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ADMIRAL VISCOUNT JELLICOE OF SCAPA, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O.

THE GRAND FLEET
1914–1916

ITS CREATION, DEVELOPMENT AND WORK

BY
ADMIRAL VISCOUNT JELLICOE
OF SCAPA
G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O.

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS, PLANS AND DIAGRAMS

NEW YORK
GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY

COPYRIGHT, 1919,
BY GEORGE H. DORAN COMPANY

PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

TO MY COMRADES
OF THE GRAND FLEET

PREFACE

In the following pages the work of the Grand Fleet, from the outbreak of war until the end of November, 1916, is described.

The writing of this record of the work of the Grand Fleet, of which little has been heard by the nation hitherto, has helped to fill in days of leisure. The manuscript was finished by the autumn of 1918, but publication was deferred for obvious reasons. When the armistice had been signed and the German Navy had, for all practical purposes, ceased to exist, I felt free to issue the book. The final revision has been done hastily owing to my early departure for the Dominions, and in the circumstances I hope I may rely on the indulgence of readers if any clerical errors have escaped me. In order to minimise the chances of such errors Mr. Archibald Hurd has kindly read the proofs, and I am much indebted to him.

The narrative necessarily includes an account of the gradual organisation and development of the Grand Fleet, and its bases, by successive steps, after the hoisting of my flag on the outbreak of hostilities; and the manner in which the changing conditions of naval warfare were met is also dealt with.

Admiral Mahan, amongst others, has truly said that whilst the principles of naval strategy are unchangeable, experience in war and changes in the weapons with which war is waged may profoundly affect the application of those principles.

The truth of this statement was shown in the Russo-Japanese war; in the short interval between 1904 and 1914 further great advances took place in the technique of warfare; these produced a striking influence on strategy and tactics during the late war.

The reasons which made it necessary, during the war, to hide from public view the work of the Grand Fleet no longer exist, and it will no doubt be of interest to the nation to learn something of its operations, especially as, for various justifiable reasons, few despatches were issued dealing with its activities. So far as the Battle Fleet was concerned, the Battle of Jutland was the one exception, and that despatch was written and published when it was necessary to conceal a good deal from the enemy.

As is inevitable, much of the information in this volume is of a technical character and, though interesting to seamen, may prove less so to the general reader. Those who take this view may decide that Chapters IV to X, inclusive, require only to be glanced at. Confidential matter, which it is still undesirable to make public, has been excluded from the book. Some of this may see the light in later years.

The main portion of the book is written in narrative form, but where it is thought that an explanation may be useful, as to the reasons which governed any particular movement or decision, such reason is given in order that opportunity may be afforded the reader of understanding the purpose in view and the manner in which it was hoped to achieve it.

In some parts of the book reference is made to the Germans being superior to us in matériel. There were many directions, however, in which war experience showed the correctness of our views and the wisdom of our pre-war policy. We did, in fact, obtain a margin of safety in the most essential type of vessel, the capital ship, and we did gain advantage from the heavier calibre of our guns. Naval policy is pursued in peace conditions under inevitable disadvantages in a democratic country, because there are many claims on the Exchequer. Reviewing our pre-war programmes of ship construction and equipment, and bearing in mind the unconsciousness of the nation generally as to the imminence of war, it is matter for satisfaction that the Boards of Admiralty from the beginning of the century were able to achieve so much, and that when at last war became inevitable the nation had in control of its destinies at Whitehall a First Lord and a First Sea Lord who, accepting their responsibility, mobilised the Fleet before war was actually declared, thus securing for us inestimable advantages, as, I hope, I have demonstrated in my record of the Grand Fleet. The years of strenuous work and training carried out by the officers and men of the Fleet, which should never be forgotten, had made of it a magnificent fighting machine, and bore ample fruit during the war.

The Germans, in creating their Fleet, followed generally the British lead. In this book reference is made to the general efficiency of the German Navy and of the good design and fine equipment of their ships. These points were never questioned by British naval officers, and the shameful surrender of the host of the German ships in 1918 did not alter the opinions previously formed. That surrender was the result of broken moral.

More than a hundred years after the Battle of Trafalgar, and after a century of controversy, the Admiralty considered it desirable to appoint a committee to decide whether that action was fought in accordance with the original intentions of the Commander-in-Chief, as embodied in his famous Memorandum. It is hoped that the facts recorded in this book, and the comments accompanying them, constitute a clear statement of the making of the Grand Fleet and the manner in which it endeavoured, whilst under my command, to fulfil its mission.

CONTENTS

ILLUSTRATIONS

PLANS AND DIAGRAMS

PLANS

DIAGRAMS

THE GRAND FLEET, 1914–1916

CHAPTER I
THE OPENING OF THE WAR

Early in 1914, whilst serving at the Admiralty as Second Sea Lord, I had been offered and had accepted the command of the Home Fleets, which in the ordinary course would have become vacant in the following December on the expiration of Admiral Sir George Callaghan’s term of command, and public announcement was made of the intended appointment.

Sir George Callaghan was my senior by seven years, and he and I had served together in China fourteen years before, when I was Flag Captain to Admiral—afterwards Admiral of the Fleet—Sir Edward Seymour. He had since had what is probably a unique period of sea service, passing from one appointment to another without an interval of half pay. Soon after his promotion to flag rank he had become Rear-Admiral in the old Channel Fleet; thence he had gone on to the 5th Cruiser Squadron in 1907; two years later he became second in command in the Mediterranean, and on the expiration of his term there, in 1910, he returned to take up the appointment of Vice-Admiral commanding the Second Division of the Home Fleets, succeeding to the position of Commander-in-Chief in 1910. The usual period for which the Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleet was supposed to fly his flag was two years, but in 1913 the Admiralty, accurately interpreting the sentiment of the whole Service, extended Sir George Callaghan’s appointment. And it was the approaching termination of this further period of command—to the regret of the Admiralty, for which I can speak from personal knowledge, and to the regret also of the officers and men of the Home Fleets—which led to my nomination in the spring of that year.

In the latter part of July, when the situation in Europe had assumed a threatening aspect, Mr. Churchill, the First Lord, informed me that in the event of hostilities occurring involving this country, it was considered necessary that the Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleets should have the assistance of a second in command, and he added that I had been selected for the appointment, and it was desired that I should arrange with Sir George as to the ship in which I should fly my flag.

Sir George Callaghan visited the Admiralty very shortly afterwards, and it was decided between us that the battleship Centurion should be my flagship. We discussed the slight reorganisation that this would involve in the Fleet, and I selected my staff, which comprised: Captain R. W. Bentinck as Chief of the Staff; Lieut. H. Fitzherbert as Flag Lieutenant; Lieut.-Commander E. Hardman Jones as Signal Officer; Lieut.-Commander R. L. Nicholson as Wireless Officer; Lieut.-Commander (N.) A. F. B. Carpenter as War Staff Officer, and Fleet Paymaster H. H. Share as Secretary.

On July 28th, with no premonition of coming events, I was present at a dinner party given by Lord Morley at the United Services Club. The party was interesting, as it comprised Field-Marshal Lord Kitchener, Mr. Churchill, Lord Haldane, Lord Bryce, and others who figured later prominently in the War.

During the two following days conferences took place at the Admiralty as to the disposition of the Fleet, etc., and, in view of the threatening political situation, the work of demobilisation after the King’s inspection at Spithead and the subsequent short fleet exercises were suspended, pending further developments. I met Lord Kitchener, who was about to return to Egypt, on one or two occasions at the Admiralty during these days.

On July 30th I turned over the duties of Second Sea Lord, which I had discharged since December, 1912, to Vice-Admiral Sir Frederick Hamilton, K.C.B., and made my final preparations for joining the Fleet as second in command.

I spent some hours at the Admiralty on the following day, and during a conversation with Mr. Churchill and the Marquis of Milford Haven, the then First Sea Lord, it was intimated to me that, in certain circumstances, I might be appointed Commander-in-Chief in succession to Sir George Callaghan.

This intimation came upon me as a great surprise, and I protested against such an appointment being made on what might possibly be on the very eve of war. Nothing definite was settled. I left, however, with the impression that the change was not one that had been finally decided upon, but that it might take place. I left London the same night by the mail train for Wick, the Commander-in-Chief having informed me that he would send a vessel to meet me there.

The idea that the change might be made occupied my thoughts during the journey to the North. As I thought over the possibility of a transfer of command at such a moment, the stronger appeared the objections. During the ensuing forty-eight hours I sent several telegrams to both the First Lord and the First Sea Lord on the subject. I dwelt strongly upon the danger of substituting, at such a juncture and at such short notice, an admiral who was not in touch with the Fleet, for a Commander-in-Chief with long experience of the Command. I mentioned, also, the strong feeling of admiration and loyalty to the Commander-in-Chief that existed, and suggested as an alternative that I should act as his assistant on board the Fleet-Flagship. I had in mind that I might act somewhat in the capacity of his Chief of the Staff. In spite of the First Lord’s reiterated opinion, my views remained unaltered, although it did not occur to me that some anxiety might be felt that Sir George Callaghan’s health would not stand the strain of commanding the Fleet in the event of war. That, however, was a matter on which the Admiralty would be better informed than myself, and I had no hesitation in urging the opinions expressed in my successive telegrams.

A thick fog prevailed at Wick, and the Boadicea, the ship in which I made the passage to Scapa Flow, was not able to leave until late in the forenoon of August 2nd, and arrived at Scapa Flow in the afternoon.

When I reported myself to the Commander-in-Chief, the knowledge of the event which was apparently impending made the interview both embarrassing and painful, as I could see that he had no knowledge of the possibility of his leaving the Fleet, and obviously I could not tell him.

We discussed various arrangements, including the question of the defence of Scapa Flow, for which temporary but naturally inadequate measures were being energetically taken with the limited resources at the disposal of the Fleet.

At about 4 A.M. on August 4th, I received Admiralty orders to open a secret envelope which had been handed to me in the train as I was leaving London, by an officer from the Admiralty. This envelope contained my appointment as “Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet”—a new designation which must be explained later.

On this order I was obliged to act, and I proceeded on board the Iron Duke and found that the Commander-in-Chief had received orders to turn over the command to me.

Sir George Callaghan had been my Commander-in-Chief during my command of the 2nd Battle Squadron. He was, in addition, a personal friend, and I, like all those with whom he had been in contact, had the most profound respect and admiration for him. The idea of taking over his command at the moment of his life naturally caused me feelings of the greatest pain, and, moreover, it was impossible to dismiss the fear that the Fleet might conclude that I had been in some measure responsible for the change. This possibility had, of course, been present in my mind from the moment I left London, and it appeared to add to the objections to a change of command at such a juncture, since any idea of this nature prevalent in the Fleet must affect the feeling of loyalty to me as the new Commander-in-Chief.

It is unnecessary to dwell on the matter, but I cannot close this portion of my narrative without paying a warm tribute to the manner in which Sir George accepted the Admiralty decision, which obviously came as a great shock to him. He behaved, as always, as a most gallant officer and gentleman, and his one desire was to make the position easy for me, in entire disregard of his own feelings.

It was decided that I should take over the Command on the following day, but a telegram having been received from the Admiralty ordering the Fleet to proceed to sea at once, I returned to the Iron Duke, and Sir George Callaghan arranged to leave the Fleet in the Sappho before its departure at 8.30 in the morning.

At that hour I took over the Command from Sir George Callaghan, who then struck his flag.

The following ten or fourteen days were a period of great strain and anxiety. To assume so heavy a responsibility as the command of the Grand Fleet at such short notice on the eve of war was in itself a matter not to be taken lightly; it became necessary to gather together the strings of the whole organisation, to ascertain the dispositions already made and those immediately required, and the whole problem was largely complicated by the fact that the port on which the Fleet was based was open to attack both by destroyers and by submarines, the only obstacle to such attack being the navigational difficulties of the Pentland Firth. Though considerable, these were by no means insuperable.

Added to this was my feeling of deep regret at superseding a valued chief and friend at such a moment. The one thing that helped me through this period was the great and most loyal assistance rendered to me by the staff of Sir George Callaghan, who, notwithstanding their intense personal regret at his departure, gave me their very warm support, and concealed from me any trace of the feelings which they must have experienced at my presence amongst them under such exceptional and trying conditions. They behaved as naval officers always behave—in a true spirit of comradeship. The same may be said of the flag officers and captains in the Fleet, and indeed of every officer and man.

Sir George Callaghan left his whole staff with me, with the exception of his flag lieutenant, who accompanied him to London. This staff included: Commodore A. F. Everett, C.B., Captain of the Fleet; Captain R. N. Lawson, Flag Captain; Commander Roger Backhouse, C.B., Flag Commander; Fleet Paymaster C. F. Pollard, C.B., Secretary; Commander the Hon. Matthew Best, War Staff Officer; Commander R. W. Woods, Signal Officer; Lieut.-Commander J. S. Salmond, Wireless Officer; Lieut.-Commander R. M. Bellairs, War Staff Officer; Lieut. W. D. Phipps, Signal Officer.[A]

[A] Later, Commodore L. Halsey, C.M.G., became Captain of the Fleet, Captain F. C. Dreyer, C.B., Flag-Captain; Commander C. M. Forbes, Flag-Commander, and Fleet-Paymaster V. H. T. Weekes, Additional Secretary.

When it became certain that I was to take command of the Fleet, I asked the Admiralty to appoint Rear-Admiral Charles Madden as Chief of the Staff; and I was thus able to transfer Captain R. W. Bentinck to act as Chief of the Staff to Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender, the next senior flag officer in the Fleet.

The composition of the Grand Fleet was:

Fleet-Flagship—H.M.S. Iron Duke.

Attached Ships—H.M.S. Sappho, H.M.S. Oak.

BATTLE FLEET

1st Battle Squadron:

Vice-Admiral Sir Lewis Bayly, K.C.B. (in command).

Rear-Admiral H. Evan Thomas (2nd in command).

Battleships Marlborough (Flag), St. Vincent (Rear Flag), Colossus, Hercules, Neptune, Vanguard, Collingwood, Superb, Bellona (attached Light Cruiser), Cyclops (repair ship)

2nd Battle Squadron:

Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender, Bart., K.C.B. (in command).

Rear-Admiral Sir Robert Arbuthnot, Bart. (2nd in command).

Battleships King George V. (Flag), Orion (Rear Flag), Ajax, Audacious, Centurion, Conqueror, Monarch, Thunderer, Boadicea (attached Light Cruiser), Assistance (repair ship).

4th Battle Squadron:

Vice-Admiral Sir Douglas Gamble, K.C.V.O. (in command).

Battleships Dreadnought (Flag), Temeraire, Bellerophon, Blonde (attached Light Cruiser).

3rd Battle Squadron:

Vice-Admiral E. E. Bradford, C.V.O. (in command).

Rear-Admiral M. E. Browning (2nd in command).

Battleships King Edward VII. (Flag), Hibernia (Rear Flag), Commonwealth, Zealandia, Dominion, Africa, Britannia, Hindustan, Blanche (attached Light Cruiser).

1st Battle Cruiser Squadron:

Vice-Admiral (acting) Sir David Beatty (in command).

Battleships Lion (Flag), Princess Royal, Queen Mary, New Zealand.

2nd Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral the Hon. S. Gough-Calthorpe (in command).

Cruisers Shannon (Flag), Achilles, Cochrane, Natal.

3rd Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral W. C. Pakenham, C.B. (in command).

Cruisers Antrim (Flag), Argyll, Devonshire, Roxburgh.

1st Light Cruiser Squadron:

Commodore W. E. Goodenough (in command).

Light Cruisers Southampton (Flag), Birmingham, Lowestoft, Nottingham.

Destroyer Flotillas

Second Flotilla:

Captain J. R. P. Hawkesley (in command in Active).

Destroyers Acorn, Alarm, Brisk, Cameleon, Comet, Fury, Goldfinch, Hope, Larne, Lyra, Martin, Minstrel, Nemesis, Nereide, Nymphe, Redpole, Rifleman, Ruby, Sheldrake, Staunch.

Fourth Flotilla:

Captain C. J. Wintour (in command in Swift).

Destroyers Acasta, Achates, Ambuscade, Ardent, Christopher, Cockatrice, Contest, Fortune, Garland, Hardy, Lynx, Midge, Owl, Paragon, Porpoise, Shark, Sparrowhawk, Spitfire, Unity, Victor.

Mine-Sweeping Gunboats:

Commander L. G. Preston (in command).

H.M. Ships Skipjack (S.O. Ship) (absent at first), Circe, Gossamer, Leda, Speedwell, Jason, Seagull.

Shetland Patrol Force: Forward (Scout) and four destroyers of the River class.

The above vessels formed the Fleet under the immediate command of the Commander-in-Chief at the outbreak of hostilities. In addition, there were in southern waters, and also under the command of the Commander-in-Chief, the following vessels:

THE HARWICH FORCE

This force, although an integral portion of the Grand Fleet, was based on Harwich. It was intended that it should join the Grand Fleet at sea, if possible, in the event of a fleet action being imminent, and for this reason it was included in the organisation of the Fleet for battle; but the force did not, in actual fact, ever so join the Fleet, nor did I expect that it would be able to do so. At the outbreak of war it was commanded by Commodore R. Y. Tyrwhitt in H.M.C. Amethyst and comprised:

1st Flotilla

Commanded by Captain W. Blunt in Fearless with 20 destroyers.

3rd Flotilla

Commanded by Captain C. H. Fox in Amphion with 15 destroyers.

Included also in the organisation of the Home Fleets, which Sir George Callaghan had commanded-in-chief, were the Second and Third Fleets:

SECOND FLEET

(under command of Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.).

Fleet-Flagship Lord Nelson, Rear-Admirals Stuart-Nicholson and Bernard Currey (commanding Battle Squadrons).

5th Battle Squadron:

Prince of Wales (Flag), Agamemnon, Bulwark, Formidable, Implacable, Irresistible, London, Queen, Venerable.

6th Battle Squadron:

Russell (Flag), Cornwallis, Albemarle, Duncan, Exmouth, Vengeance.

5th Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral A. P. Stoddart (in command).

Carnarvon (Flag), Falmouth, Liverpool.

6th Cruiser Squadron:

Rear-Admiral W. L. Grant (in command).

Drake, Good Hope, King Alfred, Leviathan.

(These last two Cruiser Squadrons were, however, broken up immediately, and the ships transferred to other duties.)

Minelayer Squadron, commanded by Captain M. H. Cobbe.

H.M. Ships Naiad (S.O.’s ship), Andromache, Apollo, Intrepid, Iphigenia, Latona, Thetis.

THIRD FLEET

This Fleet comprised the 7th and 8th Battle Squadrons, consisting of our oldest battleships, and the 7th, 9th, 10th, 11th and 12th Cruiser Squadrons, comprising our oldest cruisers.

But the only vessels of this Fleet which were ever associated with the Grand Fleet were the ships of the 10th Cruiser Squadron, which, under the command of Rear-Admiral Dudley de Chair, joined the Grand Fleet shortly after the outbreak of war, the Squadron being employed mainly on blockading duties. It was composed as follows:

Crescent (Flag), Edgar, Endymion, Gibraltar, Grafton, Hawke, Royal Arthur, Theseus.

All submarines, except those of the B and C classes which were detached for the protection of our coast and ports from Rosyth southwards, were worked, in accordance with Admiralty policy, from Harwich, and were not, therefore, under my command. The C class submarines were unfit for oversea work, and our operations in enemy waters were therefore confined to boats of the D and E classes, of which we possessed a total of 8 D’s and 9 E’s, as against the German total of 28 boats of the U class.

CHAPTER II
GENERAL NAVAL STRATEGY IN HOME WATERS

It is hardly surprising if the work and purpose of the Navy had somewhat faded from public interest during the century that had elapsed since the Napoleonic Wars, the last occasion on which the inhabitants of this country had felt that their safety depended on maritime power. Indeed, it had fallen to the lot of a distinguished officer in a foreign navy, Captain Mahan, to awaken interest in this matter, and to point out the all-important influence which Sea Power had exerted, and would exert, on history.

Associations such as the Navy League had been formed, having as their object the enlightenment of our countrymen, and although a great work was done in this direction, the mere necessity for such work is an indication of the extent to which the nation had forgotten the lessons of the past.

I therefore offer no apology for making some reference to the use and purpose of the British Navy.

The main objects for which our Navy exists may be shortly summed up under four heads:

1. To ensure for British ships the unimpeded use of the sea, this being vital to the existence of an island nation, particularly one which is not self-supporting in regard to food.

2. In the event of war, to bring steady economic pressure to bear on our adversary by denying to him the use of the sea, thus compelling him to accept peace.

3. Similarly in the event of war to cover the passage and assist any army sent overseas, and to protect its communications and supplies.

4. To prevent invasion of this country and its overseas Dominions by enemy forces.

The above objects are achieved in the quickest and surest manner by destroying the enemy’s armed naval forces, and this is therefore the first objective of our Fleet. The Fleet exists to achieve victory.

But history has always shown that it is a very difficult matter to impose our will upon a weaker naval adversary, and that, instead of giving us the opportunity of destroying his armed naval forces, he usually keeps the main body of those forces—the Battle Fleet—in positions of safety in fortified harbours, where they are a constant threat to the sea communications of the stronger naval Power, and force upon that Power a watching policy so that the enemy may be engaged, should he put to sea, before he is able to gain any advantage.

The watching policy in the great wars of the Napoleonic era was carried out by keeping our squadrons, through fair or foul weather, in the vicinity of those ports of the enemy in which his fleet lay. Occasionally our ships were driven off by stress of weather, but they regained their stations as soon as conditions permitted. During this war, however, the advent of the submarine and destroyer, and, to a lesser extent, the use of the mine rendered such dispositions impossible.

No large ship could cruise constantly in the vicinity of enemy bases without the certainty that she would fall an early victim to the attacks of submarines. Destroyers could, it is true, afford some measure of protection, but destroyers have a very limited range of action, and could not keep the sea off the enemy’s distant coast even in good weather for a sufficient length of time. Periodical relief of the destroyers was an impossibility, owing to the great numbers that would be required for this purpose.

Moreover, even if the submarine danger could be overcome, the heavy ships would be so open to attack by enemy destroyers at night, if cruising anywhere near enemy bases, that they would certainly be injured, if not sunk, before many days had passed.

These facts had been recognised before the War and a watching policy from a distance decided upon, the watch being instituted for the purpose of preventing enemy vessels from gaining the open sea, where they would constitute a danger to our sea communications. Now a watch maintained at a distance from the port under observation is necessarily only partial, except in circumstances where the enemy has to pass through narrow straits before gaining open water.

The chances of intercepting enemy ships depend entirely on the number of watching vessels and the distance that those on board them can see. At night this distance is very short—on a dark night not more than a quarter of a mile, and even in daylight, under the average conditions of visibility obtaining in the North Sea, it is not more than six to eight miles.

The North Sea, though small in contrast with the Atlantic, is a big water area of about 120,000 square miles in extent. The width across it, between the Shetland Islands and Norway (the narrowest portion), is 160 miles, and an additional 40 miles (the Fair Island Channel) would need to be watched also if a patrol were established along this line.

A consideration of all the circumstances had led to the adoption by the Admiralty of Scapa Flow in the Orkneys as the main Fleet Base, and the Admiralty had determined upon a naval strategy in Home Waters, in the event of war with Germany, based upon the idea that the Grand Fleet would control the North Sea, and that the Channel Fleet would watch the English Channel, thus, in combination, holding the enemy’s main force.

To effect this purpose, it was intended that the main Battle Fleet should occupy, as circumstances permitted, a strategic position in the North Sea where it would act in support of Cruiser Squadrons carrying out sweeps to the southward in search of enemy vessels, and should be favourably placed for bringing the High Sea Fleet to action should it put to sea.

This policy of cruiser sweeps had been adopted as the result of experience in the various naval manœuvres carried out in previous years in the North Sea. These had demonstrated quite clearly that the alternative policy of stretching cruiser patrol lines across the North Sea for the purpose of watching for the enemy was an impracticable one, it having been shown on many occasions that evasion of a single patrol line during the hours of darkness, or even daylight, under the conditions of visibility that usually prevail in the North Sea, is a very simple matter. Further, a line of cruisers occupying regular patrol positions is always in peril of successful submarine attack; the loss of the cruisers Hogue, Cressy and Aboukir showed this. It is also open to a concentrated attack by surface vessels.

The War Orders issued to the Commander-in-Chief of the Grand Fleet were based, therefore, on this general idea, and when the Grand Fleet proceeded to sea in compliance with Admiralty orders at 8.30 A.M. on August the 4th, 1914, it left with the intention of carrying out this general policy. The Channel Fleet, under the command of Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney, assembled in the Channel in accordance with the general strategic dispositions.

The vessels engaged in this first move of the Grand Fleet comprised the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Battle Squadrons, with their attached cruisers; the 1st Battle Cruiser Squadron, with its Light Cruiser Squadron, strengthened by the addition of the Falmouth and Liverpool; the 2nd Cruiser Squadron, and the 3rd Cruiser Squadron. These dispositions continued in force for some three weeks, when the strong influence of the submarine on naval strategy began to make itself apparent.

The ideas held in pre-War days as to the capabilities of submarines were found, after a short experience of war, to need modification. In the first place, it became quickly apparent that the German submarines possessed a radius of action and sea-keeping qualities considerably greater than those of our own submarines. It had been, for instance, looked upon as a considerable achievement for our submarines to keep the sea for a period of five to seven days, and they had not operated at any great distance from the coast. It is true that submarines had on occasion made long voyages such as to Australia, but they were then usually escorted, or even towed, and the number of days from port to port did not approach the length of time for which German submarines remained at sea. Further, it was known that the Germans possessed a considerable superiority in the number of submarines which were capable of operating overseas, and the frequent sighting of enemy submarines as far north as the Orkney and Shetland Islands early in the War, combined with the fact that it appeared that the enemy had established a regular submarine patrol in the centre of the North Sea, made it evident that the German submarines would constitute a very serious menace to our heavy ships.

The comparative strength in submarines in Home Waters at the outbreak of war was as follows:

The Germans also had at least 24 submarines under construction, whilst we were building 19, apart from two experimental vessels of which nothing resulted.

Of these 19 submarines, several were of new type, in pursuance of a policy introduced by the Admiralty in 1913–14 of widening the area of supply of these vessels. This policy had far-reaching and beneficial results on the subsequent output of this class of vessel, as it enabled us to increase our submarine flotillas more rapidly than would otherwise have been the case.

A change in previous naval practice was considered necessary at an early period, because vessels moving at anything but high speed, particularly in the case of a number of ships in company, ran very considerable risks in waters where we might expect enemy submarines to be operating, unless screened by a strong force of destroyers. This conclusion affected the movements and operations of the Battle Fleet, since the number of destroyers we possessed was quite inadequate to form a screen for a Battle Fleet and a Battle Cruiser Squadron which constantly kept the sea. The number required, for such a screen to be effective, was at least 40 for the Battle Fleet alone as then constituted, and that number, 40, was all that we had stationed at the Northern Base. The fuel capacity of destroyers was only sufficient for them to remain at sea in company with a fleet for some three days and nights, whereas the Fleet itself could remain out for three or four times that period. Moreover, the destroyers could not be kept nearly so constantly at sea as the large ships owing to their requirements in the way of boiler-cleaning and the refit and adjustment of their more delicate machinery, and the necessity for giving not only the machinery, but the personnel, periods of rest. The heavy ships, then, had two alternatives, either to remain at sea without a destroyer screen or to return to harbour with the destroyers. In the early days the first alternative was adopted, the risk being accepted, but minimised as far as possible, by keeping the ships in the northern part of the North Sea.

A further danger soon made itself apparent. It became evident at an early period, as many naval officers had expected, in view of German language at the Hague Conference, that our enemy intended to throw overboard the doctrines of international law when he could gain any advantage by doing so. He accordingly proceeded at once to lay mines in positions where he thought they would be advantageous to his operations, in utter disregard of the safety, not only of British, but also of neutral merchant ships. It was, therefore, thought very probable that he would elaborate this practice by laying mines in the North Sea in positions where he anticipated they might prove effective against the Grand Fleet, and that he would do this without issuing any warning to neutral countries. Consequently, if the main Battle Fleet were kept moving continuously in the central and southern waters of the North Sea, in which waters the enemy could easily lay mines with little danger of his operations being witnessed (as he could carry them out under cover of darkness), it was evident that considerable risks might be incurred without our being aware of the fact. The policy of attrition of our Battle Fleet might thus be carried out with such success as to produce equality, or even inferiority, on the part of the British Fleet as compared with the German, in a comparatively short space of time. The only safeguard against such action which we could take would be to keep mine-sweepers constantly working ahead of the Battle Fleet. But the number of mine-sweepers that we possessed was wholly inadequate for such a task; and even if this had not been so, to carry out such an operation would have necessitated the speed of the Battle Fleet being reduced to some 10 knots, the maximum sweeping speed of mine-sweepers, and it would have been forced also to steer a steady course without zigzagging, conditions rendering the battleships exceedingly vulnerable to submarine attack.

The first effect, therefore, of the submarine menace, combined with possible German action in regard to mine-laying, was to cause the Battle Fleet to confine its movements under ordinary conditions to the more northern waters of the North Sea, where the risk might be taken of cruising without the presence of a screen of destroyers, and where it was improbable, owing to the depth of water and the distance from enemy bases, that the Germans would be able to lay mines without discovery.

The fact that this course of action would be forced upon us as the submarine and destroyer menace grew had often been present in my mind in pre-War days, when I had expressed the view that the beginning of a naval war would be a conflict between the small craft, whilst the larger and more valuable vessels were held aloof. I have no doubt that this opinion was very generally held by officers of experience.

The northward movement of the Battle Fleet was combined with the establishment of certain cruiser patrol areas in the North Sea. These areas, which were purposely made large, were watched on a regular, organised plan by our Cruiser Squadrons, moving at fairly high speed in such a manner as to reduce the submarine risk to the cruisers to a minimum, whist at the same time they kept as effective a watch as possible, first, to intercept German war vessels that might be covering a raid on our coasts or transports, or trying to reach the open sea to operate against trade, and, secondly, to ensure that all merchant ships entering or leaving the North Sea should be closely examined in order to enforce the blockade.

This patrol policy was associated with periodical sweeps of cruisers, supported by the Battle Fleet, down into the southern waters of the North Sea, the object being to catch the enemy’s fleet at sea, if possible, and in any case, owing to our movements being probably reported to the Germans by neutral merchant ships, to make them feel that they could never move a force to sea without the possibility of encountering our Fleet engaged in one of these southern sweeps, which we carried out at irregular intervals. A typical sweep is illustrated in accompanying plans. On these occasions the Battle Fleet was kept strictly concentrated during the southern movement, and was screened as far as possible by destroyers against submarine attack; and at times mine-sweepers were directed to work ahead of the Battle Fleet. When this was not possible, owing to the small number of mine-sweepers available or the state of the weather, some of the older battleships of the 6th Battle Squadron, if they were in company, were stationed ahead of the main Battle Fleet in order that, should a minefield be encountered, these older ships would be the first to strike the mines, thus giving sufficient warning to enable me to manœuvre the more valuable ships clear of the field.

This general policy was continued until the attack on the Theseus and loss of the Hawke, belonging to the 10th Cruiser Squadron, by submarine attack on October 15th, 1914, showed that even under the dispositions then adopted, our larger cruisers were being risked to too great an extent when working without destroyers in the central part of the North Sea.

The next move, therefore, was the withdrawal of the cruiser patrols to a safer position farther to the northward and eastward of the Shetland Islands, this being combined with a watch by the smaller craft on the Fair Island Channel, and on the Pentland Firth approaches to the North Sea. Under these conditions the Battle Fleet was often kept either in a position westward of the Orkneys, where it was in support of the cruisers and at the same time formed a second blockade line, or it cruised to the north and east of the Shetland Islands, the cruiser patrols working farther south.

In all the dispositions which were made for a watch on the northern entrance to the North Sea, the principle kept in mind was the necessity for such an organisation of the patrols as to have, in so far as numbers permitted, two lines, or two areas, watched. The two areas were at such a distance apart that vessels moving in or out of the North Sea were forced, so far as all human foresight could provide, to pass through the waters occupied by one of the two groups of ships during daylight hours; the distances apart were regulated according to the length of the night at the different seasons of the year.

As the Battle Fleet worked farther to the northward and westward, it became possible to make use of the heavy ships to assist in blockade work without running undue risks from submarines, and the blockade increased correspondingly in effectiveness. As time went on, however, the provision by the Admiralty of a larger number of armed merchant cruisers enabled us to establish an effective blockade line by the use of these vessels alone, backed up by Cruiser Squadrons when such were available. The withdrawal of the Battle Fleet to more northern and western waters first took effect when the Fleet Base was shifted temporarily from Scapa to Lough Swilly. When this occurred, it did not affect the policy of frequent cruiser sweeps into the southern portion of the North Sea, supported by the Battle Fleet, which were still continued.

The dispositions that have been described took account naturally of two other very important factors.

The first was the transport of our Expeditionary Force to France. It was highly probable that the enemy would endeavour to interfere with this movement, and in the early days of the War it would not have been a difficult matter for him to cause us some loss. His failure to make at least some attempt in this direction showed a lack of enterprise which surprised me, as I think it surprised most naval officers.

The conditions for him were distinctly favourable. Our main Fleet was based, as he must have been aware, far away to the northward, and if he had timed an attack on the cross-Channel traffic for a period during which he reckoned that the Grand Fleet, or at least the destroyers, were returning to the base to fuel, he would have stood a good chance of making the attack and returning to his base before that Fleet could intervene. Consequently, he would only have had to deal with the comparatively light forces based in southern waters. On the other hand, if our Fleet arrived on the scene without destroyers, the Germans would have possessed no mean advantage.

The enemy was provided with a large number of modern destroyers, and some of them would have been well expended over a Channel dash, which would in all probability have met with some success. During the transport of the Expeditionary Force the heavy ships of the Grand Fleet kept the sea as far as possible in order to cover the movement, but the destroyers were constantly returning to the base to fuel.

The second factor which had considerable influence on Fleet dispositions was the possibility of an attempt at a raid or invasion by the enemy. Such a move was not very likely in the earliest days of the War, when the nights were comparatively short and the Expeditionary Force had not left the country. It is also probable that the enemy had few troops to spare for the purpose. But the chances became greater as we denuded the country of men, and the conditions in other respects became more favourable. In October and November, 1914, I held and expressed the opinion that, if raids were attempted, landings would probably be effected in the rivers on the East Coast, the entrances to which were either unprotected or inadequately protected. A beach landing on our East Coast can only be carried out in fine weather, and the chances of encountering favourable conditions on arrival off the coast are not great, and I always doubted the attempt being made. In our rivers the opportunities are greater, and are not so dependent on fine weather, and I suggested to the Admiralty that a simple preventive in this case was to place merchant ships in position ready to be sunk across the channels (which are narrow and shallow), the ships being fitted with explosive charges below ready to blow out the bottoms in case of necessity. I mentioned the names of certain retired naval officers who, I felt certain, would make all the necessary preparations in a very few days. I believe that my proposals were carried out.

The danger of raids, however, and the consequent responsibility thrown upon the Admiralty for their prevention, during a period when we had very little military force in the country, led to a division of the Fleet by Admiralty direction, which, however necessary, had certain disadvantages from a strategic point of view.

The 3rd Battle Squadron, consisting of eight ships of the “King Edward VII.” class, and the 3rd Cruiser Squadron of four ships of the “County” class, were ordered to be based on Rosyth, together with destroyers for screening purposes. The eventuality that had then to be faced was that of the remainder of the Grand Fleet having to engage the High Sea Fleet, since concentration with the 3rd Battle Squadron could probably not be effected without the risk of losing the opportunity of engaging.

At this time the battle cruisers Princess Royal, Invincible, and Inflexible were in the Atlantic operating against Von Spee’s squadron; and the Australia, Indomitable had not joined the Grand Fleet. The Tiger was not yet ready, so that at times our battle cruiser force consisted of only three ships, the Lion, Queen Mary, and New Zealand.

Throughout the War the responsibility of the Fleet for the prevention of raids or invasion was a factor which had a considerable influence on naval strategy.

If the Fleet, with destroyers, carried out a sweep in the North Sea, or if it was at sea for a cruise having exercises for its main object, there was bound to be present in the mind of the Commander-in-Chief the chance that he might be required suddenly to move south to engage the High Sea Fleet which had put to sea to cover a landing. If his destroyers were short of fuel at such a moment very serious consequences might ensue, and therefore all cruiser sweeps or other operations had to be curtailed to prevent such a situation arising.

One other factor exercised a cramping effect upon our naval strategy throughout the War, namely, the bombardment of our undefended towns on the East Coast. Such bombardments were of no immediate military value to the enemy, but, in spite of the fact that the majority of the Press, and the public, realised that the Navy should not be led into false strategy because of these bombardments, it was difficult for the Fleet to ignore them, and I have no doubt that the Germans relied upon this fact.

Whilst the Fleet was based at Scapa Flow, it was quite impossible to ensure that the enemy would be brought to action after such an operation, since to attain this end it would have been necessary for the Fleet, or a portion of it, to be constantly cruising in the southern portion of the North Sea. This was not practicable, even had it been desirable, because of the impossibility of keeping destroyers with the heavier ships, and in any case it was false strategy to divide the Battle Fleet, as such a course might well have resulted in disaster.

The usual course adopted was to base the Battle Cruiser Fleet on Rosyth, and for that Fleet to cruise from that neighbourhood. The speed of the battle cruisers enabled them to get away from a decidedly superior enemy force of battleships if encountered, but there was always some risk in this case of a ship being disabled; the flag officer in command would then have been faced with the unpleasant alternative of abandoning her or of risking his whole force to cover her retreat.

Had we been able to keep an effective look-out off the enemy ports, so as to obtain warning of their ships leaving, the difficulty would not have been so great, but our submarines in those days (the only class of vessel which could be used for such a purpose) were not fitted with wireless installations with which they could signal from the required positions, or indeed from positions anywhere near the enemy’s coast, and, in any case, it must be borne in mind that at night the exit of enemy vessels unobserved, even under the conditions of a close submarine look-out, is a comparatively easy matter.

At this stage it is convenient to remark upon the condition of British naval bases. As is well known, the Grand Fleet was moved to Scapa Flow during the latter days of July, 1914, and the defenceless condition of the Base, both against destroyer attack and submarine attack, was brought very strongly into prominence by the presence of so valuable a Fleet at this Base.

The anchorage known as Scapa Flow has three main entrances navigable by all ships, the Hoxa, the Switha, and Hoy Channels, and, in addition, has some more narrow, shallow and tortuous entrances on the eastern side, the main one being Holm Sound. The question of providing gun defences for this Base, which the Admiralty had decided a year or two before the War was to be the main Fleet Base, had been discussed on more than one occasion, after examination by a committee of officers on the spot; but, since finance governs defence, and the Admiralty from year to year had insufficient money for even more urgent needs, no action had been taken. Scapa Flow lies some 450 miles from the German naval bases, and was, therefore, open to an attack by enemy’s destroyer flotillas as well as, of course, by submarines. Its main, indeed its only, safety against such attacks by submarines lay in the navigational difficulties attendant upon entry into the harbour, combined, as regards destroyer attacks, with the possibility of an enemy’s force being intercepted on its outward or homeward passage, or of its being successfully engaged in the vicinity of the base. The sailing directions laid great stress upon the difficulties of navigations in the approaches to this Base, due to the very strong and varying currents, but the Germans were well acquainted with the Orkney and Shetland Islands. They had indeed made it a practice to send ships to visit these islands fairly frequently before the War, and they were, therefore, as well able to judge of the difficulties of entry into Scapa Flow as we were; and seeing that we used it as a main Fleet Base, they could deduce the fact, if they did not know it already, that the difficulties of entry were not insuperable.

Sir George Callaghan, under these conditions, on the arrival of the Fleet at Scapa Flow at the end of July, took immediate steps, with the resources at his disposal in the Fleet, to improvise defences for the Base against destroyer attack. All that he could do was to land some 12-pounder guns from the ships of the Fleet and mount them at the entrances. No searchlights could, however, be provided, so that the guns were not of much value at night. Arrangements were also made for placing light cruisers and destroyers at the various entrances to assist these defences. The further step, of course, was taken when the Fleet was present at the Base of placing patrols to the eastward of the Pentland Firth. It was not felt in the Fleet, however, that these measures gave much security even against destroyer attack on a dark night, and, it gave no security whatever against submarine attack. Nothing but obstructions of some kind could give that security. The matter was frequently discussed. Although many brains had been at work, no satisfactory anti-submarine obstruction had been devised. Under the urgent pressure of war the solution was found. The conclusion generally held by experienced submarine officers was that, whilst the least important entrances, such as the Hoy, the Switha and the Holm Sound Channels, would be extremely difficult for the passage of a submarine, entry by the Hoxa Sound Channel was quite practicable by a determined submarine officer. So much for the Base at Scapa Flow.

At Cromarty the conditions were somewhat better. The only entrance to this Base is comparatively narrow, and was defended against the entry of destroyers and larger vessels by guns, which had been mounted by the Admiralty before war broke out. There was, however, no boom protection against the entry of destroyers, and the conditions in regard to submarine attack were the same as at Scapa Flow, there being no obstructions.

At Rosyth the same conditions prevailed as at Cromarty, namely, the harbour was defended by guns only against attack by destroyers. In this case, the guns were manned by the military, and not by marines, as at Cromarty; again the harbour was quite open to submarine attack.

DESTROYERS RAISING STEAM ON THE FIRST OCCASION OF A SUBMARINE BEING REPORTED INSIDE SCAPA FLOW

THE FIRST OBSTRUCTION AT SCAPA FLOW

Consequently, the anxiety of officers in command of Fleets or Squadrons at anchor in any of the Bases used by the Grand Fleet was immense. For my part, I was always far more concerned for the safety of the Fleet when it was at anchor in Scapa Flow during the exceedingly brief periods which were spent there for coaling in the early days of the War, than I was when the Fleet was at sea, and this anxiety was reflected in the very short time that the Fleet was kept in harbour. It was also the cause of my taking the Fleet to sea very hurriedly on more than one occasion owing to the reported presence of a submarine in the anchorage, and considerable risks were accepted in getting the Fleet to sea in very thick weather at night on at least one of these occasions.

I have often wondered why the Germans did not make greater efforts to reduce our strength in capital ships by destroyer or submarine attacks on our bases in those early days. They possessed, in comparison with the uses for which they were required, almost a superfluity of destroyers, certainly a superfluity as compared with ourselves, and they could not have put them to a better use than in an attack on Scapa Flow during the early months of the 1914–1915 winter.

In August, 1914, Germany had 96 destroyers in home waters fit for such an operation, all with a speed of, or exceeding, 30 knots, this number being in addition to a total of 48 more destroyers, rather smaller and with speeds varying between 26 and 30 knots, which were quite fit for work in the Baltic or in the vicinity of German bases in the North Sea.

This country had in home waters at the same period only 76 destroyers that could be compared with the German vessels in view of modern requirements, and 33 of these had a speed of only 27 knots. Of the 76 destroyers, 40 were allotted to the Grand Fleet proper, the remaining 36 being based on Harwich. We had in addition 11 large and fast destroyers of the “Tribal” class which, owing to their small fuel capacity, were only of use in southern waters and were appropriated to Dover. And we possessed 25 destroyers of the “River” class, of a nominal speed of only 25 knots, as well as the old 30-knot destroyer; the latter class was only fit for patrol work in the vicinity of the coast.

It may be said that similar reflections to those I have mentioned might be made by the Germans as regards our own movements, and that they were surprised that we did not attack their Fleet at anchor. The answer is obvious to those aware of the conditions. We were very short of destroyers for fleet work, and we were well aware of the thoroughness of the defences of the German naval bases. We knew that they not only possessed the most powerful and ample artillery defences, but we knew also that the Germans had a very efficient mining service, and we were justified in assuming that they had protected their naval bases by extensive minefields. We, on the other hand, were entirely unprovided with this particular form of defence.

In view of the known quality of German artillery and mine defences and the thorough nature of their organisation, my own view was that they also possessed, in all probability, anti-submarine defences. For these reasons, together with the important fact that the German rivers are so shallow that our submarines could not enter them in a submerged condition, it appeared to me that an attack on their ships in harbour would meet with no success, and that we could not afford to expend any of our exceedingly limited number of destroyers, or submarines, in making an attack which would, in all human probability, be foredoomed to failure. Later knowledge of the German defences proved the correctness of this view. I can only imagine that the Germans credited us, also, with possessing harbour defences and obstructions which in our case were non-existent, although we did our best in the Fleet to give the impression that we had obstructed the entrances, for, pending the provision of proper obstructions, we improvised various contrivances. It may have seemed impossible to the German mind that we should place our Fleet, on which the Empire depended for its very existence, in a position where it was open to submarine or destroyer attack.

This view, however, did not relieve the minds of those responsible for the safety of our Fleet from the gravest anxiety whenever the more valuable ships were in the undefended harbours.

A comparison of numbers between the Grand Fleet and the High Sea Fleet in the early part of the War shows the following figures. Only ships that had completed their training and were fit to fight in the line are included:

BATTLESHIPS

(B., British; G., German)

[B] 21 completed, but two of these (Monarch and Conqueror) were seriously damaged and one other battleship was refitting.

The above list gives the vessels nominally available.

In comparisons of the strength at Germany’s selected and our average moment, the following facts should be remembered, and were necessarily taken into account by me at the time:

(a) We usually had at least two battleships, one or two light cruisers, six destroyers, one or two cruisers, and perhaps one battle cruiser under refit, in addition to any other vessels that might be temporarily disabled.

(b) Germany would see to it that none of her ships was refitting when planning an operation, and she could reinforce her Fleet by several light cruisers and two or more flotillas of destroyers from the Baltic.

(c) The pre-Dreadnoughts were not a very important factor on either side owing to inferiority of speed, and, in the case of our ships, the comparatively short range of their guns, due to the small amount of elevation of which their mountings admitted.

(d) The German Zeppelins, as their numbers increased, were of great assistance to the enemy for scouting, each one being, in favourable weather, equal to at least two light cruisers for such a purpose.

(e) Account is not taken in the British figures of the Harwich force, as this force could not be counted upon to effect concentration with the remainder of the Grand Fleet at the German selected moment.

(f) The British cruisers, not being very modern, lacked the speed necessary for efficiency as scouts. They were very slightly faster than the battleships of the “Dreadnought” type, and, owing to their lack of speed, they were awkwardly placed if they came within range of an enemy Battle Squadron or Battle Cruiser Squadron. On the other hand, they were very superior in fighting qualities to the German light cruisers.

It will be seen from the above statements that the enemy had by far his best opportunity from the naval point of view in the early months of the War, as he was then much nearer equality of strength with the Grand Fleet than at any later period. A carefully laid trap, which included minefields and submarines, with the High Sea Fleet as a bait, might have been very effective at any period of the War in inflicting considerable losses on us. The Germans had their best opportunities between November, 1914, and February, 1915. After April, 1915, the situation got steadily worse for the enemy.

The lesson of vital importance to be drawn from this review of relative naval strength, is that if this country in the future decides to rely for safety against raids or invasion on the Fleet alone, it is essential that we should possess a considerably greater margin of superiority over a possible enemy in all classes of vessels than we did in August, 1914.

CHAPTER III
THE GRAND FLEET AND ITS BASES

The Grand Fleet may be said to have come into being only at the outbreak of the War, when it was so christened. As with the name, so with the organisation.

The great majority of the really effective ships in the Grand Fleet were the outcome of the policy initiated by Admiral of the Fleet Lord Fisher of Kilverstone when he took up the appointment of First Sea Lord in 1904 in the Administration of the Earl of Selborne. One of Lord Fisher’s first acts—and he carried through a number of other changes which reacted favourably on the efficiency of the Fleet for war—was the introduction of the “all-big-gun” type of battleship, of which the Dreadnought, laid down at Portsmouth on October 2nd, 1905, was the earliest example. She was closely followed by the three “all-big-gun” battle-cruisers of the “Invincible” class, which were of the same programme—1905–6. Much criticism was levelled at the Dreadnought, but even more at the principle embodied in the battle-cruisers—ships with the speed of cruisers, but the same calibre armament as battleships. The War has fully justified Lord Fisher’s conception.

Our superiority in capital ships at the outbreak of war was due to the efforts of the Boards presided over by Lord Selborne and his successors from 1904 onwards, and Lord Fisher held the post of First Sea Lord for five and a half years of that period. At the beginning of 1909, during Mr. McKenna’s tenure of office as First Lord, great efforts were necessary to ensure the maintenance of a sufficient standard of superiority in capital ships over Germany, and to make good our deficiencies in destroyers. The nation has good reason for the most profound gratitude to Mr. McKenna for the very strong attitude he assumed at this highly critical period. Reference to the table on [page 31] will show the position that would have arisen if the four additional “Dreadnoughts” had not been included in the 1909–10 building programme. In the later Administration, presided over by Mr. Churchill, continued efforts were necessary, and were made, and steps were also taken with a view to meeting the crying need for modern light cruisers; Lord Beresford had for some years been pointing out how essential it was to add largely to our programmes of light cruisers and destroyers.

So much for construction in pre-War days when the Germans were carrying out their Navy Acts, one following the other in rapid succession.

It is also of interest to note the part which Lord Fisher took in building up the Fleet organisation that existed in 1914. He introduced the system of manning the older ships, not in the first line, with nucleus crews composed of the principal officers and ratings. These ships were thus rendered capable of being put, in a very short time, into a condition in which they were fit to fight. This system superseded the old arrangement, by which ships not in full commission were not manned at all. Although it naturally led to a reduction in the total number of fully-manned ships, a disadvantage which was minimised by reducing squadrons abroad, it is probably accepted now that in the circumstances existing at the time the nucleus crew system is far preferable; it raised the general standard of the whole Navy in British waters, and facilitated the use of the Royal Fleet and Naval Reserves on the outbreak of war.

I.—The Development of the Grand Fleet

In the organisation existing before the War, the Home Fleets comprised the First, Second and Third Fleets—in fact, practically all ships in home waters which it was intended to mobilise on the outbreak of war.

The war organisation, as carried out, divided the Home Fleets into two parts.

The First, the Grand Fleet, included the First Fleet, comprising the latest-built ships; the force stationed at Harwich; four ships of the 6th Battle Squadron; the 6th and 10th Cruiser Squadrons from the Second and Third Fleets respectively; and the mine-laying Squadron from the Second Fleet.

The Second, or Channel Fleet, included the older battleships, the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th Battle Squadrons, the 5th and 7th Cruiser Squadrons, and a sweeping flotilla with torpedo boats. This force was commanded by Vice-Admiral Sir Cecil Burney until the end of 1914, when he joined the Grand Fleet. It was independent of the Grand Fleet.

Of the ships of the Channel Fleet, the 5th and 6th Battle Squadrons and the 5th Cruiser Squadron were manned before mobilisation with nucleus crews, and were consequently partly trained; these ships assembled at Portland. The ships of the 7th and 8th Battle Squadrons and 7th Cruiser Squadron were not manned until mobilisation, and the crews consequently required training. This training was carried out near Plymouth, and the battleships joined Sir Cecil Burney’s command on September 3rd, 1914.

The ships of the 7th Cruiser Squadron were employed as a look-out force in the Straits of Dover during the time that the Channel Battle Fleet was patrolling to guard the passage of the Expeditionary Force. They were subsequently ordered by the Admiralty to another service, and three of them, the Hogue, Cressy and Aboukir, were sunk whilst patrolling the Broad Fourteens off the Dutch coast.

These, then, were the conditions when War opened. It was only natural that war experience should show very quickly the many directions in which we had to recast, or elaborate, our pre-War ideas, or to introduce new arrangements.

Peace manœuvres, however useful, can never be a substitute for war experience. They are many factors which render peace manœuvres unreal. In the first place, the available ships have to be divided so as to form the opposing fleet, “an enemy”; secondly, a matter of far greater moment, the manœuvres occupy much too short a period, and many of the difficulties affecting both matériel and personnel are not experienced; thirdly, the conditions of war cannot be reproduced without serious inconvenience, and even danger, to merchant ships; finally, in our own manœuvres there was a tendency in the rules to give the torpedo less than its proper value as a fighting weapon.

But, more than all, it was the conditions under which war broke out that made it necessary for us in the Grand Fleet to build up what was almost a new organisation.

(a) The submarine had just become a most formidable weapon; its development during the War was extraordinarily rapid.

(b) The airship as a scout was in its infancy at the start, but it also developed with great rapidity, as did the heavier-than-air machines.

(c) The mine, neglected by us, had been highly developed by the enemy, both defensively and offensively.

(d) The effective range both of the gun and of the torpedo was quickly shown to be much greater than had been considered possible before the War.[C]

(e) Wireless telegraphy developed with great rapidity, and was put to many uses not dreamt of in pre-War days.

[C] In pre-War days our Battle Practice had been carried out at a maximum range of about 9,500 yards, and only on one occasion, when the Colossus fired at a target at 14,000 yards off Portland in 1912, had this range been exceeded.

On the other hand, we were very fortunate in having the Fleet concentrated at the outbreak of war. People had often pictured war with Germany coming as a bolt from the blue, and even naval officers feared that when the occasion did arise, it would be found, as had previously been the case, that fear of precipitating a conflict might lead the Government to delay concentration with the result that our squadrons would be separated when war was actually declared. Fortunately, the Admiralty in the last days of July, 1914, placed us at once in a strong strategic position. For this action the nation should be grateful to the First Lord and First Sea Lord.

It was curious that, in spite of all the lessons of history, there was general expectation that a great Fleet action would at once be fought. No doubt this arose, partly, from the boastings of German naval officers in pre-War days, and partly from a knowledge of the great sacrifices the enemy would incur unless he could dispute effectively our command of the sea. Most people found it difficult to imagine that the High Sea Fleet (built at vast expense, and rightly considered by the enemy to be an efficient weapon of war) would adopt from the outset a purely passive rôle, with the inevitable result that German trade would be swept from the seas. But there were two factors tending to make the High Command adopt this course. First, there was the fear that action with the Grand Fleet would so weaken the High Sea Fleet as to cause the command of the Baltic to pass into Allied hands, with a consequent landing of Russian troops on German soil as the result. This fear had been present in the German mind ever since the days of Frederick the Great, when Russia threatened Berlin during the Seven Years’ War. The second point, no doubt, was that the German High Command realised that, if Germany adopted a defensive rôle with her Fleet, it created, by far, the most difficult situation for us. Repugnant as this might be to high-spirited German naval officers, it was unquestionably the worst policy for us, for, whilst the German High Sea Fleet remained “in being” as a fighting force, we could not afford to undertake operations tending to weaken our Grand Fleet, particularly in the earlier period of the War when our margin of superiority at Germany’s “selected moment” was not great. The main disadvantage to the Germans, apart from their loss of trade, lay in the inevitable gradual weakening of the morale of the personnel of the Navy, and it is highly probable that this loss of morale was in the end responsible for the series of mutinies which broke out in the High Sea Fleet during 1917 and 1918, culminating in the final catastrophe in November, 1918. In my view, the passive rôle was carried much too far.

II.—The Staff Organisation

To pass to the development of the organisation.

Almost the first question was that of Staff and Staff work. In the days before the War, the Staff of the Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleets consisted of the following officers:

(a) A Personal Staff, comprising a Flag-Commander, Flag-Lieutenant, and Secretary. The Flag-Captain was also, in a sense, on the Personal Staff.

(b) A General Staff, comprising a Captain of the Fleet with his Secretary, a Wireless officer, a Signal officer, and the clerical staff of the Secretary.

In addition, the organisation provided for the appointment of two War Staff officers, on mobilisation for war.

This was the Staff which, together with an additional Signal officer, I found in the Iron Duke, on assuming command of the Grand Fleet.

It had always been my intention, on relieving Sir George Callaghan in December, 1914 (as was originally arranged before the War broke out, as I have explained), to add to the above, a Captain, for the operational side of the Staff, leaving the Flag-Captain responsible only for the Command of the Fleet-flagship, this being, in my opinion, sufficient work and responsibility to occupy his whole time; and I had prepared an organisation of the Staff of the Fleet-flagship in accordance with which the work should be divided into two distinct branches, the operations and the matériel side, each with a secretariat. I had communicated my views to the officers selected for the Staff. This, in my judgment, was the correct line for any Naval Staff organisation, and it was later introduced by me into the Admiralty Naval Staff.

When informed, just prior to the declaration of War, that I might be required to take over the command of the Fleet, I decided to ask, as the first step, for the services of Rear-Admiral Charles E. Madden as Chief of the Staff.

I had brought with me from London on my own Staff, as Second in Command of the Grand Fleet, a Captain (Captain Bentinck), with the title of Captain on the Staff, a Secretary with assistants, a Flag-Lieutenant, a Signal officer, a Wireless officer, a War Staff officer, and a Signal Boatswain. These, with the exception of Captain Bentinck (who joined Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender’s Staff), I took to the Iron Duke, and my Staff then comprised:

• A Rear-Admiral as Chief of the Staff.
• A Commodore as Captain of the Fleet.
• Two Secretaries, with the necessary clerical staff.
• A Flag-Lieutenant.
• Three Signal officers.
• Three Wireless officers (very soon reduced to two).
• Three War Staff officers.
• Two Signal Boatswains.
• A Fleet Coaling officer also joined the Staff.

The main difficulty in providing a Flag officer afloat with a suitable staff is that of accommodation, and this difficulty was somewhat serious when I doubled the staff on board the Iron Duke. However, it was successfully overcome. The Staff was organised into two branches—Operations and Matériel—the former directly under the Chief of the Staff, the latter immediately under the Captain of the Fleet. On proceeding to sea, however, the work of the Captain of the Fleet became, of necessity, very largely reduced, and he joined the operational side, arrangements being made by which either he or the Chief of the Staff was always on the bridge in my absence, as we soon found under the new conditions, consequent on the advent of the submarine as an important factor in naval warfare, that it was essential that an officer should be constantly on the bridge who could take immediate action in moving the Fleet, or any portion of it, as might be required.

Even so, the presence of the Commander-in-Chief was so frequently required, at a moment’s notice, owing to the swiftness with which a modern fleet moves, that I never left my sea cabin, which was under the bridge, to go to the after part of the ship when the Fleet was at sea.

The duties of my Staff afloat were separated, as already stated, under two headings. This division, as is clear from the above remarks, affected their duties in harbour more than when at sea. In the latter case the two branches combined, and the whole staff became “operational.”

The Staff work under these conditions was carried out in the war-room, situated under protection, below the conning tower. Here the movements of our own ships were recorded, as well as those of the enemy until we were nearing contact. All intelligence was sent from the bridge to this centre by the Signal officers, and the situation at any moment could be seen by a glance at the charts kept by the War Staff officer on duty.

When we were nearing enemy vessels or enemy waters, the work was shifted from the war-room to the Admiral’s shelter on the bridge, so that the situation could be seen by me more readily; and finally, when, as on May 31st and August 19th, 1916, the two fleets were nearing touch with one another, the “plot” of the movements as reported was continually under my observation.

At ordinary times, in harbour, the Staff officers engaged on the operational side were following the movements of such enemy vessels (chiefly, of course, submarines) as were known to be at sea, as well as those of our own vessels. (In the latter case frequent orders to ships were necessary to ensure that they did not meet each other at night—when risk of collision would be incurred owing to ships not carrying lights, or in thick weather.) They put into execution the orders given by myself or the Chief of the Staff, and were engaged in elaborating plans of future movements and drawing up the necessary orders for such movements as I had in contemplation. They were also engaged in arranging all gunnery, torpedo and other practices and exercises, and in the constant work of the production, revision and issue of orders for the organisation and tactical working of the Fleet.

On the matériel side, the Staff work comprised that of storing, provisioning and fuelling the Fleet, all questions of instruction, training, personnel, discipline, mails, refits and repairs, etc.

In action each member of the Staff had his own particular duty allotted to him. The secretaries took notes and recorded proceedings; certain officers had as their sole duty that of watching and reporting to me every movement of enemy vessels; one officer was detailed to attend solely to torpedo attacks made by the enemy, keeping me informed of their progress and of their possibilities; another dealt with all questions relating to concentration or distribution of fire, bringing to my notice any signals required to give effect to our preconceived arrangements; each signal officer had his own special duty, one being responsible that all signals for tactical movements made visually were also made by “short distance” wireless telegraphy. One wireless officer worked in the main office and one in the auxiliary office. The Staff was so organised as to leave the Commander-in-Chief free to take a comprehensive survey of the whole position, whilst ensuring that nothing that should be done was left undone. It must, however, be realised that the rapidity of movement of fleets is so great that, at critical moments, the Commander-in-Chief of a fleet, or the Flag Officer Commanding a Squadron, must of necessity make instant decisions; there is no time for consultation or for advice.

III.—Preparation of Cruising Orders

One of the earliest steps taken in organising the Grand Fleet after the declaration of War was to lay down definitely the various cruising orders for the Battle Fleet and its “look-out” screen of battle-cruisers, cruisers and light cruisers. There had been much discussion for some years before the War as to the best disposition of cruisers ahead of a Battle Fleet. None of the arrangements that had been under discussion was adopted as a whole, but war experience led to a series of diagrams being drawn up giving the cruising stations of all the various classes of cruisers and other light craft under the different conditions that might exist. These included diagrams showing the cruiser disposition with the fleet moving towards enemy waters, under conditions of ordinary visibility, by day, or in low visibility by day, both with the Battle Cruiser Fleet in company and without it; a similar diagram when moving away from enemy water by day (this being to meet the possible case of an attempted attack by destroyers as the fleet steered away from enemy waters); diagrams were got out for steering towards or away from enemy waters at night; and, finally, diagrams were prepared, both for day and night, for the dispositions of the cruisers and other light forces after an action.

Several different cruising diagrams for the Battle Fleet itself, both by day and at night, were similarly drawn up. Some of these were specially designed to give such safety from submarine attack as was possible to the main body of the Fleet, in the not unlikely event of destroyers being absent, from bad weather, shortage of fuel, or other causes. The dispositions for use at night provided for the use of destroyer attack, and were designed to give safety from collision, due to squadrons inadvertently closing each other in the darkness, when showing no lights; this was a very possible event during the course of a long night when a very slight error in steering, or a slight difference in compasses, will rapidly bring two squadrons together that started the night five miles apart. It was necessary to keep squadrons separated, as a long line of ships greatly facilitated successful submarine attack, whilst a slight dispersal of squadrons gave greater freedom of movement in the case of destroyer attack. At the same time it was necessary to provide for concentrating the Fleet quickly at daylight.

The question of submarine screens was taken up at the commencement of war. This matter had naturally been considered before the War, but was in its earliest stages, and, although an efficient disposition of a screen of destroyers is a comparatively simple matter when there is no lack of destroyers, the case is different when a fleet is very short of the requisite number, as was our experience, and one destroyer had often to be disposed to endeavour to do the work of two.

Diagrams of submarine screens were, therefore, drawn up to meet the different conditions resulting from the presence of varying numbers of destroyers, or a decreased number of ships requiring to be screened, and also providing for the ships being in various formations. In November, 1916, the number of these diagrams was seventeen.

Early in the War the danger of successful submarine attack on warships at sea, whether in company or proceeding singly, had impressed on us the necessity of taking every precaution for safety, and the practice of the fleet steering zigzag courses was devised and generally adopted in accordance with my directions. In the case of a fleet or squadron, the usual practice was to carry out the alterations of course by turning the ships together; occasionally the turn was made “in succession,” but this was exceptional. In small squadrons, the turns were occasionally made at fixed time intervals without signal.

Zigzagging had a very beneficial effect on the manner in which officers of watches kept station in a fleet, since there is no better practice than keeping station on a line of bearing, a far more difficult matter to the novice than keeping station astern of another ship. I attribute the excellent manner in which the ships were handled in 1915 and 1916 very largely to this early experience. Much theoretical investigation was instituted to determine the method of zigzagging, both in a fleet and in a single ship, which gave the greatest protection against submarine attack, and actual experiments took place with our own submarines with a view to forming correct conclusions; the flag officers of the fleet rendered me much assistance in this as in all other matters.

The experience of the Grand Fleet was utilised in the instructions subsequently issued to merchant ships, and the value of zigzagging in reducing the danger of submarine attack was clearly shown during the year 1917 by the comparative immunity of merchant ships that complied with the orders as compared with those that did not do so. Occasionally, of course, zigzagging brought a ship into danger, but this was exceptional as compared with the general immunity given.

When the convoying of merchant ships through the submarine zone was instituted in 1917, after I had returned to the Admiralty, the Grand Fleet experience was again of value in the preparation of instructions.

The supremely important question of how best to handle in action the large and increasing Fleet engaged my attention from the commencement. In drawing up the various instructions for the conduct of the Fleet, both when cruising and in action, I availed myself of the advice and assistance of the experienced flag officers commanding the various Squadrons. Much discussion took place on these matters, and many of the dispositions adopted formed the subject of actual experiment at sea before being incorporated in the orders.

The successful and rapid deployment of the Battle Fleet from its cruising formation was a matter of the greatest importance, and constant practice in carrying out this manœuvre under every varying condition was given to the Fleet when at sea. Various arrangements were introduced having as their object the simplification and shortening of the manœuvre, with a view to bringing the heaviest possible fire to bear on the enemy’s fleet as quickly as possible. Orders were drawn up to meet cases of deployment in thick weather, when the enemy might be sighted at short range, and immediate independent action by a divisional Flag Officer would be necessary.

In the early part of the War the rapid deployment of the Fleet for action was complicated by the presence of the 3rd Battle Squadron of pre-Dreadnoughts—the vessels of the “King Edward VII.” class—as the speed of the ships of this squadron was some three knots less than that of the rest of the Battle Fleet. I endeavoured to solve this problem by practical experience. Much depended on the tactics likely to be adopted by the enemy’s Battle Fleet. The main difficulty lay in the fact that if the 3rd Battle Squadron was placed on one flank of the Battle Fleet when in cruising order and deployment towards that flank became necessary in conformity with an enemy movement, thus placing the slow 3rd Battle Squadron in the van, the fleet speed of the whole Battle Line was necessarily reduced to some 14 knots, in order to have the necessary reserve of speed in hand. If, on the other hand, the 3rd Battle Squadron was placed in the centre of the Fleet, the Fleet speed was again reduced to that attainable by this squadron. It was desirable to devise a cruising order for the Battle Fleet which would admit of the 3rd Battle Squadron being in the rear after deployment, in whichever direction deployment took place. There was still the objection, which had to be accepted, that a turn of 16 points forced upon us by the enemy would place this squadron in the van.

The cruising order eventually adopted placed the pre-Dreadnought Squadron in rear of the Dreadnought Squadrons, with a view to the slow squadron turning in the opposite direction to the remainder on deployment, and eventually taking station in rear of the Dreadnought Fleet. This involved accepting some delay in getting the 3rd Battle Squadron into effective action.

Plan N^o. 1

[(Hi-res)]

The question was not one of importance subsequent to April, 1915, from which date our superiority in battleships of the Dreadnought type was sufficient to give me confidence that the High Sea Fleet, engaged under suitable conditions, could be crushed in action without the aid of the 3rd Battle Squadron; but during the winter of 1914–15, when our superiority in Dreadnoughts was frequently very slight, and the enemy possessed two pre-Dreadnought Battle Squadrons, our 3rd Battle Squadron was a necessary addition to the Grand Fleet.

The Battle Orders indicated the position to be occupied by our battle-cruisers, cruisers, light cruisers and destroyers on deployment, as well as that of the fast 5th Battle Squadron, consisting of ships of the “Queen Elizabeth” class, when that squadron joined the Fleet. The first Battle Orders drawn up and issued shortly after war commenced were modelled on a Battle memorandum which I had prepared when in command, first, of the Atlantic Fleet, and, later, of the 2nd Battle Squadron. But the changing situation soon made alterations and additions necessary, and the Orders were under constant revision.

The tactics to be pursued by the different units of the Fleet in action under all conceivable conditions were provided for as far as possible.

Stress was laid from the beginning on the fact that the Commander-in-Chief of a large fleet could not after deployment control the movements of all the squadrons comprising that fleet under the conditions of modern action when funnel and cordite smoke, and the great length of the line, would hamper his knowledge of events, and increase the difficulty of communication. The necessity for wide decentralisation of command, after the deployment of the fleet for action, was emphasised.

As the Fleet grew in size, increasing stress was laid on this point. Flag officers commanding squadrons were, of course, kept fully acquainted with the general ideas under which the Fleet would act, so that they might be able to interpret my wishes when acting independently. Stress was laid on the necessity for keeping a close watch on the movements of the Commander-in-Chief, so that squadrons could conform to his movements. The general lines on which I intended to engage were defined. These included the range at which it was intended to open the engagement, the range below which it was not intended to close under ordinary conditions, on account of the risks to be apprehended from torpedo fire, and the exceptions to this rule which might become necessary. Emphasis was laid on the supreme necessity for a free use of our own torpedoes when opportunity occurred.

After the experience of the engagement on January 24th, 1915, between the battle-cruisers, and especially as our superiority increased and the High Sea Fleet gave no sign of a desire to engage, the conviction became stronger than in any action between the two fleets, the enemy would fight a retiring battle. This is the most difficult form of tactics to counter in these days of submarines, mines and torpedoes, since a retiring fleet is in a position of great tactical advantage in the employment of these weapons. The Tactical Board was in constant use for a consideration of this problem, both by myself and the other flag officers.

In the earliest stages of the War, when the German submarine strength was not great, one of the main problems to be considered in regard to a fleet action was the employment of our destroyers and light cruisers to attack the enemy’s Battle Fleet with torpedoes and to counter his similar attacks, which, owing to his great superiority in destroyers, was a matter of supreme importance. The knowledge, too, that his light cruisers and destroyers, as well possibly as some of his heavier ships, were fitted for mine-laying (which was not the case with us) made it necessary to take into account the probability that he would use this form of attack at the commencement of a general action, or during the stages leading up to it. Later, when his submarines increased in number, the method of countering the use of such vessels by the enemy, in the preliminary stages of a fleet action, had also to be considered, particularly as it was not until 1916 that the Grand Fleet was provided with any submarines of this type, and not until 1917 that submarines which could maintain the Fleet-speed at sea became part of the organisation.

The comparative immunity of the van from torpedo attack by the enemy, if the fleets were approximately abeam of one another, and the risks run by the centre and rear were pointed out, as were the different conditions produced in the case of a retiring enemy, or one which had a position of torpedo advantage.

The influence of the torpedo on tactics became greater as the War progressed, owing to the advance made in the technique of these weapons. Before the opening of hostilities, for instance, torpedoes had a maximum range of about 10,000 yards. We made many improvements in our torpedoes as the War progressed, including a great increase in range, and we had every reason to believe that the Germans were making similar progress, and that the range of their torpedoes was as much in excess of the pre-War range as was that of our own weapons.

The threat of successful torpedo attack even from battleships in the line was, therefore, an important factor to be taken into account, with the ships of the opposing fleets formed in single line at the close intervals which are necessary for successful co-operation and the concentration of power afforded by a shortened line. Investigation into possible alternative formations for fighting a fleet action was constantly proceeding, but the single line, or a modification of it, was, under most conditions, the best that could be devised.

It was pointed out that, although our Fleet would be manœuvred for advantage in gunnery position, it might be necessary to engage under unfavourable gunnery conditions in order to prevent the enemy reaching his own waters.

Several new manœuvres were introduced and practised by the Fleet with a view to countering possible tactics on the part of the enemy. These included a “turn away” or a “turn towards” to counter a serious attack by torpedoes; a quick method of reversing the course of the Fleet without impairing its organisation to meet enemy tactics necessitating such a move; rapid methods of re-forming single line; etc. Other new tactical methods were introduced as time progressed to meet the changing conditions of modern warfare.

Detailed orders were drawn up in regard to the conduct of the Fleet after an action, so far as it was possible to foresee the conditions that might arise. The object was to arrange to continue the attack by light craft, whilst safeguarding the heavy ships against counter-attack by light forces.

In the orders which were issued for the guidance of the destroyers both before, during, and after an action, endeavour was made to provide for all these contingencies. The stations of the flotillas, including the Harwich flotillas, if they were present, were laid down, and each had its particular duties assigned to it. General directions were given for the employment of the destroyers, wide latitude being reserved to the officers commanding flotillas.

The treatment of disabled ships was legislated for.

The duties of each class of vessel, battle-cruiser, cruiser and light cruiser when in cruising order, or in action, or after an action, were defined, particular emphasis being laid on the necessity for ships in the van, when in action, gaining a position of torpedo advantage in regard to the enemy’s Battle Fleet, whilst at the same time engaging enemy vessels of a similar class and preventing torpedo attacks on our own Battle Fleet from developing.

Thus it was laid down as the leading principle in the General Cruiser Instructions, that after gaining touch with the enemy the first essential was to maintain that touch. Instructions were also given that in the event of the enemy’s advanced forces becoming engaged with our Battle-Cruiser Fleet, the cruisers in our advanced line were to push on and gain touch with the enemy’s Battle Fleet. It will be seen later that this situation arose during the Jutland battle.

The Instructions for battle-cruisers laid down the principle that in action their primary function was the destruction of the similar enemy vessels if present, and, after their destruction or in their absence, to attack the van of the enemy’s Battle Fleet. Prior to action their duty was defined as giving information as to the enemy’s Battle Fleet, whilst denying similar information to the enemy. The Vice-Admiral commanding the Battle-Cruiser Fleet was given a free hand to carry out these general instructions.

The Instructions for the 5th Battle Squadron (the ships of the “Queen Elizabeth” class) were drawn up to provide for the battle-cruisers being either absent or present. In the former event, this squadron took the place, and the duties, of the battle-cruisers; with our battle-cruisers present and in the van, the 5th Battle Squadron was ordered to take station ahead of the remainder of the Battle Fleet in the case of a deployment towards Heligoland, and in rear of the Battle Fleet in the case of deployment away from Heligoland. The object of this latter disposition was to place the High Sea Fleet at a disadvantage should it execute a 16-point turn after deployment. In order to enable the 5th Battle Squadron to carry out its functions in action, it was stationed between the Cruiser Line and the main Battle Fleet when in cruising order.

The Instructions to the light cruisers defined their duties in action as being to attack the enemy’s light cruisers and torpedo craft, to support our destroyers, and to attack the enemy’s battle line with torpedoes. For this purpose most of the light cruiser squadrons were required to be in the van on deployment.

The Instructions for destroyers laid emphasis on the fact that they should carry out an early attack on the enemy’s Battle Fleet, commencing their attacks in clear weather, as soon as the Battle Fleet were engaged. Under conditions of low visibility, they were instructed to attack without waiting for the Battle Fleets to be engaged. It was pointed out that destroyers closing the enemy’s Battle Fleet for the purpose of an attack were also in the best position for preventing successful attacks on our own fleets.

As soon as submarine flotillas were attached to the Grand Fleet, in 1916, instructions for their conduct before, during, and after action were drawn up. Instructions for two other classes of vessel, namely, mine-layers and sea-plane carriers, had been issued earlier, vessels of the mine-laying type, but of a slow speed, having been attached to the Fleet from the commencement of War, and sea-plane carriers, possessing, however, but slow speed and inferior arrangements, having joined during 1915.

IV.—The Training of the Fleet

Inseparable from the question of the management of the Fleet before and during action was that of the working together of its units at sea by day and at night. This matter was, of course, one to which great attention had been devoted by Sir George Callaghan, who, when he handed over the Fleet to me, gave me a fighting machine trained to a very high pitch of perfection by an officer who was a past master in fleet training.

But it was inevitable that war conditions should make even greater demands on the skill of the personnel than had previously been necessary, and in no direction was this more necessary than at night, the number of ships in company being far greater than had previously been usual; and the necessity of abstaining from signalling added to the difficulties. Further, under peace conditions, fleets cruising on dark, stormy nights without showing any lights, did so for comparatively short periods, during which the more experienced officers could, to a certain extent, remain on deck.

Under war conditions no ships at sea ever showed more than a very dim light at the stern, and frequently not even that, adding greatly to difficulties of fleet cruising. Consequently provision had to be made for ensuring safety whilst cruising under these conditions, and considerable foresight and great skill on the part of officers was necessary.