the morals of the people were far from perfect; this is shown by the minutes of the presbytery. Happily, whether from fear of the kirk-session, or from the general improvement of recent times, offences against morals are to-day less common in Gairloch than in some parts of the lowlands.
It is singular that among Highlanders, at least in Gairloch, there is a total absence of anything like jealousy between married people; this fact by itself speaks volumes.
The principal fault of the Gairloch and other Highlanders has been variously designated indolence, lethargy, carelessness, sloth, idleness, and laziness,—all meaning much the same thing. It is often said "time is no object on the west coast," and so it would appear; nearly all meetings (except Sunday services) are from half-an-hour to an hour later in commencing than the time named; an eternal current of talk, talk, talk, accompanies every transaction, and not seldom interrupts or delays the most pressing work. It is only the male sex who are chargeable with this indolence, and amongst them it is fast giving way to greater activity; sometimes it is due to a love of dram-drinking, for which it forms an excuse; indeed it is often rightly laid at the door of whisky. All writers on the Highlands have remarked upon it, and some quotations will be given in connection with agriculture which will illustrate it. More continuous occupation is the remedy required. It is remarkable that the Highlander never displays indolence when he emigrates, and it is principally in his agricultural attempts that it is manifested. There is every reason to believe that it is gradually disappearing.
The Gairloch population cling with marvellous tenacity to old ways of doing things, and thus general improvement is slow. On the whole they are a worthy religious people. "Man made the town: God made the country," is a saying that means more than the literal meaning of the words conveys. In the pure air and unpolluted water of the Highlands, there is less that is akin to sin and moral impurity than in the filthy crowded manufacturing town. The general sobriety, honesty, and piety of these Gairloch people, seem to me to outweigh their shortcomings.
It is a pity that some of the younger people affect a certain contempt for the old Highland characteristics, and seem determined to resemble their lowland neighbours as closely as possible. The Highland dress has for several generations been laid aside, and other distinctive ways and peculiarities, some of them ennobling and good, have fallen into disuse. Surely the people would best support their demand for a national recognition of the peculiar position they claim, by maintaining the old Highland esprit, rather than by disowning the nobler characteristics that have so long distinguished the inhabitants of the "land of the hills and the glens and the heroes."
In concluding this chapter I beg leave to propose what must prove a beneficial stimulus to the people of Gairloch, if it were efficiently carried out. It is the establishment of an annual prize meeting for competitions in—
Home-spun cloth, plaids, and carpets produced within the parish; Gairloch hose; Vegetables, fruit, and flowers grown by Gairloch people; Highland games and athletic sports; Pipe music by local pipers; Gaelic songs by Gairloch bards.
Perhaps boat races might be added to the list. Substantial prizes for merit in these competitions would unquestionably tend to encourage industry and develop excellence. If sufficient funds were forthcoming, a competent committee could readily be got together to work out the details. I earnestly invite the assistance of all who visit this romantic country towards a proposal designed to promote the advancement of its Highland inhabitants.
ANTIQUITY NO. 9.—
STONE IMPLEMENT FOUND IN PEAT-CUTTING BETWEEN INVERAN AND KERNSARY.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
Chapter VI.
Language and Dress.
Distinctions between different races, which depend on varieties of character, customs, or means of livelihood, require discriminating study for their apprehension. But a different language and an unusual dress are marks which present themselves to all observers—the one to the ear and the other to the eye—even on the briefest scrutiny. The inhabitants of Gairloch have still a language entirely different to that of the lowland Scotch, and they used not long ago to wear a dress only known in the Highlands.
To this day the Gaelic language is universal among the people of Gairloch, and they cling to it with the utmost affection. In it are embalmed all the traditions and stories of the days that are gone, and the songs and poems of the bards both past and present.
Gaelic, which in the old books is called "Erse" or "Irish," has many dialects. The language of the natives of the west coast of Ireland is not materially different from that of the Scottish Highlanders. The Gaelic of Gairloch is considered tolerably pure, though William Ross, the Gairloch bard, who studied the subject closely, thought the Gaelic of the Lews par excellence the purest form of the language.
In the Old Statistical Account the Rev. Daniel Mackintosh stated that Gaelic was in his time the prevailing language in Gairloch.
Sir George Steuart Mackenzie, in his "General Survey," expressed the opinion that Gaelic was dying out; but the Rev. Donald M'Rae, minister of Poolewe, in his paper on the parish of Gairloch in the New Statistical Account, stated that the language then (1836) generally spoken was the Gaelic, and added, "I am not aware that it has lost ground within the last forty years." Mr M'Rae's remarks on the admixture by young men of English or Scotch words with their Gaelic, and on the purity in other respects of the language as spoken in Gairloch, will be found in [Appendix E].
The Gaelic language is as prevalent in Gairloch to-day as it was when Mr M'Rae wrote his paper nearly fifty years ago, notwithstanding the near approach of the railway (within five miles of the parish boundary), and the greatly increased communication by steamers, which has taken place during the interval. The religious services of the people are conducted in Gaelic (though short English services are often added); there are scarcely any houses where English is spoken round the table or by the fire-side, though comparatively few are able to read Gaelic. At the same time the knowledge of the English language is undoubtedly on the increase, and the schools are taught in that language. Nevertheless even children fresh from school seldom speak English when playing together.
Some ten years ago there was a great agitation for the restoration of Gaelic teaching in the Highland schools, and the movement has recently been revived, with the result that the Government are about to sanction instruction in Gaelic as part of the curriculum, or at least as an "extra subject." It was stated during the early stage of this agitation that in many places Highland children learnt English only as a parrot would, and did not understand its meaning. I took the trouble to see how this was in Gairloch schools, and I can only say that the imputation did not apply to the children I examined, for not only did many of them read English remarkably well, but searching cross-examination proved that they thoroughly understood the meaning of what they read.
There are still many of the older people who are unable to speak English fluently, and some who do not understand it at all. The English spoken by the young people as well as by most of the older natives who speak it is a particularly pure form, untarnished by provincialism or Scottish brogue. The smattering of Scotch occasionally to be met with is confined to those who come in contact with persons from the Lowlands. Occasionally a curious phrase occurs, the result of a literal translation of some Gaelic expression. For instance, wondering whether a grouse which flew behind a hill was the worse of a shot that had been fired at it, I asked a stout young gillie, whose position enabled him to see further round the hill, whether the bird had come down. He replied, "When she went out of my sight she had no word of settling."
Gaelic literature has been well represented in Gairloch. John Mackenzie, the author of the "Beauties of Gaelic Poetry," and many other works in Gaelic ([Part II., chap. xxii.]), was a native of Gairloch; and Mr Alexander Mackenzie, the editor of the Celtic Magazine, and the author of many valuable works (some containing Gaelic pieces), is also a Gairloch man. The Gaelic books especially pertaining to Gairloch are the poems of William Ross, the Gairloch bard, edited by the late John Mackenzie, and the poems of Duncan Mackenzie, the Kenlochewe bard, edited by Mr Alexander Mackenzie.
There has been much diversity of opinion upon the question whether it would not be better that the Gaelic language should be discouraged and be assisted to die out. I believe some few of the Highlanders themselves have adopted this unpatriotic view, but the contrary opinion, so ably advocated by Professor Blackie, now appears to be gaining ground. It seems quite possible that the Highlander may not only have a thorough command of English, but may also retain his own expressive language with its ennobling traditions. No doubt a knowledge of the language which is the medium through which most of the business of the kingdom is conducted has its importance; but surely the retention of their own tongue by Highlanders must tend in great measure to foster a patriotic feeling, which should lead them to do credit in their lives and conduct to their native glens.
There is no separate record of the dress anciently worn by the natives of Gairloch, but it was unquestionably the same as that of all the other inhabitants of the Highlands of Scotland, viz., the Breacan an Fheilidh, or belted or kilted plaid. In the Celtic Magazine, Vol. VIII., is a treatise on the "Antiquity of the Kilt," by Mr J. G. Mackay. One curious fact he mentions is, that the Norwegian king Magnus, in his expedition to the Western Isles of Scotland in 1093, adopted the costume then in use in the western lands, which no doubt included the parish of Gairloch; so that we may if we please picture our prince of the Isle Maree tragedy as wearing the Highland dress. From this notice of King Magnus, and more particularly from the account given by John Taylor ([Part IV., chap. xx.]) of the deer hunting at Braemar, we learn that the Highlanders in old days expected all who came among them to adopt their peculiar garb.
Sometimes the belted plaid was worn along with the "triubhais," or "truis," or trews, a prolongation upwards of the tartan hose, fitting tightly to the skin and fastened below the knees with buckles. These trews were very different in appearance and make from the tartan trousers worn by some Highland regiments in the present day. Oddly enough the only representation extant of a Gairloch man of the old days, viz., Donald Odhar, exhibits him in the tartan trews. This representation is in the Mackenzie coat-of-arms on the Sabhal Geal at Flowerdale. It was doubtless executed by a southern sculptor, long after Donald Odhar lived and fought. But unquestionably the most usual—almost universal—form of the Highland dress was the tartan plaid gathered into pleats round the waist, where a belt kept it in position (thus forming the kilt), the rest of the plaid being brought over the shoulder. The name of the dress thus formed (Breacan an Fheilidh) means the plaid of the kilt.
The present form of the Highland dress, in which the kilt—sometimes called "philabeg"—is made up as a separate garment, has given rise to much controversy. The strife is said to have originated in a letter in the Scots Magazine in 1798; it was stated that about 1728 one Parkinson, an Englishman, who was superintendent of works in Lochaber, finding his Highland labourers encumbered with their belted plaids, taught them to separate the plaid from the kilt and sew the kilt in its present form. Others say that the inventor of the kilt was Thomas Rawlinson, of the Glengarry ironworks, who about the same date and for the same reason introduced the supposed new dress.
Mr J. G. Mackay, in the treatise already referred to, proves incontestably that the separate form of the kilt is very ancient, and cannot have been the subject of a comparatively modern invention. The truth seems to be that, whilst the belted plaid was most generally worn, as requiring no tailoring, the separate kilt is of equal or greater antiquity, and was at all times occasionally used on account of its superior convenience, especially in those localities where the tailor's art was practised. An incidental corroboration of Mr Mackay's view is to be seen in a plan of Aberdeen, dated 1661, preserved in the municipal buildings of that city. In a corner of the plan three figures are represented, two of them in the lowland costume of the seventeenth century, and the third, a young man, dressed in a kilt and short coat without plaid, being exactly the form of the Highland dress as now generally worn. The Highland figure was probably introduced to record the then semi-Highland character of Aberdeen.
In order to repress the Highland esprit, an act (20th George II., cap. 51) was passed after the battle of Culloden, which rendered it illegal for any man or boy after 1st August 1747 to wear the Highland dress. The effect of this law was various. In some parts it was rigidly enforced, and the kilt was generally abandoned, whilst those few who persisted in wearing it were severely punished. In other places evasions of the act were winked at by the authorities; men who procured the legal breeches would hang them over their shoulders during journeys; others used the artifice of sewing up the centre of the kilt between the legs; whilst others again substituted for the tartan kilt a piece of blue, green, or red cloth wrapped round the waist, and hanging down to the knees, but not pleated.
In the Old Statistical Account (1792) there are many references to the Highland dress and to the effect of the passing of this act. In the account of the parish of Petty, Inverness-shire, we read, "The Highland dress is still retained in a great measure. The plaid is almost totally laid aside; but the small blue bonnet, the short coat, the tartan kilt and hose, and the Highland brogue, are still the ordinary dress of the men. The women in like manner retain the Highland dress of their sex, but have adopted more of that of their low country neighbours than the men."
The Old Statistical Account tells us nothing of the dress of the inhabitants of Gairloch; but in the notice given of the neighbouring parish of Kincardine, in the same county, is the following:—"The act 1746, discharging the Highland dress, had the worst of consequences. Prior to that period the Highland women were remarked for their skill and success in spinning and dying wool, and clothing themselves and their households, each according to her fancy, in tartans, fine, beautiful, and durable. Deprived of the pleasure of seeing their husbands, sons, and favourites in that elegant drapery, emulation died, and they became contented with manufacturing their wool in the coarsest and clumsiest manner, perhaps thinking that since they must appear like the neighbouring lowlanders, the less they shone in the ornaments of the lowland dress they would be the more in character. Their favourite employment thus failing them, rather than allow their girls to be idle they made them take to the spinning of linen yarn, in which few are yet so improved as to earn threepence per diem, and much, if not the most of the small earnings of these spinners, is laid out upon flimsy articles of dress; whilst that conscious pride, which formerly aspired at distinction from merit and industry, is converted into the most ridiculous and pernicious vanity."
The act forbidding the kilt was repealed in 1772. It had in many parts done its work, and though its repeal was in some places hailed with joy and celebrated by the bards, the Highland garb does not appear to have generally regained its former position as the ordinary dress of the people.
In the early part of the nineteenth century, as James Mackenzie and others inform me, the kilt was still the dress of many men in Gairloch, who never put on the trews until old age came, and in some cases not even then. As an instance, he says he remembers seeing Hugh M'Phail, a Gairloch man then living at the head of Loch Broom, measuring out herrings from his boat on a cold day in a hard winter, with four inches of snow on the ground and thick ice. Hugh wore only his shirt and kilt; he had put off his jacket for the work. He and his two brothers always wore the kilt; they were all fine men, and two of them were elders of the church of Loch Broom, under the Rev. Dr Ross. Other incidental references to the Highland dress of Gairloch men will be found in James Mackenzie's stories in [Part II., chap. xxv].
Up to the present generation the kilt was still occasionally worn in Gairloch, especially at festive gatherings. That it had become infrequent, yet was not altogether abandoned, may be inferred from the following advice given upon dress in his "Hints" by the late Sir Francis Mackenzie, Bart.:—"The nature of this must depend upon your local situation, since it is evident that what is fitted for our mountains would be ill suited to the wants of the fisherman. As an inland labourer or shepherd, the ancient costume of the country, the kilt, hose, plaid, and bonnet, with a warm stout cloth short jacket, will be found the most serviceable, since it admits of a pliancy in the limbs admirably adapted either for labour or climbing our bare and heathery hills. No danger can possibly arise from exposing the limbs to the wet and cold, whilst the loins and back are protected by the thick folds of a kilt and plaid from severity of weather. I may too, without being liable to the charge of national vanity, say, that however much the dress of our ancestors has been lately laid aside, it gives a manly and graceful appearance at all times to the wearer. I have witnessed its attractions amongst the sons and daughters of peace in every country of Europe, and it has marked our bravery in battle wherever a plaid has appeared. It has the sanction of antiquity in its favour; it is associated with the virtues and triumphs of Roman citizens; and I should regret its being laid aside, because I am decidedly of opinion that national dress is everywhere a strong incentive to the wearer not to disgrace the region which he proudly claims as the country of his birth."
The Highland dress is now only worn in Gairloch by a few gentlemen, pipers, keepers, and some of the better-to-do schoolboys. Its disappearance from among a people who cling so tenaciously to the Highland tongue is passing strange. By some it has been attributed to the inferior hardiness of the modern Highlander, a reason which is perhaps suggested by the following remark in the "General Survey" of Sir George Steuart Mackenzie (1810):—"The first indications of the introduction of luxury appeared not many years ago, in the young men relinquishing the philabeg and bonnet, which are now almost rarities."
The Gairloch company of rifle volunteers originally wore the kilt, but about the year 1878, in common with the majority of the battalion to which they are attached, they agreed to substitute Mackenzie tartan trousers. The change was made partly on the ground of economy. After the review of the Scottish volunteers at Edinburgh on 25th August 1881, which was attended by the Ross-shire battalion, including the Gairloch company, a general wish was expressed that the example of the volunteer battalions of the adjoining counties should be followed, and the kilt resumed. The Gairloch company unanimously petitioned their gallant colonel to restore the kilt.
The ordinary dress of most Gairloch men is now the same as in the lowlands, except that some of those engaged as shepherds, keepers, and gillies wear knickerbockers, which display the hose; some men still carry plaids and don the blue bonnet.
Gairloch is justly celebrated for its hose, which are knitted in immense variety of pattern and colour, some being in imitation of old forms of tartan. In the old days the hose worn with the Highland costume were cut from the same web as the tartan of which other parts of the dress were made, but now all hose are knitted. The "diced" patterns are relics of the old tartans.
A MUTCH.
The Dowager Lady Mackenzie of Gairloch writes as follows regarding the Gairloch hose:—"At my first visit to Gairloch, in 1837, I employed a lady from Skye who was staying at Kerrysdale to instruct twelve young women in knitting nice stockings with dice and other fancy patterns. When I came to act as trustee, and to live constantly at Flowerdale, I started the manufacture of the Gairloch stockings in earnest, having spinners, dyers, and knitters, all taught and superintended during the ten years I resided there; on my leaving and going abroad, Sir Kenneth gave the concern into the hands of the head gamekeeper, Mr George Ross. Now, dozens of pairs are brought by the women to the hotels and steamers, and large quantities go to Inverness, Edinburgh, and London; £100 worth has been sold in one shop."
The dress of the women of Gairloch scarcely varies from that of the country women in any other part of the kingdom. The principal distinction is to be seen in the retention by some women of the mutch, or mob-cap (see [illustration]), which they still wear, and make up with considerable taste.
CABAR LAR, OR TURF PARER.
SCALE—ONE INCH TO A FOOT.
Maidens until the last few years never wore caps, bonnets, or other headgear, only a ribbon or snood to keep the hair in place. Any other headdress was considered a disgrace. Even yet a few girls go to church without bonnets; and within the last dozen years this was almost universal. Now, however, the majority of the young women try even to surpass their sisters in towns in following the fashions of the day; some girls appear on Sundays with almost a flower-garden on their heads. The Rev. Donald M'Rae truly remarked, in his statement in the New Statistical Account fifty years ago (and it is still true), that "when a girl dresses in her best attire, her very habiliments, in some instances, would be sufficient to purchase a better dwelling-house than that from which she has just issued."
Dr Mackenzie writes on this point as follows:—"In my early days about six or eight bonnets would be the number on Sunday in our west coast (Gairloch) church in a five or six hundred congregation, and these only worn by the wives of the upper-crust tenantry. The other wives wore beautiful white 'mutches,' i.e. caps, the insides of which were made up with broad pretty ribbons, which shewed themselves through the outside muslin. Oh! what a descent from them to modern bonnets! The unmarried women always had their hair dressed as if going to court, and were quite a sight, charming to see, compared with their present abominable hats and gumflowers. But when a visitor at Tigh Dige (Flowerdale) expressed wonder how they contrived to have such beautiful glossy heads of hair, set up as by a hairdresser, every Sunday, my father would say, 'No thanks, the jades stealing the bark of my young elms!' It seems a decoction of elm bark cleans and polishes hair marvellously; which accounted for many a young elm of my father's planting having a strip of bark, a foot long by say six inches wide, removed from the least visible side of the tree, as an always welcome present from a 'jade's' sweetheart on a Saturday. I don't believe they ever used oil or grease on their shining heads. So universally were mutches worn by all in the north of the working classes who were married, that when we settled in Edinburgh in 1827, my widowed nurse was drawn there by a well-doing son to keep house for him, and my mother having given her a very quiet bonnet to prevent her being stared at in Princes Street when wearing her mutch and visiting us, on her first appearance in a bonnet the dear old soul declared she nearly dropped in the street, for everybody was just staring at her for her pride in wearing a bonnet as if she was a lady!"
Chapter VII.
Ways and Means.
The principal sources of livelihood of the Gairloch people are their crofts and stock and their fisheries, both treated of in separate chapters. Of course a number of men have regular engagements, as farm or other servants and gamekeepers; whilst a few carry on trades, as tailors, shoemakers, weavers, boatbuilders, thatchers, dykers, sawyers, carpenters, and masons.
Some young men of the parish go south, and obtain situations either for the winter season or all the year round, and they often contribute towards home expenses.
The women of Gairloch, like all other Highland women, are noticeable for their industry. It is they who carry home heavy creels of peats for the household fire,—peats in the treatment of which they had taken an active share the previous summer; they herd the cow, and manage the house. But, more than all, it is the women who are mainly instrumental in producing the only manufactures of the parish, and very excellent manufactures too they are. They card and dye and spin the wool, they knit the Gairloch hose, and they prepare the various coloured worsteds which the weaver converts into tweeds of different patterns. Large numbers of the stockings are sent to Inverness, Edinburgh, and London (see [last chapter]). Some of the tweeds are worn in the parish, and some are sold to strangers.
It will be remembered that the early Pictish inhabitants of Gairloch dwelt in the brochs or round houses of what may almost be called the pre-historic period. These were succeeded by turf-built huts, the roofs of which, rudely framed with boughs, were covered with divots or turfs. The last turf house in the parish is said to have been at Moss Bank, Poolewe, and was occupied by an uncle of John Mackenzie (Iain Glas), whose improved dwelling stands on the same site. There are, however, two modern turf-built dwellings still to be seen at South Erradale. The turf house was gradually replaced by the style of dwelling which now prevails in the parish. The present cottages have their walls of stone, the better ones cemented with lime; the roofs of timber, thatched with heather, rushes, or straw; divots are also still frequently used in roofing. Some few superior crofters' houses have slated roofs, and modern grates with flues and regular chimneys. But many of the crofters still have their byres under the same roof; still have no chimney in the living room, whence the smoke from the peat fire escapes only by a hole in the roof; and still have the heap of ashes, slops, manure, and refuse just outside the door. Sir Francis Mackenzie, in his "Hints" (1838), has some suggestive remarks on the subject of these dwellings. He writes:—"I must at once protest against human beings and cattle entering together in your present fashion at the same doorway.... I will not raise a laugh at your expense by describing your present smoky dens, and the hole in the roof with sometimes an old creel stuck on it in imitation of a chimney. The smoke you now live in not only dirties and destroys your clothes and furniture, but soon reduces the prettiest rosy faces in the world to premature wrinkles and deformities.... Let there be no apology for want of time for carrying away ashes, sweepings, or dirty water, and adding them to your dunghill, instead of sweeping all into a corner till you have more time, and emptying the dirty water at your door because you are too lazy to go a few yards farther."
The houses of the crofters are certainly undergoing gradual improvement, but the majority cling tenaciously to the type of dwelling their fathers occupied before them. Perhaps the villages of Strath, Poolewe, and Port-Henderson contain the most improved houses in the parish. Very few of the crofters have gardens worthy of the name, so that, of course, they lose the advantage of green vegetables and fresh fruits. Still more rare is it to see trees planted about their dwellings, though pleasant shade and shelter might thus be had, and though, it is understood, saplings might be obtained for the asking from the proprietors.
As a natural consequence of the proximity of middens to dwelling-houses, and other unhealthy arrangements, cases of fever occasionally occur. In the Old Statistical Account, 1792 ([Appendix C]), the writer, speaking of Gairloch, says that fevers were frequent, and an infectious putrid fever early in the preceding winter had proved fatal to many. Pennant had previously noticed how spring fever used to decimate the west coast. Such outbreaks have happily become rare since the potato famine of 1847 led the people to depend more on imported meal for their sustenance in spring.
Few of the crofters' houses are floored, so that the inmates stand on the natural ground, or put their feet on a loose plank. In wet weather the ground often becomes damp. From this and other local causes pulmonary consumption is common among the crofter class. It is only right to add that this fatal disease often appears among some of the young people who go to work in southern towns, and come home to die.
TOR-SGIAN, OR PEAT KNIFE.
SCALE—ONE INCH TO A FOOT.
Smallpox is said to have been fatal in Gairloch in the eighteenth century, at the time when it ravaged the adjoining parish of Applecross. The soubriquet "breac" (i.e. pock-pitted), so often met with in the history of Gairloch, is an evidence of the former frequency of this epidemic. Thanks to vaccination, it is now almost unknown.
The chief articles of diet of the crofter population are fish, either fresh or cured, oatmeal, potatoes, and milk, with a little butcher meat occasionally. Eggs are not much eaten, but are exported to Glasgow in considerable quantities. None of the crofters keep pigs, which they consider to be unclean beasts; it is singular they should entirely neglect a source of food and profit so universal among their Irish congeners. Captain Burt, in his day, noticed the absence of swine among the mountains; he said, "those people have no offal wherewith to feed them; and were they to give them other food, one single sow would devour all the provisions of a family."
The principal intoxicating beverage in Gairloch is whisky. Very little beer is consumed by the natives. Whisky became known in the Highlands during the sixteenth century, and soon found its way to Gairloch; but it is said that the mania for illicit distillation did not reach the parish until the year 1800. The first whisky was distilled in Gairloch by the grandfather of Alexander Cameron, the Tournaig bard, in Bruachaig, on the way up to the heights of Kenlochewe. The mother of George Maclennan, of Londubh, was at that time servant at the Kenlochewe inn, and long afterwards told her son how the innkeeper bought the whisky and the plant as well.
James Mackenzie says that it was in his father's house at Mellon Charles, in the same year (1800), that the first Gairloch whisky was made by a stranger, who had craved and obtained his father's hospitality. Probably both accounts are correct, but it is impossible at this distance of time to determine to whom the questionable honour of having commenced the illicit distillation of whisky ought to be assigned. The mania for smuggled whisky spread very rapidly throughout the parish, and is not yet extinct. The larger islands of Loch Maree were the scenes of illicit distillation in the early part of the nineteenth century. They say a regular periodical market for the sale of whisky made on the islands, used to be held at the large square stone on the shore of Loch Maree between Ardlair and Rudha Cailleach, called Clach a Mhail (see [illustration]).
CLIABH MOINE, OR PEAT CREEL.
SCALE—ONE SIXTEENTH TRUE SIZE.
Peats are the only fuel used by the crofter population; they are cut from the peat-mosses by means of an instrument admirably adapted for the purpose, called the "torasgian," or peat knife (see [illustration]). Before the cutting is commenced, a spit of turf is removed from the surface of the ground by another implement called the "cabar lar," or turf-parer (see [illustration]). Each tenant has a portion of a convenient peat-moss allotted to him. The peats are cut when the spring work is over,—in April, May, or June,—if the weather permit. After being cut the peats are reared on end to dry, and when thoroughly dried are stacked for use. The stacks are ingeniously constructed, with the outside peats sloping downwards, so as to throw off rain-water. Some twenty years ago there was a season of such continuous wet weather that the peats never dried, and the people were put to great straits to keep themselves warm during the succeeding winter.
The peat creel (see [illustration]), called in Gaelic "cliabh moine," is used for bringing home supplies of peat as needed. Creels are made by the people of willow and birch twigs.
There are very few carts among the crofters, and they have no other vehicles.
Dr Mackenzie gives the following account of the curious sledges which were used in Gairloch instead of wheeled carts in the beginning of the nineteenth century:—"There being no need of wheels in a roadless country, although we had a six-mile road to the big loch [Loch Maree] and another six miles to its exit at the sea [at Poolewe], we had only sledges (in place of wheeled carts), all made by our farm-bailiff or grieve. He took two birch trees of the most suitable bends, and of them made the two shafts, with ironwork to suit the harness of back belts and collar-straps. The ends of the shafts were sliced away with an adze at the proper angle to slide easily and smoothly on the ground. Two planks, one behind the horse and the other about a foot from the shaft-ends, were securely nailed to the shaft, and bored with many augur-holes to receive many four-feet long hazel rungs to form front and back of the cart to keep in the goods, a similar plank atop of the rungs, making the front and rear of the cart surprisingly stiff and upright. The floor was made of planks, and these sledge-carts did all that was needed in moving crop of most kinds. I think moveable boxes, planted on the sledge-floor between the front and rear hazel rod palings, served to carry up fish from the shore, lime, and manure, &c. And it was long ere my father [Sir Hector Mackenzie of Gairloch] paid a penny a year to a cartwright."
HIGHLAND HAND-PLOUGH, CALLED CAS-CHROM, OR CROOKED FOOT.
SCALE—ONE FOURTEENTH TRUE SIZE.
Chapter VIII.
Agriculture and Stock.
In the time of the Roman occupation of Great Britain the Highlands were almost destitute of agriculture. That some corn was grown is manifest, from the ancient querns or hand-mills found everywhere. The possessions of the Highlanders then principally consisted of herds of cattle. Tradition says that cheese and butter supplied the place of bread and butter, and that a sort of pudding was made of blood taken from living cattle and mixed with a little meal. These, with meat and milk, formed the diet of the people. When the Highlands became more settled, agriculture increased, more corn was grown, and oatmeal, in some form or other, became a leading article of food.
The cattle of the Highlanders were mostly of the small black kind. Now-a-days there is a mixture of other breeds amongst the crofters' stock, and since the introduction of the black-faced sheep the cattle have become less numerous. The practice of drawing blood from living cattle was universal in the Highlands, even in 1730, when Captain Burt wrote his "Letters," and Pennant noticed the same usage in 1772. In Gairloch the practice continued to the beginning of the nineteenth century, if we may trust the evidence of the old inhabitants. At the east end of "the glen" (the narrow pass about half way between Gairloch and Poolewe), there is a flat moss called to this day Blar na Fala, or "the bog of the blood," because this was a usual place for the inhabitants to assemble their cattle and take blood from them. At Tournaig also a place is still pointed out where the natives used to bleed the cattle landed here from the Lews. This barbarous mode of obtaining blood as an article of food, affords striking evidence of the miserable poverty of the old days.
There was a pernicious practice much in vogue amongst the small farmers here up to the beginning of the nineteenth century; they let their cows for the season to a person called a "bowman," who engaged to produce for every two cows, one calf, two stones of butter weighing 24 lbs. English, and four stones of cheese. The calf was generally starved, and during winter the cattle got food sufficient only to keep them alive.
Before the great sheep-farms were established, the Gairloch people always took their black cattle to the shielings on the hills to feed on the upland pastures. It was generally the younger people who accompanied the cattle; they went up to the shielings when the spring work of the crofts was finished, about the end of May, and remained to the end of August, when they brought the cattle home again. There is an air of romance about the life at the shielings. Miss Harriet Martineau, in her "Feats of the Fiord," draws a charming picture of the similar life in Norway. But in Gairloch it cannot have been very desirable; the shieling bothies, of which many remains are left, were indeed miserable dwellings. Dr Mackenzie says:—"Well do I remember the dreadful shieling bothies, and I can hardly yet believe that heaps of strong healthy people actually lived and throve in them."
Sir George Steuart Mackenzie, writing in 1810, tells us that the present system of sheep-farming was introduced into Ross-shire by Sir John Lockhart Ross of Balnagown about 1775. Many evictions of smaller tenants took place, and much resistance was aroused. The first sheep-farm in Gairloch was started about 1810 at Letterewe, under the management of Mr John M'Intyre, who was much praised by Sir G. S. Mackenzie for his activity and good management, as well as his successful cultivation of the land about his place of residence,—"in every department of inclosing, draining, and management, he evinced judgment and knowledge of the best principles of agriculture."
The commencement of sheep-farming in Gairloch does not seem to have been accompanied by any noticeable friction. If one or two small townships were abolished to make way for the sheep-farmer, the inhabitants had other more desirable quarters provided for them. The population of Gairloch steadily increased from the date when sheep-farming began.
Recently several sheep-farms have been forested for deer, i.e. the sheep have been removed, and to-day the only large sheep-farm is that of Bruachaig above Kenlochewe; but there is a considerable extent of ground the pasturage of which is held by the crofters and by some smaller farmers, all of whom, both crofters and farmers, possess a number of sheep.
Sheep, unlike cattle, cause a rapid deterioration in the quality of the pasturage, so that the number of sheep any particular ground will maintain in health is said to diminish annually, i.e. if it be stocked to its full extent. In Gairloch it generally requires ten acres of hill pasture to support one sheep.
It is certain there were sheep in Gairloch centuries before the black-faced sheep were introduced. The original sheep were of small size, and had pink noses and brownish faces; their coat varied in colour; they were kept in houses at night for protection from wolves, and later on from foxes. This original native breed of sheep is now unknown in Gairloch; some of them are still to be seen in St Kilda. The late laird of Dundonell gave me a description of the St Kilda sheep, which exactly agreed with my own observations. He said they were "of every size, shape, and colour, from a hare to a jackass." In the present day the sheep in Gairloch are of the black-faced and cheviot breeds (with some crosses), probably in almost equal proportions.
There are twenty-seven farms entered in the County Valuation Roll as at present existing in Gairloch. There are sheep on all of them except one, viz., that attached to the Kenlochewe Hotel, which is a purely dairy farm; all of them have some arable land; several are club farms.
Most of the arable land, however, is cultivated by the crofters. Strictly speaking the present system of crofts in Gairloch dates back only to 1845. Prior to that time the "run-rig" system of cultivation prevailed throughout Gairloch. The small tenants, instead of having crofts as now, held the arable land in common; in many cases an oversman was responsible to the proprietor for the whole rent. The arable land was divided into "rigs," and these were cultivated by the tenantry in rotation, sometimes decided by lot. In Appendix XCIX. to the Report (1885) of the Royal Commission on the Crofters and Cottars, is an interesting description of three varieties of "run-rig," communicated by Mr Alexander Carmichael.
The new system of crofts was established in Gairloch in 1845 and 1846. The Dowager Lady Mackenzie of Gairloch writes:—"Each tenant had a lot or croft of about four acres assigned to him; houses (of which there had before been usually five or six together) were now placed separately on the new lots; and fevers and epidemics, which formerly had spread so fast, ceased to do so. Money was borrowed from government, and a great deal of draining and trenching was done. The surveying, measuring, planning, and mapping near five hundred crofters' lots was very expensive to the proprietor, Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, and the trouble of having this change effected was very great; but it has proved of great benefit to the crofters themselves." There are still several small townships where the houses remain in close juxtaposition as under the old run-rig system. "First Coast" and "Second Coast," on the late Mr Bankes's estate, are examples.
The crops raised by the crofters are almost exclusively oats and potatoes; a little barley and some turnips are also grown. Besides their arable land the crofters have the right of grazing cattle and sheep on specified areas of moorland, or "hill" as it is called. The average stock of each crofter in Gairloch is two or three cows, one stirk, and five to ten sheep; a few horses or ponies are also kept. There are now four hundred and forty-two crofters on the Gairloch estate of Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, who pay an average rent, including common pasture, of £3 15s 5d, and have on an average three and a quarter acres of arable land. On the estates of the late Mr Bankes there are one hundred and one crofters, paying an average rent of £5 2s 2d for four and a quarter acres of arable land and the hill pasture. Of course each crofter has a dwelling-house, besides byre and barn, mostly very humble structures. The average number of persons residing on each croft is five. The crofters live in communities called townships, and the "hill" is occupied in common by each township; a herd boy is usually employed by the township to herd the cattle and sheep.
Few of the crofters have ploughs; they work their crofts by means of the "cas-chrom" (see [illustration]). A southerner might well be pardoned for disbelieving that such a primitive and ancient instrument should still exist and be used in Great Britain; nevertheless hundreds of cas-chroms may be seen in use within the parish of Gairloch every April and May. The cas-chrom is generally, but not universally, condemned; no doubt it is a slow process to turn over a plot with this simple and ungainly-looking implement, but some argue that if properly used it is effective in getting at the sub-soil.
The following extracts from Sir G. S. Mackenzie's "General Survey," and Sir Francis Mackenzie's "Hints," bear on our present subject:—
Sir G. S. Mackenzie says:—"There are no sources of information from which a precise knowledge of the state of agriculture in the northern counties, previous to the rebellion in 1745, can be derived; but from what it has been since that time, it may safely be concluded that agricultural knowledge was neither sought for nor desired. The mode of management which has been practised in this county (Ross-shire) and in other parts of the Highlands, and which has been handed down from father to son for many generations, is still to be found in the midst of the most improved districts. We still see the arable land divided into small crofts, and many of the hills occupied as commons. On the west coast particularly, the ground is seen covered with heaps of stones, and large quantities are collected on the divisions between the fields, so that a considerable portion of the land capable of cultivation is thus rendered useless by the indulgence of the most unpardonable sloth. The management of the native farmers is most destructive. The soil of one field is dug away to be laid upon another; and crop succeeds crop until the land refuses to yield anything. It is then allowed to rest for a season, and the weeds get time to multiply. Such, we must suppose, was the system of farming before the rebellion; we cannot imagine it to have been worse."
Coming to the nineteenth century, Sir G. S. Mackenzie writes as follows of the parish of Gairloch:—"The business of farming is but ill understood; and it certainly is surprising that proprietors, and the holders of long leases though of old date, should have their land in very bad order, and stock of a quality inferior to that which their ancestors possessed fifty years ago. There are a few exceptions no doubt; but the attachment to ancient customs is nowhere more strongly fixed than in this district. The time, however, has at length arrived when the people must shortly change their habits, or quit the country. The labour which is required for small farms occupies but a small portion of the time of the tenants; but they are so perversely indolent and careless that, while they see people from Inverness and Argyleshire, who in their own counties pay much higher rents, employed in fishing, making kelp, &c., and receiving high wages, none of them can be engaged for such labour. This is the case in general; and although, from my connection with this part of the country, I may have remarked the habits of the people more particularly than elsewhere, yet, from the various testimonies I have received, I can safely assert that the censure of indolence is not applicable to the inhabitants of this district only."
In another part of his "Survey" Sir George gives the following account of the Highland husbandman of his day:—"Though a singular one, it is a fact, that every one of the Highlanders, except those who have some connection with the soil, is active and enterprising. If he cannot find employment at home, he travels hundreds of miles to seek it. There are not more handy labourers in the world than Highlanders at piece-work. They are not in general neat-handed, but they very soon acquire expertness in any kind of work they engage in. But look attentively to the proceedings of a Highland farmer, and a very different description will be found necessary for his habits. Until he gets his seed sown, he is as active as a man can be. When that business is over, he goes to sleep, until roused by the recollection that he must have some means of keeping himself warm during winter. He then spends a few days in the peat moss, where the women and children are the chief operators. He cuts the peats, and leaves them to be dried and piled up by his family. Whenever the peats have been brought home, another interval presents itself for repose until the corn is ripe. During the winter, unless a good opportunity for smuggling occurs, a Highland farmer has nothing to do but to keep himself warm. He never thinks of labouring his fields during mild weather, or of collecting manure during frost; nothing rouses him but the genial warmth of spring. I cannot reckon how often I have seen Highland farmers basking in the sun on a fine summer day, in all the comforts of idleness. I have asked them, when I found them in such a situation, why they were not busy hoeing their potatoes. "O! the women and bairns do that," was the answer. I would then ask why they did not remove the heaps of stones which I saw on their fields, or conduct away the water which rested on them. They would answer, that they did not know where to put them; or, that they did no harm; or, that they had been there so long that it was not worth while to stir them; and that water gave sap to the land; with many other answers equally absurd, and dictated by nothing but what must be considered constitutional sloth. During his leisure hours a Highland farmer will do nothing for himself; but hire him to work, and he will become as brisk as a bee. He will never go to seek work; it must be brought to him. There are many, however, who will absolutely refuse to work at all."
The ensuing quotations from the "Hints" of Sir Francis Mackenzie, published in 1838, shew that the Gairloch people had not progressed much in the quarter of a century which had elapsed since Sir G. S. Mackenzie had written. Sir Francis states, "that hardly one field in your parish has ever had a mattock applied to it for the purpose of giving a little greater depth of soil, although you are constantly grumbling about its poverty and thinness; nor, till within the last five years, has any tenant in Gairloch ever trenched a single rood of land properly; whilst even at this day there are not half-a-dozen who have performed this Herculean task, which just occupies a good labourer in any other country from eight to ten hours, even where this operation is most difficult."
Under the head of manures, Sir Francis writes:—"Though so much depends both on the quantity and quality of your manure, nothing can be worse than your present system. Your dung-hill is generally placed immediately in front of your house door, raised like a mound, so that all the sap and moisture flows away; while filth of every kind may be seen wasted around, which, if thrown together, would materially enlarge and enrich the heap. Instead of little daily attentions to increase the manure by every means in your power, you delay everything till the spring, when all is hurry and confusion, contending for sea-ware, and waiting for low tides, at the very time when your dung should be ready on the spot and your seed committed to the ground."
Referring to the "cas-chrom," Sir Francis remarks:—"The present mode of scratching your soil with the cas-chrom ought totally to be abolished; for though you may shovel over a greater surface with it than with the spade, it does not go to such a depth in the soil as to loosen it sufficiently and allow the roots of the various crops to seek for nourishment. By turning the soil over to one side only, it raises the ridges unequally; and whilst one half has a greater depth than necessary, the other is robbed till it becomes almost unproductive. I repeat, that your antique instrument is totally inadequate for cultivating your lands properly; its very name, 'crooked foot,' implies deformity; and it should only be retained as an object of curiosity for posterity, since it is a relic of that barbarism which, I rejoice to think, is fast vanishing."
Sir Francis strongly urges the advantage of industry, which he seems to have considered to be the principal want of the people. Sir Francis says:—"I had an admirable opportunity of illustrating this lately when walking with a small tenant, who, with both hands in his pockets, vehemently complained of the limited extent of his arable land, the poverty of the unreclaimed part, the barrenness of his cattle; in short, he found fault with everything. We were at that moment passing some land which he himself and his forefathers once possessed, but which had lately been given to a clergyman, who was anxious to set a moral as well as a spiritual example to his flock, and who was rapidly and successfully reclaiming the waste and improving the hitherto ill cultivated lands. 'Donald,' I asked, 'look at the improvement your parson is making on that land. Why not imitate his exertions?' 'Ah,' was the reply, 'well may he do all that, since the fine subject is sure to repay him!' 'And why,' I said, 'did not you or your forefathers discover this, and do something during the last century it was in their possession,—all which time it remained a barren moor? Would it not have repaid your father fifty years ago, or yourself last year, as well as it promises to remunerate the minister this season?' Donald scratched his head, but could not reply; he was for once convinced of his indolence, though I fear it is hardly yet cured. I fear that Donald still prefers a lounge on the banks of the Ewe, or a saunter in the direction of the inn in hopes of the friendly offer of a dram, to taking up his spade and opening a passage between his lazy beds for the water to escape, or gathering only a few barrowfuls of gravel from his immediate neighbourhood to throw upon his moss, or doing any little thing to make his home neat, his house clean, and himself happy and comfortable. His new farm is now what the glebe was under his reign and that of his forefathers. Thus it is with those who are naturally indolent."
Sir Francis strongly recommends gardens. He says:—"Half a century ago no more than two or three gardens, I believe, existed in your whole parish, one of the most extensive in Britain; and even now, when civilization has been making rapid strides elsewhere, the number of spots where fruits are raised and flowers cultivated has not increased to perhaps a dozen." There are still, as previously remarked, few gardens attached to the crofters' dwellings in Gairloch, and vegetables, other than potatoes, are but little grown. The potato is said not to have become common in Gairloch until the end of the eighteenth century; there is no account of its introduction into the parish. It is stated by the old folk, that when first grown the tubers were hung in nets from the rafters of the roofs to be kept dry, exactly as is often done with onions. The potato disease was unknown in Gairloch until 1846. Now it frequently appears, and causes great loss; but in some seasons there is little of it, and years have been known when potatoes were pretty largely exported.
ANTIQUITY NO. 10.
QUERN, OR TROUGH, FOUND IN A BROCH OR PICTISH ROUND HOUSE AT TOURNAIG.
SCALE—ONE INCH TO A FOOT.
Chapter IX.
Fisheries.
The majority of the men of Gairloch are fishermen. The two sea-lochs of the parish, viz., the Gairloch and Loch Ewe, teem with the finny tribe, which are largely taken by the people, and are either exported or afford an important and healthful article of diet. The most considerable fishery of Gairloch is the cod, saythe, and ling fishery, which will be described further on. Besides the large number of cod, saythe, and ling taken during the regular annual fishery, under the auspices of the firms who have their depots at Badachro, a moderate quantity of these fish is taken in Gairloch and Loch Ewe by other inhabitants. Good takes of haddock are frequently obtained, but there is no organized haddock fishery. Whiting, flounders, and sea-bream are also taken in Gairloch waters. Haddock, whiting, flounders, &c., are captured by means of long lines as well as hand lines. The haddock are particularly good. I have known whiting taken up to two and a half pounds weight. Hand-line fishing is treated of in [Part IV., chap. xiv].
Herrings are taken in Gairloch and Loch Ewe; in some years considerable numbers are cured at and exported from Badachro. Ordinary herring-nets are employed.
Many of the able-bodied men of Gairloch take part in the herring fisheries of the Long Island and of the east coast of Scotland. Some have boats of their own; these are the joint property of several fishermen, who divide the annual profits among them. Others hire themselves out to assist east coast fishermen. The Long Island fishing usually occupies the fishermen from 12th May to 20th June, and the east coast fishing keeps them from home between the end of June and the beginning of September. The produce of the fishings is uncertain, and varies greatly from year to year. I understand that the Gairloch men who go to the east coast herring fishings bring home on an average £18 to £20 each; the amount is affected not only by the success or non-success of the fishery, but by losses of nets and even of boats.
Lobsters and crabs are exported from Gairloch; but this fishery is not so successful as formerly, owing to the decline in the number of lobsters. It is prosecuted at several of the villages on the coasts of Gairloch and Loch Ewe, and the produce is sent in boxes to the English markets.
Oysters were formerly tolerably abundant on the scalps about the heads of Gairloch and Loch Ewe, and up to 1875 were exported. At that time a London firm leased some oyster-beds, which have however ceased to be remunerative.
The cod fishery of Gairloch may almost be said to be historical. We can at least find some account of it as far back as a century and a half ago.
The historian of the Mackenzies records, that the tenants of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, ninth laird of Gairloch (who ruled Gairloch from his coming of age in 1721 to his death in 1766), "were bound to deliver to him at current prices all the cod and ling caught by them, and in some cases were bound to keep one or more boats, with a sufficient number of men as sub-tenants, for the prosecution of the cod and ling fishings. He kept his own curer, cured the fish, and sold it at 12s. 6d. per cwt., delivered in June at Gairloch with credit until the following Martinmas, to a Mr Dunbar, merchant, with whom he made a contract, binding himself for several years to deliver at the price named all the cod caught in Gairloch."
In Pennant's "Tour" ([Appendix B]) we have some interesting particulars about the Gairloch cod fishery. He states the average annual capture as varying from five to twenty-seven thousand; the price as 2¼d a piece, and the minimum size as eighteen inches. The fish in his day (1772) were sent to Bilboa, but he says the Spaniards rejected the ling.
The Rev. Daniel M'Intosh, in the Old Statistical Account, 1792 ([Appendix C]), says, "Gairloch has been for many years famous for the cod fishing. Sir Hector M'Kenzie of Gairloch, the present proprietor, sends to market annually, upon an average, betwixt thirty and forty thousand cod, exclusive of the number with which the country people serve themselves."
Sir George S. Mackenzie, in his "Survey," published in 1810, has the following interesting account of the Gairloch cod fishery as it was carried on in the time of Sir Hector M'Kenzie:—
"This fishery has, from time immemorial, been the most constant and regularly productive of any on the coasts of Scotland. This is probably owing to there being in this quarter the most considerable extent of clean sandy ground, in the neighbourhood of the numerous banks in the Minch, where the fish find the best bottom and shelter for spawning, and abundance of food, consisting of small crabs, sand eels, star fish, mussels, cockles, &c., which are always found in their stomachs.
"The fish are in full roe, and best condition, in January, when the fishing usually begins; and they regularly become poorer till fully spawned, which happens about the end of April, when the fishing ends. The size of the fish is small, but they are rich. They weigh on an average five pounds each, when cleaned for salting. They have usually been sent pickled, and also dried, to Ireland, Liverpool, and London, and were formerly sent dried to Spain. The natives of the neighbouring shores are in general exclusively occupied in this fishing; but from the difficulty of procuring bait, only about twenty boats, each having about four hundred hooks, are employed. The average annual produce of this fishing, for fifteen years, has exceeded twenty thousand cod; but were the fishermen to take but half the trouble some others do to procure bait, they might certainly double the produce.
"Messrs J. Nicol & Young are the fishcurers. They are obliged to receive the fish taken while they continue to be good. The fishermen are a class of people inhabiting the shores on the bay of Gairloch, paying from £1 sterling to £2, 2s. of rent for land. They receive for each codfish, measuring eighteen inches from the shoulder fins to the tail, 3¼d.; and for every ling, measuring thirty inches as above, 5d. Sir Hector Mackenzie, the proprietor, gives the fishermen a bounty of twenty guineas, which is divided among the crews of the best-fished boats, pointed out by a jury of the fishermen themselves. He gives wood for boats and houses, and receives no other remuneration than ¼d. per fish. But more than this, Sir Hector takes upon himself to make good to the fishers the payment due to them from the fishcurers, and takes the risk of not recovering it upon himself. By this he has lost many hundreds of pounds. What an example this is. Here we see a proprietor, not only encouraging industry by every ordinary means, but absolutely risking, and losing, large sums of money, in the most laudable and noble exertions to maintain and support a trade most valuable for the country and the people engaged in it. Such conduct is beyond all praise."
The cod fishing was carried on until quite recently (about 1877) by means of long lines with baited hooks, the bait being mostly mussels. Since 1877 nets have to a great extent displaced the baited lines. The lines were entirely made by the people themselves, of horse-hair and hemp, until the early part of the present century. The hooks were also home-made, for Gairloch used to be self-contained. The hooks were made out of knitting needles, cut into proper lengths and then bent to the right shape, to effect which one end was fixed in a door key. The point was then sharpened on a stone, and the barb was raised by means of a knife. Ruaridh Ceard, the blacksmith at Second Coast (he was a tinker), used to make fish-hooks from backs of pocket-knives and odd bits of steel. At that time everybody in Gairloch grew a small plot of hemp. The women spun the flax with the distaff, and herring-nets and fishing-lines were made from it. Fish-hooks and lines, as well as herring-nets, were precious articles in those days.
It was about the year 1823 that a large ship put into Ullapool and was there destroyed by fire. Among her cargo, which was partially saved, were casks of hooks, and these were the first manufactured hooks known in this district.
The Gairloch cod fishery is now carried on by two firms, who have curing-houses or stations at Badachro, one on the Dry Island and the other on Eilean (or Isle) Horisdale. The fishery seems to be more productive now than even in the days of Sir Hector Mackenzie. It yields an average of about forty thousand cod per annum. The year 1884 was extraordinarily good. The number of cod cured and sent away fresh was about eighty thousand, besides about forty-four thousand saythe. These figures were about double the average. A few ling are also taken, but they are the same price as cod, and are counted among them. In 1884 about a third part of the fish were dried; the remainder were sent fresh to Glasgow and the English markets by steamer. The price paid to the fishermen in 1884 was 11d. for each cod and 4d. for each saythe. The number of boats employed was forty. Each boat had as a rule four men, so that there were in all one hundred and sixty fishermen employed besides about thirty workmen and ten women who worked at the stations. The cod were larger than in Pennant's day.
The season of 1885 was not so productive, and the prices were lower, viz., 7d. for each cod and 3d. for each saythe; a few boats had 8d. for each cod. Some lines with baited hooks are still used instead of nets. Mr John Mackenzie, the manager of the Dry Island station, who has furnished much of this information about the fishery, is of opinion that the lines are far better than nets, and he says this was proved in 1885. Of course the use of the lines necessitates a certain loss of time in collecting bait.
The only remaining fishery of Gairloch is the salmon fishery, noticed by Pennant. This belongs to Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, Bart., under an old charter from the crown, and is leased by Mr A. P. Hogarth of Aberdeen, who sends a manager each spring to the principal station at Poolewe. The fishing is conducted principally by means of bag-nets, and all the fish are brought to Poolewe. In the early part of the season the salmon are boiled and packed in vinegar in kegs, each keg containing about thirty-two pounds weight of fish. In summer, when the salmon are most plentiful, Mr Hogarth employs fast sailing smacks or cutters, which come twice a week from Aberdeen to Poolewe and take away the fish packed in ice. From Aberdeen they are sent to the London market as fresh salmon. A few bull trout and sea trout are also taken. The station at Poolewe is usually termed the "Boiler-house," and its obliging manager, Mr Alexander Mutch, is always proud of displaying his beautiful salmon to callers. For obvious reasons the number of fish taken each year is kept secret. Mr Hogarth told me that the year 1883 was the best season he had ever known except one, and that not only in Gairloch but in other parts of Scotland, where he rents fishings. On the whole, however, the stock of salmon is believed to be gradually diminishing.
ANTIQUITY NO. 11.
FRAGMENT OF TROUGH FOUND IN A BROCH OR PICTISH ROUND HOUSE NEAR TOURNAIG.
SCALE—ONE INCH TO A FOOT.
Chapter X.
Posts and Road-making.
It is impossible to fix the exact date when a post was established to Gairloch; it was probably some time in the latter half of the eighteenth century. In 1730 letters from Inverness to Edinburgh were carried by a foot-post, as we learn from Captain Burt, so that it is not to be wondered at that our remote parish of Gairloch did not have any post until even a later period. Originally one post-"runner" was employed on the service. He seems for a long time to have come regularly only when the laird of Gairloch was in residence at Flowerdale in summer and autumn. The post-runner came from Dingwall by Strath Braan and Glen Dochartie to the head of Loch Maree, then along the east side of the loch viâ Letterewe to Poolewe, and thence, if necessary, forward to Flowerdale. Sometimes, during the residence of the laird at Flowerdale, the post-runner seems to have gone by the west side of Loch Maree to Slatadale, and thence over the pass, by the falls of the Kerry, to Flowerdale. During the winter months the post was suspended; even in summer he originally came to Gairloch only once a week. When a second runner was employed the post bags were brought twice a week. After the construction of the present roads the mail came by horse and trap three times a week, and in 1883 the Post Office authorities granted a daily mail, i.e. every day except Sundays.
Dr Mackenzie, writing of the ten years commencing with 1808, describes the Gairloch post as follows:—"Then the mail north of the Highland metropolis (Inverness) went on horseback; and when we squatted on the west coast (Gairloch) our nearest post-office was sixty miles away in our county town (Dingwall), and our only letter-carrier was one of my father's (Sir Hector's) attachés, little Duncan, a bit of kilted india-rubber, who, with a sheepskin knapsack on his back to keep his despatches dry (for Mackintosh waterproof had not been dreamed of then), left the west on Monday, got the sixty miles done on Wednesday, and returning on Thursday delivered up his mail to my father on the Saturday, and was ready to trip off east next Monday; and so all the five months of our western stay, doing his one hundred and twenty miles every week! I never heard of his being a day off work in many a year. And what a lot of news was extracted from him ere he got away to his home on Saturday evening! When we retired to the east the natives left behind us got their postal delivery the best way they could."
James Mackenzie states, that before 1820 there were two Gairloch post-runners, viz., Donald Mackenzie, always called Donald Charles, grandfather of the present John Mackenzie (Iain Glas) of Mossbank, Poolewe, and Roderick M'Lennan of Kirkton, father of George M'Lennan of Londubh, who is at present foreman to Mr O. H. Mackenzie. James Mackenzie thinks that Dr Mackenzie is mistaken in giving the name Duncan to the post-runner he mentions, and that it was Donald Charles (who was the last single post-runner) that Dr Mackenzie knew in his youth. This opinion agrees with the fact that Donald Charles always wore the kilt, then falling into disuse among the common people of Gairloch. The kilt seems, however, to have been generally in favour with the post-runners, who doubtless found it suitable for their long walks; both Rorie (Roderick M'Lennan) and William Cross (a subsequent post-runner, descended from one of the ironworkers) always wore the kilt. Donald Charles and Rorie alternately brought the post from Dingwall. They came to Poolewe on Wednesdays and Saturdays, walking "through the rock," i.e. viâ Letterewe, the Bull Rock, and the east side of Loch Maree. When the laird was staying at Flowerdale the post-runners went there first.
Another post-runner—one M'Leay, from Poolewe—was found dead about a mile from the inn at Achnasheen. In his hand were a piece of bread and a bit of mutton, which his sister, who was a servant at the inn, had given him just before he left. He was a young man. A brother of his was found dead at the back of the park at Tournaig. He had been sent by Mr Mackenzie of Lochend to Aultbea to fetch whisky. His face was "spoilt," and his mouth full of earth. His death was thought to be the work of a spirit! A memorial cairn was thrown up on the spot where the body was found, and is there to this day.
John Mackenzie, son of Donald Charles, was the last running post to Gairloch. He was called Iain Mor am Post, and was a remarkably strong and courageous Highlander. When the mail-car began to run he emigrated to Australia.
There were no roads in Gairloch until the military road was made, which took nearly the same course as the present county road; it can still be traced in most places. It was part of the system of military roads constructed under the supervision of General Wade in the first half of the eighteenth century. It is usually called General Wade's road, though it is possible he never saw it. In the beginning of the nineteenth century this old road had become impassable by wheeled vehicles.
There was a bridge at Grudidh on General Wade's road; when the new road was made there it was doubled in width. The bridge at Kenlochewe was built in 1843; that near Flowerdale (widened about 1880) long before. The bridge at Poolewe was built about 1844; that at Little Gruinard, on the northern boundary of the parish, a little later.
The road from Gairloch to Poolewe was made by Sir Hector Mackenzie in 1825. It was set out by Duncan Mackenzie, the innkeeper at Poolewe, who had been butler to Sir Hector.
The Dowager Lady Mackenzie of Gairloch, widow of the late Sir Francis Mackenzie, has communicated the following statement with regard to other roads in Gairloch:—"I came to reside permanently at Flowerdale in June 1844. For ten years from June 1843 I was trustee for the Gairloch property with Mr Mackenzie of Ord. There was no road then between Rudha 'n Fhomhair, at the upper end of Loch Maree and Slatadale. The potato disease commenced in August 1846, and this road was begun the following spring. When the government steamers called in at Gairloch, inquiring as to the distress and poverty caused by the potato disease, I did not advocate the sending of supplies of meal, &c., but urged continually, in speaking and by letters, both to the Destitution Committee and to the Home Secretary (Sir George Grey), and to Lord John Russell, that money might be granted to make the road from Rudha 'n Fhomhair to Slatadale, and thus to open up the country, I, on my part, as trustee, guaranteeing to support the people who could not work on the road. The Edinburgh Destitution Committee was not willing to agree to my request without the sanction of the government; and the government said, however much they approved of my plan, and however desirous of assisting me they felt, they could not grant the request of one individual, without incurring the risk of many more applications; but after some delay and consideration, they said they would send me Captain Webb of the Engineers and a corporal and two privates (who had been employed in Shetland) to line out the road and map it, ready for a contractor's offer. This was done. Captain Webb was my guest at Flowerdale for six weeks during the winter; and early in the following spring, the maps and plans arrived from Woolwich, and the road was begun, my son (Mr O. H. Mackenzie) cutting the first turf. Though mentioning my own name throughout this transaction, I could not have done anything without the indefatigable assistance of Captain (now Admiral) Russell Elliott of Appleby Castle; he was at the head of the Destitution Committee, a sort of generalissimo of the whole concern; also I was much indebted to Sir Charles Trevelyan, at that time Secretary to the Home Secretary. By the aid of such good and able friends, the Destitution Committee was induced to advance in all two or three thousand pounds, the district road trustees undertaking to advance equal to what was advanced on the Loch Maree road; and money was afterwards received from the Destitution Fund to carry on the road to Badachro, now the large fishing station, where curers purchase the herring, cod, ling, &c., from the people. Lord John Russell sent me £100 out of a fund he had from the receipts of a ball or concert for the destitute Highlanders, and I had several large sums sent me by strangers, besides some from my own relations. Money also was granted from Edinburgh to assist in making the road from Poolewe to Inverasdale. After I received money from the Destitution Committee several other proprietors applied for assistance in the same way. Mr Bankes of Letterewe, and Mr Hugh Mackenzie of Dundonnell, both received grants on the same terms. The road from Poolewe to Aultbea was thus made, and also I think the road from Dundonnell, by Feithean, to the Ullapool road."
Mr Mackenzie, Dundonnell, took a leading part in obtaining Destitution money for road-making. Nearly £2000 from that and similar sources was spent on the Loch Maree road; it cost £3403, the balance being raised by the district road trustees, who also gave £1000 towards the Aultbea road, the Destitution Committee giving £370. That Committee also assisted the making of the roads on the north and south sides of Gairloch, and on the west side of Loch Ewe.
There is no account to be had of the making of the road from Poolewe to Inveran, but it seems to have been formed some time before the road from Gairloch to Poolewe was made.
Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie completed the road from Kernsary to Fionn Loch in 1875. The road connecting Kernsary with Inveran was made about 1870.
ANTIQUITY NO. 12.—
BRONZE PENANNULAR RING FOUND AT LONDUBH.
SCALE—HALF TRUE SIZE.
Chapter XI.
Superstitions of Isle Maree.
Isle Maree, or Innis, or Inch, or Eilean Maree, is, as it were, the eye of Loch Maree. From either end of the loch it arrests the gaze of the spectator, and seems almost to look him in the face. Though one of the smallest of the islands, it is without doubt the most interesting. Not only does the story of the unfortunate prince and princess ([Part I., chap, ii.]) centre in it, but so also do the quaint superstitions connected with the wishing-tree, the little well resorted to for the cure of insanity, and the now discontinued sacrifices of bulls.
Her most gracious Majesty Queen Victoria visited Isle Maree on the 16th September 1877. It was the Sabbath day, and Her Majesty graciously read a short sermon to her Gairloch gillies. She then fixed her offering in the wishing-tree, a pleasantry which most visitors to the island repeat, it being common report that a wish silently formed when any metal article is attached to the tree will certainly be realized. It is said that if any one removes an offering that has been fixed in the tree, some misfortune, probably the taking fire of the house of the desecrator, is sure to follow. The tree is now nearly dead. This modern fancy of the wishing-tree is very different from its original superstition, as will appear shortly.
It seems certain that St Maelrubha, who brought Christianity into the district in the seventh century, permitted the Druidical sacrifices of bulls to be continued, and endeavoured to give them a Christian aspect. These sacrifices continued to as late a date as 1678. Latterly the sacrifices appear to have been connected with the resort to the island for the cure of insanity. Originally neither the legend of the prince and princess ([Part I., chap. ii.]), nor the sacrifices of bulls, had any connection with the cure of insanity. Later on versions of the traditional legend were promulgated, in which either the prince or the princess were made out to have become lunatic, evidently with the idea of connecting the story in some way, however remote, with the cure of insanity. The sacrifice of a bull became in the seventeenth century a preliminary to the proceedings for the cure of a lunatic, although in older days such a sacrifice had been entirely independent of anything of the sort.
Probably the resort to the island for the miraculous cure of insanity, although, as has been remarked, unconnected with the legend or the sacrifices, dates back to the time of St Maelrubha. The practice was for the party to row several times round the island, the attendants jerking the lunatic thrice into the water; then they landed on the island, where the patient knelt before the altar, was brought to the little well, drank some of the holy water, and finally attached an offering to the tree. This process was repeated every day for some weeks. In modern times there is no altar, and the lunatic is brought only on one occasion to the island.
The resort to Isle Maree for the cure of lunacy was continued until a very recent date, though no longer prefaced by the sacrifice of a bull. There was an instance in 1856, when a young woman was brought to the island from Easter Ross; she was afterwards placed in the Inverness Asylum. A prior case was reported in the Inverness Courier of 4th November 1852. I am assured on good authority that lunatics are still taken to the island to be cured, but these expeditions are now kept strictly secret.
Our next chapter will be devoted to a discussion of these superstitions, mostly from the pen of Dr Arthur Mitchell, chairman of the Lunacy Commission of Scotland. His full description of Isle Maree will give the reader a good idea of the subject generally.
Her Majesty the Queen has herself written an excellent account of the island in "More leaves from the Journal of a Life in the Highlands," to which the reader is referred.
The following is Dr Mitchell's description, extracted from his valuable paper "On various Superstitions in the north-west Highlands and Islands of Scotland, especially in relation to Lunacy," printed in Vol. IV. of the proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland. Dr Mitchell, it will be seen, clears up in a most satisfactory manner the question of the derivation of the name Maree:—
"Eilean Maree, or Innis Maree, is a small low island, with clean gravelly shores, half-way down the loch, not more than a quarter of a mile in its greatest diameter.
"On its highest part there is an enclosure, whose outline is an irregular oval (ninety by one hundred and twenty feet). The wall, which is not more than two feet high, is now covered with earth and moss. Pennant, however, describes it as a 'stone dyke, with a regular narrow entrance.' In the centre of this enclosure there are the remains of a small chapel; but so complete is the ruin, that it is not possible to determine the style of architecture. Round about the chapel are fifty or sixty graves, generally covered by a flat undressed stone, with rude blocks at the head and feet. Many of these graves are recent. One, indeed, is quite fresh,—the burial having taken place but a week before my visit. Several of the older ones are said to contain the bodies of the Sasunnach artizans who, in the seventeenth century, worked at the iron furnaces of Poolewe. With two exceptions there are no cuttings, carvings, or inscriptions of any kind on any of the tombstones. These two have distinct and well-formed incised crosses on them (see [illustration]). The stones on which these occur have never been dressed or even squared. They are flat, and lie beside each other, nearly end to end, and about east and west.
"The celebrated well, whose waters are of such magic power, is near the shore. We found it dry, and full of last year's leaves. It is a built well, and the flat stone which serves for a cover we found lying on the bank.
"Near it stands an oak tree, which is studded with nails. To each of these was originally attached a piece of the clothing of some patient who had visited the spot. There are hundreds of nails, and one has still fastened to it a faded ribbon. Two bone buttons and two buckles we also found nailed to the tree. Countless pennies and halfpennies are driven edgeways into the wood,—over many the bark is closing, over many it has already closed. All the trees about the well are covered with initials. A rude M, with an anchor below it, tells of the seaman's noted credulity and superstitious character. Two sets of initials with a date between, and below a heart pierced by an arrow, probably record the visit of a love-sick couple, seeking here a cure of their folly. The solitary interview would probably counteract the working of the waters.
"The sacred holly grows everywhere on the island. We found it loaded with fruit. The oak, the larch, the alder, the beech, the mountain-ash, the sycamore, the willow, the prickly holly, the dog-rose, the juniper, the honeysuckle, and the heather all abound, and form a most charming grove."
After giving a version of the legend of the prince and princess, Dr Mitchell proceeds to remark:—
"Since the same tale is told with many variations, it is probable that something of this kind did really happen; but that the virtues of the well have any connection with the story is improbable, as I shall shortly show.
"Anderson, Fullarton, the new and old Statistical Accounts, as well as the people of the place, derive the name from a dedication to St Mary. This remarkable error is first clearly pointed out in the 'Origines Parochiales,' though Pennant evidently had the right view when he speaks of it as the favoured isle of the saint (St Maree), the patron of all the coast from Applecross to Lochbroom, and tells us that he, the saint, is held in high esteem, and that the oath of the country is by his name.
"It appears that Maelrubha came from Ireland to Scotland, and founded the church of Aporcrossan in 673. After his death he became the patron saint of the district. His name is variously known as Malrubius, Malrube, Mulray, Murie, Mourie, and as the last corruption, Maree. That the island and loch bear the name of this saint there can be no doubt. Even the mode of pronouncing the word by the Gaelic-speaking population shews that it is not derived from Mary; while Pennant's remark proves that the mistake is not yet a century old. Names are monuments—pages of history—inscribed stones; yet thus do we find them broken, blotted, and defaced. Mourie died at Applecross, on the 21st April 722. There is some doubt as to where he was buried, and I have nothing to make it probable that it was in Inch Maree. It is certain, or all but certain, however, that this vir dei led a hermit's life, and wrought miracles there; and that, like St Goderick, St Fillan, and a host of others, he continued to do so after his death.
"Whether the saint, on his arrival in Scotland, found a pagan temple on this little island, or whether he himself first consecrated the spot, is a question of interest. Pennant says, 'I suspect the dike to have been originally Druidical, and that the ancient superstition of paganism was taken up by the saint as the readiest method of making a conquest over the minds of the inhabitants.' This opinion I am inclined to adopt. The people of the place speak often of the god Mourie, instead of St Mourie, which may have resulted from his having supplanted the old god. Tradition also points to it as a place of worship before the Christian epoch; and the curious record I have obtained of the sacrifice of bulls there, strongly confirms this belief, and furnishes fresh proof of the liberal engrafting upon Christianity of all forms of paganism in the early history of the Church."
Chapter XII.
Superstitions of Isle Maree—(continued).
The principal source of the knowledge we possess of the superstitious sacrifices of bulls and attempted cures of insanity at Isle Maree, are the minutes extracted from the records of the Presbytery of Dingwall, which will be found in [Appendix F].
Dr Mitchell has the following instructive remarks on these subjects in his paper written in 1860:—
"Fuller wittily observes that, as careful mothers and nurses on condition they can get their children to part with knives are contented to let them play with rattles, so the early Christian teachers permitted ignorant people to retain some of their former foolish customs, that they might remove from them the most dangerous. Fuller is here writing of protesting times; but if we go back to the first introduction of Christianity into our country, we shall find that many pagan ceremonies were connived at and engrafted on the new religion, which we now-a-days should feel inclined rather to class with edged tools than rattles. Instead of breaking the monuments of idolatry, our early teachers gave them a Christian baptism, by cutting on them the symbols of their own religion; and with the rites and ceremonies of paganism they dealt in like manner.
"The places of Druidical worship, which Maelrubha found on his arrival in Applecross, in all probability became afterwards places of Christian worship; and such of them as were believed to possess special virtues continued to enjoy their special reputation, with this difference, however, that what the god, or demon, or genius loci did before, the saint took upon himself, tolerating as much of the old ceremony as the elastic conscience of the age permitted. 'Une religion chargée de beaucoup de pratiques,' says Montesquieu, 'attache plus à elle qu'une autre, qui l'est moins;' and this principle was freely acted on,—the more freely, perhaps, that the early Christian teachers came among a people peculiarly given to ceremony, if we may trust the remark of Pliny, 'The Britons are so stupendly superstitious in their ceremonies, that they go even beyond the Persians.' I am inclined to think, with Pennant and the writer in the old Statistical Account, that Inch Maree was such a locality. The sacrifice of the bull, and the speaking of the saint as 'the god,' made this probable, while the belief expressed by some old writers that such was the fact, and existing oral traditions, render it still more so.
"I have no earlier allusion to the well on this island than 1656. It was then the resort of the lunatic, and, as I have said, it may possibly have been so from the date of Mourie's arrival, or even before that time. One shrine in Belgium is known to have had a special reputation of this kind for more than twelve hundred years. I refer to that of St Dympna in Gheel. Our own St Fillan's, too, has been resorted to for the 'blessed purpose of conferring health on the distressed' since the year 700. Further back still, Orpheus, who is said to have written the hymn to Mercury, speaks of Mercury's grot, where remedy was to be had for lunatics and lepers.
"The most interesting feature of these [presbytery] extracts, however, is the finding so complete and formal a sacrificial ceremony commonly practised in our country at so late a period as within two hundred years of our own day. The people point to Inverasdale as the last place where the sacrifice was offered. For the cure of the murrain in cattle, one of the herd is still sacrificed for the good of the whole. This is done by burying it alive. I am assured that within the last ten years such a barbarism occurred in the county of Moray. It is, however, happily, and beyond all doubt, very rare. The sacrifice of a cock, however, in the same fashion, for the cure of epilepsy, is still not unfrequently practised; but in neither of these cases is the sacrifice offered on the shrine of a saint, or to a named god, though, of course, in both there is the silent acknowledgment of some power thus to be propitiated.
"I only know one other recorded instance of the formal sacrifice of a bull in Scotland, to a saint on his feast-day. A writer of the twelfth century, Reginald of Durham, sometimes also called Reginald of Coldingham, takes occasion, in his lively 'Book of the Miracles of St Cuthbert,' to relate certain incidents which befell the famous St Aelred of Rievaux in the year 1164, during a journey into Pictland,—that is Galloway it would seem, or perhaps, more generally, the provinces of Scotland lying to the south of the Forth and Clyde. The saintly abbot happened to be at 'Cuthbrichtis Kirche,' or Kirkcudbright, as it is now called, on the feast-day of its great patron. A bull, the marvel of the parish for its strength and ferocity, was dragged to the church, bound with cords, to be offered as an alms and oblation to St Cuthbert.
"It is curious to find, in the inaccessible districts both of the north and south of Scotland, traces of a similar Christianised paganism. Whether these ceremonies are remains of the vague Druidical, or of the Helioarkite, or of the Mithraic worship, I am not able to say. As regards the last, which was set up in opposition to Christianity, and which used many of its ceremonies, it is known that the sacrifice of a bull was one of its rites. The study of this form of worship has not yet received from Scottish antiquaries the attention which it probably deserves.
"It would seem that to some saints the sacrifice of a bull was not confined to the day of honour, but was a thing of frequent occurrence. This appears from a letter on the superstitions of Caernarvonshire of the sixteenth century, in which the writer tells us that he visited the locality where bullocks were said to be offered to St Beyno, and that he witnessed such an offering in 1589. This Beyno is described as 'the saint of the parish of Clynnog, and the chiefest of all saints;' but we are told that the people did not dare to cut down the trees that grew in the saint's ground, 'lest Beyno should kill them, or do them some one harm or another.' Though so saintly, therefore, as to be deemed the chiefest of all saints, he was evidently not worshipped solely as a beneficent being, and sacrifices were offered to avert his anger as well as to secure his favour; thus bringing out his successorship as saint of the place to the demon loci of pure paganism. 'They called Barnabas, Jupiter; and Paul, Mercurius,' and vice versâ.
"In our own day, belief in the healing virtues of the well on Inch Maree is general over all Ross-shire, but more especially over the western district. The lunatic is taken there without consideration of consent. As he nears the island, he is suddenly jerked out of the boat into the loch; a rope having been made fast to him, by this he is drawn into the boat again, to be a second, third, or fourth time unexpectedly thrown overboard during the boat's course round the island. He is then landed, made to drink of the waters, and an offering is attached to the tree. Sometimes a second and third circumnavigation of the island is thought necessary, with a repetition of the immersions, and of the visit to the well.
"The writer of the 'New Statistical Account,' in 1836, says that the poor victim of this superstitious cruelty was towed round the island after the boat by his tender-hearted friends. Macculloch, writing in 1824, says: 'Here also there was a sacred well, in which, as in St Fillan's, lunatics were dipped, with the usual offerings of money; but the well remains, and the practice has passed away.' He makes two mistakes here. Lunatics are not, and cannot be, dipped into the well, which is not larger than a bucket, and both practice and well still exist. Pennant describes the ceremony in 1772, as having a greater show of religion in the rites, and less barbarity in the form of immersion. According to him, the patient was taken to the 'Sacred Island, made to kneel before the altar, where his attendants left an offering in money; he was then brought to the well, sipped some of the holy water, and a second offering was made; that done, he was thrice dipped in the lake, and the same operation was repeated every day for some weeks.'
"I could not learn that any form of words is at present in use, nor do any of the writers referred to make mention of such a thing; nor does it appear that the feast-day of the saint (25th August) is now regarded as more favourable than any other.
"There is an unwillingness to tell a stranger of the particular cases in which this superstitious practice had been tried, but several came to my knowledge. About seven years ago a furious madman was brought to the island from a neighbouring parish. A rope was passed round his waist, and, with a couple of men at one end in advance and a couple at the other behind, like a furious bull to the slaughter-house he was marched to the loch side, and placed in a boat, which was pulled once round the island, the patient being jerked into the water at intervals. He was then landed, drank of the water, attached his offering to the tree, and, as I was told, in a state of happy tranquillity went home. 'In matters of superstition among the ignorant, one shadow of success prevails against a hundred manifest contradictions.'
"The last case of which I heard came from a parish in the east of Ross, and was less happy in its issue. It was that of a young woman, who is now in one of our asylums. This happened about three years ago.
"Another case was reported in the Inverness Courier of 4th November 1852, and is quoted at length by Dr Reeves, in his paper on Saint Maelrubha, already referred to (see Proc. Soc. Ant. Scot., vol. iii., p. 288).
"'Every superstition,' says Archbishop Whately, 'in order to be rightly understood, should be read backward.' In this manner I have endeavoured to treat that which is attached to the little-known Inch Maree. We have seen it as it exists to-day, with its ceremonies of cruelty, barbarism, and ignorance; we have seen it, differing little from its present form, a century ago; we have seen it in 1656 and 1678, associated with an abominable and heathenish sacrifice; we have connected it with the saintly founder of the monastery of Applecross; and we have adduced some reasons for believing that its real paternity goes back to strictly pagan times."
In several notes to his paper Dr Mitchell, besides stating his authorities, points out that St Ruffus and St Maelrubha appear to have been regarded as identical, and that Inch Maree itself was in 1678 spoken of as the "Island of St Ruffus." Also, that an old man in the district told him that the name of the island was originally Eilean-Mo-Righ (the island of my king), or Eilean-a-Mhor-Righ (the island of the great king), and that this king was long ago worshipped as a god in the district. Dr Mitchell also mentions that, some fifteen or twenty years before, a farmer from Letterewe is said to have brought a mad dog to the well on the island. It drank of the waters, and was cured; but the desecrating act is said to have driven virtue for a time from the well. I have a detailed account of this last incident from James Mackenzie of Kirkton, which differs from Dr Mitchell's information. James Mackenzie says he well remembers that it was about 1830 that John Macmillan, who was the first shepherd the late Mr Bankes had at Letterewe, and who was the son of Donald Macmillan who had been shepherd at Letterewe when Macintyre was manager there, had a sheep-dog that went mad. John took the dog to Isle Maree, and put him headlong in the well; the dog died next day, and John Macmillan died a week after that!
Dr Mitchell, in a foot-note referring to the account of the sacrifice of a bull in 1164 witnessed by St Aelred of Rievaux at Cuthbrichtis Kirche, remarks that, "it is interesting to find that the clerks of the church, the Scolofthes, who must have been the best informed and most learned, opposed the ceremony, and attempted to throw it into ridicule by proposing to bait the bull, probably an indication that opinion was then beginning to change."
Dr Mitchell also remarks, in another foot-note, that "it would appear probable, that as Romish paganism after a time began to acknowledge and worship covertly and openly the divinities of the Druids, so Christianity did not escape a similar pollution, but, after a time, tolerated and even adopted not a few of the ceremonies and sacrifices of that modified Druidism with which it had to deal. And since Druidism existed in force to a later period in the north of Scotland than elsewhere, it may be reasonably expected that we shall there find the strongest and most enduring evidence of the infusion of paganism into Christianity."
In connection with this interesting point, the following note respecting the Kirkcudbright bull, which occurs at page 9 to the preface to vol. ii. of "The Sculptured Stones of Scotland," published by the Spalding Club, is instructive:—
"The memorable advice given by Pope Gregory to the Abbot Melitus prescribes a course of action which we cannot doubt was adopted by the early missionaries in dealing with the superstitions of the heathens:—'Et quia boves solent in sacrificio dæmonum multos accidere, debet eis etiam hac de re aliqua sollemnitas immutari; ut die dedicationis vel natalitii sanctorum martyrum quorum illic reliquiæ ponuntur, tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias quæ ex fanis commutatæ sunt de ramis arborum faciant, et religiosis conviviis sollemnitatem celebrent; nec diabolo jam animalia immolent, sed ad laudem Dei in esu suo animalia occidant, et donatori omnium de satietate sua gratias referant; ut dum eis aliqua exterius gaudia reservantur, ad interiora gaudia consentire facilius valeant. Nam duris mentibus simul omnia abscidere impossibile esse non dubium est; quia et is qui summum locum ascendere nititur, gradibus vel passibus non autem saltibus elevatur' (Bede Hist. Ecc., 1, 30).
"It is probable that the permission to adopt for a time a heathen rite, with the view of giving it a new character, was taken advantage of, by acting on it after the cause of the concession was gone.
"Reginald, the monk of Durham, has preserved a notice of the offering of a bull to St Cuthbert, at his church on the Solway, on the festival kept on the day of the dedication of the church in the year 1164 (Libellus de Admir B. Cuthbert virtut, page 185, Surtees Soc.)."
ANTIQUITY NO. 13.
CAST-IRON APPLIANCE, PROBABLY PART OF MACHINERY FROM THE FASAGH IRONWORKS.
SCALE—ONE INCH TO A FOOT.
Chapter XIII.
Superstitions Generally.
In the hill country of every land superstition and credulity are met with. Here in Gairloch the supernatural is suggested on all sides. Weird mountain forms often veiled in murky mists, frantic ocean waves thundering in gloomy caverns, hoarse rumblings of rushing waters, startling echoes from terrific precipices, curiously gnarled and twisted trees, tangled jungles in green islands, black peat mosses, wild moorlands, bubbling springs, dark caves, deep lochs, moaning winds, lonely paths, long winter nights,—such are the surroundings of man in this wild country. Can we wonder that the Gairloch Highlander has always been superstitious and credulous?
Superstition is still rife here, but with the march of education it is gradually decaying, and, partly from this cause, and partly from the disinclination of the superstitious to tell strangers about their doings and fancies, it is difficult to obtain descriptions of present instances, so that the notices which follow will often relate to circumstances of the past, though not indeed of the remote past. They are all local cases.
Amongst the older superstitions of Gairloch were the sacrifices of bulls at Isle Maree, the resort to the oracular stone with the hole, and the rites for the care of insanity mentioned in the presbytery records ([Appendix F, section iv.]), and more particularly described in the two last chapters.
Some other notions of a superstitious kind are hinted at in other parts of this book. In the old presbytery records there are notices of marches round "monuments," charmings, libations, and midsummer or Beltane fires in the neighbouring parishes, and no doubt there were similar practices in Gairloch but most of these are forgotten now.
There was a superstitious belief, scarcely yet dead, that a draught of the waters of Loch Maree was a certain cure for any disease,—a notion akin to that which prompted the friends of the insane to take them to Isle Maree. The modern advocates of hydropathy might have thought this belief in Loch Maree water was far from being superstitious, had it not been for the established fact that the water drinker used always to cast his offering of small money into the loch at the time he imbibed its waters. The Fox point was the usual—perhaps the only—place where the Loch Maree water-cure was practised. They say that when the loch was very low, coins used often to be found among the pebbles in the water surrounding this point. I have been told that a man found five coins here not many years ago, but I have been unable to get a sight of them. In connection with this superstition it may be mentioned, that within recent years invalids have had bottles of Loch Maree water sent to them, with a firm belief in its curative qualities.
Local names are often evidences of superstition. In Gairloch we have Cathair Mhor and Cathair Bheag,—names applied to several places,—and the Sitheanan Dubha on Isle Ewe and on the North Point. There is Cathair Mhor at the head of Loch Maree, and Cathair Beag (the Gaelic name of the place) at Kerrysdale. These names mean respectively the big and little seats of the fairies. There are no stories told now-a-days of these fairy seats, but their names testify to the belief in fairies which was universal not long ago.
The name Sitheanan Dubha signifies the black knowes or hillocks of the fairies. It is applied to two places in Gairloch, viz., to the highest hill tops at the north end of Isle Ewe, and to a low hill and small round loch a full mile due north of Carn Dearg house; both are shown on the [six-inch ordnance map].
There is a tradition of a Gairloch woman having spent a year with the fairies; a tale founded on this story is given in the Celtic Magazine, vol. iv., page 15. About midsummer 1878 I went in an open boat from Poolewe to the Shiant Isles, to observe the birds which breed in such numbers there. It was after 11 p.m. when I landed on the largest island of the group. About a mile distant was a shepherd's house, the only human habitation in these islands. I thought of going to the shepherd's to beg shelter for the night, but my servant, a Gairloch lad, dissuaded me. On my pressing him for a reason, he told me there was a fairy in the house, as he had been informed by a Gairloch fisherman, who had spent a night there not long before. This fairy was said to be a mischievous boy, "one of the family," who, when the rest were asleep, appeared in the rafters of the roof and disturbed the sleepers by bouncing on them. The night (it was but two hours' twilight) was so fine, and the way to the shepherd's house looked so rough, that I decided to sleep in a plaid on the beach, and so I missed the only opportunity that ever presented itself to me of observing the peculiarities of a fairy imp.
Hugh Miller, in "My Schools and Schoolmasters," mentions that, when he was voyaging down Loch Maree in 1823, the boatmen told his companion in Gaelic, "Yon other island (Eilean Suainne) is famous as the place in which the good people [fairies] meet every year to make submission to their queen. There is a little loch in the island, and another little island in the loch; and it is under a tree in that inner island that the queen sits and gathers kain [tribute] for the evil one." "They tell me," said Hugh Miller's companion, "that for certain the fairies have not left this part of the country yet."
It was as recently as 1883 that several boys got a great fright when they actually saw (as they narrated) the fairies at the Sitheanan Dubha, at the north end of Isle Ewe. The people at Mellon Charles, on the mainland opposite that end of the island, still assert, with all the earnestness of conviction, that they often see lights and hear music at the Sitheanan Dubha of Isle Ewe, which they believe can only be accounted for by the supposition that they proceed from the fairies. I give these statements on the authority of Mr William Reid, J.P., the lessee of Isle Ewe.
The township of Ormiscaig lies to the east of Mellon Charles, in the heart of this fairy-haunted district. It was at Ormiscaig that William Maclean, a celebrated performer on the bagpipes, was born and brought up. As a boy he was employed in herding cattle on the hill. One evening he returned home with a bagpipe chanter, on which (though he had not previously tried the bagpipes) he could play to perfection. He said he had received the chanter and the power to play it from the fairies. He emigrated some years ago to America, and is now living at Chicago. He has won many prizes for pipe music at competitions in America. His nephews, the three young Macleans, now at Ormiscaig, are all excellent pipers, and are included in the list of living pipers given further on. Similar incidents are related in other parts of the north-west Highlands, where pipers have attributed their talents to the powers conferred upon them by fairies, and in every case a chanter was given along with the faculty of performing on it.
The best known Gairloch fairy of modern times went by the name of the Gille Dubh of Loch a Druing. His haunts were in the extensive woods that still cluster round the southern end of that loch and extend far up the side of the high ridge to the west of it. There are grassy glades, dense thickets, and rocky fastnesses in these woods, that look just the places for fairies. Loch a Druing is on the North Point, about two miles from Rudha Reidh. The Gille Dubh was so named from the black colour of his hair; his dress, if dress it can be called, was of leaves of trees and green moss. He was seen by many people on many occasions during a period of more than forty years in the latter half of the eighteenth century; he was, in fact, well-known to the people, and was generally regarded as a beneficent fairy. He never spoke to any one except to a little girl named Jessie MacRae, whose home was at Loch a Druing. She was lost in the woods one summer night; the Gille Dubh came to her, treated her with great kindness, and took her safely home again next morning. When Jessie grew up she became the wife of John Mackenzie, tenant of the Loch a Druing farm, and grandfather of James Mackenzie of Kirkton. It was after this that Sir Hector Mackenzie of Gairloch invited Sir George S. Mackenzie of Coul, Mr Mackenzie of Dundonnell, Mr Mackenzie of Letterewe, and Mr Mackenzie of Kernsary, to join him in an expedition to repress the Gille Dubh. These five chieftains together repaired to Loch a Druing, armed with guns, with which they hoped to shoot the unoffending fairy. They wore of course their usual Highland dress, and each had his dirk at his side. They were hospitably entertained by John Mackenzie. An ample supper was served in the house; it included both beef and mutton, and each of the chieftains used the knife and fork from the sheath of his own dirk. Knives and forks were not common in Gairloch in those days. They spent the night at Loch a Druing, and slept in John Mackenzie's barn, where couches of heather were prepared for them. They went through all the woods, but they saw nothing of the Gille Dubh.
There are a large number of notions or fancies common in Gairloch that are plainly tinged with a superstitious character, such as that unaccountable noises and moving lights predict a death; that trees and shrubs planted when the moon is waning must die, whereas if the moon be "growing" at the time of the removal they will live and thrive; that there are several classes of undertakings that will succeed if commenced when the moon is growing, but will be failures if it be waning; that a walking-stick cut from the bird-cherry prevents the bearer of it being lost in the mist; that whales attack new boats or boats newly tarred; that the bite of a dog is rendered innocuous if the saliva (literally, "water from the teeth") of the dog be immediately applied; that a pledge to give something to a soft person or an idiot, will enable any one to discover a lost article, or will bring good luck; and that if a stocking be accidentally put on wrong side out it must not be altered, or bad luck will follow. And surely the idea illustrated in some of the stories in [Part II., chap. xxv.], and which is still current in Gairloch, that Sabbath-breaking brings immediate retribution smacks strongly of superstition.
The existence of water-kelpies in Gairloch, if perhaps not universally credited in the present generation, was accepted as undoubted in the last. The story of the celebrated water-kelpie of the Greenstone Point is very well known in Gairloch. The proceedings for the extermination of this wonderful creature formed a welcome topic for Punch of the period. The creature is spoken of by the natives as the "Beast." He lives, or did live, in the depths of a loch called after him Loch na Beiste, or "the loch of the beast," which is about half way between Udrigil House and the village of Mellon Udrigil. About 1840 Mr Bankes, the then proprietor of the estate on which this loch is situated, was pressed by his tenants to take measures to put an end to the Beast. At first he was deaf to the entreaties of the people, but at length he was prevailed upon to take action. Sandy M'Leod, an elder of the Free Church, was returning to Mellon Udrigil from the Aultbea Church one Sunday in company with two other persons, one of whom was a sister (still living at Mellon Udrigil) of James Mackenzie, when they actually saw the Beast itself. It resembled in appearance a good-sized boat with the keel turned up. Kenneth Cameron, also an elder of the Free Church, saw the same sight another day. A niece of Kenneth Cameron's (some time housemaid at Inveran) told me she had often heard her mother speak of having seen the Beast. It was the positive testimony of the two elders that induced Mr Bankes to take measures for the destruction of the Beast. The proceedings have been much exaggerated; James Mackenzie states that the following is the correct version of them:—Mr Bankes had a yacht or vessel named the Iris; James Mackenzie was a sailor in the Iris, along with another sailor named Allan Mackenzie. For a long time they and others worked a large pump with two horses with the object of emptying the loch. The pump was placed on the burn which runs from the loch into the not far distant sea; a cut or drain was formed to enable the pump to be worked, and a number of pipes were provided for the purpose of conducting the water away. The pipes are now lying in a house or shed at Laide. James Mackenzie often attended the pump. He and others were employed parts of two years in the attempt to empty the loch, or as James Mackenzie puts it, "to ebb it up." It was after this that the Iris was sent to Broadford in Skye to procure lime. James Mackenzie went with her. They brought from Broadford fourteen barrels of "raw lime." They came with the lime to Udrigil, and it was taken up to the "loch of the beast," and the small boat or dingy of the Iris was also taken up. The ground-officers would not go in the boat on the loch for fear of the Beast, so Mr Bankes sent to the Iris for James and Allan Mackenzie, and they went in the boat over every part of the loch, which had been reduced only by six or seven inches after all the labour that had been spent on it. They plumbed the loch with the oars of the boat; in no part did it exceed a fathom in depth, except in one hole, which at the deepest was but two and a half fathoms. Into this hole they put the fourteen barrels of lime. It is needless to state that the Beast was not discovered, nor has he been further disturbed up to the present time. The loch contained a few good trout above the average size when I fished it in 1873. There are rumours that the Beast was seen in 1884 in or near another loch on the Greenstone Point.
Here is a story of a mermaid; they say it is quite true:—Roderick Mackenzie, the elderly and much respected boatbuilder at Port Henderson, when a young man, went one day to a rocky part of the shore there. Whilst gathering bait he suddenly spied a mermaid asleep among the rocks. Rorie "went for" that mermaid, and succeeded in seizing her by the hair. The poor creature, in great embarrassment, cried out that if Rorie would let go she would grant him whatever boon he might ask. He requested a pledge that no one should ever be drowned from any boat he might build. On his releasing her, the mermaid promised that this should be so. The promise has been kept throughout Rorie's long business career; his boats still defy the stormy winds and waves. I am the happy possessor of an admirable example of Rorie's craft. The most ingenious framers of trade advertisements might well take a hint from this veracious anecdote.