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LIFE
OF
ROBERT, LORD CLIVE:
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
Success of the Expedition sent to the Northern Circars under Colonel Forde, 1758.—Transactions at Madras.—Siege of that Place by Lally
page [1]
Dutch Armament against Bengal, 1759, destroyed by Clive.—Proceedings in England regarding the Government of Bengal.—Clive's Letter to Pitt.—Clive returns to England, 1760
Clive in England.—His private Life and Character
Clive in England.—His Politics.—His Quarrel with Mr. Sulivan.—His Right to the Jaghire disputed.—Parties at the India House.—Disasters in India.—Clive called upon to resume the Government of Bengal—Consents—Sets out for India, 1764
State of India during Lord Clive's absence, 1760-5.—Mr. Vansittart's Government.—Deposition of Meer Jaffier.—Elevation of Meer Cossim.—Massacre of Patna.—Restoration of Meer Jaffier.—Disorders in Bengal
Clive assumes the Government of Bengal, 1765.—State of the Country and of the various Services.—Military Arrangements.—Negotiations with the Nabob of Bengal.—Treaty with the Nabob-Visier.—Settlement with the King.—The Duannee acquired for the Company.—Discontents in the Civil Service, and Reforms effected
Footnotes are located at the end of each chapter.
MEMOIRS
OF
LORD CLIVE.
CHAPTER IX.
In the commencement of the last chapter mention was made of the sailing of the expedition which Clive detached to the Northern Circars under Colonel Forde, in September, 1758. Before narrating the operations of that force, it will be necessary to take a short retrospect of the affairs of the Deckan.
We have already seen[[1]] the success of Bussy in defeating the combination formed against him at the Court of Salabut Jung. When he was surrounded in the post he had taken at Hyderabad, Ibrahim Khan, to whom he had intrusted the management of the Northern Circars, threw off his allegiance. Bussy, sensible of the great value of the newly acquired possessions, obtained the Subah's permission to march with the greater part of his force to punish Ibrahim Khan, and settle the countries ceded to him. He proceeded by the route of Bezoara to Rajahmundry. Ibrahim Khan fled at his approach; but Vizeram Raz, the Hindu zemindar, or ruler, of the country of Chicacole, joined him from his capital of Vizianagur with a considerable body of men. Bussy thought it politic to give Vizeram Raz every support; and the French troops were employed in compelling the submission of his refractory chiefs, each of whom had his petty fastness, and, relying on its natural or artificial strength, and the devoted attachment and valour of his followers, yielded but an imperfect obedience to his acknowledged lord, and seldom paid his tribute until compelled by superior force.
The French arms were first directed by Vizeram Raz to the attack of Rangarow, Rajah of Boobilee, against whom he cherished a deadly hatred. The fort of this chief could not resist European artillery; but its defenders scorned to yield. They fought to the last; and the Rajah, with all those capable of bearing arms, except four who reserved their lives for a deed of vengeance, fell during the siege or on the breach. A more appalling spectacle than that of the carnage of these brave men awaited the successful assailants. In the interior of this stronghold, they found only the smoking ruins of houses, and the mangled and burnt bodies of all who were its late inhabitants; neither age nor sex was spared in the dreadful sacrifice: not a human being seemed to be left over whom his enemies could triumph. As the horror-struck victors were contemplating this scene of desolation and of death, an old man rushed from the smoking ruins with a child in his arms. He was conducted to M. Law, who commanded the party: "This is the son of Rangarow," said the old man, "whom I have preserved against his father's will." The safety of this boy was felt as some alleviation of the horrid catastrophe. He was carried to Bussy, who received and treated him with that humanity and generosity which belonged to his character[[2]], constituting himself his guardian, and securing to him the terms offered to his father, before his fort was attacked.
Three nights after this event the camp was surprised by a tumult, and Bussy soon learned that two[[3]] of the four followers of Rangarow before mentioned had made their way to the tent of Vizeram Raz, and stabbed the inveterate enemy of their race[[4]] in thirty-two places. They might have escaped, but they disdained flight. "Look here," they said to the guards by whom they were attacked, "we are satisfied." Bussy, happy to leave such a scene of horror and bloodshed, continued his march north to Ganjam, where he received letters from his countrymen in Bengal, and from the Nabob Suraj-u-Dowlah, urging his march to that country to destroy the English. While waiting in expectation of persons from Moorshedabad to arrange for his advance through Cuttack, he heard of the fall of Chandernagore; on which he appears to have abandoned all thoughts of proceeding to Bengal, though he no doubt contrived to feed Meer Jaffier with hopes which might stimulate him to acts of hostility against the enemies of France.
Bussy's next effort was against Vizagapatam, which was compelled to surrender. His treatment of the English, whom he made prisoners, was more than humane; it was kind[[5]] and liberal. From thence he went to Rajahmundry, where he heard of a change at the court of the Subah very unfavourable to the views and interests of the French in the Deckan.
In consequence of an intrigue between Shahnavaze Khan, the prime minister, and the Subah's brothers, Nizam Ali Khan and Basalut Jung, the latter two princes had come into power; and, having compelled the weak Salabut Jung to intrust them with his great seal, had reduced him to a cipher in his own dominions. The French officer left in charge of the body of men which remained in the Subah's camp, had neither the talent nor the influence to counteract these intrigues, and limited himself to the guarding of Salabut Jung's person, and reporting to Bussy events as they occurred. That experienced commander saw that no time was to be lost. He immediately left Rajahmundry, and accomplished the march to Aurungabad, a distance of more than four hundred miles, in twenty-one days. He found on his arrival three separate armies; for Nizam Ali Khan and Basalut Jung had each his own encampment, and the Paishwah Ballajee Bajerow was in the vicinity; that ruler being, it was believed, concerned in the plot laid to deprive the Subah of his power.
The force of Bussy, which consisted of nine hundred Europeans (two hundred of which were cavalry) and five thousand five hundred sepoys, with ten field-pieces, was more than equal to any of the armies, or indeed to any two combined. All waited, therefore, to see the part he would take. He was aided by Hyder Jung, who, having some claims[[6]] upon the French, and being a man of ability, was raised in consequence by Bussy, who obtained him a title from the Emperor of Delhi. This person was consulted on all occasions, and displayed both talent and address: but his influence made him many enemies, and these were increased by his success in their own arts of intrigue, particularly in corrupting the Governor of Dowlatabad, and gaining that impregnable fortress[[7]] for the French, by whom it was kept as a place of security for Salabut Jung, instead of being his prison, the purpose for which it is believed to have been destined by the conspirators against his liberty, if not his life.
The Nizam's brothers were compelled to give up the great seal of the Deckan, which was not surrendered without undisguised marks of their indignation, and loud protestations against the European influence which now swayed the councils of their elder brother. Nizam Ali Khan, who showed at this period both ability and boldness, was directed to proceed to his government of Berar, and Basalut Jung to the charge of Adoni. Before his departure Nizam Ali received the ceremonious visits of all the chiefs and nobles in camp. Among others, Hyder Jung paid his respects. When that Omrah was seated, Nizam Ali arose; but made a signal for the former not to move, as he would immediately return. The moment, however, that he left the apartment, his visitor was stabbed to the heart. Letters, which had been previously prepared, were sent to Salabut Jung, Ballajee Row, Basalut Jung, and Bussy; ascribing the death of the French dewan or minister (for such Hyder Jung was termed) to accident; but the truth could not long be concealed, and Nizam Ali fled with some of his best horse to the city of Burhampore[[8]] in Berar.
Bussy directed a party to seize Shahnavaze Khan, who was believed to be concerned in the murder; and that minister, with one of his sons, was killed in an affray which took place from his followers opposing the troops of Salabut Jung and the French, that were sent to make him prisoner.
All was for some time in confusion. The principal chiefs in the army hastened to disown any participation in the crime that had been committed; and the Paishwah Ballajee Bajerow sent to Bussy to assure him that he viewed the murder of Hyder Jung with detestation.
Salabut Jung was so greatly enraged with his brother, that Bussy could not prevent his making some marches towards Burhampore; but he soon succeeded in convincing him that the pursuit of Nizam Ali was as impolitic as it would be useless. The fact was, that Bussy did not wish that his nation should appear as the cause of discord in the Subah's family; and he had, also, some anticipation, from the accounts which he had received from Pondicherry, of the changes about to occur in the councils of that settlement. With these impressions, his object was to lead Salabut Jung to Golconda, where he would be conveniently situated for any event which might occur. During this march, M. Conflans arrived in camp with a letter from M. Lally, appointing him second in command to Bussy, and announcing to the latter his intended recall. Bussy, on receiving this intelligence, adopted measures to secure the garrison he had left in Dowlatabad reaching him in safety. This accomplished, he proceeded with the Subah to Hyderabad, where the commands of Lally were received, directing him to abandon all his projects in the Deckan, and to hasten with part of his troops to Pondicherry, leaving the remainder under Conflans to protect the Northern Circars, and to garrison Masulipatam, the able chief of which (Moracin) was also recalled.
The enemies of the French in the Deckan, and those who dreaded their rise, saw Bussy's preparations to depart with surprise and delight. None, however, could account for this sudden abandonment of an influence and strength which had been established with such labour and ability.
Salabut Jung had very different feelings; he viewed the departure of Bussy with deep despondency. It was the loss, as he said, to him, of his friend and preserver; and his mind presented sad forebodings of his future fate. These he communicated to Bussy, who supported him by an assurance that he would return; and in that expectation he was no doubt sincere; for, notwithstanding what he had heard of the character of Lally, he could not have anticipated that any individual in M. Lally's situation could have been so blinded by prejudice, and so misled by his passions, as to abandon the advantages which a commanding influence in the councils of the Deckan must have given to the French, at a period so critical to their interests in India.
When Bussy had been compelled to march to Aurungabad, he left but a small body of men in the Northern Circars; and Anunderauze, the successor of Vizeram Raz, no longer overawed by the presence of a French force, and desiring to throw off his dependence upon that nation, courted the alliance of the British Government.[[9]] Clive appears at this period to have been well-informed of the situation of parties at the court of the Subah of the Deckan. He had received an overture from Nizam Ali Khan, who, prompted by his hostility to Bussy, solicited the aid of the English. In his answer to this letter[[10]], Clive gives that Prince every assurance of friendship; and about two months[[11]] afterwards, he informs him of his having sent Colonel Forde into the Circars, to retake settlements in the Subah's dominions from which the English had been expelled by the French; and requests Nizam Ali to aid him, and to obtain the assistance of his brother the Subah in accomplishing that just object.
To Anunderauze, Clive wrote[[12]] in terms calculated to conciliate his continued friendship: he congratulated him on the advantages he had gained over the French, and desired him to consult with Colonel Forde on the operations necessary to expel that nation from the Northern Circars. He also stated his expectation of the Rajah's benefiting so much by the aid of this force, that he would contribute to defray its expenses. It was a serious error[[13]] to repose such confidence on this source of supply. It failed; and its failure caused great delays, and had nearly defeated the whole object of the expedition.
Colonel Forde, after retaking Vizagapatam, marched towards Rajahmundry, near which he engaged and completely defeated M. Conflans, who retired rapidly towards Masulipatam, leaving his guns and camp equipage in the hands of the English. Anunderauze, who remained in the rear, and either from caution or fear took no part in this contest, appeared averse to proceed any further south; nor was it until Colonel Forde had signed an engagement which secured him great advantages, that he consented to give him a small sum of money to relieve the urgent distresses of the English troops, and to accompany him in his march. Fifty days were thus lost; and the French had not only recovered from their panic, but their ally Salabut Jung was advancing, and a small French corps of observation had begun to plunder the countries in the rear of the English; while M. Conflans, with his main body, prepared to defend Masulipatam, scarcely expecting, however, that the English would attempt to attack a fortress the garrison of which outnumbered the troops of the assailants. But the result proved he was unacquainted with the bold character of the British commander.
To increase the embarrassments of Colonel Forde, the treasure sent from Bengal being prevented from reaching him by the operations of the French corps of observation, the distress for want of money, added to other grievances, caused the European part of his force to mutiny and leave their lines, threatening to march away. Being desired to state specifically their complaints, they demanded, through deputies, the immediate payment of the prize-money due to them, and an assurance that, if Masulipatam fell, they should have the whole of the prize-money, and not half, as was the usage with the Company's troops, the other half being reserved as the right of Government. The commander promised that the prize-money due should be paid from the first treasure received; and added, that he would recommend the full prize-money to be given them should their valour be crowned with success. Satisfied with these assurances, they returned to their duty, and the siege was prosecuted with vigour.
Salabut Jung, with a large army, was now within forty miles; and his mandates were issued to all Zemindars and others, to aid the French and to act against the English. The alarmed Anunderauze, on hearing this order, struck his tents, and marched sixteen miles towards his own country. Colonel Forde sent after him, to represent the extreme folly of his conduct: he could not (he directed his agent to explain to the Rajah) expect to escape the numerous parties of horse of the Subah; and, if he did, he had to encounter the French corps of observation, which was in the neighbourhood of Rajahmundry: the capture of Masulipatam, therefore, was the only chance he had for safety. The good sense of this remonstrance had its effect: the Rajah returned; and Colonel Forde, in order to inspire him and other natives with confidence, solicited and obtained leave to send a person to the camp of the Subah to explain the cause of the expedition, and its limited object of recovering the English factories, and taking those of the French upon the sea-coast. Mr. John Johnstone of the Civil Service, who had been the active co-adjutor of Colonel Forde throughout this expedition, was deputed to Salabut Jung; and the delay of a few days, which it was expected his mission would create, was deemed of ultimate importance to the success of the siege.
The situation of Colonel Forde was at this moment truly critical. Though the principal breach appeared practicable, the advance to the attack was over a deep morass, and the ditch of the fort could only be passed at ebb tide: a garrison superior to the besiegers was within the walls; and the army of the Subah was near Masulipatam, and on the point of forming a junction with the French corps of observation. To add to these difficulties, the ammunition for the heavy guns was nearly expended. Under these circumstances, and having no hope of being able to effect a retreat by land, Colonel Forde had only the choice between saving his troops by embarking them, or immediately storming the fort. He determined on the latter; and made a disposition for three attacks, one of which was a false one, for the purpose of distracting the attention of the enemy from the main attack on the north-east angle of the fort.
In addition to this disposition of his own force, the troops of Anunderauze were directed to move along the causeway that crossed the morass, and, by their skirmishing, to alarm the enemy at the principal gateway, and to keep a part of the garrison employed in the ravelin and outworks near it. To the Rajah's people was also entrusted the care of the camp; for every man of the English force was engaged in the storm.
The attack commenced at midnight; and though a great proportion of the troops soon forced their way into the interior of the place, a straggling fire was kept up for some hours, when M. Conflans surrendered, and the English found, in the morning, that their prisoners amounted to five hundred Europeans, and two thousand five hundred and thirty-seven Caffres, Topasses[[14]], and sepoys; being, altogether, far more numerous than those by whom they were captured. The loss of the French was small: the assailants had twenty-two Europeans killed, and sixty-two wounded; fifty sepoys were killed, and a hundred and fifty wounded.[[15]]
The French commander and his garrison had, from the first, treated too slightingly the efforts of their besiegers. Their confidence, which was increased by an expected re-enforcement from Pondicherry, was one of the chief causes of the loss of the place. Few precautionary measures appear to have been taken to give combination to the points of defence; and the attack being made at night, and on so many quarters, distracted those in the different works[[16]], whose contradictory and exaggerated reports so embarrassed M. Conflans, that he remained in the centre of the fort with his most select men, undecided where to direct relief, till he was so surrounded as to be obliged to surrender at discretion.
Though these circumstances promoted the success of the English, they only reflected higher honour upon the British commander and his gallant soldiers. The irregularity and extent of the fortifications made Colonel Forde foresee the confusion that must result from dividing his troops both before and after they entered the place. He also calculated upon that confidence with which the enemy's superior numbers were likely to inspire their commander; and he anticipated the success which so frequently crowns those daring attempts, which are made in contempt of all the ordinary maxims of war.
The able and bold plans of their commander were admirably carried into execution by his brave troops. The English soldiers, by their conduct, well redeemed the crime of their recent mutiny; and we are informed, by a contemporary historian[[17]], that "the sepoys behaved with equal gallantry to the Europeans!"
M. Moracin, with a re-enforcement of three hundred men from Pondicherry, arrived a few days after the place had fallen. On discovering what had occurred, he sailed to the northward, where the attempt he made to injure the English interests in the Vizagapatam and Ganjam districts altogether failed, though he continued, for some period, to excite considerable alarm.
Salabut Jung was encamped within fifteen miles of Masulipatam when the fort was taken. He and his ministers were alike astonished at the unexpected result of the siege; and, reproaching themselves as in part the cause of the misfortune to their ally, they refused to negotiate with Colonel Forde while there appeared a hope of their being joined by the corps under Moracin; but finding that he had proceeded north, the Subah evinced a wish to contract an alliance with the English. To this he was induced by another and more powerful motive. Nizam Ali Khan had, on the receipt of Clive's letters regarding Colonel Forde's expedition, not only written to Clive[[18]] expressing his desire to co-operate against the French, and his wish that Colonel Forde's force should join him; but had also addressed Colonel Forde to the same purport, in answer to a letter received from that officer. This correspondence with a brother whom he had just cause to dread, combined with the movement of Nizam Ali in the direction of Hyderabad, turned the scale of the Subah's court in favour of the English; and, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the leader of the French corps of observation, Salabut Jung concluded a treaty with Colonel Forde, by which he ceded Masulipatam and eight districts in its vicinity. The second article of this engagement stipulated, not only that he was to have no French troops in his service, but that he was not to allow that nation any settlement in his dominions; the third article was in favour of Anunderauze; and by the fourth Salabut Jung engaged never to give aid or protection to the enemies of the English; who, on their part, stipulated not to aid or protect those who were hostile to his person or government.
I have entered more minutely upon the progress and results of this expedition, from its being solely and exclusively the measure of Clive. Its consequences were very important, as tending to distract the enemy at the period of the siege of Madras[[19]], and materially to weaken his actual strength for subsequent operations[[20]]; but more so as they destroyed (Clive's great object) the French connection with Salabut Jung, and raised the military reputation of the English in the Deckan above that of their European rivals. Besides all these advantages, the occupation of the fort and dependent districts of Masulipatam was of itself a valuable object. This possession was annexed to the presidency of Fort St. George.
The government of Madras, anxious to add to the army in the field against the French, desired that Colonel Forde should leave Masulipatam with a garrison of five hundred sepoys, and send his remaining Europeans (about two hundred) to Madras. This he objected to, upon the ground of its exposing this important acquisition to recapture by the French fleet. Clive approved of this, as of every part of Colonel Forde's conduct throughout the late service. Besides those public thanks which, as head of the government, he gave to this able officer and his gallant troops, we meet, in Clive's private letters, with frequent and strong expressions of his sense of the importance of the defeat of Conflans near Rajahmundry, and the capture of Masulipatam. He justly concluded that these achievements, independent of their immediate consequences, were calculated to promote our permanent interests in the Deckan; a point to which he always gave great importance, and to which he upbraids his friends in the government of Madras for being too inattentive.
In a private letter to Mr. Pigot of the 21st of August, in which he congratulates him on the raising of the siege of Madras, he observes, "I know there are many in England, especially the envious, who have endeavoured to persuade others, as well as themselves, that our wars in India are trifling and insignificant; but our late exploits will, I believe, induce another way of thinking, and add lustre to our quondam victories.
"Colonel Forde may, I think, step forth, and very justly claim his share of the laurels gained. His defeat of Conflans, with a great inferiority of numbers, was an important stroke; but his taking by storm such a place as Masulipatam, with a garrison within superior to the force which attacked it, is what we seldom hear of in these our modern times.
"I cannot add much to what has been represented to you in our general letter; only let me beg of you not to neglect the affairs of the Deckan; they are of great importance, and I know the gentlemen at home think them so. Besides, we never could be safe in Bengal, while the enemy is so near at hand, and a strong squadron, which may give ours the slip, and co-operate with them. If Colonel Forde had left Masulipatam with only a garrison of five hundred sepoys, and it had been afterwards lost (which I really believe would have been the case), what a load of disgrace would have fallen upon us, for putting the Company to so great an expense, and for losing all the fruits of our eminent successes in these parts."
In another letter[[21]] upon the same subject to his friend Mr. Vansittart, who was a member of council at Fort St. George, Clive expresses similar sentiments. "The news from the coast," he observes, "this year has been very important and interesting. The defence of Madras will do much honour to our arms in India, and greatly heighten our reputation as soldiers in these parts. I would gladly have given some of my riches to share some of your reputation. I know it has been a conceived opinion among the old soldiers in England, that our exploits in India have been much of the same nature as those of Ferdinando Cortez; but your foiling such a man as M. Lally, and two of the oldest regiments of France, will induce another way of thinking, and add a fresh lustre to all our former victories. Neither do I think Colonel Forde's successes fall short of those of Madras. His victory over the Marquis de Conflans was but one of the many we have gained over our enemies in the like circumstances; but his taking such a place as Masulipatam, with a garrison within superior to the force which attacked it, is, I think, one of those extraordinary actions which we seldom hear of in these modern times, and must gain him great honour when it comes to be known at home. And now I have said thus much, I cannot help thinking there has not been quite that attention bestowed on the affairs of the Deckan their importance deserves. Much has been risked in not sending Colonel Forde even a small assistance of money, which I think might have been done without greatly distressing yourselves; and still much more in not providing sea conveyances, or timely and sufficient land escorts for the French prisoners.
"This expedition was undertaken more with a view to benefit the coast than Bengal; and most of the Deckan forces would certainly have been at the siege of Madras, if not prevented by the diversion given from hence. Much I fear all our successes in the Deckan would have come to nothing, if Colonel Forde had complied with the late order sent him, of leaving only five hundred sepoys in Masulipatam, and coming, with the rest of the forces, to Madras. Excuse me in thinking the gentlemen in council have had too much at heart the securing to themselves Colonel Forde's detachment, without sufficiently considering the consequences; for I can never be persuaded that the addition of two hundred infantry would either have lost or gained us a battle over M. Lally; but the withdrawing them from the Deckan would certainly have rendered fruitless all that has been done. You will be surprised at hearing the French have landed upwards of five hundred Europeans at Ganjam with M. Moracin; but it is really matter of fact, and has been confirmed to us by no less than forty-seven deserters from thence, most of them English taken at St. David's, and forced into the service. By the latest advices, they were reduced, by death and desertion, to four hundred. I need say no more on this subject, as the board will write very fully on this and other matters of importance."
I shall now shortly refer to the occurrences at Madras, subsequent to the great effort made to restore the British interests in Bengal. It would be as unnecessary as it is foreign to my object to enter into a detail of events which have been minutely described by several able writers; but a general notice of them is required, not only to elucidate the grounds of Clive's conduct, as far as relates to the aid he gave or refused to Fort St. George, but as it is calculated to exhibit the character of his mind, which, amid all those critical and important events in which he was engaged in Bengal, appears to have dwelt with an earnest fondness upon the scenes of his first efforts, and to have retained the most anxious solicitude for the continued success of those who were the friends of his youth, and his early associates in danger. Absence appears, indeed, to have increased the interest he took in the affairs of the coast of Coromandel; and from the period of his proceeding to Calcutta till his departure for England, no occurrence of any magnitude took place in the Madras Presidency, on which we do not find numerous letters from Clive, which convey his opinion with equal freedom upon the measures of the government, and upon the conduct of individuals.
In 1757, the events of most magnitude on the coast were the capture of Madura by Captain Caillaud[[22]], who commanded the British troops south of the Coleroon; and the defeat of a party[[23]] which attacked Nellore, where the brother[[24]] of the Nabob Mahommed Ali Khan continued in rebellion. The fortress of Chittaput was taken by the French, owing to aid being refused to Nazir Mahommed[[25]], the killadar (or governor) who, holding this fortress independent of the Nabob, was an object of jealousy, and he succeeded in instilling into the minds of the English government a belief that the gallant defender of this important post was in league with the French. Succour was delayed till too late. The brave killadar resisted to the last; and, by his death on the breach, silenced his calumniators, and left the rulers of Madras to regret their unfortunate credulity and prejudice.
The capture of Chittaput was followed by the reduction of a number of small fortresses in the Carnatic. The successes of the French in this province balanced those of the English to the southward, where the gallantry and judgment of Captain Caillaud, and the indefatigable activity of Mahommed Esoof[[26]], the celebrated commandant of sepoys, supported the cause of the English, and of the Nabob Mahommed Ali, against the French and the rebel Maphuze Khan. The latter were aided by several polygars, or petty Hindu chiefs, who possess the wild mountainous tracts of this part of India; and who, from the attachment and habits of their rude followers, are the most troublesome of all enemies to the internal peace of the country.
These indecisive operations had no effect beyond keeping up the flame of war between the French and English, through whom every native power in India that they could influence became engaged in hostilities, in which their interests were deemed subordinate to the primary object which the two rival European nations alike cherished, of expelling each other from the eastern hemisphere.
The French government in Europe appear, at this period, to have determined on an effort to reduce the British settlements on the coast of Coromandel; and the armament they prepared seemed adequate to the object. Fortunately for the English, those who presided in the councils of Louis 15th were either so completely ignorant of Indian policy, or so inveterately prejudiced against their East India Company and its servants, as not only to overlook the advantages that these had gained, but to put aside as useless all who were acquainted with the scene, and to substitute a commander and officers, who, whatever experience they might have had in other quarters of the world, were profoundly ignorant of that to which they were sent, with the expressed hope that, while they reformed the gross abuses of the local government, they would restore the tarnished lustre of the French arms.
The bold and extensive, though, perhaps, premature, schemes of Dupleix had, at first, excited great expectations in France; but when, instead of those successes which his sanguine mind had led his government to anticipate, every despatch brought accounts of some failure or disaster, national vanity, combined with prejudice and ignorance, induced the ministers of that country to throw the whole blame on the Company and on the individuals whom they had employed to manage their affairs abroad. Their political and military conduct underwent equal condemnation; their operations in the field were deemed unskilful, and their connections with native princes, particularly that with the Subah of the Deckan, were pronounced altogether chimerical, and calculated for no object but that of feeding the ambition, or adding to the wealth, of those by whom they were planned or conducted.
Though the form of the local government was not changed, controlling powers were vested in Lieutenant-General Count Lally, who was sent in command of this force, aided by a large staff of officers of high rank and reputation.
The character of Lally, from former services, stood high as a gallant soldier. He was, perhaps, skilled in European warfare, but he was wholly ignorant of the different modes and usages of that science in India; added to which, he was not of a temper to benefit by the experience of others; and his mind appears, before he left France, to have been imbued with the deepest prejudices against his own countrymen in India, as well as the most sovereign contempt for the natives of that country. He was, in consequence, alike indisposed to receive aid from the experience and knowledge of the one, or from the alliance of the other; and evidently expected to subdue all obstacles at the point of the bayonet.
Such was the man whom the French government sent to India. How different was the conduct of the great Chatham! When the troops of his sovereign were ordered to that country to support the national interests, he at once decided[[27]] that neither Lawrence nor Clive should be superseded in their command. Had the ministers of France been endowed with his wisdom, and the troops they so judiciously sent to India been placed under Bussy, there is every ground to conclude that the result of the ensuing campaigns would have been very different. But such was the infatuation or prejudice of the French ministers, that Bussy, slighted in the new arrangements, was left, unnoticed and unhonoured, to submit to the commands and bear the insults of an arrogant superior, whose jealousy of his fame and popularity was increased into perfect fury at the attentions shown him by all ranks, and by a memorial from the six colonels[[28]] who had accompanied him from France, praying he would nominate Bussy, yet only a Lieutenant-Colonel, a Brigadier General, that he might command them, and that their sovereign might derive those benefits which were to be expected from his name and experience.
Lally could not refuse compliance with such a request; but he endeavoured, by bitter sarcasms as to their motives, to detract from the just merits of those by whom it was made.
On the same evening that Lally landed with his troops from the fleet of M. D'Aché, he ordered one thousand Europeans and as many sepoys to move towards Fort St. David. They were led astray by their guides, and arrived at the end of their first march, harassed, and without provisions. To supply them, and to enable the remainder of his force to follow, Lally resorted to means which filled the natives with alarm and indignation. He pressed men of all castes and descriptions to carry baggage, and derided the remonstrances of the Company's Governor, M. Deleyrit, who was forced to submit; for, though he and his councils retained their stations, they were placed completely under the control of the Lieutenant-General.
Cuddalore could make no resistance. But a very different result from what occurred was expected from Fort St. David. Its fortifications had been greatly improved, and its garrison was efficient: if it did not repel the assailants, no doubt was entertained but it would, for a considerable period, employ all their means and arrest their operations. But this hope was disappointed, and the place was surrendered before the enemy's works were so advanced as to enable them to storm it. Mr. Call, the chief engineer at Madras, in a letter[[29]] to Clive says, that he considers "the place to have been lost rather through want of conduct and proper management, than of bravery or the means of defending it."
Clive, as has been shown in the case of Colonel Forde and others, was warm and even enthusiastic in his encomiums of those who were distinguished in the service of their country. They not only became entitled to his notice in his official capacity, but received every mark of his private regard; and his utmost efforts were used to promote their advancement. But, on the other hand, he held no terms with any man whom he considered to have failed in this duty. His condemnation of such was undisguised and unqualified. Neither the ties of friendship, the suggestion of self-interest, nor the fear of resentment, had the slightest effect in preventing the open expression of his opinions, when there appeared a dereliction of those principles which he thought should actuate every individual in the public employ.
Many examples will occur to illustrate this part of his character; but none are stronger than we find in the letters he wrote to Madras, upon hearing of the capture of Fort St. David. The thought of the easy triumph of the French on a spot which had been ennobled by so many gallant achievements of the English, pained him (as he states[[30]]) to the soul, and he gives full vent to his indignation at those by whom this feeling had been produced. Whatever justice there may be in the sentence he passes on their conduct, the tone of elevated sentiment, and the excellence of the military maxims which we find in these letters, render them very valuable.
In a private letter[[31]] to Mr. Pigot, which expresses the deep interest he takes in the affairs of the coast, Clive states concisely, but strongly, his opinion upon the fall of Fort St. David.
"After waiting," he observes, "with much impatience, I have at last received your favour of the 10th of July. Let me request of my friend, if he has too much business upon his hands, that he will order one of his secretaries to write me a few lines, for I am always doubtful of the news I may receive from any other quarter.
"I cannot express to you my resentment and concern at the infamous surrender of St. David. Had there been no powder at all left but for the musketry, where was the excuse for giving up the place till a breach was made, the covered way stormed, and the ditch filled? Were our enemies supplied with wings, that they could fly into the place? I am fully persuaded that, had M. Lally been obliged to make approaches to the top of the glacis, the climate would have done him more injury than all the powder and ball in the East Indies. I could wish, for the honour and welfare of our nation, that a court-martial would make the severest examples of the guilty in these cases. For the future, I would not leave it in the power of a commanding officer to forfeit his trust, but give him positive orders not to surrender any fort till a breach was made in the body of the place, and one assault at least sustained."
In a letter to Mr. Orme of a similar date[[32]], he enters upon the same subject.
"The advices," he observes, "you received of the bad condition of St. David was nothing less than an introduction to the infamous surrender of the place. I know not in what light you gentlemen of Madras may look upon that inglorious transaction: for my part, I have seen the council of war, and, from that only, think the severest example ought to be made of those who have set their hands to that base capitulation.
"They say they had not above three days' powder! Where was the necessity of throwing it so idly away? Had they no bayonets? Or, had they not powder sufficient for small arms? I fondly flattered myself that the hero[[33]] at Chittaput would, in some measure, have been an example for us at St. David.
"I must drop this disagreeable subject with the melancholy reflection, that Fort St. David so lost has given us cause to lament the departure of the English reputation on the coast of Coromandel. May our future actions retrieve all!"
In a subsequent part of this letter, Clive gives his opinion, that the enemy should be met in the field; and, if not, he suggests the measures that should be taken to promote the success of defensive operations.
"I do not flatter you," he adds, "in saying, I always had the highest opinion of the strength and activity of your abilities. Let them be exerted in pursuing vigorous measures; for you may depend upon it, Orme, if these cautious maxims, which seemed to possess the majority of our committee when I was with you, still prevail, we shall entail disgrace upon disgrace on the nation, until we are become the scorn of Hindustan, and have nothing left us without the walls of Madras. I insist upon it, victory will not depend upon the trifling odds of a few; good conduct in the commander, and a determined resolution in the officer and soldier, will make up for the deficiency, and insure victory to the English over M. Lally and his rabble—for I can call them by no other name, since I am well assured the major part of his forces are not much better, being composed chiefly of foreigners and deserters, raised by subscription: possibly, the King may have spared the Company some good officers to head them.
"The China and Bengal ships will bring you a reinforcement of twelve hundred men, which, added to the garrisons of Madras and Trichinopoly, will enable you to take the field with two thousand five hundred men. Our superiority at sea, by the arrival of two seventy-gun ships, and one fifty, will be beyond dispute. Of consequence, we shall have more resources than the French: we may remedy the ill consequences of a check, by having the sea open to us, and the assistance of our squadron. Our enemies cannot say so much, for, if they should be defeated, they must be confined within the walls of Pondicherry, and then their distress for want of money will ruin them, if supplies are not soon received, which cannot be effected without a superior force at sea, of which I see but little probability. In the mean time, we can supply you from hence with every thing you can possibly want. In short, if we look upon ourselves in any shape a match for our enemies in the field, I am fully of opinion a battle should be risked: a victory will be of more consequence than the loss of ten Fort St. Davids. If the old gentleman[[34]] take the field, Caillaud should be sent for at all events, and a commission of Major given him that he may act as second.
"Should an offensive war not be thought prudent, I think methods may be pursued which will near ruin the enemy without it. A body of Mahrattas may be taken into pay, which will ravage the country in such a manner as to prevent the French receiving any revenue from it. This will occasion them to disband their blacks, and their whites will soon disband themselves.
"You are acquainted with the disturbances in Golconda, and the insurrection of the rajahs. I have sent agents there; and you may be assured, if we remain at peace here (as at present there is the greatest prospect) I shall send into these parts as large a force as can possibly be spared, under the command of Colonel Forde. If the country be only thrown into such confusion as to prevent our enemies collecting the revenue, the expense and design of the expedition will be answered.
"I have wrote long letters both to Mr. Pocock and Mr. Pigot to enforce vigorous measures. To the former, I have proposed the destruction of the French squadron, even if they should be lying under the walls of Pondicherry."
This letter, probably from the delay of the vessel[[35]] by which it was to be forwarded, appears not to have been despatched for twelve days after it was written; and there is a postscript of the 26th of August added to it, which is peculiarly illustrative of the uncompromising character of Clive's mind on those points that related to the duty which he conceived every individual in the public service owed to the state. Mr. Orme was his most intimate friend, and, from what he knew him to have already written, Clive must have viewed him as the person to whose pen he was to be indebted for his fame with posterity. That he did so, is proved, indeed, by a letter to Mr. Orme[[36]] immediately after the enthronement of Meer Jaffier; in which we find the following paragraph:
"I am possessed of volumes of materials for the continuance of your History, in which will appear fighting, tricks, chicanery, intrigues, politics, and the Lord knows what;—in short, there will be a fine field for you to display your genius in. I shall certainly call at the coast on my way to England: I have many particulars to explain to you relating to this said History which must be published." Neither the ties of friendship, however, nor the expectations of increased fame from the partial pen of the historian, had sufficient influence to restrain his free and severe opinion of one of the Council at Madras quitting his post at such a moment.
"I have learned," Clive states in the postscript, "with great surprise, from yourself, of your resolution of going home. I suppose it is never to return. Your leaving the settlement at this juncture of time, when the service of every individual is wanted, will justly expose you to the censure and resentment of the Court of Directors."[[37]]
During these operations on shore, Sir George Pocock had made several efforts to bring the French fleet to a decisive action; but their superior sailing, the bad condition of several of the English ships, and on one occasion the conduct of some of his captains, had always enabled them to escape. Clive warmly sympathised with his gallant friend, in his feelings upon these fruitless attempts against the enemy: at the same time he could not refrain from associating in infamy and disgrace those who had not supported the Admiral, with those who had surrendered Fort St. David.
"You may be assured," Clive writes[[38]], "I felt much for you, when I heard of the unequal fight between the two squadrons, for want of your not being better supported by two or three of His Majesty's ships. The unthinking world, who never bestow applause but where there is success, would have been ready enough to have laid the censure at your door, if you had not called the authors of the late miscarriage to a public account. It is really a cruel case, after the eminent examples of bravery and conduct shown by you personally, that a certain victory should be snatched out of your hands by the misbehaviour of others. May infamy and disgrace attend all those who are backward in their country's cause; and may the worst of punishment attend those who so shamefully gave up Saint David's to the French! I cannot think of that transaction with common patience; every reflection about it pains me to the very soul; and the more I inquire into facts, the more reason I have to lament the lost reputation of the English on the coast of Coromandel. I do not mean that St. David's would not have been taken at last; but it certainly might have been made to cost M. Lally so dear, as to have rendered his future attempts much more uncertain and precarious."
Lally found among the prisoners at Fort St. David a pretender[[39]] to the throne of Tanjore; and, by threatening to support this man's claims, he expected to obtain, through the fears of the Prince of that country, a supply of treasure, of which he was in great want. To enforce compliance with the large demand he made as the price of his forbearance, he moved towards Tanjore. His march was the cause of equal distress to his own troops, and to the natives of the country through which he passed. The latter, alarmed by his indiscriminate violence and the licence he admitted, particularly in seizing their cattle, fled the country; and we may judge how general the desertion of their homes must have been, when we are informed that the French army was almost starving in the midst of plenty; for, while it found great stores of paddy, which is the name given to rice before the grain is separated from the husk, there were literally no persons to beat it out, as it requires before it can be used as food. The troops had neither tents nor baggage; for, in the common alarm at the violent measures of the French General, not even bullock drivers could be persuaded to remain in the camp.
Some days after the arrival of the army at Tanjore, a treaty was concluded, by which the King agreed to pay five lacs of rupees, and to furnish some aid in Lally's intended attack of Trichinopoly. Fifty thousand rupees of this amount were paid, and hostages interchanged for the fulfilment of the engagement; but recurring points of irritation soon broke this agreement. Lally charged the King with insincerity, and with having no design but to gain time; while the other accused the French General of many outrages, and particularly of having confined, on groundless suspicion, forty of the contingent of horse with which he had furnished him. Lally, seeing no prospect of an amicable termination to these disputes and recriminations, determined, with the advice of his officers, to attack the town; and he not only sent to the King to denounce vengeance upon his city and dominions, but expressly directed Colonel Kennedy[[40]], through whom this threat was conveyed, to state, that it was the French General's intention to carry the Prince and all his family as slaves to the Mauritius.
The counsels of the King of Tanjore had hitherto been fluctuating; they were decided, however, by Lally's conduct, and every preparation was made for defence. Captain Caillaud, who commanded in Trichinopoly, had before sent five hundred sepoys; and, being now convinced of the King's intention to oppose the French, sent a reinforcement of an equal number, with a small party of gunners. The day of their arrival, Lally had determined to retreat[[41]]; to which he was induced from want of ammunition, distress for provisions, and alarm at the British fleet, which was reported to be off Karical, a sea-port in the vicinity.
The Tanjore General Monack-jee, on receiving certain information of the intended movement of the French, determined upon attacking them. He made some impression from coming upon the camp by surprise[[42]], but was compelled to retire: when, however, the army marched towards the Carnatic, his harassing operations aggravated what they suffered from fatigue and want of food; and we learn from authentic sources[[43]], that the whole of the French force was obliged to live for several days upon gram[[44]] and cocoa-nuts.
The natural violence and acrimony of Lally's disposition were greatly increased by the bad success of this expedition. Instead of attributing its failure to the real causes, his own want of local knowledge, his obstinacy and presumption, he imputed it, and the privations the troops had suffered, to the corrupt practices of the Company's servants, to the general laxity of discipline and subordination in all departments of their government, and to the dread which M. D'Aché and his squadron appeared to have of the British fleet. These violent attacks produced abuse and recrimination, and nothing could exceed the discord and faction which at this period pervaded the settlement of Pondicherry.
Lally, after his return from Tanjore, found no difficulty in occupying almost all the towns in the Carnatic, and, amongst others, Arcot, the capital of the Nabob. Chingliput was the only place which the English preserved; but, its consequence being fully appreciated, every measure was adopted to strengthen its garrison and improve its defences. The government of Madras were not induced by Clive's advice to try their fortune in the field. They reserved their force unbroken for the defence of Fort St. George, the siege of which it was evidently Lally's intention to undertake, as soon as the season[[45]] permitted him to move. In deliberating on the course they ought to pursue, they possessed more correct information than Clive had procured regarding the actual composition of Lally's force; from which it appeared, that though some of his soldiers were of an indifferent description, others were of the French line, and belonged to corps of high reputation. He had besides, well equipped and well mounted, a body of three hundred European cavalry, who, being the first of this branch seen in India, were likely, added to his superior numbers of infantry, to give him a great advantage in an action in the field; whereas they could be of comparatively little benefit in a siege.
Governed by these considerations, they determined to await, within the walls of Madras, the approach of the French army. The siege which took place has been minutely described by a cotemporary historian.[[46]] It continued for two months, the French having taken up their ground on the 14th of December, 1758, and retreated on the 15th of February, 1759.
The enemy's force consisted of two thousand seven hundred European infantry, besides their cavalry, artillery, and sepoys. The garrison was not more than a third inferior in number; and when, to that circumstance, was joined the established character of the Governor, Mr. Pigot, and of Colonel Lawrence, the commander of the troops, who was aided by some of the most distinguished officers in India, there appeared, from the first, but little doubt of the result. The most remarkable event of the siege was a sally, soon after the enemy took up their ground, by Colonel Draper; which, though not altogether successful, was attended with a great loss to the French as well as to the English: and Lally had to regret, which he did deeply, the loss of two of his best officers, Major-General Saubinet and Count D'Estaing, the former of whom was killed and the latter taken prisoner.
During the siege a corps of observation was kept by the French, under the partisan Lambert; but this did not prevent their receiving almost as much annoyance from the activity of the English parties without the walls, as from the courage of those within. Two small corps, sometimes acting separately, but oftener co-operating, hung continually upon the outskirts of their camp, attacking and intercepting their supplies. One of these, which had come from the southern territories, was commanded by the celebrated Mahommed Esoof; the other by Captain Preston[[47]]: but Captain Caillaud, who had been summoned from Trichinopoly, took the command of both, and by his operations greatly increased the distresses of the enemy.
While Madras was well stored with provisions, and had abundance of money supplied from Bengal[[48]], the treasury of Pondicherry was completely exhausted, and the conduct of Lally had destroyed credit. The violent and irregular means adopted, to anticipate the revenues of the country, had left the districts which the French occupied without the means of furnishing either the money or the supplies that were necessary for the subsistence of the troops. Notwithstanding the privations to which they were subjected, the French European soldiers performed their arduous duty with spirit and alacrity; and Lally fully appreciated their merits. With the natives, however, his contempt and severity produced their natural effects: they were loud in their clamours for pay, and, actuated by discontent and resentment, deserted in bodies, and began to plunder the country, under the pretext of obtaining payment of their arrears.
These circumstances, and the despair of success,—for he had made little or no serious progress in the siege[[49]],—made Lally resolve upon retreat; and that measure was almost converted into a flight by the arrival of six ships with the reinforcements from Bombay. Not only his battering train and camp equipage were left, but the sick and wounded. The latter he recommended to the care and humanity of the government of Fort St. George, from whom they received as much kindness and attention as if they had belonged to the garrison.
Lally, before he left Madras, blew up the bastion and powder mill at Egmore, and destroyed the Governor's garden-house, and many private buildings. He had threatened to reduce the Black-Town of Madras to ashes; and nothing, probably, prevented this threat from being put into execution but the hurry of his retreat. This may be inferred from the numerous instances of wanton severity he showed in the prosecution of hostilities against the English. Among other acts, the seizure of the persons of some ladies[[50]] at Nagapatam, and their harsh treatment, was one of the least pardonable, as alike contrary to the usage of civilised nations, and the boasted habits and character of his country. The proceeding, as will be hereafter stated, forced the English to measures of retaliation.
Clive had, from the moment he heard of Lally's intention to attack Madras, anticipated his complete failure: he dreaded nothing but the arrival of more troops from France, and the want of support from England; but his alarm on these grounds was considerable, as we find from a letter which he wrote to Mr. Pitt, (under date the 21st of February, 1759,) informing him that accounts had been received of the arrival at Mauritius of a third armament from France, and of the expectation of a fourth.
"I presume," Clive observes, "it must have been in consequence of this intelligence, that M. Lally took post before Madras, as I cannot think he would have been so imprudent as to come there with a force not double that of the garrison, were he not in expectation of a reinforcement. Should that arrive upon the coast before our squadron from Bombay, or should the enemy's fleet, by the addition of this third division, prove unfortunately superior to ours, the event is to be feared. Much, very much indeed,—perhaps the fate of India,—now depends upon our squadron. Should it miscarry, our land forces, without some extraordinary occurrence, will be in danger of being obliged to yield to the great superiority of the enemy. Advice has been just received, that the French were still carrying on the siege of Madras on the 25th of January. They had been before it upwards of six weeks; but I have so high an opinion of the gentlemen within, that I dare answer they will make such a defence as will do honour to our nation, and end in M. Lally's disgrace."
"The repeated supplies," Clive adds, "furnished the French from home, compared with the handful of men sent out to us, affords a melancholy proof, that our Company are not, of themselves, able to take the proper measures for the security of their settlements; and, unless they are assisted by the nation, they must at last fall a sacrifice to the superior efforts of the French Company, supported by their monarch. Within these eighteen months, have arrived at Pondicherry two thousand five hundred men, and the third division will probably bring half that number; whereas, we shall not have received, including Colonel Draper's battalion, more than one thousand. It looks as if the French Government were turning their arms this way, in hopes of an equivalent for the losses they have reason to apprehend in America, from the formidable force sent by us into that country. But I cannot bring myself to believe that so valuable a possession as the East Indies, and which may make a material difference in bringing about a peace, will be abandoned; and therefore trust that the French armament will have been followed so closely by one from us, as to get in time to prevent the designs of our enemies.
"A son of the Great Mogul (but at present at variance with his father) has approached the northern frontiers, where he has been joined by a few disaffected people. As he has no authority from his father, he can neither, I think, have wealth nor influence enough to make any considerable progress. However, I have got every thing ready, and, in case he advances further, I have determined to proceed myself to the northward, in order to assist the Nabob in driving him out of his dominions, which I make no doubt will be easily effected, even with the small force we have. Would to God we could as easily remove our European enemies from India!"
In a letter to Mr. Sulivan[[51]], of the same date[[52]], Clive anticipates the result of Lally's operations.
"To give you my own opinion," he observes, "I think Lally will fail in his attempt, so great is my confidence in the strength of the garrison, and the experience and valour of the officers. The arrival of Captain Caillaud with the sepoy and Tanjoreen horse, will distress our enemies greatly, if not oblige them to raise the siege; and if they continue till the arrival of our reinforcements, daily expected from Bombay, they run the risk of a total defeat. I can no otherwise account for this undertaking of the French general, than from his distressed situation for want of money. He is really risking the whole for the whole."
Clive had from youth been engaged in efforts to prevent the establishment of the French power in India, and his mind was constantly and intently fixed on that object. He viewed the period of which we are writing as a crisis: but he had no doubt of the result, except from overpowering reinforcements arriving from France, and the English settlement being left unsupported. From the moment he learned Lally's proceedings on his march to Fort St. David and Tanjore, he foretold, that if our resistance was protracted, that general must destroy himself. In a private letter[[53]] to Mr. Pigot, he recommends him to employ native horse[[54]] in laying waste the French territories. "By ruining the country," he observes, "you will infallibly ruin M. Lally. Remember, that he and his forces were obliged to eat gram before Tanjore. May he be reduced to the same necessity in Pondicherry itself!"
Clive's letter to Colonel Lawrence, of the same date, exhibits, in an equally strong manner, his sentiments upon this subject, as well as the affectionate respect he continued to cherish for his friend and commander. It is as follows:—
"My dear friend,
"I have heard with some surprise, that M. Lally has set himself down before Madras, not with an intent, I believe, to besiege it in form, or carry on approaches; if he does, I think he must be either mad, or his situation desperate; at all events, I hope it will be the means of adding fresh laurels to those already gained by my dear friend.
"Colonel Forde has orders to join you with his forces; and we are endeavouring to send you a complete company of one hundred rank and file from hence. In short, we have put every thing to risk here to enable you to engage Lally in the field. I hope Mr. Bouchier will spare you some men from Bombay. I enclose you a short sketch of our strength in these parts; and, considering how much depends upon keeping up our influence in Bengal, you will say there never was a smaller force to do it with.
"God give you success, which will be an increase of honour to yourself, and of much joy to
"Dear Colonel,
"Your affectionate friend and servant,
(Signed) "Robert Clive."
State of the European Force in Bengal, 6th Feb. 1759.
| Doing duty. | Military | Artillery |
|---|---|---|
| Captains. | 6 | 1 |
| Lieuts. | 6 | 8 |
| Ensigns. | 9 | 0 |
| Serjeants. | 36 | |
| Corporals. | 29 | 5 |
| Drummers. | 20 | 2 |
| Privates. | 314* | 86 |
| * Whereof 140 are recruits. | ||
The delight of Clive at the result of the siege was very great: it was heightened by his warm feelings of friendship towards those who had so nobly supported the reputation of the service of Fort St. George, to which he had a pride in belonging. He congratulates Mr. Pigot[[55]] on the fame he had acquired; but his greatest joy, as he repeatedly expresses, was, that his venerated friend, Colonel Lawrence, should so brilliantly close his Indian career.
The events upon the coast subsequent to the siege of Madras do not relate to our subject. Suffice it to say, that, after some indecisive operations in 1759, Lally, next year, suffered a signal defeat at Wandewash, from an English army under the command of Colonel Coote. He was soon after compelled to shut himself up with the remains of his army in Pondicherry, which was immediately invested by the English. Before this period, the increased irritability of his temper had led to discontent in the local government, and among the inhabitants of that settlement, almost amounting to sedition. The troops had been in a state of serious mutiny from want of pay. They nevertheless did their duty upon this occasion; but Lally had neither money nor provisions, and was forced to surrender.[[56]] This unfortunate commander left Pondicherry amid the insults of his countrymen; and on his return to France, he was tried, condemned to death, and executed for crimes[[57]] of which he was not guilty: for though his prejudice, violence, and tyranny, had no doubt been one cause of the misfortunes of his country in India, his courage, his zeal, and his loyalty were unimpeachable. But the voice of his enemies was loud and vehement, and the ministers of France were glad to save themselves from the disgrace brought upon the country by their own want of foresight and judgment. The Count Lally was the victim they offered to an incensed public. The principles of justice and the feelings of humanity appear to have been alike violated by this act, which a philosopher[[58]] of France truly denominated, at the period of its perpetration, "A murder committed with the sword of justice."
Bussy, with a zeal and temper that do him equal honour, continued to serve under Lally, and to offer his best advice, which was, however, seldom regarded. Basâlut Jung, the brother of the Subah of the Deckan, had evinced an anxiety to preserve the friendship of the French; and Bussy strongly recommended that he should be declared Nabob of the Carnatic, and invited to aid their operations. No measure could have been more likely to support them. But Lally had precipitately proclaimed the son of Chunda Sahib Nabob: a person who had neither influence nor character to be a useful ally; and he was not only reluctant to repeal his own measure, but disinclined to attend to any proposition of Bussy. Overcome, however, by a sense of the urgent necessity of the expedient, he detached that officer with a small body of troops to the camp of Basâlut Jung at Kurpah. The French commander was received with honour; but not being able to comply with the demands made by Basâlut Jung, one of which was the immediate advance of four lacs of rupees, he was compelled to return without being able to conclude an alliance with that prince. He brought back with him, however, a body of four hundred excellent horse, whom he had taken into service; and he was enabled, through the credit he had with some of the native chiefs of the Deckan army, not only to supply this party with money, but also the French detachment by whom he was accompanied, who, like all Lally's troops, were many months in arrear, and almost destitute of clothing, as well as the means of obtaining food.
Bussy was made prisoner at the battle of Wandewash, (January, 1760,) but was instantly released by Colonel Coote, from respect for his character, and as a return for that kindness and consideration which he had invariably shown to English prisoners.[[59]] Soon after this occurrence, he returned to France, leaving behind him a name as fondly cherished by the natives of India as by his countrymen. That further acquaintance with the true history of remarkable events, which often diminishes the fame of military commanders and statesmen, has hitherto tended only to increase the reputation of Bussy. His courage and conduct as a soldier stood high, before the genius of Dupleix, appreciating his character, sent him into the Deckan.
Acting in that extensive country with a force, which, before he obtained the cession of the northern circars, had only an uncertain and imperfect communication with the coast, he supported, for a series of years, the influence and interests of his country, in a manner which reflects the highest honour on his qualities as a man, and on his talents as a statesman. He thoroughly understood and held in respect the usages of the people among whom he was placed. He united a kindness and consideration for their errors and weaknesses with such a good faith and firmness of purpose in the prosecution of his own objects, as to extort respect even from those to whom he was opposed. This testimony to his character is not wholly taken from the page of history, though all writers agree in doing justice to his memory. The facts stated have been confirmed to the writer of these pages, by many who acted with and against Bussy, whose reputation, though now deservedly high in France, is not, even at this period, so great in that country as it continues to be with natives of the Deckan!
Clive, unless where their conduct compelled him to acts of severity, was kind and liberal in his treatment of French prisoners. This appears from a very voluminous correspondence[[60]], both official and private, with individuals of that nation; but the wanton outrages of Lally made him deem acts of retaliation indispensably necessary.
In several of his letters from Patna, Clive urged the committee at Calcutta to destroy the buildings at Chandernagore, and transmitted to them letters from Mr. Pigot and Mr. Vansittart, in proof of the wanton outrages committed by Lally at Madras, particularly in levelling with the ground the Company's country-house, and in having, without any object, destroyed the country-houses of several private gentlemen, and among others, that of Colonel Lawrence at St. Thomas's Mount. The Committee could not deny these facts, nor the right of retaliating such injuries; but, hesitating between the desire of attending to Clive, and their alarm at the future consequences of the measure pressed upon their adoption, they proposed to throw the odium of its execution upon the Nabob. Of this Clive wholly disapproved, stating, at the same time, his resolution, when he returned to Calcutta, to take the responsibility of this act exclusively upon himself.
"As to your proposal," he observes in a letter[[61]] from Patna, "of effecting it through the Nabob, I do not see what end it will answer. Our known interest with him is such, that it will never be questioned we were the advisers; and should an opportunity of retaliation ever offer, (the apprehension of which I presume suggested the proposal to you,) it will avail us little to attribute the fate of Chandernagore to the Nabob. If the French should hereafter have it in their power to destroy Calcutta, it will be matter of small moment whether they do it immediately themselves, or make use of a like evasion, and employ some of the country powers to effect it. So far from endeavouring to conceal our being the authors of the destruction of Chandernagore, we ought to make a merit of publishing it, as a laudable national revenge for the unfortunate treatment we have received from the French. The rules of war established among all civilised nations authorise and applaud reprisals in such cases. I shall, therefore, very readily on my return take the risk upon myself: and the more so, as (if I forget not) last year we received directions from our masters[[62]] to that purpose."
I shall proceed in the next chapter to detail events which occurred previously to Clive's leaving Calcutta. The material changes in those vested with authority at Madras took place before that period, except the resignation of Colonel Lawrence, who took the field on the siege of Fort St. George being raised, but finding that his age and infirmities disabled him from active service, retired to his native land, to enjoy that repose in private life, which he now required, and to which he was entitled by the active and able fulfilment, during more than twenty years, of the most arduous public duties.
Colonel Lawrence must ever stand high among those officers who have distinguished themselves in India. He neither was, nor pretended to be, a statesman, but he was an excellent officer. He possessed no dazzling qualities, and his acts never displayed that brilliancy which men admire as the accompaniment of genius; but he was, nevertheless, a rare and remarkable man. We trace in all his operations that sound practical knowledge of his profession, which, directed by a clear judgment and firm mind, secured to him an uninterrupted career of success, under circumstances of great difficulty and danger. As one of the chief causes of this success, we may notice the absence of that common but petty jealousy, which renders men afraid lest they should detract from their own fame by advancing that of others, and the influence of which is, consequently, most fatal to the rise of merit. Lawrence early discovered, and fully employed, the talents of those under his orders; and we find him on all occasions much more forward to proclaim their deeds than to blazon his own. To this quality, which is the truest test of a high and liberal spirit, England is principally indebted for all the benefit she has received from the services of Clive. It was the fostering care and the inspiring confidence of his commander that led to the early developement of those talents, which, by the opportunities afforded him, were matured at an age, when most men are only in the rudiments of their military education. Clive continued, through life, fully sensible of the magnitude of his obligations to Lawrence, towards whom he ever cherished the most affectionate gratitude.
When his venerated commander was on the point of retirement, with a very moderate fortune, Clive settled 500l. per annum on him during life.[[63]] "It gives me great pleasure," he observes to Lawrence on this occasion, "that I have an opportunity given me of showing my gratitude to the man to whom my reputation, and, of course, my fortune is owing." This liberal annuity must have added to the comfort of his old age; but its value was greatly enhanced by the warmth and delicacy of the sentiments which Clive expressed upon this occasion. These expressions of grateful obligation gave the retired veteran a right to associate his own fame with that of the successful pupil to whose progress to fortune and renown he had, by his early notice and encouragement, so greatly contributed.
FOOTNOTES: CHAPTER 9
[1]. Vide Vol. I. p. 183.
[2]. The particulars of the storm of Boobilee are narrated, by Orme (vol. ii. p. 254.), with the clearness and a feeling which do honoured to that historian. Such scenes as are here described are but too common in the history of India; where Hindus, of a high tribe, often take the heroic, but barbarous, resolution of not leaving a living being for their enemies to triumph over.
[3]. The other two remained concealed; but they were bound, by a vow, to murder Vizeram Raz if the first attempt failed.
[4]. Rangarow, and his tribe, considered themselves of much higher race than the Rajahs of Vizianagur; and their contempt of his family was one cause of the inveteracy of Vizeram Raz.
[5]. "Bussy promised the English their property; and all they claimed as such was resigned to them, without question or discussion."—Orme, vol. ii. p. 263.
[6]. The father of Hyder Jung was governor of Masulipatam when Dupleix made himself master of that important fortress, and is believed to have betrayed his trust.
[7]. The small fortress of Dowlatabad stands at the distance of eight miles to the north-west of Aurungabad. It is defended by walls and bastions: but what renders it impregnable is the solid rock being scarped perpendicular all round; and in no place is the scarp less than one hundred and eighty feet. The entrance is by a long tunnel, in which there are several traverses cut out of the rock. Shahnavaze Khan had obtained possession of this fortress. The manner in which it was seized by Bussy is minutely described by Orme, vol. ii. p. 345. Bussy himself, attended by a number of officers and three hundred men, went on the pretext of seeing the fort and paying a visit to the Killadar (or Governor); and when the garrison were so stationed by the Killadar, through respect for their guest, that they could make no resistance, he was made a willing prisoner by the French general, and such of his followers as made opposition expelled from the fort.
[8]. The rapidity of his flight was great: he is said to have reached Burhampore in twenty-four hours. The distance is one hundred and fifty miles.
[9]. A correspondence, between this petty prince and Clive, was opened through the medium of an English merchant named Bristow.
[10]. Clive's answer to Nizam Ali Khan is dated 27th July, 1758.
[11]. 17th September, 1758.
[12]. 7th July, and 17th September.
[13]. Clive appears to have despatched treasure for this corps the moment he learned that none was likely to be recovered either from Anunderauze or the revenues of the country: but the activity of the French corps of observation prevented, for some period, Colonel Forde from receiving the benefit of this supply.
[14]. Native Christians, generally the descendants of Portuguese and Indian parents; called Topasses, from their wearing hats (topees) like Europeans, instead of turbans.
[15]. The killed and wounded were nearly one third of the whole; so that the assailants, probably, hardly exceeded nine hundred, while the prisoners were three thousand and thirty-seven. Arunderauze, with his irregular native forces, was, indeed, at hand.
[16]. The troops in the ravelin, beyond the main gate, were kept at their post by alarm at the false attack of the Rajah's troops, till the assailants, who entered at the breach, shut the gate on them.
[17]. Orme, vol. iii. p. 489.
[18]. Letter received at Calcutta, 17th July, 1759.
[19]. Mr. Call, the chief engineer at Madras, writing to Clive, under date the 11th October, 1758, observes, "I cannot but say you have added much to your reputation by the detachment (Colonel Forde's) which you have sent to our assistance on the coast. No sooner were your apprehensions for the safety of Bengal somewhat lessened, than you determined to support us."
[20]. Including prisoners, and the corps under Moracin, at least one thousand Europeans, and nearly three thousand native troops, were subtracted from Lally's force by the effects of Colonel Forde's success.
[21]. 26th August.
[22]. Captain Caillaud suffered two repulses before he succeeded in his attack on Madura.
[23]. This party was commanded by Colonel Forde, then belonging to Adlercron's regiment. The circumstances attending the repulse were such as reflected no imputation on his character.
[24]. Neazballa.
[25]. Nazir Mahommed held Chittaput, and a small surrounding district, by a sunnud, or grant, from the Subadar of the Deckan.
[26]. Mahommed Esoof was best known, in the early part of his career, by the name of "the Nellore Commandant."
[27]. Vide Vol. I. p. 402.
[28]. The six colonels who signed this memorial were, D'Estaing, De Landivisan, De la Fuère, Breteuil, Verdière, and Crillon. Their names merit to be recorded. They belonged to the noblest families of their country; and this act shows their patriotic feeling to have been as honourable as their birth.
[29]. 1st September, 1758.
[30]. Letter to Mr. Pigot, 14th August.
[31]. Ibid.
[32]. 14th August.
[33]. Nazir Mahommed. I have before adverted to his gallant conduct: vide p. 26.
[34]. Colonel Lawrence.
[35]. Almost all communications between Madras and Bengal, at this period, were by sea, which often occasioned a considerable interval between the writing and despatch of a letter.
[36]. 21st August, 1759.
[37]. Mr. Orme appears to have embarked for England about six months after the date of this letter, but was obliged to leave the ship at the Cape, being unable, from serious indisposition, to proceed further until his strength was recruited.—(Letters from Mr. Vansittart to Clive, 28th June, and 3d July, 1759.)
[38]. Letter to Sir G. Pocock, 14th August, 1759. A postscript is added to this letter, of the 26th August; the same date as that to Mr. Orme.
[39]. This man's name was Gotica; he was uncle to the deposed King of Tanjore, whom the English had supported in 1749.
[40]. Col. Kennedy was one of the hostages sent to Tanjore.
[41]. A breach had been made, but it was not deemed practicable. Two of the principal French officers, General Saubinet and Count D'Estaing, strongly advised a storm; deeming the breach, though imperfect, to be assailable.
[42]. A considerable body, cavalry and infantry, of Tanjore troops, with fifty Europeans, and one thousand English sepoys, were engaged in this attack; which is chiefly remarkable for the attempt made upon the person of the French General. A body of fifty horsemen advanced, at daylight, to the French outposts: they inquired for Lally, saying they wished to take service. They were conducted to the General, who, being informed of their request, came out from a choultry to speak to them: at this moment one of the Tanjore horsemen, supposed to be intoxicated, fired his pistol into a tumbril, which, by its explosion, gave a general alarm. The leader of the party, observing this, rode at Lally, who, however, defended himself with a stick, and the man was shot by an attendant, while the French guard succeeded in repelling a charge made by his comrades.
[43]. Orme's History, and Clive's MSS.
[44]. A species of pulse upon which horses are fed in India.
[45]. The north-east monsoon commences, on the coast of Coromandel, in the end of October; and military operations are difficult, and in some parts almost impracticable, till towards the end of November.
[46]. Orme, vol. iii. p. 385.
[47]. Captain Preston's corps was from the garrison of Chingliput.
[48]. Orme, vol. iii. p. 453.
[49]. Mr. Vansittart, a member of the Council at Fort St. George, in a private letter to Clive, dated 2d March, 1759, gives a general account of Lally's operations, from which the following is an extract:—
"I am very glad," he observes, "to begin with acquainting you that the siege of Madras is raised. Certainly it was an undertaking too great for M. Lally's force, and it was undoubtedly a want of men that obliged him to confine his approaches to so narrow a front. I will send you a plan of them as soon as I can find one of our engineers at leisure. The trenches are the weakest that ever were seen, and yet they pushed them up close under our nose. Three or four times small detachments sallied, and took possession of the head of their sap almost without resistance. Our people retired after destroying a little of the work, and then the enemy returned and worked on. Their grand battery, the first that they opened, tore our works a good deal, but our men were active, and got them repaired in the night. This continued for a few days, but our fire was not decreased. The enemy then lost all patience, and advanced with all our defences in good order; when they got to the foot of the glacis, they erected a battery against the east face of the north ravelin, but they could never stand there for an hour together, as we had a heavy fire both on their flank and front. In three or four days they abandoned that, but still kept pushing on their sap, and presently got up to the crest of the glacis, where they erected another battery close to the north-east angle of the covered way. This cost them very dear, and they well deserved to suffer; for all our defences were yet perfect, nay, we had more guns than we had at first.
"For six mornings running they opened this battery at daybreak, and were obliged in an hour or two to shut up their embrasures. Their loss there must have been very great; for it was raked from one end to the other by the flank of the royal bastion, had a front fire from the north-east bastion, and was overlooked by the demi-bastion so with musketry, that it was absolutely impossible for a man to live. At the end of six days they gave it up, and at the same time, I believe, gave up all hopes of success. It is true they had opened a narrow passage through the counterscarp of the ditch by a mine, and had beat down so much clay from the face of the demi-bastion, that there was a slope which a nimble man might run up, and that is what M. Lally calls a breach; but his people were wiser than he, if he proposed to assault it, and they refused. That letter of M. Lally's is a most curious piece. I am glad it was intercepted, that he may not say the arrival of the ships obliged him to raise the siege, and that the officers and men of the garrison may have the honour they deserve. Their duty was really severe, and what was yet worse, they had not a safe place to rest in when off duty; for there is not a bomb-proof lodgement in garrison, except the grand magazine, and the casemates under the Nabob's bastion, where the sick and wounded lay. Nevertheless there was a universal cheerfulness from the beginning to the end; and (what M. Lally so much expected) a capitulation never entered, I believe, into the head of any one man in the garrison.
"The enemy retired by the way of Poonamallee, and, by our last advices, were at Arcot. Our army is just now moving after them. We had a difficulty to get coolies and bullocks for a camp, by which many days have been lost. A large body of Mahrattas are upon the borders of the province: we have made them handsome offers. If they join us, it will be difficult for the French army to get to Pondicherry, or if they only stand neuter, Colonel Lawrence will have no objection to a trial of skill with the Lieutenant-general.
"I should not forget to mention that your old friend the Nellow Subhadar was of great service during the siege. He brought a large body of country horse and sepoys from Tanjore and Trichinopoly; and being joined by Captain Preston with about fifty Europeans from Chingleput, and afterwards by Major Caillaud, they occasioned a powerful diversion. The French were obliged four times to send out considerable detachments; but our people always kept their post, till a scarcity of provisions forced them to move further off. The enemy, however, lost many men in these different actions, besides the hinderance it gave to their work."
[50]. Mr. Vansittart, in his letter to Clive of the 2d March, 1759 (quoted in the last note), observes, "I believe I shall be obliged to apply to you to lay hands upon some of the Chandernagore ladies, in order to exchange against Mrs. Morse, Mrs. Vansittart, and some others, whom we sent away in a boat for Sadras, just at the time that M. Lally borrowed that settlement from the Dutch. They were received by the French officer, and told they were prisoners. They have been kept there ever since; and two days after the siege was raised I wrote to M. Lally, desiring he would let me know his resolutions concerning my family: he sent back the peon without an answer; nor have I got one yet. All this I could excuse if they had but been treated with politeness; but it has been far otherwise, as you will see by a letter I lately received from Mrs. Vansittart, and which I send enclosed. I beg you will let Carnac explain it to the French ladies at Bengal, that they may see, with thankfulness, the different usage they have met with."
[51]. Mr. Sulivan was Chairman of the Court of Directors.
[52]. 21st February, 1759.
[53]. 6th September, 1759.
[54]. This advice, as appears from Mr. Vansittart's letter, (note, p. 50.) was adopted.
[55]. "Your defence of Madras," Clive observes, in a letter to Mr. Pigot of the 21st August, 1759, "and your foiling a man of Lally's rank, will certainly gain you much honour at home; but what affords me most pleasure is, the principal part you have acted in this famous siege. I always said my friend would shine whenever an opportunity offered, by what I saw of his behaviour, some years ago, near Verdiachelum woods."
[56]. Pondicherry surrendered to Colonel Coote in January, 1761. It had been blockaded four months before the active operations of the siege, and there were only two days' provisions for the fighting men when it surrendered. The gallant regiments of Lorraine and Lally were reduced to a small number, and these worn out with famine, disease, and fatigue.—(Orme, vol. iii. p. 722.)
[57]. Mr. Orme justly remarks, that "if abuse of authority, vexations, and exactions, are not capital in the jurisprudence of France, they ought not to have been inserted, as efficacious, in the sentence of death." The same author informs us that Lally was charged with treason, which deprived him of the aid of counsel. Among other crimes, this unhappy commander was accused of selling Pondicherry to the English; and was believed (so credulous is national vanity) to have betrayed the interests of his country to promote those of a nation that he hated, and whom he treated (on all occasions when he had the power) with a severity hardly consistent with the usage of civilised nations. The haughty spirit of the veteran was unbroken by the persecution of his enemies. His conduct throughout his protracted trial was collected, but proud and indignant. When he heard his sentence he threw up his hands to heaven, and exclaimed, "Is this the reward of forty-five years' service?" and snatching a pair of compasses, which lay with maps on his table, struck it to his breast; but it did not pierce to his heart: he then gave loose to every execration against his judges and accusers. His scaffold was prepared, and his execution appointed for the same afternoon. To prevent him from speaking to the spectators a large gag was put into his mouth before he was taken out of prison, whence he was carried in a common cart, and beheaded on the Grève. He perished in the sixty-fifth year of his age.—(Orme, vol. iii. p. 736.)
[58]. Voltaire.
[59]. So high did M. Bussy stand in the public opinion, that when the Nabob Mohammed Ali wrote Mr. Pigot, the governor of Madras, congratulating him on the recent victory, he added, that M. Bussy's being taken prisoner was of itself equal to any victory, and at the same time suggested the propriety of his being sent to him, when he would take good care of him!
Mohammed Ali even then, after some years' acquaintance with the English, was astonished that M. Bussy was allowed to go on his parole to Pondicherry; and as much afterwards, when he heard how well he was received at Madras by every body there, before his departure for Europe. D. H.
[60]. The letters of Clive's agents, also, mention many sums which he appears to have given and sent to French officers. Mr. Vansittart, writing from Madras, notices several individuals who have received considerable aid (two captains one thousand rupees each); stating that they are grateful, and have every disposition to repay Clive, but no ability; and that he will lose his money.
[61]. 27th May, 1759.
[62]. The instructions from the Court of France to Lally had been intercepted, in which he was directed to destroy such of the British settlements as fell into his power: in consequence of which the Court of Directors gave orders to retaliate the same measures upon the French settlements.—(Orme, vol. iii. p. 726.)
[63]. Extract from Clive's letter to his agents in England, 25th December, 1758:—"Having granted Stringer Lawrence, Esq., an annuity of 500l. per annum during the term of his natural life, I desire you will pay the same yearly to him or his order."
CHAP. X.
While Clive was exulting at the advantages gained over the French in the Deckan and at Madras, and congratulating himself on the success which had attended his personal efforts in Bengal, a new and alarming danger arose, from a quarter altogether unexpected. Accounts had been received that the Dutch were preparing a strong armament in Batavia: and it was further added, that its destination was Bengal. To this report Clive at first refused his belief. Mr. Hastings[[64]] had written him, that the Nabob was led from several reasons to suspect that the Dutch were in league with the Sovereign of Oude, and that the armament at Batavia was meant to strengthen their factory at Chinsura; but Clive, in his answer to this letter, did not give credit to the surmise. "Although it will be necessary," he states[[65]], "to be upon our guard against the Dutch, yet I have reason to think that the armament fitted out at Batavia is only intended to garrison their settlements in Ceylon. Some intelligence lately received confirms me in this opinion."
It was not easy for Clive, or for any person, to foresee such a course of measures as the Dutch Government in India adopted at this period of profound peace between the two nations in Europe. I shall, before narrating what occurred, take a short review of the conduct of those in charge of their factory at Chinsura, from the capture of Calcutta till the period at which we are arrived.
The Dutch at Chinsura had, like others, suffered from Suraj-u-Dowlah, who had compelled them to pay a fine of five lacs of rupees. This and other oppressive acts made them rejoice at his downfall, and they addressed to Clive a letter[[66]] of congratulation on his success in dethroning that prince. Nevertheless, they did not recognise Meer Jaffier as Subah of Bengal; and the consequence was, so hostile a feeling towards them in the mind of that prince, that it required the continual good offices[[67]] of Clive to preserve terms betwixt them. This was not easy; for their not recognising him was a cause of just and frequent irritation to Meer Jaffier. Clive notices the subject in a letter[[68]] to the Dutch Governor, written in answer to one full of complaints.
"I am well acquainted," he observes, "with your attachment to the English, and the service you have at all times been ready to show them; but give me leave to observe, Sir, that good offices have always been reciprocal between the two nations: and, indeed, this is no more than we mutually owe each other, considering the close alliance and union of interests that have so long subsisted between us. It gives me, therefore, much concern that you should do me the injustice to reproach me with being in any shape accessory to the obstruction which the Subah has thought proper to lay upon your trade. I have, indeed, heard him make frequent complaints of the ill behaviour of your government towards him; and was really much amazed at his patience, in putting up so long with indignities which you would not have ventured to offer either to Mohabit Jung[[69]] or Suraj-u-Dowlah. I shall not pretend to inquire into your reasons for not acknowledging Meer Jaffier, in the same manner as the preceding Subahs have always been, more especially as you cannot be ignorant that he has received his sunnud from the Mogul; but, for my own part, I cannot conceive how you and your Council will be able to exculpate yourselves to your superiors for the present stoppage of their trade, since it appears evident to me that you have brought it upon yourselves, by your disrespect to a person of his high station."
The act which gave rise to stopping the trade was one of public disrespect to the Nabob, to whom the Dutch factory did not even pay the compliment of a salute, when he passed Chinsura on his way to Calcutta. The mode in which he resented this insult had its full effect. The Governor and Council of Chinsura made a very humble apology, which was accepted, and the prohibition on their commerce removed.
The chief complaints of the Dutch against the English were, the latter having the monopoly of saltpetre at Patna, and their insisting that Dutch vessels, coming into the river, should take English pilots. To the first it was answered, that saltpetre had always been a monopoly, and that, since the English obtained it, the Dutch had even bought the article cheaper[[70]] than they had ever done before. With regard to the insisting upon no pilot being employed in the river but English, it was stated to be a measure forced on the Committee of Calcutta, by considerations of their own safety; and that, until the danger was over, they could not allow those of any other nation to be employed. These facts should have been satisfactory to the Dutch, could the Superior Government at Batavia have been contented to abandon, without a struggle, to another European power the political pre-eminence in India: calculating, however, upon the encouragement given them at the court of Moorshedabad, previous to the expedition to Patna, they determined to make a bold effort to establish such a force at Chinsura as might enable them to balance the predominating power of the English in Bengal. I find among Clive's papers an account[[71]] of this transaction; and as it exhibits, in a very clear manner, the progress of this serious difference between the two nations, from its commencement to its conclusion, I shall insert it at length. It is entitled "A Narrative of the Disputes with the Dutch in Bengal," and is as follows:—
"About the month of November, 1758, a prevailing party at the Nabob Jaffier Aly Khan's Durbar, headed by Meeran his son, had prejudiced him to look with an evil and jealous eye on the power and influence of the English in the provinces, and taught him to think and look upon himself as a cipher, bearing the name of Subah only. From subsequent concurring circumstances, it must have been at that period, and from this cause, that, we imagine, a private negotiation was set on foot between the Nabob and the Dutch, that the latter should bring a military force into the provinces to join the former, and balance our power and sway. The Dutch, stimulated by envy at our very advantageous situation, and a sense of their own very small importance, readily embraced the overture, and hoped another Plassey affair for themselves.
Actuated by these golden dreams, and encouraged by the absence of our troops on the Golconda expedition, the Director and his Council at Chinsura forwarded remonstrances to Batavia, for this purpose, where, by the event, it appears they had the intended effect. Subsequent to this private negotiation was the advance of the Shah-Zada, and Governor Clive's march to Patna in support of the Nabob and his Government, which perfectly convinced him and his son of our faithfulness, affection, and attachment, and struck an iniquitous party at the Durbar dumb, who were ever insinuating to them that the English were aiming to be Subahs of the country in breach of their treaty.
"Early in August we received advice that a powerful armament was fitting out and embarking at Batavia, its destination not perfectly known, but rumoured to be for Bengal. The Governor sent early notice of this to Meer Jaffier, who immediately sent a Purwannah to the Dutch Governor, a copy of which he forwarded to Governor Clive, demanding withal, by virtue of the treaty subsisting with the English, that he should join his forces to oppose and prevent any foreign troops being brought into his country.
"About this time a Dutch ship arrived in the river with European troops and buggoses, of which the Governor advised the Nabob, who was much embarrassed at the news; he, however, despatched a second Purwannah to the Dutch, and ordered Omarbeg Khan Fouzdaar of Hooghley, immediately to join the Governor with a body of troops, and repeated his demand of our assistance, to prevent the Dutch troops or ships advancing up the river. To the Nabob's first Purwannah, the Dutch sent a reply and solemn promise of obedience to his orders; to the second, they as solemnly assured him, the ship which was arrived came in by accident for water and provisions; that she was drove from her destined port of Nagapatam by stress of weather, and that she and her troops should leave the river as soon as they were supplied.
"Notwithstanding these solemn assurances from the Dutch, it was judged expedient to send a detachment of troops, joined with one of the Subah's, under the command of the Fouzdaar's officer, to take possession of Tanna Fort and Charnoc's Battery opposite to it, with orders to stop and search all boats and vessels that passed, without giving them further molestation; and parties were likewise sent out on each side of the river to prevent any foreign troops advancing by land. In consequence of these orders, every Dutch boat and budgerow was brought to, and those that had no troops suffered to pass; amongst others, Mynheer Suydland, the Dutch master-attendant, not only refused for sometime being either brought to or searched, but struck the commanding officer at Charnoc's Battery. Himself and another Dutch gentleman with him were made prisoners for a few hours, until an order from the Governor went down for releasing them and the budgerow, on board of which were found concealed eighteen buggoses, which were conducted down under a guard by land, until within sight of their ship at Fulta, and released. On these transactions, we received very long remonstrances from the gentlemen at Chinsura, to which we replied, that, as principals, we had, by the custom and laws of nations, a right to search all vessels whatever, advancing up this river, not knowing but they might introduce French troops into the country; and that as auxiliaries to the Mogul, we were under a necessity, by solemn treaty, to join his Viceroy in opposing the introduction of any European or foreign troops whatever into Bengal; and that we should absolutely and religiously do our duty to the utmost of our strength and power in both capacities.
"Early in October, Jaffier Ally Khan arrived here on a visit to the Governor. During his stay with us, advice came from below, of the arrival of six or seven more Dutch capital ships, crammed with soldiers and buggoses. Now the Dutch mask fell off, and the Nabob (conscious of having given his assent to their coming, and at the same time of our attachment and his own unfaithful dealings with us,) was greatly confused and disconcerted. He, however, seemed to make light of it; told the Governor he was going to reside three or four days at his Fort of Hooghley, where he would chastise the insolence and disobedience of the Dutch, and drive them soon out of the river again.
"On the 19th of October he left Calcutta; and in place of his going to his Fort at Hooghley, he took up his residence at Cajah Wazeed's garden, about half way between that and Chinsura; a plain indication that he had no apprehensions from the Dutch, whom he received there in the most gracious manner he could, more like friends and allies than as enemies to him and his country. In three or four days after his departure from Calcutta, the Governor received a letter from him, wherein he informed him of 'some indulgence he had granted the Dutch in their trade, and that they had engaged to leave the river with their ships and troops as soon as the season would permit.' The season permitting their immediate departure with the greatest safety and propriety, the last condition in the Nabob's letter, joined to his whole behaviour, convinced us, that leaving the river was no part of their intention, but that, on the contrary, they had his assent to bring up their troops if they could; which Colonel Clive was determined they should not, as the Nabob had not withdrawn his orders to oppose them, and in this he was heartily joined by his Council. Ruin to the Company, if not to the country, must have been the inevitable consequences of their junction with the troops they had in garrison at Chinsura; which once accomplished, would have been beyond all doubt attended with a declaration from the Government in their favour, and as probably a union between them, which must have ended in our destruction. A very few days justified our suspicions and resolutions; for in place of the Dutch leaving the river, we received certain intelligence of their moving up, and that they were enlisting troops under every denomination, at Chinsura, Cossimbazar, and Patna, and this plainly with connivance of the Nabob.
"Whatever may have been the joint or separate views of the Dutch and Nabob against us, it is most certain they never could have had a more favourable conjuncture to carry them into execution; for what with the unforeseen and inevitable long stay of our troops on the Golconda expedition, the detention on the coast of Coromandel of the forces appointed for this settlement, and the necessity the Governor was under of leaving a considerable party at Patna, in May last, our garrison here was inconsiderable. Our Governor, with indefatigable despatch, made every necessary disposition to circumvent the designs of our enemies; the 'Calcutta,' 'Duke of Dorset,' and 'Hardwicke' (the only ships we had in the river), were ordered to proceed immediately to town; the detachments at Tanna and Charnoc's were strengthened, and heavy cannon mounted at each, as also on two faces of our new fort commanding the river. The Patna party was recalled, and the militia put under arms. The Governor wrote likewise to the Nabob in strong and peremptory terms, to send his son down with his army to invest Chinsura; but the politics of the Durbar at this period, we believe, ran counter, where we judge it was determined to let the English and Dutch weaken and destroy one another, when they would probably have attempted to reduce both, or join with the strongest.
"Soon as the Dutch thought their schemes ripe for action, they sent us an immense remonstrance, recapitulating the whole of all their former ones, and vowing vengeance and reprisals if we persisted in searching their boats, and obstructing the advance of their troops up the river. To this we replied, once for all, that we had given no insult to their colours, or attacked or touched their property, or infringed their privileges; that with respect to their bringing troops into Bengal, the Nabob knew best how far it was incumbent on him to preserve the peace and tranquillity of his country; that their boats had been stopped and searched, and the advance of their troops opposed, by orders from the Viceroy, and under the Emperor his master's colours, and by his troops; that they must apply therefore to him, and that we were ready to interpose our friendly offices to mitigate his resentment. This, it may be thought, savoured a little of audacity, but facts vindicated us; as the Fouzdaar had neither withdrawn his troops (which consisted of four or five hundred horse), nor the Nabob his orders; and all that was done below was under the Government's colours. Notwithstanding which, on receipt of the last Dutch remonstrance, we found our sentiments a good deal embarrassed, doubting whether we should stand justified to our country and employers, in commencing hostilities against an ally of England, supposing they should persist in passing the batteries below with their ships and troops. In this situation, we anxiously wished the next hour would bring us news of a declaration of war with Holland; which we had indeed some reason to expect by our last advices from England. Another strong reason which determined us to oppose them, and on which subject we had been guarded against by the Court of Directors, who had intimated that in all likelihood the Dutch would first commence hostilities against us in India.
"Thus circumstanced, the Dutch themselves removed all our difficulties by beginning hostilities below, attacking with shot, and seizing seven of our vessels, grain-boats, &c., tearing down our colours, disembarking our guns, military stores, &c., from our vessels to their own ships, making prisoners of the captains, officers, &c. They also began hostilities on shore in our Purgunnahs off Fulta and Riapore, where they tore down our colours, and burnt the houses and effects of the Company's tenants in those parts. Amongst the vessels they attacked and seized was the 'Leopard Snow,' Captain Barclay, whom we had despatched with expresses to Admiral Cornish, to hasten his coming to our succour, which we judged would meet him somewhere on the Arracan coast.
"On this event, we concluded, with the greatest probability, that the Dutch had received intelligence of a rupture between them and us in Europe, or that they were sure of the Nabob joining them, or of his standing neuter at least; and having the utmost reason to suspect the Nabob's whole conduct, Governor Clive apprised him of the acts of violence the Dutch had committed below, adding, that as they had commenced actual war against us, he should judge the quarrel now subsisted between them and us only, desiring he would leave chastising the Dutch to us, and desist from sending either his son or any part of his army to our assistance; but that, if he would convince us of his sincerity and attachment, he should directly surround their subordinates, and distress them in the country to the utmost.
"Hitherto we knew not whether the Dutch intended to pass the batteries with their ships and troops on board, or whether their intention was to land the latter as high up as they could, and march them over land. The Governor, however, made the necessary dispositions against both, as far as our small body of troops would permit, consisting, on the whole, of about two hundred and forty Europeans of the battalion, about eighty of the train, and one thousand two hundred sepoys. The best troops and largest proportion of these, with many volunteers draughted from the militia, and part of the independent company, formed into a troop of horse, were stationed at Charnoc's and Tannas under the command of Captain Knox. Colonel Forde, on account of his ill state of health and dismission from the service, had returned to us a few days before these troubles; and, notwithstanding both, most obligingly and readily, at the Governor's request, took upon him the command of the remaining troops in the garrison, which marched to the northward the 19th of November; on which day Mr. Holwell was ordered to take charge of Fort William with the militia, consisting of about two hundred and fifty Europeans, besides some of the Portuguese inhabitants; the Governor dividing his attention and presence between both divisions, those at Charnoc's and those in the field.
"The first stroke struck against the Dutch, was possessing ourselves of Barnagore, from whence Colonel Forde passed over the river with his troops and four field artillery to Serampore, the Danish factory, and marched towards Chandernagore; not only with a view of striking terror into Chinsura, but to be ready to intercept the Dutch troops, in case they should disembark, and attempt to gain that place by land.
"During this period, the Dutch ships kept advancing with their captures and prisoners, and our three ships in their rear, whose orders were peremptorily to pass them and station themselves above the batteries, where fire-boats and every other needful step was taken to destroy the Dutch ships if they attempted to pass. The Dutch commodore sent two orders to Commodore Wilson prohibiting his passing their ships, and that if he attempted it, he would fire upon him.
"On the 21st of November the Dutch armament came to an anchor in Sankeral Reach, whose point was within the range of our cannon from the batteries. On the 23d of November they landed on the opposite shore seven hundred Europeans, and about eight hundred Buggoses, and dropped down with their ships to Melancholy Point, the lower end of the reach being near where our three ships lay; of which advice was immediately despatched to Colonel Forde, with assurance that he should be reinforced with the utmost expedition by Captain Knox and the parties at the batteries, who were accordingly recalled. On the 23d, orders were sent to our commodore to demand immediate restitution of our ships, subjects, and property; or to fight, sink, burn, and destroy the Dutch ships on their refusal. The next day the demand was made and refused. True British spirit was manifested on this occasion. Notwithstanding the inequality (the Dutch having seven to three, and four of them capital ships,) we attacked them; and after about two hours' engagement, the Dutch commodore struck, and the rest followed the example, except his second, who cut and run down as low as Culpee, when she was stopped short by the 'Oxford' and 'Royal George,' who arrived two days before, and had our orders to join the other captains. The Dutch Commodore had about thirty men killed, and many wounded: she suffered the most amongst them, as did the 'Duke of Dorset' on our side, who was more immediately engaged with her.
"On the same day (the 24th) Colonel Forde marched from the French gardens to the northward, intending to encamp between Chandernagore and Chinsura. In his march through the former, he was attacked by the Dutch with four pieces of cannon, and the garrison from Chinsura, which had marched out and lodged themselves in the houses and ruins of Chandernagore, at the very time the Colonel entered with his troops at the southernmost end. However, he soon dislodged them from their ambush, took their cannon, and pursued them with some slaughter to the very barriers of Chinsura, which he prepared to invest, being now joined by Captain Knox and the troops from the batteries, and Charnoc's and Tannas.
"The next day Colonel Forde received certain intelligence of the near approach of the Dutch troops from the ships, who had been, in spite of his vigilance, joined by part of the garrison from Chinsura. He immediately marched with two field-pieces, and met them on the plains of Bedarra (about two coss from Chinsura), where they soon came to an action. The Dutch were commanded by Colonel Roussel, a French soldier of fortune. They consisted of near seven hundred Europeans, and as many buggoses, besides country troops: ours of two hundred and forty infantry, and eighty of the train, and fifty more Europeans composing the troops of horse, independents and volunteers, and about eight hundred sepoys. The engagement was short, bloody, and decisive. The Dutch were put to a total rout in less than half an hour: they had about one hundred and twenty Europeans, and two hundred buggoses killed, three hundred and fifty Europeans and about two hundred Buggoses taken prisoners, with M. Roussel and fourteen officers, and about one hundred and fifty wounded. Our loss was inconsiderable. After this action, Colonel Forde returned, sat down before Chinsura, and wrote for further orders. The Dutch were now as abject in their submission as they had been insolent in their supposed superiority. They wrote to Colonel Forde, and likewise to the Board here, requesting he would cease hostilities and propose terms of amity.
"We judged we had sufficiently chastised and humbled them, without taking their settlement (which must have surrendered on the first summons), and agreed to enter on a treaty with them. Deputies were appointed, and things brought to a speedy and amicable conclusion. They disavowed the proceedings of their ships below, acknowledged themselves the aggressors, and agreed to pay costs and damages; on which their ships were delivered up to them.
"Three days after the battle of Bedarra, the young Nabob, with about six or seven thousand horse, arrived and encamped within a coss of Chinsura: this struck the Dutch with the deepest terror. Governor Clive was wrote to, in the most supplicatory terms, to interpose, and not abandon them to the violence of the Moors. The Governor interposed, and went directly to the French gardens, that he might be a nearer check upon the young Nabob, and prevent his proceeding to extremities with them. His friendly interposition had its proper effect: the young Nabob received their deputies; and after severe altercation, forgave them, and promised ample protection in their trade and privileges, on the following terms:—That they shall never meditate war, introduce or enlist troops, or raise fortifications in the country; that they shall be allowed to keep up one hundred and twenty-five European soldiers, and no more, for the service of their several factories, of Chinsura, Cossimbazar and Patna; that they shall forthwith send their ships and remaining troops out of the country; and that a breach of any one of these articles shall be punished with utter expulsion. These terms, ratified by the council of Hooghley, and the Nabob (otherwise) satisfied for the trouble and expense of his march, he broke up his camp and returned to the city."
"Thus ended an affair which, had the event been different, threatened us in its consequence with utter destruction; for, had the Dutch gained the same advantage over us, we have now the most convincing proofs to conclude, that the remembrance of Amboyna would have been lost in their treatment of this colony. Mr. Bisdom was in a dying condition during these whole transactions, and opposed, jointly with Messrs. Zuyaland and Bachracht, the violence of their proceedings; but they were over-ruled by the rest of their council, led by Messrs. Vernet and Schevichaven, two men of desperate fortunes and violent and evil principles, who, we doubt not, will pay severely for their imprudence."
"There appears every reason to conclude from this narrative, as well as from other accounts, that Meer Jaffier had originally given countenance to an intrigue with the Dutch, carried on through Cajah Wazeed[[72]]; but there can be no doubt that the conduct of Clive, on the subsequent invasion of the Shah-Zada, had made a change in his sentiments. He readily, therefore, gave the requisite orders to the Dutch, forbidding them to land any troops. 'He declared to me,' Mr. Hastings[[73]] writes to Clive, 'that if they brought any armed force into his country, he would look upon them as enemies, and treat them accordingly.'"
Notwithstanding these professions, when the Dutch armament arrived with a European force superior to that of the English, the Nabob appeared to falter in his resolution. He had paid Clive a visit at Calcutta, and on his return (as stated in the narrative) saw the principal persons of the Dutch settlement at Chinsura; but instead of commanding them to send away their ships (as he had promised) he treated them with such marked favour and distinction, that Mr. Hastings, who accompanied him, wrote Clive[[74]], that every day's transactions confirmed him more and more in his opinion, that the Nabob was acting a treacherous part.
This communication, added to some suspicious circumstances, determined Clive to take the strongest measures, with the primary view of recalling the Nabob to a better understanding of his own interests; and, if that failed, of counteracting his evil designs. He wrote to Mr. Amyate[[75]] to acquaint Ram Narrain of the situation in which affairs stood, that he might be prepared to act, if occasion required. He also directed Mr. Sykes to seize the persons of Cajah Wazeed and his son before they reached Moorshedabad, to which they were proceeding; having had full proof of their combination with the enemies of the English. Cajah Wazeed has been before mentioned as the agent of the French. He had for a period transferred his allegiance to the English; but disappointed of the high reward he anticipated, had subsequently directed all his influence and ability (which were considerable) to their overthrow, through the means of their European rivals. When the French cause appeared hopeless, he had attached himself to the Dutch, and was no doubt the principal agent of all their intrigues at the Court of Moorshedabad. The strongest presumptive proof of Meer Jaffier's concern in this plot, was, the favour and distinction with which he had recently treated Cajah Wazeed. Though that person was employed by the Dutch, he was the subject of Meer Jaffier, who, both on that account, and from his partiality to the man, was likely to resent his seizure as an indignity and insult. Clive was quite aware of this feeling, but he thought himself justified by the emergency of the case. He expected that one of the effects of this decided measure would be to alarm the Nabob in such a degree, as to arrest his progress in any plan hostile to the English, in which he might have engaged; and, to add to this effect, he wrote to Meer Jaffier, disclaiming all future connection with him, unless he changed his course of action. Clive's object, throughout this affair, was not to inculpate the Nabob, but to save him from the consequences of his weakness and want of faith. With a thorough knowledge of his character, he addressed himself to his fears, and the result proved the correctness of his judgment. Mr. Hastings writes from Moorshedabad on the 18th of November:—
"The particulars of my conversation with the old Nabob," he observes, "I will acquaint you with, after I have seen him again to-morrow. He appeared (and I am convinced was) extremely disturbed in mind, during the whole time I was with him. He changed colour upon the receipt of your letter; and when he had read it, he turned to me and told me, that you had broke off all connection with him. He declared himself innocent of any deceitful intention towards you, and offered to give every proof that you could require of his friendship and sincerity."
In his letter of the 21st of November, Mr. Hastings observes, "Every thing goes on in this quarter as it ought. The Nabob appears as zealous in the cause as he was before remiss in it, nor will, I hope, give you any further cause for complaining, at least in this affair. He has desired me to endeavour to accommodate the misunderstanding which has risen betwixt you and him, which office I cannot undertake more effectually than by assuring you, that I do believe him now to be sincere. I have already acquainted you fully with what has lately passed, nor need I trouble you with a repetition of it. The Chuta Nabob[[76]] has lately written to me upon the same subject, and has called upon Mr. Sykes and myself to declare how earnest he was, from the beginning of these troubles, to join you, which I know to be fact (so far as his word in that instance could be credited), and Mr. Sykes' letters to you will sufficiently testify the same.
"The firmness which you have shown, and your resentment of the Nabob's cold behaviour, have had every effect that could be wished for; and pardon me, Sir, if I offer it as my opinion, that it would be proper so far to change the style of your letters, as to show that you are satisfied with his present conduct. The Nabob really wants that encouragement: whenever you forsake him, his ruin will be inevitable; and he must shut his eyes against the most glaring conviction, if he does not perceive it himself."
The only subject of complaint Meer Jaffier had now left was the seizure of Cajah Wazeed, which he was too conscious indicated suspicion of himself. Mr. Hastings, referring to this feeling, writes to Clive[[77]]:—
"I had a long conversation with the Nabob yesterday morning; the particulars I need not acquaint you with, as it consisted of little more than a repetition of his complaint of the distrust you have shown him. He mentioned the affair of Cajah Wazeed yesterday, for the first time. I excused your proceedings therein, from the necessity there was of seizing him immediately, as he was the prime instigator of these troubles; and it appeared from the long consultation held between him and the Dutch, the evening before his departure, and their letter of defiance immediately following it, that he was going up to strengthen their cause at the city, where the Nabob was sensible he had many enemies. I added, that though it was no time to stand upon the strictness of ceremony, when the enemy were almost at our gates, yet that you had only given orders that Cajah Wazeed should be seized on the way; but that no attempt should be made upon him, if he was arrived within the districts of the city of Moorshedabad.
"I believe he was not satisfied with my reasons: he ascribed this event entirely to your suspicions of himself, which I did not attempt to deny.
"The enclosed letter is in answer to your last. This is the last letter the Nabob will write, till he hears what your present sentiments are with respect to himself."
Clive, on receiving these assurances, readily forgave what had passed; and the Nabob showed every disposition to give his aid. A few of his troops co-operated in the attack upon the Dutch, but the young Nabob did not arrive at Hooghley till after the armament had been destroyed.[[78]]
The strength of the small force which Clive had with him on this occasion is stated in the narrative. It was divided into parties; some of which were directed to stop and search the boats of the Dutch coming up the river, and others to intercept any small bodies of men that might attempt to reach Chinsura by land. Every line of orders or instructions on this delicate and alarming occasion appears to have been written by Clive himself. He, indeed, had at first no person of any distinction to aid him, till Colonel Forde arrived from Masulipatam. This officer was in bad health; and accounts had reached Bengal that the Directors had not confirmed his nomination to the service; but neither indisposition, nor disgust at this treatment, prevented him from offering his valuable services to his friend and patron, at a crisis when they were so much required. His skill and gallantry were alike conspicuous in attacking and defeating so superior a force. This is shown by the narrative. According to other accounts, his success was greatly to be attributed to the position of the enemy at the period of the attack. It is stated upon good authority, that foreseeing this advantage, but acting with the caution which the attack upon the troops of a European nation not in a state of war required, Colonel Forde wrote a note, stating, "that if he had the Order in Council, he could attack the Dutch, with a fair prospect of destroying them." Clive, to whom this note was addressed, received it when playing at cards. Without quitting the table, he wrote an answer in pencil, "Dear Forde, fight them immediately. I will send you the Order of Council to-morrow."
Clive appears to have been upon the best footing with several of the principal inhabitants of Chinsura, particularly their Governor, Mr. Adrian Bisdom, who, though his name (as he stated) was often and freely used, had been throughout hostile to the violent proceedings of his countrymen. We find, indeed, in his letters during these differences, a tone of deep regret at the violent measures resorted to by both parties, mixed with the strongest expressions of personal regard for Clive, and gratitude for his kindness both in his private and official station.[[79]] We discovered, also, from his letters to Clive[[80]], that the large remittances the latter had made through Batavia or Holland were not settled, and that the Dutch East India Company were discontented, and had deferred the payment of the bills, expressing their displeasure at the terms their local government had granted. The conduct Clive pursued towards their armament was not likely to make them view any transaction in which he was concerned in a more favourable light; but the thoughts of himself, or his fortune, had no weight in a question where the interests of his country were so deeply involved.
A more critical situation than that in which Clive was placed by the arrival of the Dutch armament can hardly be conceived. The responsibility he took upon himself, in determining to oppose it, was great; but his mind never faltered when the public welfare was to be promoted by his personal hazard. When some of his friends remonstrated with him on the danger which he incurred, in opposing, during the existence of peace, the passage of the armament of a friendly power up the Ganges, he is said to have answered, that "a public man may occasionally be called upon to act with a halter round his neck." The inadequacy of his means was to him the most appalling circumstance; but this was remedied by the wisdom of his plans, and the vigour of their execution. The moderation he showed after victory was calculated to allay, as far as possible, that feeling of hostility which these proceedings must have excited. A very minute investigation of the whole subject took place in Europe: but the Dutch Local Government, in the treaty into which they entered with the English, had acknowledged themselves the aggressors, and Clive had been so cautious in every step he took, that his conduct could not be impugned; and he received, as he merited, unqualified approbation for this last act of his government, which terminated, as it was meant to do, all attempts of the Dutch to rival the political power of the English in Bengal. Their views in that country were thenceforward limited to objects of commerce.
By the events (A. D. 1759) narrated in the preceding chapter, Mahommed Ali Khan, whom the Government of Fort St. George had so long supported, became the undisputed Nabob of the Carnatic. Salabut Jung, the Soubahdar of the Deckan, had entered into an alliance with the Company; and his brother Nizam Ali, who was rising rapidly into power, was most favourably disposed to cultivate their friendship.
The affairs of the small but important settlement of Bombay appeared as prosperous as those of Madras. Surat, one of the principal sea-ports and richest towns on the western side of India, had fallen into decay, as the power of the Mogul government declined. This city, independent of its wealth, had great value with the Mahommedans, from being the port at which the pilgrims annually assembled on their way to the sacred tombs of their prophet or of his descendants. The Emperor furnished the vessel which conveyed to Jidda (a port in the Red Sea) those pilgrims who went to Mecca. The convoy of this vessel, as well as the protection of the commerce of Surat, had been for some time intrusted to the chief of Jinjeera, who was styled the Admiral of the Emperor, and had, in virtue of that office, an assignment on the revenues of Surat, amounting to the sum of three lacs of rupees per annum. On the ground of this amount not being regularly paid Seedee Massoud, the ruling chief of Jinjeera, had first seized the castle of Surat, and afterwards greatly encroached upon the other local authorities of that place. He died in 1756; and his son not only retained this usurpation, but demanded one third of the revenues of the city; another third was paid to the Mahrattas, as the price of their abstaining from hostilities, and the remaining third was divided among those officers who governed in the name of the Emperor of Delhi.
This division of authority, together with the intrigues and disputes to which it gave rise, was ruinous to the prosperity of the town, and attended with continual alarm and danger to the inhabitants. The English factory, which had been settled at Surat for a century and a half, suffered considerably during this distracted state of affairs, and the Government of Bombay, consequently, listened with approbation to an overture made by the principal officers and merchants of Surat, inviting them to take the castle, to expel the Seedee, and on receiving an assignment of two lacs of rupees, to become the future protectors of the commerce of the port. An expedition was sent, which, after a short opposition from the Seedee, completely succeeded; and the garrison of the castle were compelled to surrender to the English, who acted throughout with the sanction and aid of the officers of the Emperor.
An account of the events which had occurred was sent by Mr. Spencer (the chief of Surat) to Delhi; from whence he obtained sunnuds[[81]], or deeds, appointing the English Company governors of Surat Castle, and admirals of the Emperor's fleet, and granting them an assignment upon the revenues of the city for two lacs of rupees per annum.
These events added both to the strength and the fame of the settlement of Bombay, and rendered it better able to cope with its predatory neighbours the Mahrattas. The principal chiefs of that nation, however, were at this period more occupied with the affairs of the northern than of the western parts of India.
Alumgeer the Second was still the Emperor of Delhi; but he continued a prisoner in the hands of his ambitious minister, who, himself surrounded by Mahratta armies, and expecting another invasion of the Affghauns, exercised but a precarious authority. The Shah-Zada was still in a state of hostility; and having lately received countenance from the ruler of Oude, he again threatened with invasion the territories of Bahar. This danger would not appear to have been considered serious by Clive: but he was very uneasy regarding the internal state of Bengal; and the last months of his stay in India were devoted to arrangements for securing its tranquillity.
The treasury of the Nabob had been exhausted by the great sums he had paid as the price of his elevation. His extravagance, that of his son, and, above all, the maintenance of large bodies of useless troops, aggravated his distress. The slave of habit, and devoid of energy, Meer Jaffier was incapable of remedying his condition, which became daily more embarrassing. The conduct of his son, also, alarmed him; and from his communications to Mr. Hastings, it evidently appeared that he sometimes thought the impatient ambition of Meeran would lead him to accelerate, by an act of violence, the hour of his succession. Yet, notwithstanding the urgent advice of Clive[[82]], he would neither diminish the troops of his son, nor cease to employ him in situations which were calculated to increase his influence, and add to his power. The Nabob disliked the superiority and influence of Clive, but he certainly was personally attached to him.[[83]] He regarded him with the same dread and apprehension which a wayward scholar bears his preceptor. Though he feared his anger, he had complete reliance on his justice and good faith, and from habit looked to him with hopes of every consideration that was possible for his errors and weakness. With such sentiments, he was alarmed at the near prospect of Clive's departure; and his feeling affords strong presumptive proof, that, into whatever intrigues or plots Jaffier had been hurried or led, he could not, at this period, have deliberately contemplated any plan of hostility against the English power. If he had harboured any such scheme, it is quite evident that Clive's quitting the scene was the only event that could give it the least prospect of success.
The chief cause which alarmed Meer Jaffier and other natives of rank at the intended departure of Clive was the fear of his successor not exercising the same authority in checking and controlling the subordinate officers of their government. They feared, and with reason, that spirit of contemptuous superiority, which the extraordinary and sudden rise of the English in Bengal had engendered among many of the Europeans in the service of the Company, and still more the assumed influence and power of the natives in their employment.
The Nabob and his chief managers had, notwithstanding Clive's efforts, too great reason to complain of the insolent pretensions and fraudulent practices of Gomastahs (or agents) employed by the gentlemen in office at Calcutta, and in different parts of the country. Many of Clive's public and private letters convey his sentiments very strongly upon this subject; and from one of them we learn, that he had punished most severely a native in his own service, for using his name as a sanction to some abuses. This afforded him an opportunity, of which he availed himself, of stating to the Committee of Fort William, the great importance of continued and vigilant attention to a point, upon which the temper and good feeling of their ally and his principal subjects must so much depend.
The alarm at Clive's return to England was not limited to the natives: all the first civil servants, Mr. Amyatt, Mr. Holwell, Mr. Sykes, Mr. Hastings, and many others, entreated him to remain some time longer. Their sentiments are nearly similar. I shall, therefore, content myself with stating those reasons which Mr. Hastings brought forward in support of his arguments on this subject.
"I own," Mr. Hastings observes[[84]], "with great concern I learnt that your resolution is fixed to return this season to Europe. The disinterested regard which, without fearing the imputation of flattery, I may declare you have ever shown for the Company's welfare, convinces me, that you would not have determined upon this step, were it in the least respect inconsistent with that principle. Yet permit me, Sir, upon this occasion, to lay before you such consequences as, from my little experience of the Durbar affairs, I apprehend may attend your absence.
"I am, and always have been, of opinion, that the Nabob is, both by interest and inclination, heartily attached to the English; but I think it as certain that the people about him, especially his Muttaseddies[[85]] and the Seits, who are evidently great sufferers by the large acquisitions of power which the English have obtained in this Government, would gladly use every possible means to alienate his affections from us. At present, the personal obligations which he confessedly lies under to you are sufficient to intimidate them from any open attempts against us; but as your absence will encourage these people to throw off the mask, and the Nabob is but of an irresolute and unsettled temper, I don't think it possible that he can hold out against the united influence of so many evil counsellors, as will be perpetually instilling into his mind the necessity of reducing the English power. I am the more apprehensive of their success, from the expressions which he has frequently made use of, before the late attempt of the Shah-Zada, intimating that he knew nobody amongst the English but yourself to whom he had any obligations, and that nothing but his friendship for you restrained him from retaliating the many insults which he pretended to have received from the English.
"As there is nobody to succeed you with the same influence, and other advantages which you possess, nothing but a large military force will secure our privileges from being encroached upon, as soon as you quit the country; not to mention the dangers we are threatened with from our natural enemies the French, which, by your resignation of the service, will be doubled upon us, and in which it is very probable the Nabob will stand neuter. I believe I mentioned to you already, that, in conversation with one of the Nabob's principal confidants, a day or two before I went down to Calcutta, he inadvertently dropped, that the French had made some overtures towards an accommodation with the Nabob through his means, and seemed, by his discourse, to wish that it might be brought about; but whether he spoke his own sentiments only, or the Nabob's, I could not judge, as he would not explain himself further upon the subject. This much, indeed, he added, that the proposal was at that time rejected. I do not advance this as an argument that the Nabob is inclinable to favour the French; but I think it would not be difficult to persuade him, that it would be for his interest to suffer the French to come into his country again, both for the increase of his revenues (a very prevailing argument) and to balance the power of the English; and with regard to his engagement by the treaty to succour the English against their enemies; I don't apprehend it will be any further binding, than as it is for his advantage to abide by it.
"Of the great consequence which a junction of the country forces would prove to us in case of an invasion from the French, I would not presume to say any thing in an address to you. If the French attempt any thing against Bengal before your departure, I think I can answer for the Nabob's readiness to assist you against them; but that he will exert himself as zealously in our favour when you are gone, I greatly doubt.
"I know not in what light you may regard the proposal lately made from Delhi, or whether the consideration of the further advantages that may result from a nearer connection with that Court (in which your intervention appears of indispensable necessity) deserve to be thrown into the scale; though I must own it is my opinion, that nothing can contribute so much to establish the power of the English in this country on the most solid and lasting foundation as an interest properly established at that Court.
"Such other arguments as might be produced for the necessity of your stay, till affairs are a little more settled in this country, not coming properly under my province, I shall pass over; nor should I have troubled you with so much on this subject, but that, as these reflections have been suggested to me by my particular employ at the Durbar, I thought they might not so readily occur to, or carry the same weight with, any other person; to which I may add, that, as I have in common with the whole settlement an interest in your stay amongst us, I have a particular one from the difficulties which I well foresee will attend me in my present situation, as soon as I lose your influence."
Clive's correspondence at this period contains the fullest evidence, that, independently of other motives, one great object of his return to England was the hope of being able, by his personal representations and influence, to obtain the adoption of measures which he thought calculated to preserve India. He desired to obtain for the Governors of the three Presidencies commissions from his Majesty as Major-Generals, in order that their superior rank might put an end to the pretensions and independent powers of his Majesty's officers, which had been found, on some occasions, seriously to impede and injure the public service. He was also anxious, as he stated in several letters, to arrive in England before peace was concluded with France.
Writing to Mr. Vansittart upon these subjects, he observes[[86]], "All things considered, my design is to get with the utmost expedition to England. Supposing I set out in January, I may arrive the beginning of May; and an answer to my proposals may come to hand the end of the same year. My intention is to get you fixt in this government, and to have Forde and Caillaud at the head of the military; and, if possible, to prevail on the Directors" (for it entirely depends upon them) "to apply to his Majesty for commissions of Major-Generals for the Governors, for the time being, of the three Presidencies. If my interest prevails, I flatter myself I shall have rendered the Company more service by my return to England than by my stay in Bengal. If a peace should be on the tapis, I may be of some use likewise; for convinced I am the Directors are not masters sufficiently of the subject, and will probably conclude a peace in Europe, which cannot possibly be abided by in the East Indies."
I shall, hereafter, have occasion to show the correctness of his conjectures, with respect to the benefit which might be derived from his presence in England on the expected occurrence of a peace with France.
To understand the causes of the contradictory orders from England, which weakened and distracted the governments in India, it will be necessary to take a short view of the actual state of the Court of Directors, and of that of the proprietors at this period.
Mr. Payne was Chairman, and at the head of the majority by whom the government of rotation was first appointed. To judge from the facts before us, and, indeed, from his published narratives, we should believe Mr. Holwell to have been the person who first suggested this expedient. He had proceeded to England soon after he was released by Suraj-u-Dowlah; and his claims and sufferings appear to have made a considerable impression upon many of the Directors. Still he was too young a servant to be nominated governor; but the plan of the rotation government gave him a share of that dignity which he could not hope to hold alone; and he himself informs us, that the Directors, after protracted discussions upon this subject, agreed unanimously[[87]] in the scheme of vesting the government of Bengal in four of their servants, Messrs. Watts, Manningham, Becher, and Holwell; but this resolution, as stated at the period, was only intended as a temporary measure.
A general reform of the settlement of Fort William was subsequently taken into consideration, and a plan was adjusted at various meetings, at which none were present but the two Chairmen, the Secretary, and Mr. Holwell.[[88]]
About this period, violent opposition arose to the Chairman and his friends, headed by his deputy Mr. Lawrence Sulivan, Mr. Stephen Law, and several men of talent. This party were indefatigable in their exertions; and, although they were a minority in the Court of Directors, they had great influence with the Proprietors. They early declared themselves decidedly hostile to the continuance of the rotation government; and when the accounts of Clive's successes led to his nomination, Mr. Sulivan proposed that a resolution should be added, to the following effect:—
"That the important changes in their affairs in Bengal, made the expedient of the rotation no longer needful, but that Mr. Watts should be appointed to succeed the Colonel."
After a debate on this question, in which the opposing parties were very violent, Colonel Clive was nominated, but to be succeeded, on leaving India, by the rotation government; and the proposed reforms in the government of Fort William were directed to be carried into execution. The minority, undismayed by their defeat, had recourse to the General Court, and carried by their influence the proposition,—
"That the rotation of four should be abolished, and the government of Bengal be conducted by a single Governor and Council as heretofore."
The Court of Proprietors, at the same time that it came to this resolution, declared it had no intention of interfering with the appointment of the Governor and Council, which belonged wholly to the Court of Directors; in which this subject gave rise to further discussions. The names of Mr. Watts and Mr. Holwell were brought forward as successors to Clive; and the majority being in favour of the latter, he was elected. This choice was no sooner made than the Chairman read a letter he had previously received from Mr. Holwell, requesting, should he be elected, to decline the station in favour of Mr. Manningham, who was (he stated) senior, and whose claims were so great, that, if he were superseded, he would in all likelihood retire; and his loss would be seriously injurious to the public service.
Those who opposed Mr. Holwell's elevation gave him little credit for this display of self-denial. It was certain, they alleged, that Mr. Manningham was on the eve of his return to England, and that Mr. Holwell, if appointed his successor, would have both the station, and the merit of having waived his own pretensions in favour of a much older and more deserving public servant. Whatever were his motives, his suggestion was attended to. Mr. Manningham was (in the event of Clive's leaving India) nominated Governor; and Mr. Holwell and Mr. Becher were appointed to be, in their turn, his successors. Affairs continued in this state until the general election of Directors in April, 1758, when the minority brought forward a list of Directors in opposition to that of the majority, or house-list. A violent contest arose, but the ballot terminated in favour of the late minority; whose friends in the new direction outnumbered their opponents. From this date, Mr. Sulivan, who became Chairman, acquired an influence and power in the India House which he long maintained. He was, at this period, greatly indebted to Clive, who gave him all his support, believing him, from his talents and his former residence in India, more fitted than any of his competitors for the management of the affairs of the Company.
Writing to Mr. S. Law[[89]] on this subject, he observes:—
"It has given me much pleasure to hear Mr. Sulivan is at the head of the Direction. Much more may be expected from one who has laid the foundation of his knowledge in India, than from those who have no experience but what they have pick't up in the city of London."
Clive, writing to Mr. Smyth King[[90]], ascribes the fall of Mr. Payne's party to their "endeavours to keep up that absurd system (as he justly terms it) of the rotation;" and in the same letter he says, "I have to request you will support Mr. Sulivan as far as your interest goes; he shall have all mine, because I am persuaded his endeavours are used for the good of the service."
In almost all his letters[[91]] of this period to his friends in England, he urges the same request, and upon the same grounds. He could, at this time, have little anticipation, that he was strengthening the man, who was hereafter to prove the most violent and powerful of all the assailants of his fame and fortune.
When Mr. Sulivan had gained the ascendancy, his first measure was to stop the vessels under despatch, and to change the commission of Government, and indeed to annul all the appointments of his predecessor. Colonel Clive was re-appointed Governor; Mr. Watts second and successor; after him, Major Kilpatrick and nine other members of Council, who were to succeed according to their seniority. Mr. Holwell was no more than fifth on this list; but, by death and the departure for England of those above him, he became, when Clive left India, the person to succeed him.
The Directors, in the contests and changes which have been described, were believed to be as much (if not more) governed by personal attachments and resentments, as by considerations of duty. The public clamour was loud against them; and when, after stopping the ships, they applied for convoy, Lord Anson (then at the head of the Admiralty) told them[[92]], "that in place of labouring for the interest of the Company and the nation, their sole aim seemed to be gratifying their private resentments, distressing His Majesty's service, and embroiling their constituents' affairs."
The mind of Clive was naturally much occupied in devising the best means of preserving to his country the valuable possessions in India which he had been so greatly instrumental in acquiring. After what has been stated of the conduct of the Court of Directors, it is not surprising that he should have come to a conclusion, that the India Government in England, in its actual condition, was incompetent to the large and increasing duties which it had to perform. With regard to Bengal, while he saw no stability in the administration of Meer Jaffier, a vision of its future greatness was before him; and he submitted his thoughts upon this subject in a letter to Mr. Pitt, whom alone, among the Ministers of England, he considered competent to comprehend all the points and interests of this important question. The following is his letter to that great statesman:—
"To the Right Hon. William Pitt,
"One of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of State.
"Sir,
"Suffer an admirer of yours at this distance to congratulate himself on the glory and advantage which are likely to accrue to the nation by your being at its head, and at the same to return his most grateful thanks for the distinguished manner you have been pleased to speak of his successes in these parts, far indeed beyond his deservings.
"The close attention you bestow on the affairs of the British nation in general has induced me to trouble you with a few particulars relative to India, and to lay before you an exact account of the revenues of this country, the genuineness whereof you may depend upon, as it has been faithfully extracted from the Minister's books.
"The great revolution that has been effected here by the success of the English arms, and the vast advantages gained to the Company by a treaty concluded in consequence thereof, have, I observe, in some measure, engaged the public attention; but much more may yet in time be done, if the Company will exert themselves in the manner the importance of their present possessions and future prospects deserves. I have represented to them in the strongest terms the expediency of sending out and keeping up constantly such a force as will enable them to embrace the first opportunity of further aggrandising themselves; and I dare pronounce, from a thorough knowledge of this country government[[93]], and of the genius of the people, acquired by two years' application and experience, that such an opportunity will soon offer. The reigning Subah, whom the victory at Plassey invested with the sovereignty of these provinces, still, it is true, retains his attachment to us, and probably, while he has no other support, will continue to do so; but Musselmans are so little influenced by gratitude, that should he ever think it his interest to break with us, the obligations he owes us would prove no restraint: and this is very evident from his having lately removed his Prime Minister, and cut off two or three principal officers, all attached to our interest, and who had a share in his elevation. Moreover, he is advanced in years; and his son is so cruel, worthless a young fellow, and so apparently an enemy to the English, that it will be almost unsafe trusting him with the succession. So small a body as two thousand Europeans will secure us against any apprehensions from either the one or the other; and, in case of their daring to be troublesome, enable the Company to take the sovereignty upon themselves.
"There will be the less difficulty in bringing about such an event, as the natives themselves have no attachment whatever to particular princes; and as, under the present Government, they have no security for their lives or properties, they would rejoice in so happy an exchange as that of a mild for a despotic Government: and there is little room to doubt our easily obtaining the Moghul's sunnud (or grant) in confirmation thereof, provided we agreed to pay him the stipulated allotment out of the revenues, viz. fifty lacs annually. This has, of late years, been very ill-paid, owing to the distractions in the heart of the Moghul Empire, which have disabled that court from attending to their concerns in the distant provinces: and the Vizier has actually wrote to me, desiring I would engage the Nabob to make the payments agreeable to the former usage; nay, further: application has been made to me from the Court of Delhi, to take charge of collecting this payment, the person entrusted with which is styled the King's Dewan, and is the next person both in dignity and power to the Subah. But this high office I have been obliged to decline for the present, as I am unwilling to occasion any jealousy on the part of the Subah; especially as I see no likelihood of the Company's providing us with a sufficient force to support properly so considerable an employ, and which would open a way for securing the Subahship to ourselves. That this would be agreeable to the Moghul can hardly be questioned, as it would be so much to his interest to have these countries under the dominion of a nation famed for their good faith, rather than in the hands of people who, a long experience has convinced him, never will pay him his proportion of the revenues, unless awed into it by the fear of the Imperial army marching to force them thereto.
"But so large a sovereignty may possibly be an object too extensive for a mercantile Company; and it is to be feared they are not of themselves able, without the nation's assistance, to maintain so wide a dominion. I have therefore presumed, Sir, to represent this matter to you, and submit it to your consideration, whether the execution of a design, that may hereafter be still carried to greater lengths, be worthy of the Government's taking it into hand. I flatter myself I have made it pretty clear to you, that there will be little or no difficulty in obtaining the absolute possession of these rich kingdoms; and that with the Moghul's own consent, on condition of paying him less than a fifth of the revenues thereof. Now I leave you to judge, whether an income yearly of upwards of two millions sterling, with the possession of three provinces abounding in the most valuable productions of nature and of art, be an object deserving the public attention; and whether it be worth the nation's while to take the proper measures to secure such an acquisition,—an acquisition which, under the management of so able and disinterested a minister, would prove a source of immense wealth to the kingdom, and might in time be appropriated in part as a fund towards diminishing the heavy load of debt under which we at present labour. Add to these advantages the influence we shall thereby acquire over the several European nations engaged in the commerce here, which these could no longer carry on but through our indulgence, and under such limitations as we should think fit to prescribe. It is well worthy consideration, that this project may be brought about without draining the mother country, as has been too much the case with our possessions in America. A small force from home will be sufficient, as we always make sure of any number we please of black troops, who, being both much better paid and treated by us than by the country powers, will very readily enter into our service. Mr. Walsh, who will have the honour of delivering you this, having been my Secretary during the late fortunate expedition, is a thorough master of the subject, and will be able to explain to you the whole design, and the facility with which it may be executed, much more to your satisfaction, and with greater perspicuity, than can possibly be done in a letter. I shall therefore only further remark, that I have communicated it to no other person but yourself; nor should I have troubled you, Sir, but from a conviction that you will give a favourable reception to any proposal intended for the public good.
"The greatest part of the troops belonging to this establishment are now employed in an expedition against the French in the Deckan; and, by the accounts lately received from thence, I have great hopes we shall succeed in extirpating them from the province of Golconda, where they have reigned lords paramount so long, and from whence they have drawn their principal resources during the troubles upon the coast.
"Notwithstanding the extraordinary effort made by the French in sending out M. Lally with a considerable force the last year, I am confident, before the end of this, they will be near their last gasp in the Carnatic[[94]], unless some very unforeseen event interpose in their favour. The superiority of our squadron, and the plenty of money and supplies of all kinds which our friends on the coast will be furnished with from this province, while the enemy are in total want of every thing, without any visible means of redress, are such advantages as, if properly attended to, cannot fail of wholly effecting their ruin in that as well as in every other part of India.
"May the zeal and the vigorous measures, projected for the service of the nation, which have so eminently distinguished your ministry, be crowned with all the success they deserve, is the most fervent wish of him who is, with the greatest respect,
"Sir,
"Your most devoted humble servant,