{Transcriber's Note: British, archaic and inconsistent spellings have been left as in the original, as have capitalizations. A few obvious typographical errors have been changed. Margin notes, except when they refer to either the whole paragraph or the beginning of the paragraph, are indicated where they occur in the text with {MN} and inserted in full at the beginning of the paragraph to which they refer. Material in square or round brackets are as in the original; transcriber's notes are in curly brackets. Several maps and illustrations are mentioned in the text, but none appear in the original book, nor does the index. Pagination of the 1624 edition, which this edition places in the margins, have been left interlinear to more nearly indicate their original placement.}

The Travels of
Captaine John Smith
In Two Volumes
Volume I

GLASGOW

PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY ROBERT MACLEHOSE & COMPANY LTD. FOR JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW

MCMVII

The Generall Historie
of

Virginia, New England
&
The Summer Isles

Together with
The True Travels, Adventures
and Observations, and
A Sea Grammar

By
CAPTAINE JOHN SMITH
Sometimes Governour in those Countryes

VOLUME I

Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
New York: The Macmillan Company

MCMVII

THE TABLE

The Contents of the generall History, divided into six Books:

THE FIRST BOOKE.

THE SECOND BOOKE.

Of Virginia now planted, discovered by Captaine Smith.

THE THIRD BOOKE.

Of the Accidents and Proceedings of the English.

THE FOURTH BOOKE.

With their Proceedings after the alteration of the Government.

THE FIFT BOOKE.

ILLUSTRATIONS

PUBLISHERS' NOTE

John Smith "was borne in Willoughby in Lincolneshire, and a Scholler in the two Free-schooles of Alford and Louth." His father, George Smith, "anciently descended from the ancient Smiths of Crudley in Lancashire," was a farmer-tenant of Lord Willoughby, to whom he bequeathed as a token of his "dewtifull good will the best of my two yeares old colts." John, the eldest son, was baptised in the Parish Church of Willoughby, on the 6th January, 1579. "His parents dying when he was about thirteene yeeres of age, left him a competent meanes, which hee not being capable to manage, little regarded; his minde being even then set upon brave adventures, sould his Satchell, bookes, and all he had intending secretly to get to Sea, but that his fathers death stayed him." About the age of fifteen he was bound apprentice to "Master Thomas Sendell of Linne the greatest Merchant of all those parts; but because hee would not presently send him to Sea, he never saw his master in eight yeeres after." At length he succeeded in attending Peregrine Bertie, second son of Lord Willoughby, to France, but in a few weeks he was sent back to England "his service being needlesse." Unwelcome at home, his friends "liberally gave him (but out of his owne estate) ten shillings to be rid of him." With this he made his way to Paris and made friends with "one Master David Hume, who making some use of his purse, gave him Letters to his friends in Scotland to preferre him to King James." Smith, however, having spent nearly all his money in Rouen, went to Havre where "he first began to learne the life of a souldier." He next served two or three years in the Low Countries. Thence proceeding to Scotland (being shipwrecked on the Holy Island on the way) he delivered his letters, but "After much kinde usage amongst those honest Scots," finding he had "neither money nor means to make him a Courtier" he returned to Willoughby. Here he retired to the woods, built himself a "Pavillion of boughs" and lived chiefly on venison, "his exercise a good horse, with his lance and Ring," his books Macchiavelli's "Art of War" and Marcus Aurelius. Tiring of this life after a short time he returned to the Low Countries and began the adventurous career of which he gives such an enthralling description in his "True Travels, Adventures and Observations."

In 1605 he returned to England, and the next year prepared to join an expedition to Guiana but the scheme was frustrated by the death of the intended leader, Charles Lee. On 19th December 1606 he sailed from Blackwall with the Colonists for Virginia. For the next three years he was busily employed, as his "Generall Historie of Virginia" witnesses, in founding the Colony; in September 1609 he narrowly escaped death by the accidental explosion of a bag of gun-powder, and left for England to recruit his health. He did not return to Virginia, but for the next few

{Transcriber's Note: Two pages (xix and xx) are missing from the original at this point.}

most learned Treasurer of Antiquitie. The question as to the truth of the adventures recorded in this book has given rise to heated and prolonged controversy.

Smith was a prolific writer of tracts and pamphlets on the colonisation of Virginia and New England, but the substance of them is contained in "The Generall Historie" and "The True Travels."

In accordance with the scheme of this series, the edition here presented is an exact reprint of the Original Editions except that the letters i, j, u and v have been altered to conform to modern usage, and obvious printers' errors, both of spelling and punctuation, have been corrected. References to the pages of the original editions are given in the margin, and a full index has been added.

Glasgow, February, 1907.

TO THE ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST NOBLE
PRINCESSE,
THE LADY FRANCIS,

Duchesse of Richmond and Lenox.

May it please your Grace,

This History, as for the raritie and varietie of the subject, so much more for the judicious Eyes it is like to undergoe, and most of all for that great Name, whereof it dareth implore Protection, might and ought to have beene clad in better robes then my rude military hand can cut out in Paper Ornaments. But because, of the most things therein, I am no Compiler by hearsay, but have beene a reall Actor; I take my selfe to have a propertie in them: and therefore have beene bold to challenge them to come under the reach of my owne rough Pen. That, which hath beene indured and passed through with hardship and danger, is thereby sweetned to the Actor, when he becometh the Relator. I have deeply hazarded my selfe in doing and suffering, and why should I sticke to hazard my reputation in Recording? He that acteth two parts is the more borne withall if he come short, or fayle in one of them. Where shall we looke to finde a Julius Caesar, whose achievments shine as cleare in his owne Commentaries, as they did in the field? I confesse, my hand, though able to weild a weapon among the Barbarous, yet well may tremble in handling a Pen among so many Judicious: especially when I am so bold as to call so piercing, and so glorious an Eye, as your Grace, to view these poore ragged lines.

Yet my comfort is, that heretofore honorable and vertuous Ladies, and comparable but amongst themselves, have offred me rescue and protection in my greatest dangers: even in forraine parts, I have felt reliefe from that sex. The beauteous Lady Tragabigzanda, when I was a slave to the Turkes, did all she could to secure me. When I overcame the Bashaw of Nalbrits in Tartaria, the charitable Lady Callamata supplyed my necessities. In the utmost of many extremities, that blessed Pokahontas, the great Kings daughter of Virginia, oft saved my life. When I escaped the crueltie of Pirats and most furious stormes, a long time alone in a small Boat at Sea, and driven ashore in France, the good Lady Madam Chanoyes, bountifully assisted me.

And so verily these my adventures have tasted the same influence from your Gratious hand, which hath given birth to the publication of this Narration. If therefore your Grace shall daigne to cast your eye on this poore Booke, view I pray you rather your owne Bountie (without which it had dyed in the wombe) then my imperfections, which have no helpe but the shrine of your glorious Name to be sheltered from censorious condemnation. Vouchsafe some glimpse of your honorable aspect, to accept these my labours; to protect them under the shadow of your excellent Name: which will inable them to be presented to the Kings royall Majestie, the most admired Prince Charles, and the Queene of Bohemia: your sweet Recommendations will make it the worthier of their good countenances. And as all my endevours are their due tribute: so this Page shall record to posteritie, that my service shall be to pray to God, that you may still continue the renowned of your sexe, the most honored of men, and the highly blessed of God.

Your Graces faithfull
and devoted servant,
JOHN SMITH.

A Preface of foure Poynts.

So I ever rest yours to command,
JOHN SMITH.

PANEGYRICK VERSES.

A Gentleman desirous to be unknowne, yet a great Benefactor to Virginia,
his love to the Author, the Company, and History.

Stay, reade, behold, skill, courage, knowledge, Arts; Wonder of Nature: Mirror of our Clime. Mars, Vulcan, Neptune strive to have their parts, Rare Ornaments, rich honours of our time. From far fetcht Indies, and Virginia's soyle, Here Smith is come to shew his Art and skill: He was the Smith that hammered famins foyle, And on Powhatan's Emperour had his will. Though first Columbus, Indies true Christofer; Cabots, brave Florida, much admirer; Meta Incognita, rare Martin Forbisher; Gilberts brave Humphery, Neptunes devourer; Captaine Amadis, Raleighs discoverer; Sir Richard Grenvill, Zealands brave coaster: Drake, doomes, drowne, death, Spaines scorner; Gosnolds Relates, Pring prime observer. Though these be gone, and left behinde a name, Yet Smith is here to Anvile out a peece To after Ages, and eternall Fame, That we may have the golden Jasons fleece. He Vulcan like did forge a true Plantation, And chain'd their Kings, to his immortall glory; Restoring peace and plentie to the Nation, Regaining honour to this worthy Story. By him the Infidels had due correction, He blew the bellowes still of peace and plentie: He made the Indians bow unto subjection, And Planters ne're return'd to Albion empty. The Colonies pin'd, starv'd, staring, bones so feeble, By his brave projects, proved strong againe: The Souldiers' lowance he did seeke to treble, And made the Salvage in uncouth place remaine. He left the Countrey in prosperous happie state, And plenty stood with peace at each mans doore: Regarding not the Salvage love nor hate: Themselves grew well, the Indians wondrous poore. This there he did and now is home return'd, To shew us all that never thither goe: That in his heart, he deepely oft hath mourn'd, Because the Action goeth on so slow.

Wise, Rich, grave, prize Brave, Benefactors, Replant, want, continue still good Actors. finde, and bring kinde, eyes Be to blind; By Gods great might, give Indians light. Bloud, money, to doe Spend that good, That may give Indians heav'nly food. no lesse, God You still And shall blesse; Both you and yours the Lands possesse. S. M.

See here behold as in a Glasse, All that is, or is and was. T. T. 1624.

Samuel Purchas of his friend Captaine John
Smith, and his Virginia.

Lo here Smiths Forge, where Forgery's Roague-branded, True Pegasus is shoo'd, fetters are forged For Silke-sotts, Milk-sops, base Sloth, farre hence landed, (Soile-chang'd, {FN-1} Soule-soil'd still) Englands dregs, discharged, To plant (supplant!) Virginia, home-disgorged: Where vertues praise frames good men Stories armour 'Gainst Time, Achilles-like, with best Arts charged; Pallas, all-arm'd, all-learn'd, can teach Sword-Grammer, Can Pens of Pikes; Armes t' Arts; to Scholar, Souldier, hammer: Can Pilgrim make a Maker; all so well Hath taught Smith scoure my rustic out-worne Muse, And so conjur'd her in Virginian Cell, That things unlearned long by want of use, Shee fresh areeds me read, without abuse By fabling. Arthurs great Acts little made By greater lies she saith; scales Faith excuse {FN-2} T' Island, Groonland, Estotiland to wade After lie-legends; Malgo, Brandon, are Wares braide. The Fryer of Linne {FN-3} frights her with his black Art; Nor Brittish Bards can tell where Madoc {FN-4} planted. Cabots, Thorns, Elyots truth have wonne her heart, Eldest discov'rers of New Worlds Cont'nent (granted So had just Fates.) Colon and Vespuce panted; This got the name, {FN-5} last, least of Three; the Other New Worlds Isles found first: Cabot is most chanted In Three-Mens-song; did more New World discover Then both, then any; an hundred degrees coasted over. Haile Sir Sebastian, Englands Northern Pole, Virginia's finder; Virgin Eliza nam'd it, Gave 't Raleigh. (Rut, Prat, Hore, I not enrole) Amadas rites to English right first fram'd it. Lane planted, return'd, nor had English tam'd it: Greenviles and Whites men all slaine; New Plantation James founds, Sloth confounds, feare, pride, faction sham'd it: Smiths Forge mends all, makes chaines for Savage Nation, And feeds the rest; the rest reade in his Bookes Relation.

{FN-1} Caelumnon animum Mutant.

{FN-2} These are said a thousand years agoe to have been in the North parts of America.

{FN-3} He is said to discover the Pole 1360.

{FN-4} Madoc ap Owen Planted some remote Western parts. 1170.

{FN-5} America named of Americus Vesputius which discovered less than Colon or Sir Sebastian Cabot, and the continent later. Colon first found the Isles 1492. the Continent 1498. Above a year after Cabot had done it. He was set forth by Henry 7. and after by Hen. 8. Knighted, and made grand Pilot of England by Ed. 6 Under whom he procured the sending of Sir Hugh Willoughby, & discovery of Greenland and Russia: having by himself discovered on America from 67 North lat. to neere 40 South.

Thomas Macarnesse to his worthy friend and Countryman, Captaine John Smith. Who loves to live at home, yet looke abroad, And know both passen and unpassen road, The prime Plantation of an unknowne shore, The men, the manners, fruitfulnesse, and store: Read but this little Booke, and then confesse, The lesse thou lik'st and lov'st, thou liv'st the lesse. He writ it with great labour, for thy good, Twice over, now in paper, 'fore in blood; It cost him deare, both paines, without an ayme Of private profit, for thy publicke gaine. That thou mightst read and know and safely see, What he by practice, thou by Theoree. Commend him for his loyall loving heart, Or else come mend him, and take thou his part.

To his friend Captaine John Smith, and his Worke. I Know not how Desert more great can rise, Then out of Danger t'ane for good mens Good; or who doth better winne th' Olympian prize, Than he whose Countryes Honor stirres his bloud; Private respects have private expectation, Publicke designes, should publish reputation. This Gentleman whose Volumne heere is stoard With strange discoverie of Gods strangest Creatures, Gives us full view, how he hath Sayl'd, and Oar'd, And Marcht, full many myles, whose rough defeatures, Hath beene as bold, as puissant, up to binde Their barbarous strength's, to follow him dog-linde. But wit, nor valour, now adayes payes scores For estimation; all goes now by wealth, Or friends; tush! thrust the beggar out of dores That is not Purse-lyn'd; those which live by stealth Shall have their haunts; no matter what's the guest In many places; monies well come best. But those who well discerne, esteeme not so: Nor I of thee brave Smith, that hast beat out Thy Iron thus; though I but little know To what t' hast seene; yet I in this am stout: My thoughts, maps to my minde some accidents, That makes mee see thy greater presidents. Jo: Done.

To my worthy friend Captaine John Smith. How great a part of knowledge had wee lost, Both of Virginia and the Summer Isles, Had not thy carefull diligence and cost Inform'd us thus, with thy industrious stile! Like Caesar now thou writ'st what thou hast done, These acts, this Booke will live while ther's a Sunne. Edw: Worseley.

To his much respected friend Captaine John Smith. Envie avant. For Smith, whose Anvill was Experience, Could take his heat, knew how and when to Strike, Wrought well this Peece; till After-negligence Mistaking temper, Cold, or Scorch'd; or like Unskilfull workmen, that can never Fyle Nor Pollish it, that takes in Forge such toyle: Heere Noble Smith, thou shewest the Temper true, Which other Tampring-Tempres never knew. Ro: Norton.

To his loving friend Captaine John Smith. Where actions speake the praises of a man, There, Pennes that use to flatter silent be, Or if they speake, it is to scorne or scanne; For such with vertue seldome doe agree. When I looke backe on all thy labours past, Thy travels, perils, losses oft sustaind By Sea and Land; and (which is worst and last) Neglect or small reward, so dearely gaind, I doe admire thy still undanted spirit; unwearied yet to worke thy Countries good. This be thy praise then, due unto thy merit; For it th' hast venter'd life; and lost thy blood.

Edw: Ingham.

To my deare friend by true Vertue ennobled Captaine John Smith. More then enough I cannot thee commend: Whose both abilities and Love doe tend So to advance the good of that Estate, By English charge, and Planters propagate Through heapes of painfull hazards; in the first Of which, that Colony thy Care hath nurst. And often that effected but with ten That after thee, and now, three hundred men Have faild in, 'mong the Salvages; who shake At bruit of Thee, as Spaine at Name of Drake. Which well appeares; considering the while Thou governedst, nor force of theirs, ne guile Lessend a man of thine; but since (I rue) In Brittish blood they deeply did imbrue Their Heathen hands. And (truth to say) we see, Our selves wee lost, untimely leaving Thee. Nor yet perceive I any got betweene Thee and thy merit; which hath better beene In prayse; or profit much; if counted just; Free from the Weales abuse, or wronged trust. Some few particulars perhaps have sped; But wherein hath the publicke prospered? Or is there more of those Vast Countries knowne, Then by thy Labours and Relations showne First, best? And shall we love Thee now the lesse? Farre be it! fit condignely to expresse Thankes, by new Charge, or recompence; by whom, Such past good hath, such future good may come. David Wiffin.

Noble Captaine Smith, my worthy Friend. Not like the Age wherein thou liv'st, to lie Buried in basenesse, sloth, or Ribaldrie (For most doe thus) hast thou thy selfe applide; But, in faire Actions, Merits height descride: Which (like foure Theaters to set thee forth) The worlds foure Quarters testifie thy worth. The last whereof (America) best showes Thy paines, and prayse; and what to thee shee owes, (Although thy Sommer shone on th' Elder Three, In as great Deeds as great varietie) For opening to Her Selfe Her Selfe, in Two {FN} Of Her lame Members; Now Ours, to our view. Thereby endearing us to thy desart, That doubly dost them to our hands impart; There by thy Worke, Heere by thy Workes; By each Maist thou Fames lasting Wreath (for guerdon) reach. And so become, in after Times t' ensue, A President for others, So to do. William Grent.

{FN} Virginia now inhabited, and New-England.

To his worthily affected Friend, Captaine John Smith. Amongst so many that by learned skill, Have given just praise to thee, and to thy Booke, Deare friend receive this pledge of my good will, Whereon, if thou with acceptation looke, And thinke it worthie, ranke amongst the rest: Use thy discretion, I have done my best. Ανωνυμος.

THE FIRST VOLUME

CONTAINING THE

First Five Bookes of the Generall Historie
of Virginia, New England and
The Summer Isles

How Ancient Authors [I.1.]

Report, the New-World, Now called America, was
discovered: and part thereof, first Planted
by the English, called Virginia,
with the Accidents and
Proceedings of
the same.

THE FIRST BOOKE.

For the Stories of Arthur, Malgo, and Brandon, that say a thousand yeares agoe they were in the North of America; or the Fryer of Linn that by his blacke Art went to the North pole in the yeare 1360. in that I know them not, let this suffice.

A.D. 1170.

The Chronicles of Wales report, that Madock, sonne to Owen Quineth, Prince of Wales seeing his two brethren at debate who should inherit, prepared certaine Ships, with men and munition, and left his Country to seeke adventures by Sea: leaving Ireland North he sayled west till he came to a Land unknowne. Returning home and relating what pleasant and fruitfull Countries he had seene without Inhabitants, and for what barren ground his brethren and kindred did murther one another, he provided a number of Ships, and got with him such men and women as were desirous to live in quietnesse, that arrived with him in this new Land in the yeare 1170: Left many of his people there and returned for more. But where this place was no History can show.

A.D. 1492.

The Spaniards say Hanno a Prince of Carthage was the first: and the next Christopher Cullumbus, a Genoesiar, whom they sent to discover those unknowne parts, 1492.

A.D. 1497.

But we finde by Records, Cullumbus offered his service in the yeare 1488. to King Henry the seaventh; and by accident undertooke it for the Spanyards. In the Interim King Henry gave a Commission to John Cabot, and his three sonnes, Sebastian, Lewis, and Sautius. John and Sebastian well provided, setting sayle, ranged a great part of this unknowne world, in the yeare 1497. For though Cullumbus had found certaine Iles, it was 1498. ere he saw the Continent, which was a yeare after Cabot. Now Americus came a long time after, though the whole Continent to this day is called America after his name, yet Sebastian Cabot discovered much more then them all, for he sayled to about forty degrees Southward of the lyne, and to sixty-seaven towards the North: for which King Henry the eight Knighted him and made him grand Pilate of England. Being very aged King Edward the sixt gave him a Pention of 1661. 13s. 4d. yearely. By his directions Sir Hugh Willowby was sent to finde out the Country of Russia, but the next yeare he was found frozen to death in his Ship, and all his Company.

A.D. 1576.

Mr. Martin Frobisher was sent in the yeare 1576. by our most gracious Queene Elizabeth, to search for the Northwest passage, and Meta incognita: for which he was Knighted, honored, and well rewarded.

A.D. 1583.

Sir Humphrey Gilbert a worthy Knight attempted a Plantation in some of those parts: and obtained Letters Pattents to his desire: but with this Proviso, He should [1.2.] maintaine possession in some of those vast Countries within the tearme of sixe yeares. Yet when he was provided with a Navy able to incounter a Kings power, even here at home they fell in divisions, and so into confusion, that they gave over the Designe ere it was begun, notwithstanding all this losse, his undanted spirit began againe, but his Fleet fell with New-foundland, and he perished in his returne, as at large you may read in the third Volume of the English Voyages, written by Mr. Hackluit.

Upon all those Relations and inducements, Sir Walter Raleigh, a noble Gentleman, and then in great esteeme, undertooke to send to discover to the Southward. And though his occasions and other imployments were such he could not goe himselfe, yet he procured her Majesties Letters Pattents, and perswaded many worthy Knights and Gentlemen to adventure with him to finde a place fit for a Plantation. Their Proceedings followeth.

A.D. 1584.

The most famous, renowned, and ever worthy of all memory, for her courage, learning, judgement, and vertue, Queene Elizabeth, granted her Letters Patents to Sir Walter Raleigh for the discovering and planting new Lands & Countries, not actually possessed by any Christians. This Patenty got to be his assistants Sir Richard Grenvell the valiant, Mr. William Sanderson a great friend to all such noble and worthy actions, and divers other Gentlemen and Marchants, who with all speede provided two small Barkes well furnished with all necessaries, under the command of Captaine Philip Amidas and Captaine Barlow. The 27. of Aprill they set sayle from the Thames, the tenth of May passed the Canaries, and the tenth of June the West Indies: which unneedfull Southerly course, (but then no better was knowne) occasioned them in that season much sicknesse.

Their arrival.
Abundance of Grapes {MN}

The second of July they fell with the coast of Florida in shoule water, where they felt a most dilicate sweete smell, though they saw no land, which ere long they espied, thinking it the Continent: an hundred and twenty myles they sayled not finding any harbor. The first that appeared, with much difficulty they entred, and anchored, and after thankes to God they went to view the next Land adjoyning to take possession of it for the Queenes most excellent Majestie: which done, they found their first landing place very sandy and low, {MN} but so full of grapes that the very surge of the Sea sometimes over-flowed them: of which they found such plenty in all places, both on the sand, the greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines as well on every little shrub, as also climbing towards the tops of high Cedars, that they did thinke in the world were not the like abundance.

The Ile of Wokokon.
In Lybanus are not many. {MN-1}
Conference with a Salvage. {MN-2}

We passed by the Sea-side towards the tops of the next hills being not high: from whence we might see the Sea on both sides, and found it an Ile of twentie myles in length, and six in breadth, the vallyes replenished with goodly tall Cedars, Discharging our Muskets, such a flocke of Cranes, the most white, arose by us, with such a cry as if an Army of men had shouted altogether. This He hath many goodly Woods, and Deere, Conies, and Foule in incredible abundance, and using the Authors owne phrase, the Woods are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Moscovia, or Hercinia, barren and fruitlesse, but the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, {MN-1} bettering them of the Assores, Indies, or Libanus: Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth Mastick, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. Till the third day we saw not any of the people, then in a little Boat three of them appeared, one of them went on shore, to whom wee rowed, and he attended us without any signe of feare; {MN-2} after he had spoke much though we understood not a word, of his owne accord he came boldly aboord us, we gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meate, which he liked well, and after he had well viewed the barkes and us, he went away in his owne Boat, and within a quarter of a myle of us in halfe an houre, had loaden his Boat with fish, with which he came againe to the poynt of land, and there devided it in two parts, poynting one part to the Ship, the other to the Pinnace, and so departed.

A.D. 1584.
[I.3] The Arrival of the Kings brother.

The next day came divers Boats, and in one of them the Kings Brother, with forty or fifty men, proper people, and in their behaviour very civill; his name was Granganameo, the King is called Wingina, the Country Wingandacoa. Leaving his Boats a little from our Ships, he came with his trayne to the poynt: where spreading a Matte he sat downe. Though we came to him well armed, he made signes to us to sit downe without any shew of feare, stroking his head and brest, and also ours, to expresse his love. After he had made a long speech unto us, we presented him with divers toyes, which he kindly accepted. He was greatly regarded by his people, for none of them did sit, nor speake a word, but foure, on whom we bestowed presents also, but he tooke all from them, making signes all things did belong to him.

The King himselfe in a conflict with a King his next neighbour and mortall enemy, was shot in two places through the body, and the thigh, yet recovered: whereby he lay at his chiefe towne six dayes journey from thence.

Trade with the Salvages.

A day or two after shewing them what we had, Granganameo taking most liking to a Pewter dish, made a hole in it, hung it about his necke for a brest-plate: for which he gave us twenty Deere skins, worth twenty Crownes; and for a Copper Kettell, fiftie skins, worth fiftie Crownes. Much other trucke we had, and after two dayes he came aboord, and did eate and drinke with us very merrily. Not long after he brought his wife and children, they were but of meane stature, but well favoured and very bashfull; she had a long coat of Leather, and about her privities a peece of the same, about her forehead a band of white Corrall, and so had her husband, in her eares were bracelets of pearle, hanging downe to her middle, of the bignesse of great Pease; the rest of the women had Pendants of Copper, and the Noblemen five or sixe in an eare; his apparrell as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one; they are of colour yellow, but their hayre is blacke, yet we saw children that had very fayre Chesnut coloured hayre.

Note {MN}

After that these women had beene here with us, there came downe from all parts great store of people, with Leather, Corrall, and divers kinde of dyes, but when Granganameo was present, none durst trade but himselfe, and them that wore red Copper on their heads, as he did. When ever he came, he would signifie by so many fires he came with so many boats, that we might know his strength. Their Boats are but one great tree, which is but burnt in the forme of a trough with gins and fire, till it be as they would have it. For an armour he would have ingaged us a bagge of pearle, but we refused, as not regarding it, that wee might the better learn where it grew. He was very just of his promise, for oft we trusted him, and he would come within his day to keepe his word. He sent us commonly every day a brace of Bucks, Conies, Hares, and fish, sometimes Mellons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Pease, and divers rootes. {MN} This the Author sayth, their corne groweth three times in five moneths; in May they sow, in July reape; in June they sow, in August reape; in July sow, in August reape. We put some of our Pease in the ground, which in ten dayes were 14. ynches high.

The Ile Roanoak. {MN-1}
The Great courtesie of a Woman. {MN-2}

The soyle is most plentifull, sweete, wholesome, and fruitfull of all other, there are about 14. severall sorts of sweete smelling tymber trees: the most parts of the underwood, Bayes and such like: such Okes as we, but far greater and better. After this acquaintance, my selfe with seaven more went twenty myle into the River Occam, that runneth toward the Cittie Skicoack, {MN-1} and the evening following we came to an Ile called Roanoak, from the harbour where we entred 7. leagues; at the North end was 9. houses, builded with Cedar, fortified round with sharpe trees, and the entrance like a Turnpik. When we came towards it, {MN-2} the wife of Granganameo came running out to meete us, (her husband was absent) commanding her people to draw our Boat ashore for beating on the billowes, other she appoynted to carry us on their backes aland, others to bring our Ores into the [I.4.] house for stealing. When we came into the other roome, (for there was five in the house) she caused us to sit downe by a great fire; after tooke off our clothes and washed them, of some our stockings, and some our feete in warme water, and she her selfe tooke much paines to see all things well ordered, and to provide us victuall.

A Banquet.
Skicoak a great towne. {MN}

After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into an Inner roome, where she set on the bord standing a long the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison, and rosted fish; in like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes and fruites of divers kindes. There drinke is commonly water boyled with Ginger, sometimes with Saxefras, and wholsome herbes, but whilest the Grape lasteth they drinke wine. More love she could not expresse to entertaine us; they care but onely to defend themselves from the short winter, and feede on what they finde naturall in sommer. In this feasting house was their Idoll of whom they tould us uncredible things. When we were at meate two or three of her men came amongst us with their Bowes and Arrowes, which caused us to take our armes in hand. She perceiving our distrust, caused their Bowes and Arrowes to be broken, and they beaten out of the gate: but the evening approaching we returned to our boate, where at she much grieving brought our supper halfe boyled, pots and all, but when she saw us, but put our boat a little off from the shoar and lye at Anchor, perceiving our Jelousie, she sent divers men & 30. women to sit al night on the shoare side against us, and sent us five Mats to cover us from the raine, doing all she could to perswade us to her house. Though there was no cause of doubt, we would not adventure: for on our safety depended the voyage: but a more kinde loving people cannot be. Beyond this Ile is the maine land and the great river Occam, on which standeth a Towne called Pomeiock, {MN} and six dayes higher, their City Skicoak: those people never saw it, but say there fathers affirme it to be above two houres journey about. Into this river falleth an other called Cipo, where is found many Mustells wherein are Pearles: likewise another River called Nomapona, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanock, the Lord of the Country is not subject to Wingandacoa. Beyond him an other king they cal Menatonon. These 3. are in league each with other. Towards the south, 4. dayes journey is Sequotan, the southermost part of Wingandacoa.

Pamovik.
How the Country was called Virginia. {MN}

Adjoyning to Secotan beginneth the country Pomovik, belonging to the King called Piamacum, in the Country Nusiok upon the great river Neus. These have mortall warres with Wingina, King of Wingandacoa. Betwixt Piamacum and the Lord of Secotan, a peace was concluded: notwithstanding there is a mortall malice in the Secotans, because this Piamacum invited divers men, and 30. women to a feast, and when they were altogether merry before their Idoll, which is but a meere illusion of the Devill, they sudainly slew all the men of Secotan, and kept the women for their use. Beyond Roanoak are many Isles full of fruits and other Naturall increases, with many Townes a long the side of the Continent. Those Iles lye 200. myles in length, and betweene them and the mayne, a great long sea, in some places, 20. 40. or 50. myles broad, in other more, somewhere lesse. And in this sea are 100. Iles of divers bignesses, but to get into it, you have but 3. passages and they very dangerous. Though this you see for most part be but the relations of Salvages, because it is the first, I thought it not a misse to remember them as they are written by them that returned & arived in England about the middest of September the same yeare. This discovery was so welcome into England that it pleased her Majestie to call this Country of Wingandacoa, Virginia, by which name now you are to understand how it was planted, disolved, reuned, and enlarged.

The Performers of this voyage were these following. Philip Amadas. } Arthur Barlow. } Captaines William Grenvill. Benjamin Wood. } John Wood. Simon Ferdinando. } Of the James Browewich. Nicholas Peryman. } Companie. Henry Greene. John Hewes. }

[I.5] Sir Richard Grenvills voyage to Virginia, for Sir Walter
Raleigh. 1585.

Sir Richard Grenvills, Voyage 1585.

The 9. of Aprill he departed from Plimouth with 7. sayle: the chiefe men with him in command, were Master Ralph Layne, Master Thomas Candish, Master John Arundel, Master Stukley, Master Bremige, Master Vincent, Master Heryot and Master John Clarke. The 14. day we fell with the Canaries, and the 7. of May with Dominico in the West Indies: we landed at Portorico, after with much a doe at Izabella on the north of Hispaniola, passing by many Iles. Upon the 20. we fell with the mayne of Florida, and were put in great danger upon Cape Fear. The 26. we Anchored at Wocokon, where the admiral had like to beene cast away, presently we sent to Wingina to Roanoak, and Master Arundel went to the mayne, with Manteo a salvage, and that day to Crooton. The 11. The Generall victualled for 8. dayes, with a selected company went to the maine, and discovered the Townes of Pomeiok, Aquascogoc, Secotan, and the great Lake called Paquipe. At Aquascogoc the Indians stole a silver Cup, wherefore we burnt the Towne and spoyled their corne, so returned to our fleete at Tocokon. Whence we wayed for Hatorask, where we rested, and Granganameo, King Wingina's brother with Manteo came abord our Admirall, the Admirall went for Weapomeiok, & Master John Arundel for England. Our Generall in his way home tooke a rich loaden ship of 300. tunns, with which he arived at Plimouth the 18. of September, 1585.

These were left under the command of Master Ralph Layne to inhabite the Country, but they returned within a yeare.

With divers others to the number of 108.

A.D. 1585-86.
Their first Plantation.

Touching the most remarkeable things of the Country and our proceeding from the 17. of August 1585. till the 18. of June 1586. we made Roanoack our habitation. The utmost of our discovery Southward was Secotan as we esteemed 80. leagues from Roanoack. The passage from thence was thought a broad sound within the maine, being without kenning of land, yet full of flats and shoules that our Pinnasse could not passe, & we had but one boat with 4. ores, that would carry but 15. men with their provisions for 7. dayes: so that because the winter approached we left those discoveries till a stronger supply. To the Northward our farthest was to a Towne of the Chesapeacks, from Roanoack 130. myles. The passage is very shallow and dangerous by reason of the breadth of the sound and the little succour for a storme, but this teritory being 15. myle from the shoare, for pleasantnest of seate, for temperature of climate, fertility of soyle and comoditie of the Sea, besides beares, good woods, Saxefras, Walnuts &c. is not to be excelled by any other whatsoever.

There be sundry other Kings they call Weroances as the Mangoacks, Trypaniks, and Opposians, which came to visit us.

Chawonoack. [I.6]

To the northwest our farthest was Chawonock from Roanoack 130. myles our passage lyeth through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channell Navigable for a Ship, but out of it full of shoules.

Chawonock. {MN-1}
700. men. {MN-2}

The townes by the way by the water, are Passaquenock the womens towne, Chepanoc, Weapomeiok; from Muscamunge wee enter the river and jurisdiction of Chawonock, there it beginneth to straiten, and at Chawonock it is as Thames at Lambeth: betwixt them as we passed is goodly high land on the left hand, and there is a towne called Ohanock, where is a great corne field, {MN-1} it is subject to Chawonock, which is the greatest Province upon the river, {MN-2} and the Towne it selfe can put seven hundred men into the field, besides the forces of the rest. The King is lame, but hath more understanding then all the rest.

Menatonon his relations of the Ile of Pearle, and a rich mine, & the Sea by it. {MN}

The river of Moratoc is more famous then all the rest, and openeth into the sound of Weapomeiok, and where there is but a very small currant in Chawonock, it hath so strong a currant from the Southwest, as we doubted how to row against it. Strange things they report of the head of this river, and of Moratoc it selfe, a principall towne on it, & is thirtie or fortie dayes Journey to the head. This lame King is called Menatonon. {MN} When I had him prisoner two dayes, he told mee that 3. dayes Journey in a Canow up the river Chawonock, then landing & going foure dayes Journey Northeast, there is a King whose Country lyeth on the Sea, but his best place of strength is an Iland in a Bay invironed with deepe water, where he taketh that abundance of Pearle, that not onely his skins, and his nobles, but also his beds and houses are garnished therewith. This king was at Chawonock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that King he sayth hath store of white, and had trafficke with white men, for whom he reserved them; he promised me guides to him, but advised me to goe strong, for he was unwilling strangers should come in his Country, for his Country is populous and valiant men. If a supply had come in Aprill, I resolved to have sent a small Barke to the Northward to have found it, whilest I with small Boates and 200. men would have gone to the head of the river Chawonock, with sufficient guides by land, inskonsing my selfe every two dayes, where I would leave Garrisons for my retreat till I came to this Bay.

Very neare unto it is the river of Moratoc, directly from the West, the head of it springeth out of a mayne Rocke, which standeth so neare the Sea, that in stormes the Sea beats over it into this fresh spring, that of it selfe at the surse is a violent streame. I intended with two Wherries and fortie persons to have Menatonons sonne for guide, to try this presently, till I could meete with some of the Moratocks, or Mangoaks, but hoping of getting more victuall from the Salvages, we as narrowly escaped starving in that Discovery as ever men did.

Pemissapan his trechery.
The discovery of the river Moratoc. {MN-1}
A noble resolution. {MN-2}

For Pemissapan who had changed his name of Wingina upon the death of his brother Granganameo, had given both the Chawonests, and Mangoaks word of my purpose: also he told me the Chawonocks had assembled two or three thousand to assault me at Roanok, urging me daily to goe against them, and them against us; {MN-1} a great assembly I found at my comming thether, which suddaine approach did so dismay them, that we had the better of them: & this confederacy against us was procured by Pemissapan himselfe our chiefe friend we trusted; he sent word also to the Moratoks and the Mangoaks, I came to invade them, that they all fled up into the high Country, so that where I assured my selfe both of succour and provision, I found all abandoned. But being thus farre on my journey 160. myles from home, and but victuals for two dayes, besides the casualties of crosse winds, stormes, and the Salvages trechery, though we intended no hurt to any: I gave my Company to understand we were onely drawne forth upon these vaine hopes by the Salvages to bring us to confusion: {MN-2} a Councell we held, to goe forward or returne, but they all were absolutely resolved but three, that whilst there was but one pynt of Corne for a man, they would not leave the search of that river; for they had two Mastive Dogs, which boyled with Saxefras leaves [I.7.] (if the worst fell out) upon them and the pottage they would live two dayes, which would bring them to the sound, where they should finde fish for two dayes more to passe it to Roanock, which two dayes they had rather fast then goe backe a foote, till they had seene the Mangoaks either as friends or foes.

The strange Mine of Chaunis Temoatan.

Though I did forsee the danger and misery, yet the desire I had to see the Mangoaks was, for that there is a province called Chaunis Temoatan, frequented by them and well knowne to all those Countries, where is a mine of Copper they call Wassador; they say they take it out of a river that falleth swiftly from high rocks in shallow water, in great Bowles, covered with leather, leaving a part open to receive the mettall, which by the change of the colour of the water where the spout falleth, they suddainly chop downe, and have the Bowie full, which they cast into the fire, it presently melteth, and doth yeeld in five parts at the first melting two parts mettall for three of Ore. The Mangoaks have such plenty of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof: this the Salvages report; and young Skiko the King of Chawonnocks sonne my prisoner, that had beene prisoner among the Mangoaks, but never at Chaunis Temoatan, for he sayd that was twentie dayes journey overland from the Mangoaks.

The great current of the river Moratoc. {MN}

Menatonon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this mettall Country; by Land to the Mangoaks is but one dayes journey, but seaven by water, which made me so willing to have met them for some assay of this metall: but when we came there we found no creature, onely we might see where had beene their fires. After our two dayes journey, and our victuals spent, in the evening we heard some call as we thought Manteo, who was with me in the boat; this made us glad, he made them a friendly answer, which they answered with a song we thought for welcome, but he told us they came to fight. Presently they did let flie their Arrowes about the boat, but did no hurt, the other boat scouring the shore we landed: but they all were fled, and how to finde them wee knew not. So the next morning we returned to the mouth of the river, {MN} that cost us foure dayes rowing up, and here our dogs pottage stood us in good stead, for we had nothing els: the next day we fasted being windbound, and could not passe the sound, but the day following we came to Chippanum, where the people were fled, but their wires afforded us fish: thus being neare spent, the next day God brought us to Roanocke. I conclude a good Mine, or the South sea will make this Country quickly inhabited, and so for pleasure and profit comparable with any in the world: otherwise there will be nothing worth the fetching. Provided there be found a better harbour then yet there is, which must be Northward if there be any. Master Vaughan, no lesse hoped of the goodnesse of the Mine, then Master Heriot that the river Moratocks head, either riseth by the Bay of Mexico, or very neare the South Sea, or some part that openeth neare the same, which cannot with that facilitie be done as from the Bay of Pearles, by insconsing foure dayes journey to the Chawonoks, Mangoaks, and Moratocks, &c.

The conspiracy of Pemissapan; the Discovery of it; and our returne for England with Sir Francis Drake.

The Conspiricy of Pemissapan. {MN-1}
The death of a most rare Salvage. {MN-2}

Ensenore a Salvage, father to Pemissapan, the best friend we had after the death of Granganimeo, when I was in those Discoveries, could not prevaile any thing with the King from destroying us, that all this time God had preserved, by his good counsell to the King to be friendly unto us. {MN-1} Pemissapan thinking as the brute was in this last journey we were slaine and starved, began to blaspheme our God that would suffer it, and not defend us, so that old Ensenore, had no more credit for us: for he began by all the devises he could to invade us. But in the beginning of this brute, when [I.8.] they saw us all returne, the report false, and had Manteo, and three Salvages more with us, how little we esteemed all the people we met, and feared neither hunger, killing, or any thing, and had brought their greatest Kings sonne prisoner with us to Roanock: it a little asswaged all his devises, and brought Ensenore in respect againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should perish, for we could doe them more hurt being dead, then living, and that being an hundred myles from them, shot, and strucke them sicke to death, and that when we die it is but for a time, then we returne againe. But that which wrought the most feare among them was the handy-worke of Almightie God. For certaine dayes after my returne, Menatonon sent messengers to me with Pearle, and Okisco King of Weopomeoke, to yeeld himselfe servant to the Queene of England. Okisco with twenty-foure of his principall men came to Pemissapan to acknowledge this dutie and subjection, and would performe it. All which so changed the heart of Pemissapan, that upon the advise of Ensenore, when we were ready to famish they came and made us wires, and planted their fields they intended to abandon (we not having one corne till the next harvest to sustaine us). {MN-2} This being done our old friend Ensenore dyed the twenty of Aprill, then all our enemies wrought with Pemissapan to put in practise his devises, which he easily imbraced, though they had planted corne by us, and at Dasamonpeack two leagues from us. Yet they got Okisco our tributary to get seven or eight hundred (and the Mandoages with the Chisapeans should doe the like) to meete (as their custome is) to solemnize the Funerall of Ensenore. Halfe of whom should lye hid, to cut off the straglers, seeking crabs and provision: the rest come out of the mayne upon the Signall by fire. Twenty of the principall of Pemissapans men had charge in the night to beset my house, put fire in the Reeds that covered it, which might cause me run out so naked and amazed, they might without danger knocke out my braines. The same order for Mr. Heriots, and the rest: for all should have beene fired at an instant. In the meane time they should sell us nothing, and in the night spoyle our wires, to make necessitie disperse us. For if we were but ten together, a hundred of them would not meddle with us. So our famine increased, I was forced to send Captaine Stafford to Croatan, with twentie to feed himselfe, and see if he could espie any sayle passe the coast; Mr. Predeox with ten to Hatarask upon the same occasion: and other small parties to the Mayne to live upon rootes and Oysters.

A slaughter of two Salvages. {MN-1}
Pemissipan slaine and 8. others. {MN-2}

Pemissapan sequestring himselfe, I should not importune him for victuall, and to draw his troupes, found not the Chawonests so forward as he expected, being a people more faithfull and powerfull, and desired our friendships, and was offended with him for raising such tales, and all his projects were revealed to me by Skico my prisoner; who finding himselfe as well used by me, as Pemissapan tould me all. These troubles caused me send to Pemissapan, to put suspition in his head, I was to goe presently to Croatan to meete a Fleete came to me, though I knew no such matter: and that he would lend me men to fish and hunt. He sent me word he would come himselfe to Roanock; but delaying time eight dayes that all his men were there to be assembled, not liking so much company, I resolved the next day to goe visit him, but first to give them in the Ile a Canvisado, and at an instant to seaze on all their Canows about the Ile. But the towne tooke the Alarum before I ment it. {MN-1} For when I sent to take the Canows, he met one going from the shore, overthrew her and cut off two Salvages heads; whereupon the cry arose, being by their spyes perceived: for they kept as good watch over us, as we of them. Upon this they to their Bowes, and we to our Armes: three or foure of them at the first were slaine, the rest fled into the woods. The next morning I went to Dassamonpeack, and sent Pemissapan word I was going to Croatan, and tooke him in my way to complaine Osocon would have stole my prisoner Skico. Hereupon he did abide my comming, & being among eight of the principallest, I gave the watchword to my men, and immediately they had that they purposed for us. {MN-2} Himselfe being shot through with a Pistoll fell downe as dead, but presently start up and ran away from them all, till an Irish Boy shot him over the buttocks, where they tooke him and cut off his head.

A most generous courtesie of Sir Francis Drake. {MN}

Seaven dayes after Captaine Stafforton sent to me he descryed twentie-three Sayle. The next day came to me himselfe (of whom I must say this, from the first to the last, he neither spared labour, or perill by land or sea, fayre weather, or foule, to performe any serious service committed to him.) {MN} He brought me a letter from Sir Francis Drake, whose generous mind offered to supply all my defects, of shipping, boats, munition, victuall, clothes, and men to further this action: and upon good consultation and deliberation, he appointed me a ship of 70. tuns, with an hundred men, and foure moneths victuals, two Pinnaces, foure small Boats, with two sufficient Masters, with sufficient Gangs. All this being made ready for me, suddenly arose such a storme for foure dayes, that had like to have driven the whole Fleete on shore: many of them were forced to the Sea, whereof my ship so lately given me was one, with all my provision and Company appoynted.

Notwithstanding, the storme ceasing, the Generall appointed me a ship of 170. tuns, with all provisions as before, to carry me into England the next August, or when I had performed such Discoveries as I thought fit. Yet they durst not undertake to bring her into, the harbour, but she must ride in the road, leaving the care of the rest to my selfe, advising me to consider with my Company what was fittest, and with my best speed returne him answer.

Virginia abandoned. {MN}

Hereupon calling my Company together, who were all as privy of the Generals offer as my selfe; their whole request was, (in regard of all those former miseries, and no hope of the returne of Sir Richard Grenvill,) and with a generall consent, they desired me to urge him, we might all goe with him for England in his Fleete; for whose reliefe in that storme he had sustained more perill of wrack, then in all his honorable actions against his enemies. {MN} So with prayses to God we set sayle in June 1586. and arrived in Portsmouth the 27. of July the same yeare: Leaving this remembrance to posteritie.

To reason lend me thine attentive eares, Exempt thy selfe from mind-distracting cares: Least that's here thus projected for thy good; By thee rejected be, ere understood. Written by Mr. Ralph Layne, Governour.

The Observations of Mr. Thomas Heriot in this Voyage.

For Merchandize and Victualls.

Commodities

What before is writ, is also confirmed by that learned Mathematician Mr. Thomas Heriot, with them in the Country, whose particular Relation of all the Beasts, Birds, Fishes, Foules, Fruites, and Rootes, and how they may be usefull; because I have writ it before for the most part in the Discourse of Captaine Amidas, and Captaine Layne, except Silk grasse, Worme silke, Flax like Hempe, Allum, Wapeith, or Terra sigillata, Tar, Rosen, & Turpentine, Civet-cats, Iron ore, Copper that held Silver, Coprose and Pearle: Let those briefes suffice, because I would not trouble you with one thing twice.

Dyes.

For Dyes, Showmack, the herbe Wasebur, little rootes called Chapacor, and the barke of a tree called by the Inhabitants Tangomockonominge, which are for divers sorts of Reds.

A strange Salt.

What more then is related is an herbe in Dutch called Melden, described like an Orange, growing foure foote [I.10.] high; the seede will make good broth, and the stalke burnt to ashes makes a kinde of Salt: other Salt they know not, and we used of it for Pot-herbs. Of their Tobacco we found plenty, which they esteeme their chiefe Physicke.

Rootes.

Ground nuts, Tiswaw we call China roots; they grow in clusters, and bring forth a bryer stalke, but the leafe is far unlike, which will climbe up to the top of the highest tree: the use knowne is to cut it in small peeces, then stampe & straine it with water, and boyled makes a gelly good to eate. Cassavia growes in Marishes, which the Indians oft use for bread and broth. Habascon is like a Parsnip, naught of it selfe, except compounded: and their Leekes like those in England.

Fruits thats strange.

Sequenummener, a kinde of Berry like Capers, and three kinde of Berries like Acornes, called Sagatamenor, Osamenor, and Pummuckoner.

Beasts extraordinary.

Saquenuckot and Maquowoc, two kinde of beasts, greater then Conies, and very good meate; in some places such plenty of gray Conies, like hayres, that all the people make them mantels of their skins. I have the names of 28. severall sorts that are dispersed in the Country: of which 12. kindes we have discovered and good to eate; but the Salvages sometimes kill a Lyon and eate him.

Fish.

There is plentie of Sturgeon in February, March, Aprill, and May; all Herings in abundance; some such as ours, but the most part of 18. 20. or 24. ynches long, and more. Trouts, Porpisses, Rayes, Mullets, Old-wives, Plaice, Tortoises both by Sea and Land: Crabs, Oysters, Mussels, Scalops, Periwinckles, Crevises, Secanank: we have the Pictures of 12. sorts more, but their names we know not.

Foules.

Turkyes, Stockdoves, Partridges, Cranes, Hernes, Swans, Geese, Parrots, Faulcons, Merlins. I have the names in their language of 86. severall sorts. Their woods are such as ours in England for the most part, except Rakeock, a great sweet tree, whereof they make their Canowes: and Ascopo, a kinde of tree like Lowrell, and Saxefras.

Their Natures and Manners.

Their Clothing, Townes, Houses, Warres, Arts, Tooles, handy crafts, and educations, are much like them in that part of Virginia we now inhabite: which at large you may reade in the Description thereof. But the relation of their Religion is strange, as this Author reporteth.

Their Religion.
How the world was made. {MN}

Some Religion they have, which although it be farre from the truth, yet being as it is there is hope it may be the easier reformed. They beleeve there are many gods which they call Mantoac, but of different sorts and degrees. Also that there is one chiefe God that hath beene from all eternitie, who as they say when he purposed first to make the world, {MN} made first other gods of a principall order, to be as instruments to be used in the Creation and government to follow: And after the Sunne, Moone, and Starres, as pettie gods; and the instruments of the other order more principall. First (they say) were made waters, out of which by the gods were made all diversitie of creatures that are visible or invisible.

How man was made.

For mankinde they say a Woman was made first, which by the working of one of the gods conceived and brought forth children; and so they had their beginning, but how many yeares or ages since they know not; having no Records but onely Tradition from Father to sonne.

How they use their gods.

They thinke that all the gods are of humane shape, and therefore represent them by Images in the formes of men; which they call Kewasowok: one alone is called Kewasa; them they place in their Temples, where they worship, pray, sing, and make many offerings. The common sort thinke them also gods.

Wheter they goe after death.

They beleeve the immortalitie of the Soule, when life departing from the body, according to the good or bad workes it hath done, it is carried up to the Tabernacles of the gods, to perpetuall happinesse, or to Popogusso, a great pit: which they thinke to be at the furthest parts of the world, where the Sunne sets, and there burne continually.

Two men risen from the dead. {MN}

To confirme this they told me of two men that had beene lately dead, and [I.11.] revived againe; the one hapned but few yeares before our comming into the country; of a bad man, which being dead and buried, the next day the earth over him being seene to move, was taken up, who told them his soule was very neare entering into Popogusso, had not one of the gods saved him and gave him leave to returne againe, to teach his friends what they should doe to avoyd such torment. {MN} The other hapned the same yeare we were there, but sixtie myles from us, which they told me for news, that one being dead, buried, & taken up as the first, shewed, that although his body had layne dead in the grave, yet his soule lived, and had travailed far in a long broad way, on both sides whereof grew more sweet, fayre, and delicate trees and fruits, then ever he had seene before; at length he came to most brave and fayre houses, neare which he met his Father, that was dead long agoe, who gave him charge to goe backe, to shew his friends what good there was to doe, to injoy the pleasures of that place; which when hee had done hee should come againe.

The subtiltie of their Priests.

What subtiltie so ever be in the Weroances, and Priests; this opinion worketh so much in the common sort, that they have great respect to their Governours: and as great care to avoyde torment after death, and to enjoy blisse. Yet they have divers sorts of punishments according to the offence, according to the greatnesse of the fact. And this is the sum of their Religion, which I learned by having speciall familiaritie with their Priests, wherein they were not so sure grounded, nor gave such credit, but through conversing with us, they were brought into great doubts of their owne, and no small admiration of ours: of which many desired to learne more then we had meanes for want of utterance in their Language to expresse.

Their simplicitie.

Most things they saw with us as Mathematicall Instruments, Sea-Compasses; the vertue of the Loadstone, Perspective Glasses, burning Glasses: Clocks to goe of themselves; Bookes, writing, Guns, and such like; so far exceeded their capacities, that they thought they were rather the workes of gods then men; or at least the gods had taught us how to make them, which loved us so much better then them; & caused many of them give credit to what we spake concerning our God. In all places where I came, I did my best to make his immortall glory knowne. And I told them, although the Bible I shewed them, contained all; yet of it selfe, it was not of any such vertue as I thought they did conceive. Notwithstanding many would be glad to touch it, to kisse, and imbrace it, to hold it to their breasts, and heads, and stroke all their body over with it.

Their desire of salvation.

The King Wingina where we dwelt, would oft be with us at Prayer. Twice he was exceeding sicke and like to dye. And doubting of any helpe from his Priests, thinking he was in such danger for offending us and our God, sent for some of us to pray, and be a meanes to our God, he might live with him after death. And so did many other in the like case. One other strange Accident (leaving others) will I mention before I end, which mooved the whole Country that either knew or heard of us, to have us in wonderfull admiration.

A wonderful Accident.

There was no Towne where they had practised any villany against us (we leaving it unpunished, because we sought by all possible meanes to winne them by gentlenes) but within a few dayes after our departure, they began to dye; in some Townes twenty, in some forty, in some sixty, and in one an hundred and twenty, which was very many in respect of their numbers. And this hapned in no place (we could learn) where we had bin, but where they had used some practise to betray us. And this disease was so strange, they neither knew what it was, nor how to cure it; nor had they knowne the like time out of minde; a thing specially observed by us, as also by themselves, in so much that some of them who were our friends especially Wingina, had observed such effects in foure or five Townes, that they were perswaded it was the worke of God through our meanes: and that we by him might kill and slay whom we would, without [I.12.] weapons, and not come neare them. And thereupon, when they had any understanding, that any of their enemies abused us in our Journeyes, they would intreat us, we would be a meanes to our God, that they, as the others that had dealt ill with us, might dye in like sort: although we shewed them their requests were ungodly; and that our God would not subject himselfe to any such requests of men, but all things as he pleased came to passe: and that we to shew our selves his true servants, ought rather to pray for the contrary: yet because the effect fell out so suddenly after, according to their desires, they thought it came to passe by our meanes, and would come give us thankes in their manner, that though we satisfied them not in words, yet in deeds we had fulfilled their desires.

Their strange opinions.

This marveilous Accident in all the Country wrought so strange opinions of us, that they could not tell whether to thinke us gods or men. And the rather that all the space of their sicknesse, there was no man of ours knowne to die, or much sicke. They noted also we had no women, nor cared for any of theirs: some therefore thought we were not borne of women, and therefore not mortall, but that we were men of an old generation many yeares past, & risen againe from immortalitie. Some would Prophesie there were more of our generation yet to come, to kill theirs and take their places. Those that were to come after us they imagined to be in the ayre, yet invisible and without bodies: and that they by our intreaties, for love of us, did make the people die as they did, by shooting invisible bullets into them.

To confirme this, their Physicians to excuse their Ignorance in curing the disease, would make the simple people beleeve, that the strings of bloud they sucked out of the sicke bodies, were the strings wherein the invisible bullets were tyed, and cast. Some thought we shot them our selves from the place where we dwelt, and killed the people that had offended us, as we listed, how farre distant soever. And others said it was the speciall worke of God for our sakes, as we had cause in some sort to thinke no lesse, whatsoever some doe, or may imagine to the contrary; especially some Astrologers by the eclipse of the Sunne we saw that yeare before our Voyage, and by a Comet which began to appeare but a few dayes before the sicknesse began: but to exclude them from being the speciall causes of so speciall an Accident, there are farther reasons then I thinke fit to present or alledge.

These their opinions I have set downe, that you may see there is hope to imbrace the truth, and honor, obey, feare and love us, by good dealing and government: though some of our company towards the latter end, before we came away with Sir Francis Drake shewed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, upon causes that on our part might have bin borne with more mildnesse; notwithstanding they justly had deserved it. The best neverthelesse in this, as in all actions besides, is to be indevoured and hoped; and of the worst that may happen, notice to be taken with consideration; and as much as may be eschewed; the better to allure them hereafter to Civilitie and Christianize.

Palling. Thus you may see. How Nature her selfe delights her selfe in sundry Instruments. That sundry things be done to decke the earth with Ornaments; Nor suffers she her servants all should runne one race, But wills the walke of every one frame in a divers pace; That divers waves and divers workes, the world might better grace. Written by Thomas Heriot, one of the Voyage.

How Sir Richard Grenvill went to relieve them.

A.D. 1586.

In the yeare of our Lord 1586. Sir Walter Raleigh and his Associates prepared a ship of a hundred tun, fraughted plentifully of all things necessary: but before [I.13.] they set sayle from England it was Easter. And arriving at Hatorask, they after some time spent in seeking the Collony up in the Country, and not finding them, returned with all the provision againe to England.

Sir Richard Grenvill left fiftie men. {MN}

About 14. or 15. dayes after, Sir Richard Grenvill accompanied with three ships well appoynted, arrived there. Who not finding the aforesaid ship according to his expectation, nor hearing any newes of the Collony there seated, and left by him as is said 1585. travailing up and downe to seeke them, but when he could heare no newes of them, and found their habitation abandoned, unwilling to lose the possession of the Country, {MN} after good deliberation he landed fiftie men in the Ile of Roanoak, plentifully furnished with all manner of provision for two yeares: and so returned for England.

Where many began strangely to discant of those crosse beginnings, and him; which caused me remember an old saying of Euripides.

Who broacheth ought thats new, to fooles untaught, Himselfe shall judged be unwise, and good for naught.

Three Ships more sent to relieve them by Mr. White.

A.D. 1587.
Master White his Voyages.

We went the old course by the west Indies, and Simon Ferdinando our continuall Pilot mistaking Virginia for Cape Fear, we sayled not much to have beene cast away, upon the conceit of our all-knowing Ferdinando, had it not beene prevented by the vigilancy of Captaine Stafford. We came to Hatorask the 22. of July, and with fortie of our best men, intending at Roanoack to find the 50 men left by Sir Richard Grenvill. But we found nothing but the bones of a man, and where the Plantation had beene, the houses unhurt, but overgrowne with weeds, and the Fort defaced, which much perplexed us.

One of the Council slaine. {MN}

By the History it seemes Simon Ferdinando did what he could to bring this voyage to confusion; but yet they all arrived at Hatorask. They repayred the old houses at Roanock, {MN} and Master George How, one of the Councell, stragling abroad, was slaine by the Salvages. Not long after Master Stafford with 20. men went to Croatan with Manteo, whose friends dwelled there: of whom we thought to have some newes of our 50 men. They at first made shew to fight, but when they heard Manteo, they threw away their Armes, and were friends, and desired there might be a token given to be knowne by, least we might hurt them by misprision, as the yeare before one had bin by Master Layne, that was ever their friend, and there present yet lame.

How the fiftie men were slaine.

The next day we had conference with them concerning the people of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Pomeiok, willing them of Croatan to see if they would accept friendship, and renew our old acquaintance: which they willingly imbraced, and promised to bring their King and Governours to Roanoak, to confirme it. We also understood that Master Howe was slaine by the men of Wingina, of Dassamonpeack: and by them of Roanoack, {MN} that the fiftie men left by Sir Richard Grenvill, were suddainly set upon by three hundred of Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack. First they intruded themselves among 11 of them by friendship, one they slew, the rest retyring to their houses, they set them on fire, that our men with what came next to hand were forced to make their passage among them; where one of them was shot in the mouth, and presently dyed, and a Salvage slaine by him. On both sides more were hurt; but our men retyring to the water side, got their boat, & ere they had rowed a quarter of a myle towards Hatorask, they tooke up foure of their fellowes, gathering Crabs and Oysters: at last they landed on a little Ile by Hatorask, where they remained a while, but after departed they knew not whether. So taking our leaves of the Croatans, we came to our Fleet at Hatorask.

The Governour having long expected the King and Governours of Pomeiok, Secotan, Aquascogoc, and Dassamonpeack, and the 7. dayes expired, and no newes of them, being also informed by those of Croatan, that they of Dassamonpeack slew Master How, and were at the driving our men from Roanoack he thought no longer to deferre the revenge. Wherefore about midnight, with Captaine Stafford, and twentie-foure men, whereof Manteo was one, for our guide, (that behaved himselfe towards us as a most faithfull English man) he set forward.

An ill misprision.
A child borne in Virginia. {MN}

The next day by breake of day we landed, and got beyond their houses, where seeing them sit by the fire we assaulted them. The miserable soules amazed fled into the Reeds, where one was shot through, and we thought to have beene fully revenged, but we were deceived, for they were our friends come from Croatan to gather their corne, because they understood our enemies were fled after the death of Master How, and left all behinde them for the birds. But they had like to have payd too deare for it, had we not chanced upon a Weroances wife, with a childe at her backe, and a Salvage that knew Captaine Stafford, that ran to him calling him by his name. Being thus disappointed of our purpose, we gathered the fruit we found ripe, left the rest unspoyled, and tooke Menatonon his wife with her childe, and the rest with us to Roanoak. Though this mistake grieved Manteo, yet he imputed it to their own folly, because they had not kept promise to come to the governor at the day appointed. The 13. of August our Salvage Manteo was Christened, and called Lord of Dassamonpeack, in reward of his faithfulnesse. {MN} And the 18th, Ellinor the Governours daughter, and wife to Ananias Dare, was delivered of a daughter in Roanoak; which being the first Christian there borne, was called Virginia.

A controversie who to send for Factor to England. {MN}

Our ships being ready to depart, such a storme arose, as the Admirall was forced to cut her Cables: and it was six dayes ere she could recover the shore, that made us doubt she had beene lost, because the most of her best men were on shore. {MN} At this time Controversies did grow betwixt our Governour and the Assistants, about choosing one of them 12. to goe as Factor for them all to England; for all refused save one, whom all men thought most insufficient: the Conclusion was by a generall consent, they would have the Governour goe himselfe, for that they thought none would so truly procure there supplyes as he. Which though he did what he could to excuse it, yet their importunitie would not cease till he under-tooke it, and had it under all their hands how unwilling he was, but that necessity and reason did doubly constraine him. At their setting sayle for England, waighing Anchor, twelve of the men in the flyboat were throwne from the Capstern, by the breaking of a barre, and most of them so hurt, that some never recovered it. The second time they had the like fortune, being but 15. they cut the Cable and kept company with their Admirall to Flowres and Corvos; the Admirall stayed there looking for purchase: but the flyboats men grew so weake they were driven to Smerwick in the West of Ireland. The Governour went for England; and Simon Ferdinando with much adoe at last arrived at Portsmouth. 1587.

The Names of those were landed in this Plantation were,

With divers others to the number of about 115.

[I.15.] The fift Voyage to Virginia; undertaken by Mr. John White.

A.D. 1589.

Master White his return to Virginia.
Captaine Spicer and seaven others drowned. {MN-1}
They finde where they had buryed their provisions. {MN-2}

The 20. of March three ships went from Plimouth, and passed betwixt Barbary and Mogadoro to Dominico in the West Indies. After we had done some exployts in those parts, the third of August wee fell with the low sandy Iles westward of Wokokon. But by reason of ill weather it was the 11. ere we could Anchor there; and on the 12. we came to Croatan, where is a great breach in 35 degrees and a halfe, in the Northeast poynt of the Ile. The 15. we came to Hatorask in 36. degrees & a terse, at 4. fadom, 3 leagues from shore: where we might perceive a smoake at the place where I left the Colony, 1587. The next morning Captaine Cooke, Captaine Spicer, & their companies, with two boats left our ships, and discharged some Ordnance to give them notice of our comming, but when we came there, we found no man, nor signe of any that had beene there lately: and so returned to our Boats. The next morning we prepared againe for Roanoack. Captaine Spicer had then sent his Boat ashore for water, so it was ten of the Clocke ere we put from the ships, which rode two myles from the shore. The Admirals boat, being a myle before the other, as she passed the bar, a sea broke into the boat and filled her halfe full of water: but by Gods good will, and the carefull stearage of Captaine Cook, though our provisions were much wet we safe escaped, the wind blew hard at Northeast, which caused so great a current and a breach upon the barre; Captaine Spicer passed halfe over, but by the indiscreet steering of Ralph Skinner, their boat was overset, the men that could catch hold hung about her, the next sea cast her on ground, where some let goe their hold to wade to shore, but the sea beat them downe. {MN-1} The boat thus tossed up and downe Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung there till they were drowned; but 4. that could swim a little, kept themselves in deeper water, were saved by the meanes of Captaine Cook, that presently upon the oversetting of their boat, shipped himselfe to save what he could. Thus of eleven, seven of the chiefest were drowned. This so discomfited all the Saylers, we had much to do to get them any more to seeke further for the Planters, but by their Captaines forwardnes at last they fitted themselves againe for Hatorask in 2 boats, with 19 persons. It was late ere we arrived, but seeing a fire through the woods, we sounded a Trumpet, but no answer could we heare. The next morning we went to it, but could see nothing but the grasse, and some rotten trees burning. We went up and downe the Ile, and at last found three faire Romane Letters carved. C.R.O. which presently we knew to signifie the place where I should find them, according to a secret note betweene them & me: which was to write the name of the place they would be in, upon some tree, dore, or post: and if they had beene in any distresse, to signifie it by making a crosse over it. For at my departure they intended to goe fiftie myles into the mayne. But we found no signe of distresse; then we went to a place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found them all taken downe, and the place strongly inclosed with a high Palizado, very Fortlike; and in one of the chiefe Posts carved in fayre capitall Letters CROATAN, without any signe of distresse, and many barres of Iron, two pigs of Lead, foure Fowlers, Iron shot, and such like heavie things throwne here and there, overgrowne with grasse and weeds. We went by the shore to seeke for their boats but could find none, nor any of the Ordnance I left them. {MN-2} At last some of the Sailers found divers Chists had beene hidden and digged up againe, and much of the goods spoyled, and scattered up and downe, which when I saw, I knew three of them to be my owne; but bookes, pictures, and all things els were spoyled. Though it much grieved me, yet it did much comfort me that I did know they were at Croatan; so we returned to our Ships, but had like to have bin cast away by a great storme that continued all that night.

The end of the Plantation. {MN}

[I.16.] The next morning we weighed Anchor for Croatan: having the Anchor a-pike, the Cable broke, by the meanes whereof we lost another: letting fall the third, the ship yet went so fast a drift, we fayled not much there to have split. But God bringing us into deeper water; considering we had but one Anchor, and our provision neare spent, we resolved to goe forthwith to S. Johns Ile, Hispaniola, or Trinidado, to refresh our selves and seeke for purchase that Winter, and the next Spring come againe to seeke our Country-men. But our Vice Admirall would not, but went directly for England, and we our course for Trinidado. But within two dayes after, the wind changing, we were constrained for the Westerne Iles to refresh our selves, where we met with many of the Queenes ships our owne consort, and divers others, the 23. of September 1590. And thus we left seeking this our Colony, that was never any of them found, nor seene to this day 1622. {MN} And this was the conclusion of this Plantation, after so much time, labour, and charge consumed. Whereby we see;

Not all at once, nor all alike, nor ever hath it beene, That God doth offer and confer his blessings upon men. Written by Master John White.

CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLL

A.D. 1602.

A briefe Relation of the Description of Elizabeths Ile, and some others towards the North part of Virginia; and what els they discovered in the yeare 1602. by Captaine Bartholomew Gosnoll, and Captaine Bartholomew Gilbert; and divers other Gentlemen their Associates.

12. yeares it lay dead.

All hopes of Virginia thus abandoned, it lay dead and obscured from 1590. till this yeare 1602. that Captaine Gosnoll, with 32. and himselfe in a small Barke, set sayle from Dartmouth upon the 26. of March. Though the wind favoured us not at the first, but force us as far Southward as the Asores, which was not much out of our way; we ran directly west from thence, whereby we made our journey shorter then heretofore by 500. leagues: the weaknesse of our ship, the badnes of our saylers, and our ignorance of the coast, caused us carry but a low sayle, that made our passage longer then we expected.

Their first landing. {MN}

On fryday the 11. of May we made land, it was somewhat low, where appeared certaine hummocks or hills in it: the shore white sand, but very rockie, yet overgrowne with fayre trees. Comming to an Anchor, 8 Indians in a Baske shallop, with mast and sayle came boldly aboord us. It seemed by their signes & such things as they had, some Biskiners had fished there: being about the latitude of 43. But the harbour being naught, & doubting the weather, we went not ashore, but waighed, and stood to the Southward into the Sea. {MN} The next morning we found our selves imbayed with a mightie headland: within a league of the shore we anchored, and Captaine Gosnoll, my selfe, & three others went to it in our boat, being a white sand & a bold coast. Though the weather was hot, we marched to the highest hils we could see, where we perceived this headland part of the mayn, neare invironed with Ilands. As we were returning to our ship, a good proper, lusty young man came to us, with whom we had but small conference, and so we left him. Here in 5. or 6. houres we tooke more Cod then we knew what to doe with, which made us perswade our selves, there might be found a good fishing in March, Aprill, and May.

Martha's Vineyard. [I.17]

At length we came among these fayre Iles, some a league, 2. 3. 5. or 6. from the Mayne, by one of them we anchored. We found it foure myles in compasse, without house or inhabitant. In it is a lake neare a myle in circuit; the rest overgrowne with trees, which so well as the bushes, were so overgrowne with Vines, we could scarce passe them. And by the blossomes we might perceive there would be plenty of Strawberries, Respises, Gousberries, and divers other fruits: besides, Deere and other Beasts we saw, and Cranes, Hernes, with divers other sorts of fowle; which made us call it Martha's Vineyard.

Elizabeths Island.

The rest of the Iles are replenished with such like; very rocky, and much tinctured stone like Minerall. Though we met many Indians, yet we could not see their habitations: they gave us fish, Tobacco, and such things as they had. But the next Isle we arrived at was but two leagues from the Maine, & 16. myle about, invironed so with creekes and coves, it seemed like many Isles linked together by small passages like bridges. In it is many places of plaine grasse, and such other fruits, and berries as before were mentioned. In mid-May we did sow Wheat, Barley, Gates, & Pease, which in 14. dayes sprung up 9. inches. The soyle is fat and lusty: the crust thereof gray, a foot or lesse in depth. It is full of high timbred Okes, their leaves thrise so broad as ours: Cedar straight and tall, Beech, Holly, Walnut, Hazell, Cherry trees like ours, but the stalke beareth the blossom or fruit thereof like a cluster of Grapes, forty or fiftie in a bunch. There is a tree of Orange colour, whose barke in the filing is as smooth as Velvet. There is a lake of fresh water three myles in compasse, in the midst an Isle containing an acre or thereabout, overgrowne with wood: here are many Tortoises, and abundance of all sorts of foules, whose young ones we tooke and eate at our pleasure. Grounds nuts as big as egges, as good as Potatoes, and 40. on a string, not two ynches under ground. All sorts of shell-fish, as Schalops, Mussels, Cockles, Crabs, Lobsters, Welks, Oysters, exceeding good and very great; but not to cloy you with particulars, what God and nature hath bestowed on those places, I refer you to the Authors owne writing at large. We called this Isle Elizabeths Isle, from whence we went right over to the mayne, where we stood a while as ravished at the beautie and dilicacy of the sweetnesse, besides divers cleare lakes, whereof we saw no end, & meadows very large and full of greene grasse, &c.

A Copper Mine. {MN-1}
Their return. {MN-2}

Here we espyed 7. Salvages, at first they expressed some feare, but by our courteous usage of them, they followed us to the necke of Land, which we thought had beene severed from the Mayne, but we found it otherwise. Here we imagined was a river, but because the day was farre spent, we left to discover it till better leasure. But of good Harbours, there is no doubt, considering the Land is all rocky and broken lands. The next day we determined to fortifie our selves in the Isle in the lake. Three weekes we spent in building us there a house. But the second day after our comming from the Mayne, 11. Canows with neare 50. Salvages came towards us. Being unwilling they should see our building, we went to, & exchanged with them Knives, Hatchets, Beades, Bels, and such trifles, for some Bevers, Lyzards, Martins, Foxes, wilde Catte skinnes, and such like. {MN-1} We saw them have much red Copper, whereof they make chaines, collars, and drinking cups, which they so little esteemed they would give us for small toyes, & signified unto us they had it out of the earth in the Mayne: three dayes they stayed with us, but every night retyred two or three myle from us: after with many signes of love and friendship they departed, seaven of them staying behind, that did helpe us to dig and carry Saxafras, and doe any thing they could, being of a comely proportion and the best condition of any Salvages we had yet incountred. They have no Beards but counterfeits, as they did thinke ours also was: for which they would have changed with some of our men that had great beards. Some of the baser sort would steale; but the better sort, we found very civill and just. We saw but three of their women, and they were but of meane stature, [I.18.] attyred in skins like the men, but fat and well favoured. The wholesomenesse and temperature of this climate, doth not onely argue the people to be answerable to this Description, but also of a perfect constitution of body, active, strong, healthfull, and very witty, as the sundry toyes by them so cunningly wrought may well testifie. For our selves, we found our selves rather increase in health and strength then otherwise; for all our toyle, bad dyet and lodging; yet not one of us was touched with any sicknesse. {MN-2} Twelve intended here a while to have stayed, but upon better consideration, how meanely we were provided, we left this Island (with as many true sorrowfull eyes as were before desirous to see it) the 18. of June, and arrived at Exmouth, the 23 of July.

But yet mans minde doth such it selfe explay, As Gods great Will doth frame it every way. And, Such thoughts men have, on earth that doe but live, As men may crave, but God doth onely give. Written by John Brierton one of the Voyage.

CAPTAIN MARTIN PRING

A.D. 1603.

A Voyage of Captaine Martin Pring, with two Barks from Bristow, for the North part of Virginia. 1603.

By the inducements and perswasions of Mr. Richard Hackluite, Mr. John Whitson being Maior, with his brethren the Aldermen, & most of the Merchants of the Citie of Bristow, raised a stocke of 1000 L. to furnish out two Barkes, the one of 50. tuns, with 30. men and boyes, the other 26. tuns, with 13. men and boyes, having Martin Pring an understanding Gentleman, and a sufficient Mariner for Captaine, and Robert Salterne his Assistant, who had bin with Captaine Gosnoll there the yeare before for Pilot. Though they were much crossed by contrary windes upon the coast of England, and the death of that ever most memorable, miracle of the world, our most deare soveraigne Lady and Queene Elizabeth: yet at last they passed by the westerne Isles, and about the 7. of June, fell upon the north part of Virginia, about the degrees of fortie three. Where they found plentie of most sorts of fish, and saw a high country full of great woods of sundry sorts. As they ranged the coast at a place they named Whitson Bay, they were kindly used by the Natives, that came to them, in troupes, of tens, twenties, & thirties, and sometimes more. But because in this Voyage for most part they followed the course of Captaine Gosnoll, and have made no relation but to the same effect he writ before, we will thus conclude;

Lay hands unto this worke with all thy wit, But pray that God would speed and perfit it. Robert Salterne.

A.D. 1605.

A relation of a Discovery towards the Northward of Virginia, by Captaine George Waymouth 1605. imployed thether by the right Honorable Thomas Arundell, Baron of Warder, in the Raigne of our most royall King James.

Dangerous shoules. {MN-1}
Cod and Whales. {MN-2}
Their first landing. {MN-3}

Upon tuesday the fift of March we set sayle from Ratcliffe, but by contrary winds we were forced into Dartmouth till the last of this moneth, then with 29. as good sea men, & all necessary provisions as could [I.19.] possibly be gotten, we put to sea; and the 24 of Aprill fell with Flowres and Corvos. We intended as we were directed towards the Southward of 39. {MN-1} But the winds so crossed us wee fell more Northwards about 41. and 20. minuits, we sounded at 100. fathom, & by that we had run 6 leagues we had but 5. yet saw no land; from the mayne top we descryed a whitish sandy clift, West North-west some 6. leagues from us, but ere we had run two leagues further we found many shoules and breaches, sometimes in 4. fadom and the next throw 15. or 18. Being thus imbayed among those shoules, we were constrained to put back againe, which we did with no small danger, though both the winde and weather were as fayre as we could desire. Thus we parted from the Land, which we had not before so much desired, and at the first sight rejoyced, as now we all joyfully praysed God that he had delivered us from so eminent danger. {MN-2} Here we found excellent Cod, and saw many Whales as we had done 2. or 3. daies before. Being thus constrained to put to sea, the want of wood & water caused us take the best advantage of the winde, to fall with the shore wheresoever: but we found our Sea-cards most directly false. The 17. of May we made the Land againe, but it blew so hard, we durst not approach it. The next day it appeared to us a mayne high land, but we found it an Island of 6. myles in compasse: {MN-3} within a league of it we came to an anchor, and went on shore for wood & water, of which we found sufficient. The water gushing forth downe the rocky clifts, in many places, which are all overgrown with Firre, Birch, Beech, & Oke, as the Verge is with Gousberries, Strawberries, wild Pease, and Rose bushes, and much foule of divers sorts that breed among the rockes: here as in all places els where we came, we found Cod enough.

Pentecost harbour. {MN-1}
The Captains diligence. {MN-2}

From hence we might discerne the mayne land and very high mountaines, the next day because we rode too open to the Sea, we waighed, and came to the Isles adjoyning to the mayn: among which we found an excellent rode, defended from all windes, for ships of any burthen, in 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom upon a clay oze. {MN-1} This was upon a Whitsonday, wherefore we called it Pentecost Harbour. Here I cannot omit for foolish feare of imputation of flattery, the painfull industry of our Captaine, who as at Sea he was alwayes most carefull & vigilant, so at land he refused no paines: {MN-2} but his labour was ever as much or rather more then any mans; which not onely incouraged others with better content, but also effected much with great expedition. We digged a Garden the 22. of May, where among our garden-seeds we sowed Pease and Barley, which in 16. dayes grew up 8. ynches, although this was but the crust of the ground, and much inferiour to the mould we after found in the mayne.

Trade with the Salvages. {MN}

After we had taken order for all our necessary businesses, we marched through two of these Isles. The biggest was 4. or 5. myles in compasse; we found here all sorts of ordinary trees, besides, Vines, Currants, Spruce, Yew, Angelica, and divers gummes: in so much many of our company wished themselves setled here. Upon the 30. our Captaine with 13. went to discover the mayne: we in the ship espyed 3. Canowes that came towards the ship. Which after they had well viewed, one of them came aboord with 3. men, and by our good usage of them not long after the rest, two dayes we had their companies, in all respects they are but like them at Elizabeths Isles, therefore this may suffice for their description. In this time our Captain had discovered a fayre river, trending into the mayne 40 myles, and returned backe to bring in the ship. {MN} The Salvages also kept their words and brought us 40. Bever, Otter, and sable skins, for the value of 5. shillings in knives, glasses, combes, and such toyes, and thus we used them so kindly as we could, because we intended to inhabit in their Country, they lying aboord with us and we ashore with them; but it was but as changing man for man as hostages, and in this manner many times we had their companies.

Their trechery. {MN-1}
Five Salvages surprised. {MN-2}

At last they desired our Captaine to goe with them to the mayne to trade with their Bashabes, which is their chiefe Lord, which we did, our boat well manned with [I.20.] 14. yet would they row faster with 3. Ores in their Canowes then we with 8. but when we saw our old acquaintance, would not stay aboord us as before for hostage, but did what they could to draw us into a narrow cirke, {MN-1} we exchanged one Owen Griffin with them for a yong fellow of theirs, that he might see if he could discover any trechery, as he did, for he found there assembled 283. Salvages with bowes & arrows, but not any thing at all to trade as they pretended. These things considered, we conceited them to be but as all Salvages ever had beene, kinde till they found opportunitie to do mischiefe. {MN-2} Wherefore we determined to take some of them, before they should suspect we had discovered their plot, lest they should absent themselves from us, so the first that ever after came into the ship were three which we kept, and two we tooke on shore with much adoe, with two Canowes, their bowes and arrowes.

A description of the river. {MN}

Some time we spent in sounding all the Isles, channels, and inlets thereabouts, and we found 4. severall waies a ship might be brought into this Bay. In the interim there came 2. Canowes more boldly aboord us, signifying we should bring our ship to the place where he dwelt to trade. We excused our selves why we could not, but used them kindly, yet got them away with all the speed we could, that they should not be perceived by them in the houle, then we went up the river 26. myles, of which I had rather not write, then by my relation detract from it, {MN} it is in breadth a myle, neare 40. myles; and a channell of 6. 7. 8. 9. or 10. fadom, & on both sides every halfe myle gallant Coves, to containe in many of them 100 sayle, where they may lye on Oze without Cable or Anchor, onely mored with a Hauser, and it floweth 18. foot, that you may make, docke, or carine ships with much facilitie: besides the land is most rich, trending all along on both sides in an equall plaine, neither rocky nor mountainous, but verged with a greene border of grasse, doth make tender to the beholder her pleasant fertilitie, if by cleansing away the woods she were converted into meadow.

The woods are great, and tall, such as are spoken of in the Islands, and well watered with many fresh springs. Our men that had seene Oranoque so famous in the worlds eares, Reogrande, Loyer, & Slion, report, though they be great & goodly rivers, yet are not comparable to it. Leaving our ship we went higher, till we were 7. myles higher then the salt water flowed; we marched towards the mountains we had seene, but the weather was so hot, & our labour so great, as our Captaine was contented to returne: after we had erected a crosse we left this faire land and river, in which the higher we went the better we liked it, and returned to our ship. By the way we met a Canow that much desired one of our men to go up to their Basshabes, but we knew their intents, and so turned them off; and though we had both time and provision to have discovered much more, and might have found peradventure good trade, yet because our company was but small, we would not hazzard so hopefull a businesse as this was, either for our private, or particular ends, being more regardfull of a publicke good, and promulgating Gods holy Church by planting Christianity, which was the intent of our adventurers so well as ours; returning by the Isles in the entry of the Sound we called them St. Georges Isles, & because on Sunday we set out of England, on Sunday also the 16. of June we departed hence. When we had run 30. leagues we had 40. fadom, then 70. then 100. After 2. or 3. watches more we were in 24. fadoms, where we tooke so much Cod as we did know what to doe with, and the 18. of July came to Dartmouth, and all our men as well God be thanked as when they went forth.

Thus may you see; God hath not all his gifts bestowed on all or any one, Words sweetest, and wits sharpest, courage, strength of bone; All rarities of minde and parts doe all concurre in none. Written by James Rosier one of the Voyage.

THE SECOND BOOKE. [II.21.]

The Sixt Voyage. 1606.

To another part of Virginia, where now are Planted our English Colonies, Whom God increase and preserve: Discovered and Described by Captaine John Smith, sometimes Governour of the Countrey.

A.D. 1606.
The latitude. {MN}

By these former relations you may see what inconveniences still crossed those good intents, and how great a matter it was all this time to finde but a Harbour, although there be so many. But this Virginia is a Country in America {MN} betweene the degrees of 34. and 45. of the North latitude. The bounds thereof on the East side are the great Ocean: on the South lyeth Florida: on the North nova Francia: as for the West thereof, the limits are unknowne. Of all this Country we purpose not to speake, but onely of that part which was planted by the English men in the yeare of our Lord, 1606. And this is under the degrees 37. 38. and 39. The temperature of this Country doth agree well with English constitutions, being once seasoned to the Country. Which appeared by this, that though by many occasions our people fell sicke; yet did they recover by very small meanes, and continued in health, though there were other great causes, not onely to have made them sicke, but even to end their dayes, &c.

The temperature.

The Sommer is hot as in Spaine; the Winter cold as in France or England. The heat of sommer is in June, July, and August, but commonly the coole Breeses asswage the vehemency of the heat. The chiefe of winter is halfe December, January, February, and halfe March. The colde is extreame sharpe, but here the Proverbe is true, that no extreame long continueth.

In the yeare 1607. was an extraordinary frost in most of Europe, and this frost was found as extreame in Virginia. But the next yeare for 8. or 10. dayes of ill weather, other 14. dayes would be as Sommer.

The windes.

The windes here are variable, but the like thunder and lightning to purifie the ayre, I have seldome either seene or heard in Europe. From the Southwest came the greatest gusts with thunder and heat. The North-west winde is commonly coole and bringeth faire weather with it. From the North is the greatest cold, and from the East and Southeast as from the Barmudas, fogs and raines.

Some times there are great droughts, other times much raine, yet great necessitie of neither, by reason we see not but that all the raritie of needfull fruits in Europe, may be there in great plentie, by the industry of men, as appeareth by those we there Planted.

The entrances.
Cape Henry. {MN}

There is but one entrance by Sea into this Country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly Bay, 18. or 20. myles broad. {MN} The cape on the South is called Cape Henry, in honour of our most noble Prince. The land white hilly sands like unto the Downes, and all along the shores great plentie of Pines and Firres.

Cape Charles.
The Countrey. {MN}

The north Cape is called Cape Charles, in honour of the worthy Duke of Yorke. The Isles before it, Smith's Isles, by the name of the discoverer. Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places knowne, for large and pleasant navigable Rivers, heaven & earth never agreed better to frame a place for man's habitation; were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. {MN} Here are mountaines, hils, plaines, valleyes, rivers, and brookes, all running most pleasantly into a faire Bay, compassed but for the mouth, with fruitfull and delightsome land. In the Bay and rivers are many Isles both great & small, some woody, some plaine, most of them low and not inhabited. This Bay lyeth North and South, in which the water floweth neare 200. myles, and hath a channell for 140 myles, of depth betwixt 6 and 15 fadome, holding in breadth for the most part 10 or 14 myles. From the head of the Bay to the Northwest, the land is mountanous, and so in a manner from thence by a Southwest line; so that the more Southward, the farther off from the Bay are those mountaines. From which fall certaine brookes which after come to five principall navigable rivers. These run from the Northwest into the South east, and so into the West side of the Bay, where the fall of every River is within 20 or 15 myles one of another.

The mountaines.
The soyle. {MN}

The mountaines are of divers natures: for at the head of the Bay the rockes are of a composition like Mill stones. Some of Marble, &c. And many peeces like Christall we found, as throwne downe by water from those mountaines. For in Winter they are covered with much snow, and when it dissolveth the waters fall with such violence, that it causeth great inundations in some narrow valleyes, which is scarce perceived being once in the rivers. These waters wash from the rocks such glistering tinctures, that the ground in some places seemeth as guilded, where both the rocks and the earth are so splendent to behold, that better judgements then ours might have beene perswaded, they contained more then probabilities. The vesture of the earth in most places doth manifestly prove the nature of the soyle to be lusty and very rich. {MN} The colour of the earth we found in diverse places, resembleth bole Armoniac, terra sigillata, and Lemnia, Fullers earth, Marie, and divers other such appearances. But generally for the most part it is a blacke sandy mould, in some places a fat slimy clay, in other places a very barren gravell. But the best ground is knowne by the vesture it beareth, as by the greatnesse of trees, or abundance of weeds, &c.

The valleyes.
Plaines. {MN}

The Country is not mountanous, nor yet low, but such pleasant plaine hils, and fertile valleyes, one prettily crossing another, & watered so conveniently with fresh brookes and springs, no lesse commodious, then delightsome. {MN} By the rivers are many plaine marishes, containing some 20 some 100. some 200 Acres, some more, some lesse. Other plaines there are few, but onely where the Salvages inhabit: but all overgrowne with trees & weeds, being a plaine wildernesse as God first made it.

The river Powhatan. {MN-1}
The branches. {MN-2}
James Towne. {MN-3}

On the west side of the Bay, we sayd were 5. faire and delightfull navigable rivers. The first of those, and the next to the mouth of the Bay hath his course from the West Northwest. {MN-1} It is called Powhatan, according to the name of a principall country that lyeth upon it. The mouth of this river is neare three myles in breadth, yet doe the shoules force the Channell so neare the land, that a Sacre will overshoot it at point blanke. It is navigable 150 myles, the shouldes and soundings are here needlesse to be expressed. It falleth from Rockes farre west in a Country inhabited by a nation they call Monacans. But where it commeth into our discovery it is Powhatan. In the farthest place that was diligently observed, are falles, rockes, shoules, &c. which makes it past navigation any higher. Thence in the running downeward, the river is enriched with many goodly brookes, which are maintained by an infinit number of small rundles and pleasant springs, that disperse themselves for best service, as do the veines of a mans body. {MN-2} From the South there fals into it: First, the pleasant river of Apamatuck. Next more to the East are two small rivers of Quiyoughcohanocke. A little farther is a Bay wherein falleth 3 or 4 prettie brookes & creekes that halfe intrench the Inhabitants of Warraskoyac, then the river of Nandsamund, and lastly the brooke of Chisapeack. From the North side is the river of Chickahamania, the backe river of James Towne; another by the Cedar Isle, where we lived ten weekes upon Oysters, then a convenient harbour for Fisher boats at Kecoughtan, that so turneth it selfe into Bayes and Creekes, it makes that [II.23] place very pleasant to inhabit; their cornefields being girded therein in a manner as Peninsulaes. The most of these rivers are inhabited by severall nations, or rather families, of the name of the rivers. They have also over those some Governour, as their King, which they call Werowances. {MN-3} In a Peninsula on the North side of this river are the English Planted in a place by them called James Towne, in honour of the Kings most excellent Majestie.

The severall Inhabitants.

The first and next the rivers mouth are the Kecoughtans, who besides their women & children, have not past 20. fighting men. The Paspaheghes (on whose land is seated James Towne, some 40 myles from the Bay) have not past 40. The river called Chickahamania neare 250. The Weanocks 100. The Arrowhatocks 30. The place called Powhatan, some 40. On the South side this river the Appamatucks have sixtie fighting men. The Quiyougcohanocks 25. The Nandsamunds 200. The Chesapeacks 100. Of this last place the Bay beareth the name. In all these places is a severall commander, which they call Werowance, except the Chickahamanians, who are governed by the Priests and their Assistants, or their Elders called Caw-cawwassoughes. In sommer no place affordeth more plentie of Sturgeon, nor in winter more abundance of foule, especially in the time of frost. I tooke once 52. Sturgeons at a draught, at another 68. From the later end of May till the end of June are taken few, but yong Sturgeons of two foot, or a yard long. From thence till the midst of September, them of two or three yards long and few others. And in 4 or 5, houres with one Net were ordinarily taken 7 or 8: often more, seldome lesse. In the small rivers all the yeare there is good plentie of small fish, so that with hookes those that would take paines had sufficient.

R. Pamaunkee.
The inhabitants. {MN}

Foureteene myles Northward from the river Powhatan, is the river Pamaunkee, which is navigable 60 or 70 myles, but with Catches and small Barkes 30 or 40 myles farther. At the ordinary flowing of the salt water, it divideth it selfe into two gallant branches. {MN} On the South side inhabit the people of Youghtanund, who have about 60 men for warres. On the North branch Mattapament, who have 30 men. Where this river is divided the Country is called Pamaunkee, and nourisheth neare 300 able men. About 25. myles lower on the North side of this river is Werawocomoco, where their great King inhabited when I was delivered him prisoner; yet there are not past 40 able men. Ten or twelve myles lower, on the South side of this river, is Chiskiack, which hath some 40 or 50 men. These, as also Apamatuck, Irrohatock, and Powhatan, are their great Kings chiefe alliance, and inhabitants. The rest his Conquests.

Payankatank, R.

Before we come to the third river that falleth from the mountaines, there is another river (some 30 myles navigable) that commeth from the Inland, called Payankatanke, the Inhabitants are about 50 or 60 serviceable men.

Topahanock, R.
The Inhabitants. {MN}

The third navigable river is called Toppahanock. (This is navigable some 130 myles) {MN} At the top of it inhabit the people called Mannahoacks amongst the mountaines, but they are above the place we described. Upon this river on the North side are the people Cuttatawomen, with 30 fighting men. Higher are the Moraughtacunds, with 80. Beyond them Rapahanock with 100. Far above is another Cuttatawomen with 20. On the South is the pleasant seat of Nantaughtacund having 150 men. The river also as the two former, is replenished with fish and foule.

Patawomeck, R.
The Inhabitants. {MN}

The fourth river is called Patawomeke, 6 or 7 myles in breadth. It is navigable 140 myles, and fed as the rest with many sweet rivers and springs, which fall from the bordering hils. These hils many of them are planted, and yeeld no lesse plentie and varietie of fruit, then the river exceedeth with abundance of fish. {MN} It is inhabited on both sides. First on the South side at the very entrance is Wighcocomoco & hath some 130 men, beyond them Sekacawone with 30. The Onawmanient with 100. And the Patawomekes more then 200. Here doth the river divide it selfe into 3 or 4 convenient branches. The greatest of the least is called Quiyough, trending North-west, but the river it selfe turneth Northeast, and is still a navigable streame. On the Westerne side of this bought is Tauxenent with 40 men. On the North of this river is Secowocomoco with 40. Somewhat further Potapaco with 20. In the East part is Pamacaeack with 60. [II.24.] After Moyowance with 100. And lastly, Nacotchtanke with 80. The river above this place maketh his passage downe a low pleasant valley overshaddowed in many places with high rocky mountaines; from whence distill innumerable sweet and pleasant springs.

Pawtuxunt, R.

The fift river is called Pawtuxunt, of a lesse proportion then the rest; but the channell is 16 fadome deepe in some places. Here are infinit skuls of divers kindes of fish more then elswhere. Upon this river dwell the people called Acquintanacksuak, Pawtuxunt, and Mattapanient. Two hundred men was the greatest strength that could be there perceived. But they inhabit together, and not so dispersed as the rest. These of all other we found most civill to give intertainement.

Bolus, R. The head of the Bay.
Sasquesahanock. {MN}

Thirtie leagues Northward is a river not inhabited, yet navigable; for the red clay resembling bole Armoniack we called it Bolus. At the end of the Bay where it is 6 or 7 myles in breadth, it divides it selfe into 4. branches, the best commeth Northwest from among the mountaines, but though Canows may goe a dayes journey or two up it, we could not get two myles up it with our boat for rockes. {MN} Upon it is seated the Sasquesahanocks, neare it North and by West runneth a creeke a myle and a halfe: at the head whereof the Ebbe left us on shore, where we found many trees cut with hatchets. The next tyde keeping the shore to seeke for some Salvages; (for within thirtie leagues sayling, we saw not any, being a barren Country,) we went up another small river like a creeke 6 or 7 myle. From thence returning we met 7 Canowes of the Massowomeks, with whom we had conference by signes, for we understood one another scarce a word: the next day we discovered the small river & people of Tockwhogh trending Eastward.

The description of Sasquesahanough. {MN}

Having lost our Grapnell among the rocks of Sasquesahanocks, we were then neare 200 myles from home, and our Barge about two tuns, and had in it but 12 men to performe this Discovery, wherein we lay above 12 weekes upon those great waters in those unknowne Countries, having nothing but a little meale, oatemeale and water to feed us, and scarce halfe sufficient of that for halfe that time, but what provision we got among the Salvages, and such rootes and fish as we caught by accident, and Gods direction; nor had we a Mariner nor any had skill to trim the sayles but two saylers and my selfe, the rest being Gentlemen, or them were as ignorant in such toyle and labour. Yet necessitie in a short time by good words and examples made them doe that that caused them ever after to feare no colours. What I did with this small meanes I leave to the Reader to judge, and the Mappe I made of the Country, which is but a small matter in regard of the magnitude thereof. But to proceed, 60 of those Sasquesahanocks came to us with skins, Bowes, Arrows, Targets, Beads, Swords, and Tobacco pipes for presents. {MN} Such great and well proportioned men are seldome seene, for they seemed like Giants to the English, yea and to the neighbours, yet seemed of an honest and simple disposition, with much adoe restrained from adoring us as Gods. Those are the strangest people of all those Countries, both in language & attire; for their language it may well beseeme their proportions, sounding from them, as a voyce in a vault. Their attire is the skinnes of Beares, and Woolves, some have Cassacks made of Beares heads & skinnes, that a mans head goes through the skinnes neck, and the eares of the Beare fastned to his shoulders, the nose and teeth hanging downe his breast, another Beares face split behind him, and at the end of the nose hung a Pawe, the halfe sleeves comming to the elbowes were the neckes of Beares, and the armes through the mouth with pawes hanging at their noses. One had the head of a Woolfe hanging in a chaine for a Jewell, his Tobacco pipe three quarters of a yard long, prettily carved with a Bird, a Deere, or some such devise at the great end, sufficient to beat out ones braines: with Bowes, Arrowes, and clubs, sutable to their greatnesse. These are scarse knowne to Powhatan. They can make neare 600 able men, and are pallisadoed in their Townes to defend them from the Massawomekes their mortall enemies. Five of their chiefe Werowances came aboord us, and crossed the Bay in their Barge. The picture of the greatest of them is signified in the Mappe. The calfe of whose leg was three quarters of a yard about, and [II.5] all the rest of his limbes so answerable to that proportion, that he seemed the goodliest man we ever beheld. His hayre, the one side was long, the other shore close with a ridge over his crowne like a cocks combe. His arrowes were five quarters long, headed with the splinters of a white christall-like stone, in forme of a heart, an inch broad, and an inch and a halfe or more long. These he wore in a Woolves skinne at his backe for his Quiver, his bow in the one hand and his clubbe in the other, as is described.

Tockwogh, R.
Rapahanock, R. {MN-1}
Kuskarawaock, R. {MN-2}
Wighcocomoco, R. {MN-3}
Accomack, R. {MN-4}

On the East side the Bay, is the river Tockwhogh, and upon it a people that can make 100 men, seated some seaven myles within the river: where they have a Fort very well pallisadoed and mantelled with barkes of trees. Next them is Ozinies with sixty men. {MN-1} More to the South of that East side of the Bay, the river Rapahanock, neere unto which is the {MN-2} river Kuskarawaock, Upon which is seated a people with 200 men. After that, is the river {MN-3} Tants Wighcocomoco, & on it a people with 100 men. The people of those rivers are of little stature, of another language from the rest, & very rude. But they on the {MN-4} river Acohanock with 40 men, & they of Accomack 80 men doth equalize any of the Territories of Powhatan, and speake his language, who over all those doth rule as King.

Chawonock.
The severall languages. {MN}

Southward we went to some parts of Chawonock and the Mangoags to search for them left by Mr. White. {MN} Amongst those people are thus many severall Nations of sundry Languages, that environ Powhatans Territories. The Chawonockes, the Mangoags, the Monacans, the Mannahokes, the Masawomekes, the Powhatans, the Sasquesahanocks, the Atquanachukes, the Tockwoghes, and the Kuscarawaokes. All those not any one understandeth another but by Interpreters. Their severall habitations are more plainly described by this annexed Mappe, which will present to the eye, the way of the mountaines, and current of the rivers, with their severall turnings, bayes, shoules, Isles, Inlets, and creekes, the breadth of the waters, the distances of places, and such like. In which Mappe observe this, that as far as you see the little Crosses on rivers, mountaines, or other places have beene discovered; the rest was had by information of the Savages, and are set downe according to their instructions.

Thus have I walkt a wayless way, with uncouth pace, Which yet no Christian man did ever trace: But yet I know this not affects the minde, Which eares doth heare, as that which eyes doe finde.

Of such things which are naturally in Virginia, and how they use them.

Why there is little grasse.
Woods with their fruits. {MN-1}
Elme. {MN-2}
Walnuts. {MN-3}
Supposed Cypres. {MN-4}
Mulberries. {MN-5}

Virginia doth afford many excellent vegetables, and living Creatures, yet grasse there is little or none, but what groweth in low Marishes: for all the Countrey is overgrowne with trees, whose droppings continually turneth their grasse to weeds, by reason of the rancknes of the ground, which would soone be amended by good husbandry. {MN-1} The wood that is most common is Oke and Walnut, many of their Okes are so tall & straight, that they will beare two foote and a halfe square of good timber for 20 yards long; Of this wood there is two or three severall kinds. The Acornes of one kinde, whose barke is more white then the other, & somewhat sweetish, which being boyled, at last affords a sweet oyle, that they keepe in gourds to annoint their heads and joynts. The fruit they eate made in bread or otherwise. {MN-2} There is also some Elme, some blacke Walnut tree, and some Ash: of Ash and Elme they make sope Ashes. If the trees be very great, the Ashes will be good, and melt to hard lumps, but if they be small, it will be but powder, and not so good as the other. {MN-3} Of walnuts there is 2 or 3 kindes; there is {MN-4} a kinde of wood we called Cypres, because both the wood, the fruit, and leafe did most resemble it, of those trees there are some neare three fadome about at the foot, very straight, and 50, 60, or 80 foot without [II.26.] a branch. {MN-5} By the dwelling of the Salvages are some great Mulberry trees, and in some parts of the Countrey, they are found growing naturally in prettie groves. There was an assay made to make silke, and surely the wormes prospered excellent well, till the master workeman fell sicke. During which time they were eaten with Rats.

Chesnuts.

In some parts were found some Chesnuts, whose wild fruit equalize the best in France, Spaine, Germany, or Italy. Plums there are of three sorts. The red and white are like our hedge plums, but the other which they call Putchamins, grow as high as a Palmeta: the fruit is like a Medler; it is first greene, then yellow, and red when it is ripe; if it be not ripe, it will draw a mans mouth awry, with much torment, but when it is ripe, it is as delicious as an Apricot.

Cherries.
Vines. {MN-1}
Chechinquamins. {MN-2}
Rawcomens. {MN-3}
How they use their fruits. {MN-4}
Walnut milke. {MN-5}
Gummes. {MN-6}
Cedars. {MN-7}
Saxafras trees. {MN-8}

They have Cherries, and those are much like a Damson, but for their tastes and colour we called them Cherries. We saw some few Crabs, but very small and bitter. {MN-1} Of vines great abundance in many parts that climbe the toppes of the highest trees in some places, but these beare but few grapes. Except by the rivers & savage habitations, where they are not overshadowed from the sunne, they are covered with fruit, though never pruined nor manured. Of those hedge grapes we made neere twentie gallons of wine, which was like our French Brittish wine, but certainely they would prove good were they well manured. There is another sort of grape neere as great as a Cherry, this they call Messamins, they be fatte, and the juyce thicke. Neither doth the taste so well please when they are made in wine. They have a small fruit growing on little trees, husked like a Chesnut, but the fruit most like a very small Acorne. {MN-2} This they call Chechinquamins, which they esteeme a great daintie. They have a berry much like our Gooseberry, in greatnesse, colour, and tast; {MN-3} those they call Rawcomens, and doe eat them raw or boyled. Of these naturall fruits they live a great part of the yeare, which they use in this manner; {MN-4} The Walnuts, Chesnuts, Acornes, and Chechinquamins are dryed to keepe. When they need walnuts they breake them betweene two stones, yet some part of the shels will cleave to the fruit. Then doe they dry them againe upon a Mat over a hurdle. After they put it into a morter of wood, and beat it very small: {MN-5} that done they mix it with water, that the shels may sinke to the bottome. This water will be coloured as milke, which they call Pawcohiccora, and keepe it for their use. The fruit like Medlers they call Putchamins, they cast upon hurdles on a Mat, and preserve them as Pruines. Of their Chesnuts and Chechinquamins boyled, they make both broath and bread for their chiefe men, or at their greatest feasts. Besides those fruit trees, there is a {MN-6} white Popular, and another tree like unto it, that yeeldeth a very cleare and an odoriferous Gumme like Turpentine, which some called Balsom. There are also {MN-7} Cedars and {MN-8} Saxafras trees. They also yeeld gummes in a small proportion of themselves. Wee tryed conclusions to extract it out of the wood, but nature afforded more then our arts.

Berries.
Matoun. {MN}