The Life of Philip Melanchthon

MELANCHTHON.

THE LIFE

OF

PHILIP MELANCHTHON.

BY

CHARLES FREDERICK LEDDERHOSE.

Translated from the German,

BY THE

REV. G. F. KROTEL,

PASTOR OF TRINITY LUTHERAN CHURCH, LANCASTER, PA.

PHILADELPHIA:

LINDSAY & BLAKISTON.

1855.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by
LINDSAY & BLAKISTON,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.

NOTICE.

By an oversight on the part of the pressman whose duty it is to revise the sheets on the press in my Printing Office, the following pages of this work (The Life of Melanchthon), are transposed, 56, 57, 58, 59, and 60. This error makes the book appear at first sight to be incomplete, the reader, however, will find all the pages, as above, but transposed. The error was not discovered until the whole edition of the work was bound, and largely distributed, consequently too late to be corrected in any other way than by this notice.

C. SHERMAN, Printer,
for LINDSAY & BLAKISTON, Publishers.

Philadelphia, Nov. 30, 1854.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE.

Luther occupies so great, unrivalled, and apostolical a position among the Reformers, that we should not feel surprised to see his life and labors presented to the evangelical community again and again. Although we are far from encouraging an idolatrous worship of the man, we believe we are acting in the spirit of the word of God, when we encourage men to follow his faith. But we should act very ungratefully if, on account of this Prince in Israel, we should lose sight of the other distinguished men of God in the days of the Reformation. And among these, Philip Melanchthon occupies the highest place. The age in which he lived called him the Teacher of the German people, because he exerted a powerful influence upon the scientific and Christian culture of Germany. And we too may give him the same name, for his writings continue to exert a great influence, and justly claim our consideration. To show that this is indeed true, that he is still calculated to be the teacher of the German people, especially of the evangelical community, is the object of this Biography. As this volume was prepared for the general reader, all learned discussions were necessarily avoided. It does not enter into critical investigations, but faithfully appropriates known facts, in order to present them to the reader in an intelligible manner. A candid examination must decide how far the author has succeeded in accomplishing this object. It is the first attempt of the kind, for the Life of Melanchthon has not been written often; and when it was written, it was not treated in a popular manner.

It was therefore the principal aim of the author of the present volume to present a truthful picture of the faith and the life of the Reformer. The man who wrote the Augsburg Confession, and its Apology, Confessions which, after three hundred years, are still a stumbling-block to some, but also an encouragement and consolation to many; a man who, notwithstanding all his scientific attainments, in which he no doubt excelled the great majority in our own day, yet held fast to the fundamental principles of Christianity, to the manifestation of God in the Flesh, to the Redemption, to Justification by Faith, in life and in the hour of death,—undoubtedly deserves to be introduced from the past into the present, in order to preach salvation in Christ to the present generation.

If Melanchthon's godly walk and conversation should be instrumental in leading him who is a stranger to salvation in Christ, to seek this; if it should serve to comfort and strengthen others, then may that word of the Scriptures be remembered: "The memory of the just is blessed;" and may every one gratefully rejoice, with the Reformer, in that glorious promise: "And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the firmament; and they that turn many to righteousness, as the stars for ever and ever."

Ardently desiring that this volume may be useful and profitable unto salvation to very many, we suffer it to go forth upon its way.

St. G. On the first Sunday in Advent, 1846.

L.

TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE.

Melanchthon has been called the most amiable, the purest, and most learned of the celebrated men of the sixteenth century. The distinguished Erasmus confesses, that he was a general favorite, that honest and candid men were fond of him, and even his adversaries cannot hate him. And he has succeeded in securing the affections of posterity, and, more than any other one of the valiant champions of the Reformation, is the general favorite of all evangelical Christians, and still seems to stand as the gentle mediator between the two great divisions of the Protestant Church formed at that time, claimed and loved by both.

Yet, notwithstanding all this, we venture to say, that a very large proportion of Protestant readers know no more of the life of this lovely man of God, than that which is interwoven with the life of Luther. His life has not been written for the people even by his own countrymen, and our author presents us with the first attempt of this kind. In our own language we have but one Life of Melanchthon, the one written by Dr. Cox, the first American edition of which, from the second London edition, is now lying before us, bearing the date 1835. Admirable as this work has been acknowledged to be, we believe the work of Ledderhose to be still more calculated for general reading. Our author assures us that it was "his principal aim to present a truthful picture of the faith and the life of the Reformer;" and it is this constant exhibition of his inner life, even in his own words, which is calculated to edify as well as instruct. Besides this, many incidents in his own life, and interesting events and questions after the death of Luther, omitted or briefly mentioned in Dr. Cox's work, will be found here. A number of facts, mentioned by Cox and others, have been added by the translator, and will be found in the notes scattered through the volume. The style is very simple and popular, and this simplicity and frequent quaintness of expression, especially in the numerous extracts from letters and declarations of faith, rendered the work of translation more difficult, especially as it seemed necessary and desirable to retain the homeliness of the German as much as possible.

Believing that this portraiture of the life of Melanchthon cannot offend the feelings of any Protestant Christian, but that it is calculated to afford instruction and edification to the old and young, the translator humbly trusts, that it may not only make Lutherans, but many other evangelical Christians, better acquainted with the "faith and life" of the faithful friend of Luther, and distinguished author of the Augsburg Confession.

G. F. K.

Lancaster, November, 1854.

CONTENTS.

Life of Melanchthon.

CHAPTER I.

HIS YOUTH.

In a hilly part of the Kraichgau lies the city of Bretten. In former times it belonged to the Electors of the Palatinate, and in the year 1504 defended itself bravely against Duke Ulrich of Würtemberg, and also manifested a brave loyalty to its hereditary sovereign in the war of the peasants. It is now included in the Grand-Duchy of Baden. It has acquired an imperishable name, because a great man, Philip Melanchthon, was born in it. We will begin by hearing what an old account relates of his ancestors and parents, his birth and youth.

"In the days of the Count Palatine Philip, Elector on the Rhine, there lived in Heidelberg, before the mountain, a worthy, pious man, named Claus Schwartzerd. With Elizabeth, his wife, he begat two sons, Hans and George, and from their youth up trained them in the fear of God, and the practice of every virtue. The Count Palatine Philip took so great a liking to George, who was a very active and ingenious lad, and discharged every duty most diligently, that he took him to Court, and permitted him to examine a number of professions, in order by this means to satisfy himself what his inclinations were, and what might be made of him. When the boy, therefore, took delight in armor, the Elector placed him in charge of a master in Amberg. He learned the trade so rapidly that every one was astonished, and the journeymen became so hostile to him, that one of them on a certain occasion burned him with hot lead in so dangerous a manner that his life was despaired of, and he was only saved by Divine mercy, and very faithful nursing." By order of the Elector he was then sent to an armorer in Nuremberg. Here also he made rapid advances. "For the boy was so ingenious, that, as we commonly say, his hands could imitate whatever his eyes saw. He could forge as neatly as if it had been done with a file." In a few years he was able to make everything needful for the tournament. The Elector again took him to Court, and appointed him an armorer or armor-bearer. He became so celebrated, that even foreign potentates courted him. Even the German Emperor Maximilian had his armor made by him. For a very skilful suit of armor, the Emperor presented him with a family coat of arms, representing a lion sitting upon a shield and helmet, holding tongs and a hammer in his paws. George's son, our Philip, never made use of this coat of arms, his own representing the serpent upon the cross, alluding to the well-known typical event in the wilderness. When George was thirty years old, the Elector thought of having him married. A well-known citizen of Bretten, Hans Reuter, "a very fine, sensible man, who had even studied," enjoying great respect, having served as Mayor of the place for several years, had a daughter called Barbara. "She was a virtuous and well-bred maiden. By the providence of Almighty God, and the negotiations of the Elector, she was promised to him in marriage, and they were married in Spire, in the presence of many knights, who appeared to do honor to his espousals." The ancient account goes on to say: "The married couple continued to love and esteem each other, for the said George Schwartzerd was a just, pious, God-fearing man, serving God earnestly, praying diligently, and observing his hours of prayer as strictly as any priest, permitting nothing to hinder him from the discharge of this duty, so that he would arise in the night, fall upon his knees, and pray with earnestness. No one ever heard him utter a profane word, or saw him intoxicated, or even heard of anything of the kind of him to the day of his death." He did not concern himself especially with laying up this world's goods, and he was never seen in the courts to carry on lawsuits. His wife, besides her piety, and domestic, frugal spirit, exercised benevolence towards the poor and afflicted. The familiar saying was often upon her lips: "Alms do not impoverish," and the lines also—

Whoever wishes to consume more
Than his plough can support,
Will at last come to ruin,
And die upon the gallows.

After living childless for four years, a son was born to them on the 16th of February, 1497, on the Thursday after the first Sunday in Lent, who, in baptism, received the name of Philip. "Thus does God bless this pious and godly man with the gift of such a child, which afterwards became a blessing to the whole land, yea, many lands, and the whole of Christendom, and will remain so to the end of the world." Their marriage was further blessed by the birth of another son and three daughters.

Philip, and his brother George, four years younger than himself, attended the town-school of Bretten, to acquire the rudiments of human learning. But because a malignant disease was raging at that time, and their teacher himself was confined with it, their careful grandfather Reuter removed the boys from school, fearing lest they too might be attacked, and provided a private tutor for them in his own house. His name was John Unger. A little grandson, John Reuter, enjoyed these instructions together with the two boys. Unger was an excellent teacher, who laboured to give his pupils a thorough education. He took especial pains in his Latin instructions. Melanchthon, who was "a master in that language," in after years could not sufficiently praise the teacher of his youth. He says of him: "He loved me as a son, and I loved him as a father." Unger was afterwards made court chaplain of the Margrave Philip of Baden, and continued to preach the gospel faithfully in Pforzheim to a very advanced age. "When their grandfather observed the diligence of the boys, he bought them a Missal, in order that they might become familiar with the hymns of the church, whilst pursuing their other studies; and he required of them to take their places in the choir on all holy days. About this time the great Bachanti (so called roving scholars) roved through the country. When one of these came to Bretten, his grandfather would set Philip to dispute with him. It was a rare thing to find one who was a match for him. This pleased the old man, and he took special delight in these contests. The boy too became bolder, and more fond of study. And his grandfather took care to provide books and other things, so that the boy might not be hindered."

The extraordinary gifts of little Philip manifested themselves at an early period. He was possessed of a quick perception, a retentive memory, and great acuteness. He was continually engaged in asking questions during school hours, and afterwards, he would seek out his friends, in order to converse more about what he had learned. It was impossible not to love the boy, for he was peculiarly amiable and modest. His talkativeness found a great obstacle in his stammering tongue, which, however, he endeavoured to surmount. It is said of him, that in early life he could be very easily irritated; but he would sometimes apply to himself the saying: "He cuts and stabs, and yet hurts nobody."

His grandfather was particularly attached to Philip, and it is to be regretted that the worthy man was so soon to leave the land of his pilgrimage, which happened in the year 1507. As Philip's father was frequently taken away from home by his many engagements, he was obliged to intrust the education of his children to his wife and her father. We are told "he enjoined it upon his father-in-law, Hans Reuter, to look to his children, so that they might be sent to school regularly, and might learn something profitable." In his travels he came to Manheim, in Neuburg, in 1504. His sovereign had summoned him thither, in order that he might be nearer him in preparing and forwarding ordnance in the Bavarian war. Here, however, he found an incurable disease. The wells from which he drank were poisoned. As the life of this man was of great value to the prince, he left no efforts untried to save him, but all proved in vain. It is true he lived for four years after this, but in a very helpless condition. About the very time when grandfather Reuter died, Schwartzerd was also lying upon his death-bed. Three days before his death, he expressed himself to the following effect: "These three things I will also leave my little children when I die—that they are in the bosom of the true Christian Church, that they are one in Him, and united among each other, and heirs of eternal life." When he felt the approach of death, he called for Philip, then ten years old, commended him to God, and exhorted him to fear God. Dying, he said, "I have experienced many changes in the world, but greater ones are coming. My prayer is, that God may rule you in them. I counsel thee, my son, to fear God, and live honestly." These words were treasured in the boy's memory as long as he lived. In order that he might not behold the death of his father, he was sent to Spire. He was naturally very tender-hearted, and the communication of his father's illness deeply moved him. He says: "Like all children, I had never yet thought of sickness and death, nor had I ever seen a sick person or a corpse. When my mother, therefore, told me,—'Your father is ill,' I was obliged to ask what that imported. But she had scarcely given me an idea of it, when I was overwhelmed with grief." On the 27th of October, of the same year in which his grandfather Reuter died, his father also finished his course, in the forty-ninth year of his age. But a very important outward change for the boy was brought about by these two deaths. The three boys, who had hitherto enjoyed Unger's instructions, were removed, in the autumn of this year, to the Latin school in the city of Pforzheim, in Baden. Their mother had a relative, named Elizabeth, a sister of the well-known distinguished scholar Reuchlin,[1] residing in Pforzheim. The boys lodged in her house.

The able Rector, George Simler, and John Hildenbrand, were their teachers. The Latin language was then the principal study, and the great object to be reached was, that the pupils should be able to speak it. The Greek language was still a very rare accomplishment. Simler, who had some knowledge of it, only introduced it to the notice of his ablest pupils. It was Philip Schwartzerd's good fortune to be one of this number, and he used the opportunity with great profit to himself. Of Simler, he somewhere says: "He first unlocked the meaning of the Greek and Latin Poets to me, and introduced me to a purer philosophy." He met with this teacher again in the University at Tübingen. In Pforzheim he was fortunate enough to become better acquainted with the celebrated John Reuchlin, who then resided in Würtemberg, as President of the Swabian Court of the Confederates. Reuchlin took great delight in the talented boy, gave him his paternal regard, called him his son, and presented him with beautiful and useful books. On a certain occasion he also gave him his chestnut-colored Doctor's hat, and placed it on the boy's head. "All this greatly pleased Philip, and he so advanced in his studies, that he was soon promoted to a place among the largest and oldest pupils." Reuchlin also gave young Schwartzerd the name of Melanchthon,[2] which is the Greek word for his own name, (black earth). It was then a very general custom to change German names into Greek. After the year 1531, he did not write his name Melanchthon, but Melanthon, most likely because this is more easily pronounced.

But it is time to notice the internal development of the boy. As the parents lived in the fear of God, this was also aimed at in the education of their children. Philip soon exhibited a great love for the public services of the house of God. He was especially delighted with the histories of the holy men of the Christian Church. Of these he heard much, both in the church and at home. Had the Gospel been opened to him at that time, he would doubtless have received it joyfully. However, he admits the use of the Legends of the saints in the words: "It was a part of our domestic discipline rather to employ the boys with these matters, than to permit them to run about the streets, or engage in wild noise." As a matter of course, such food, as the Church then profferred, could not satisfy an inquiring mind like that of Philip. The law, as it was then exclusively employed by the Catholic Church, was barely able to plow up the soil of the heart. But when it is yet considered, in addition to this, that the laws of God occupied the background behind the frequently ridiculous laws of the Church, it is matter for surprise that so many spiritual wants were yet felt, as we find to be the case with young Melanchthon. But his mind at this time was still principally directed to the acquisition of learning, of which he had already gathered an unusually large store in Pforzheim, by the instructions of Simler, and the encouragement of the deeply-learned Reuchlin.

CHAPTER II.

THE UNIVERSITY.

When he had spent two years in the town-school of Pforzheim, he had improved himself so much that he wrote down his own thoughts, both in the Latin and Greek languages, with facility. He already composed neat verses in these strange languages. Thus it came to pass, that, although he was but thirteen years old, he could already enter the University of Heidelberg. His acquirements were of a superior character. He was received as a student on the 13th of October, 1509. In Heidelberg it was his good fortune to become an inmate of the house of a distinguished scholar, Dr. Pallas Spengel. Although Pallas held fast to the established order of things in religious matters, he was not opposed to anything better. Melanchthon rejoiced in after life that he had enjoyed the intercourse of this aged, and, in his own way, pious professor. He was instructed in the elements of astronomy by Dr. Cæsarius, and praised him in the following words: "I acknowledge that I owe particular esteem and gratitude to him as my teacher." But he principally devoted himself to the ancient languages, and that with such zeal, that his knowledge of them increased more and more, and the learned boy became generally known in Heidelberg. On a certain occasion the teacher had proposed a very difficult question, and asked, "Where will I find a Grecian?" The students cried out with one voice: "Melanchthon! Melanchthon!" He was generally called "the Grecian."[3] At another time a teacher was suddenly seized with illness during the hour of instruction. He did not stop the lecture, however, but without delay said: "Philip, let your fellow-students proceed, and do you occupy my place." His quiet and decorous conduct procured him the distinction of instructing the sons of the Count Louis of Lowenstein. The Counts became so attached to him, that they maintained a friendly correspondence with him in after years. On the 10th of June, 1511, he was already honoured with the degree of Bachelor of Arts. Although he spent many happy hours in Heidelberg, in the society of learned men and talented youths, yet did the place no longer satisfy him.

This was partly owing to the fact, that the University did not number such men among its instructors, under whom he could make any further great progress, and partly also to the climate of Heidelberg, which did not agree with him. He was annually troubled with fever in the Spring, which enfeebled him very much, so that his anxious mother strongly wished for a change of residence. To this was added, that he was seeking the degree following the Baccalaureate, that of Master of Arts. His instructors, however, considered themselves bound to deny this request, "because he was too young, and of too childish an appearance." This occasioned great pain to the young man, and made his departure still more desirable. In after life, it is true, he formed a correct judgment of the refusal of his youthful request: "It is often very good for young persons if their wishes are not all gratified. This I experienced at Heidelberg."

In the autumn of the year 1512 we find Melanchthon upon the road to the University of Tübingen. It had not long before been founded by Duke Everard with the beard, a man who was ever anxious for the welfare of his country.

Tübingen had at that time already a good reputation. That which Melanchthon considered the most important, employed his labors also in this nursery of science. The Greeks and Romans were his favorites, yet not in a one-sided manner; for he was also attracted by mathematics and astronomy, to which he was encouraged by the distinguished Professor Stöffler. When he was therefore engaged in reading the Greek writer Hesiod, with his friend Hausschein, who became so well known and useful in the Reformation under the name of Oecolampadius, he could obtain an explanation of those passages which referred to astronomy, from Stöffler alone. He also made himself acquainted with jurisprudence and medicine. He gathered a mass of information, which in a young man of his age can really be called extraordinary. But divinity attracted him above all other things. This did not flow from the unrefreshing spirit which then pervaded this science. The old beaten track of the middle ages was still pursued in all the universities. Altogether neglecting the Bible, the only fountain of true Christianity, men were merely concerned with the teachings of the Church. These were empty, fruitless subtleties, in which a sincerely seeking soul could find no nourishment. He heard Lempus, the most distinguished Professor in this field, who, when explaining transubstantiation to his hearers, could write it down with chalk upon the board, to make it more intelligible. Melanchthon read the writings of William Occam, an old scholastic, with great zeal. But the curious structure erected by the Catholic church by its system of doctrine could not attract him any longer, when he had become the owner of a Bible. His beloved cousin Reuchlin had presented him with one. He loved the holy volume more than every thing else, as he became better acquainted with its precious contents. As Reuchlin diligently read the Holy Book, and took it with him upon his journeys, so now did Melanchthon. He carried it with him in his bosom, and could not part with it; "he read it carefully day and night." Here he found explanations, which no professor in Tübingen, and no priest in the church were able to give him. How disgusted he must have been, to hear priests upon the pulpits discourse upon a passage of the Greek Philosopher Aristotle, or to listen to another who was laboring to prove, that the wooden shoe of the Franciscans was made of the tree of the knowledge of Good and Evil in Paradise! Whenever therefore he went to church, he carried his Bible with him. During the progress of the ceremonies, and while the people were reading in the prescribed prayer-books, he was wrapt up in the reading of his Bible. Some evil-disposed persons took offence at this, and endeavored to render him suspected.

It is impossible to show in Melanchthon's case, as it can be done in that of Luther, and other great men of Christ's church, how he arrived at the knowledge of the Truth, and an experience of the Grace of God. This saving change in him seems to have been brought about gradually. Beyond doubt it was closely connected with the reading and deeper searching of the Holy Scriptures. His acquaintance with Reuchlin was also propitious. Melanchthon frequently journeyed to the not far distant city of Stuttgart, where Reuchlin then resided. The latter also came to Tübingen, and did not think it beneath him to occupy the room and eat the fare of his youthful friend. Here they conversed much of the corrupt condition of the church. But the time was near when mere conversation should be changed to open testimony.

At that time great darkness reigned in Cologne. The Theologians, as well as the Dominican Monks of that place, had demanded that all Jewish writings should be burned. When the Emperor called upon Reuchlin for his opinion in this matter, he defended most of these writings. This enraged the people of Cologne, who were led by the baptized Jew Pfefferkorn and the inquisitor Hochstraten. They appealed to the Pope. It gave Reuchlin much trouble, and caused much correspondence to and fro. Melanchthon also became involved in the matter, together with a large number of the most distinguished men, who entered the lists in Reuchlin's defence, and were obliged to bear the name of contempt, Reuchlinists. We here already meet the well-known knight, Ulrich von Hutten, who wielded a sharp pen, as well as the brave and noble Francis von Sickingen with the knightly sword.

Before this time, January 25, 1514, consequently in the 17th year of his life, Melanchthon, as the first among eleven candidates, received the degree of Master of Arts, and the privilege of delivering lectures. He lectured principally on Virgil, Terence, Cicero and Livy, and at once exhibited his great talents as a teacher. The students listened to him with pleasure, and soon many distinguished young men gathered around him. But he not only gained applause in his chair in the University; he also began to appear as an author. As early as the year 1516, Erasmus of Rotterdam, one of the most learned men of that time, gave him the warmest eulogium in the words: "My God, what promising hopes does Philip Melanchthon give us, who, yet a youth, yes almost a boy, deserves equal esteem for his knowledge of both languages! What sagacity in argument, what purity of expression, what a rare and comprehensive knowledge, what extensive reading, what a delicacy and elegance of mind does he not display!"[4]

A man of such mind and acquirements, and who, besides all this, bore a deeper knowledge within, could no longer remain in his confined position in Tübingen. The Lord of the Church had selected a different theatre for his labors and struggles. When, by the advice of Reuchlin, he had declined a call to the bigoted University of Ingolstadt, another extensive and richly blessed field of labor was thrown open to him. The Elector Frederick of Saxony, who has very properly been called the Wise, in the spring of the year 1518, wrote to Reuchlin from Augsburg, where he was attending the Diet, requesting him to propose to him a teacher of the Greek, and one of the Hebrew language, for his University at Wittenberg. Wittenberg had already acquired a great reputation, not only in Germany, but throughout Europe, on account of the mighty and bold step which an Augustinian Monk, Martin Luther, had taken about half a year before. Who has not heard of the 95 Theses, nailed by that monk on the church door at Wittenberg, on the 31st of October, 1517, against the doctrine of indulgences, and other matters connected with it, and which circulated so rapidly, that it seemed almost, in the language of a contemporary, as if the angels had served as footposts? All better disposed minds, to which class Reuchlin also belonged, joyfully welcomed the appearance of the intrepid monk of Wittenberg. When, therefore, the request of the Elector, to seek out two professors, was made to Reuchlin, he could not propose a more able and suitable man to Frederick the Wise than his own relative Melanchthon. He had received the youthful master's permission to do this. The Elector was highly pleased, especially as Tübingen had already supplied him with several able men. Testimony concerning Melanchthon, such as that given by Reuchlin, could not but produce the most favorable impression. He says: "Among the Germans I know of no one who excels him, except Erasmus of Rotterdam, and he is an Hollander."

As Duke Ulrich felt the loss he was about to sustain, he endeavored to retain him. An old narrative gives us the following account: "In the meantime, Duke Ulrich, of Würtemberg, who wished to keep Philip in his own land, sent Conrad von Sickingen, who was then his servant, to master Philip's mother, to inform her, that if her son wished to enter the priesthood, he could apply to his Grace. Then he would also provide him with a good benefice, on account of his sainted father's faithful services. However, Philip had no inclination to become a priest, but intended to comply with the invitation of the Elector of Saxony, and to serve his Grace the Elector and the University, which also eventually came to pass."

Reuchlin dismissed his young friend in a parental manner with these beautiful words: "'Get thee out of thy country, and from thy kindred, and from thy father's house, unto a land that I will show thee: and I will make of thee a great nation, and I will bless thee, and make thy name great; and thou shalt be a blessing.' Gen. xii. 1, 2. This the Spirit tells me, and this hope do I entertain of thee, my Philip, my work and my comfort! Go, then, with a cheerful and happy courage!" Thus blessed and consecrated by his old friend, whom he was not to behold again in this world, he bid adieu to him and all his friends. He also paid a parting visit to the beloved ones in Bretten. His teacher, Simler, who was professor of the Greek language in Tübingen, remarked on the day of Melanchthon's departure: "The entire city ought to mourn the departure of this Melanchthon, and all those now residing in Tübingen have not even advanced far enough in their studies fully to appreciate how much they had lost by the removal of this great man." In August, Melanchthon is on his way. He made some valuable acquaintances. In Augsburg he was admitted to an audience with the Elector, and became acquainted with his chaplain and secretary, Spalatin, "and they remained together until the close of the Diet." The celebrated statesman, Pirkheimer, in Nuremberg, a patron of Melanchthon, also received a visit from the young professor. On the 20th of August he reached Leipzig. Here the University honored him with an entertainment. He here declined a call to Ingolstadt, as well as one from Leipzig. He remained true to his promise. On the 25th of August, 1518, he arrived in his new field of labor, Wittenberg, to the joy of all, and his reception was a festive one.

CHAPTER III.

HIS DEBUT IN WITTENBERG, AND THE LEIPZIG DISPUTATION.

Four days after his arrival, the 22 years old professor delivered the Introductory to his Lectures. The lecture-room was entirely filled. His exterior did not promise much. A small, insignificant form, with a timid gait, entered the desk, but the lofty brow, and his large blue eyes, indicated the mighty mind which tabernacled in this unseemly and frail vessel. But when he commenced his Latin address, which treated of the improvement of studies, unfolding the deepest thoughts in the most chaste language, and resting so entirely upon the word of God, all were filled with joy.

Luther, who was also present, was full of enthusiasm; for he felt at once how much the University and the good cause of the Reformation had gained in the possession of a man so learned, and with so deep an insight into truth. He therefore, full of joy, wrote to his beloved friend Spalatin as early as August 31: "Philip delivered a very learned and chaste address on the fourth day after his arrival, and that too with such applause and admiration on every side, that you need not trouble yourself further in commending him to us. We must look away from his exterior appearance; we rejoice in his gifts, at the same time that we are amazed at them; and we heartily thank our gracious prince, as well as your own assistance. It is now especially important that you recommend him most earnestly to our prince. I by no means desire a different teacher of Greek, as long as he remains with us. There is but one thing I fear, namely, that his delicate constitution will not be able to endure the manner of life in this region. I also learn that he has been called with too small a salary, so that the Leipzigers already boast and hope that they shall soon be able to draw him away from us; for they already courted him before he came to us. I, and many others with me, suspect that Dr. Pfeffinger has, according to his usual custom, been endeavoring to save the Elector's purse too much in this matter. Therefore, my dear Spalatin, to speak freely, that is, with my best friend: I pray you, look to it, that you do not despise his person and age. This man is deserving of all honor; for I do not wish us and the University to do so uncourteous a thing, and give envious persons occasion to speak evil of us." Two days after this, he again commends him to Spalatin most earnestly: "I would most heartily commend to you Philip, the great Grecian, the thorough scholar, and most amiable man. His lecture-room is crowded with hearers. It is owing to him, principally, that all theologians, the first, middle, and lowest class, are studying Greek." And thus Luther also expressed himself towards other friends. But the more they learned to know each other, so much the more also did their mutual esteem and affection increase. When Melanchthon, at a certain time, wrote to his paternal friend Reuchlin, and requested Luther to add a letter also, he complied with great cheerfulness; for Reuchlin was not only one of the first champions against Papal darkness, but it was also owing to him that Melanchthon adorned Wittenberg. In his letter he called Melanchthon a wonderful man, "in whom everything is almost supernatural; and yet he is the friend and confidant of my heart." But Reuchlin could not comprehend the rapid progress of the Reformation any more than Erasmus, and latterly had become cooler towards Melanchthon, no doubt because he had taken a too zealous and active part in the work of the reformation of the church.

As Luther's whole heart was soon devoted to Melanchthon, so also did the young professor admire the chosen instrument of God. He soon discovered that a turning point had been reached in the history of the Christian church, and that Luther, partly because of his humility, and also his powerful apostolical faith, was the man chosen by the Head of the Church to bring about this blessed revolution. But an opportunity should soon be afforded the ingenious youth to step upon the battle-field of the Reformation himself, and to fight the good fight at Luther's side. The cause of the Gospel, proclaimed trumpet-tongued in Wittenberg, had awakened a mighty sympathy. They soon became convinced in Rome that this was not an ordinary dispute among Monks, whether the cowls should be peaked or round, and matters like these. Although the frivolous Medicean, Pope Leo X., regarded the matter very lightly in the beginning, its progress soon taught him to take a different view. Writings, conceived in the true Roman spirit, and dipped in blood, were sent forth. But all was unavailing. Despotic commands, such as had been hurled against Luther in Augsburg by the proud Cajetan, were powerless. At first the lion in the Vatican roared, then he fawned. All knew the Papal nuncio Miltiz, who could speak sweetly, and if this would not suffice, could even shed tears. An agreement was entered into between him and Luther, who in the beginning still entertained a high esteem for the Pope's supremacy, in Altenburg, in the year 1519, in which he promised silence, provided his opponents would remain silent also. But even in the midst of these negotiations, a zealous Romanist brought about an unexpected outbreak of the fire that slumbered beneath the ashes. This was the well-known Dr. John Eck, Chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt, a man ever inclined to noise and disputes. He had already attacked Professor Andrew Carlstadt, in Wittenberg, in the year 1516. At a later period he challenged him to a public discussion, although he had his eye fixed upon Luther more than him. As the choice of the place and the time of the discussion were left to Dr. Eck, he fixed upon Leipzig. It was to be opened on the 27th of June, 1519.

Eck arrived in Leipzig betimes, where he was delighted at being seen and admired. On the 24th of June the Wittenbergers also arrived. Many other learned men and students were present, besides the two champions, Carlstadt and Luther. Philip Melanchthon rode at Luther's side in a carriage. A crowd of persons, abbots, counts, knights, the learned and unlearned, such as Leipzig had not seen for a long time, were gathered together. It does not belong to our purpose to describe at length the history of the discussion at Leipzig. It occupied three weeks. First of all, Eck disputed with Carlstadt about Free-will, then with Luther about the Pope's supremacy, purgatory, indulgences, penance, absolution, and satisfaction. The contest often became very hot. Even if Carlstadt did not defend his good cause with the greatest skill, Eck found his match in Luther, who placed himself in the citadel of the word of God, and went forth unconquered from the battle. However, Melanchthon did not merely sit by as an idle hearer. It is said that he now and then mingled in the contest, and supported his two friends with a few observations. Upon this, Eck addressed him in a harsh tone: "Be silent, Philip; mind your own business, and do not disturb me!"

Melanchthon, who had inwardly taken a lively interest in the discussion, left Leipzig, together with his Wittenberg friends, richly blessed and strengthened for his whole life.[5] But he was now to enter into a dispute with Eck himself. For he had written a letter to his beloved friend Oecolampadius, who regarded the bold stand of Luther and his friends with approbation, in which he related the events of the disputation, and exposed several weak points in Eck's arguments. But, although he did this, he praised Eck's "excellent natural gifts." Of course it can be easily seen where Melanchthon's heart was. He thus spoke of Luther in this letter: "I must admire the clear head, learning, and eloquence, and heartily love the sincere and truly Christian heart of Luther, whom I have known intimately for a long time." This letter was printed, and was seen by Eck, who felt himself so much aggrieved by it, that he printed a very rude reply as early as the 25th of July, in Leipzig. He treats the teacher of languages—Philippus—"who understands Greek and Latin so well," in a most contemptuous manner, as if he had assumed the right of pronouncing judgment in a matter which he did not understand, and endeavors to refute Melanchthon's letter by sixteen brief remarks. At one time he calls him "the bold little man," then again "the Wittenbergian teacher of languages, who fared like the shoemaker who wanted to know more than his last," and then again "the literalist," and "little language man." Once he addresses him in the words: "Thou dusty schoolmaster!" The whole letter is conceived in this spirit: but he was mistaken in Melanchthon. In the month of August he sent forth from "the celebrated Saxon city Wittenberg," a defence against John Eck, in which he does not use similar language. He declares in this "that he has been driven to this, more by a holy anxiety and zeal for the Holy Scriptures than by any enmity." He declares, in the most decided manner, "that it is ungodly to wrest the Scriptures according to human will and inclinations." He now refutes Eck's principal objections in the clearest manner, and advises him "to suffer the cause to strive rather than abusive language." "We owe this," he says, "to love, which, as truly as I hope to have a merciful God, I from my heart do not wish to grieve or offend."

Luther was much displeased with Eck's conduct. He expresses this in a letter to Spalatin, dated August 15th: "I again come to speak of Philip, whom no Eck can bring me to hate, and whose testimony in my favour I always esteem higher than anything else. The judgment and opinion of this single man is of more value to me than that of many thousand worthless Ecks, and I would not be ashamed, although I am a Master of Arts, of Philosophy, and Theology, and am adorned almost with all the titles of Eck, to leave my own opinion, if this Grammarian could not agree with it. I have often done this, and do it still, because of the divine gift which God has deposited in this frail vessel (although it seems contemptible to Eck,) with a bountiful blessing. Philip I do not praise, he is a creature of God, and nothing."

But Eck did not consider it advisable to contend further with the champions of Wittenberg, who were also supported by other worthy men. He was silent, and as he perhaps thought that other weapons were needful in such a case, perhaps like those employed against Huss and Jerome a hundred years before, he journeyed to Rome, and sought shelter beneath the thunders of excommunication from the Papal Chair.

CHAPTER IV.

BUILDING AND FIGHTING.

It has happened sometimes in the Church of Christ, that the kingdom of God has been built up, whilst the builders were obliged to carry the sword against the enemies in one hand. This was the case at Wittenberg at that time. By Luther's side we find Melanchthon engaged in this double labor. We have already heard with what joy his introductory lecture was listened to. He continued to gain more applause from day to day. Students from all parts of Germany, yea of Europe, were found in his lecture-room. In the year 1520, Spalatin saw about 600 students, whereas the whole number of students had formerly not exceeded 200. Luther's European reputation, of course, also contributed much towards the prosperity of the University. Heerbrand, in his oration to his memory, relates that Melanchthon had as many as 2000 pupils and hearers, among whom were princes, counts, barons, and other noblemen. Whilst Reuchlin and Erasmus labored more by their writings, Melanchthon attracted both by his lectures and his solid writings. To this was added, that, whilst Reuchlin and Erasmus from day to day grew cooler towards the great movement proceeding from Wittenberg, Melanchthon attached himself to it in the most decided manner, and powerfully aided it by his mind, acquirements, and great name. He, therefore, did not only lecture on the Greek poet Homer, and other writers of antiquity, but also treated the writings of the New Testament. His industry was extraordinary. In addition to the regular labors of his station, he for a time also acted as professor of the Hebrew. For this purpose, however, it was necessary that he should first of all make himself thoroughly acquainted with this language. Luther wrote to Spalatin, January, 1519: "Our Philip is now busy with the Hebrew; the faithfulness and industry of the man are too great, so that he hardly permits himself to enjoy any leisure." He could generally be found busily engaged in his study at two o'clock in the morning. The amount of labor accomplished by him in a short time is almost incredible. But to his well-trained mind, his quick perception, and his unwearied industry, was added the blessing of God, which indeed was most needful, and which he sought with all his heart. When the Elector heard of his extraordinary industry, he feared lest the worthy professor might ruin his health, and himself wrote to him that he should take care of himself. He says in this letter: "We must make provision for the body, and if you look upon the other words of Paul as true, regard this in the same way, and believe that we ought to obey it." Melanchthon was particularly engaged with the epistles of Paul. With unusual clearness he comprehended the deeply evangelical truths which this Apostle of Justification by Faith had been permitted to see and express so clearly.

Luther was not ashamed to appear among the hearers of the youthful professor, when he explained the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians. Yea, he even considered it worth while to communicate these lessons of the lecture-room to the great public of Christendom. As Melanchthon's modesty induced him to retain such productions in his desk, Luther secretly published his explanations of the Epistles to the Romans and Corinthians, and prefixed an introduction, addressed to Melanchthon, in which he jocosely remarks: "It is I who publish your writings and expositions. I send you to yourself. If you are not pleased with yourself, well and good; let it suffice that we are pleased with you. If I have transgressed in this matter, it is your own fault. Why did you not publish yourself, for which I so often entreated, prayed, and commanded you? Let this be my excuse, that I shall be called, and will be, your thief, whether you are angry or whether you laugh." Further on he says: "But to those whom you so fear that they will be displeased and dissatisfied with it, I will say: 'Dear Sirs, do better yourselves.' I proclaim it publicly before the world, that no one has approached nearer to, and hit upon Paul's meaning, better than yourself."

Melanchthon now published a series of volumes upon books of Scripture. He saw very well that the fountain of divine truth and wisdom, which had been obstructed so long, must again begin to flow. And he contributed an honest share towards the diffusion of Scripture truth. His books and minor publications on the books of the Bible were greatly applauded, and met with a rapid sale, so that repeated editions were called for. And even yet they deserve not only to be read, but studied by all who devote themselves to the discovery of truth. When Luther, at a later period, prefaced and recommended Melanchthon's exposition of the Epistle to the Colossians, to which he had given great attention, he speaks thus of himself and Melanchthon: "I have been born to war and fight with factions and devils, therefore my books are stormy and warlike. I must root out the stumps and stocks, cut away the thorns and hedges, fill up the ditches, and am the rough forester, to break a path, and make things ready. But master Philip walks gently and silently, tills and plants, sows and waters with pleasure, as God has gifted him richly." Thus did Melanchthon write and teach, and mightily build up the kingdom of God. About this time he published a work, which is doubtless not only one of the best of his productions, but also inclined many hearts towards the Reformation.

It is the work Loci Communes, the principal articles of Christian doctrine, as they were afterwards called. We have already heard that Melanchthon devoted himself especially to the writings of Paul. He gathered together all the principal truths of this apostle, and presented them to his hearers. These were so highly pleased with the production, that they had it published. As Melanchthon, however, discovered many imperfections in it, he published it himself in 1521, corrected and enlarged. This volume, which may be called the first system of religion in the evangelical church, was everywhere greeted in the most friendly manner. Luther was quite delighted with it, and once said of it, that it was not only worthy of immortality, but even to be admitted into the canon of Scripture. In his table-talk he expressed the following opinion of it: "Whoever wishes to become a theologian now, enjoys great advantages; for first of all, he has the Bible, which is so clear, that he can read it without difficulty. Then let him read in addition the Loci Communes Philippi; let him read them diligently and well, that he may impress them upon his mind. If he has these two things, he is a theologian, from whom neither the devil nor heretics shall be able to take away anything. To him the whole field of theology lies open, so that he is able to read anything he pleases after that with edification."

Melanchthon issued improved editions of the work from time to time. Seldom has a book met with so extensive a demand. We can form an estimate of its value from this fact alone. But it was also totally different from the old trash which Melanchthon had become acquainted with in Tübingen. It followed the pure dictates of the Bible, and was thoroughly practical. Here the doctrines of sin, of the law and the Gospel, of Justification, of Faith and Good Works, were developed in a convincing manner, as they had been brought to light after a long midnight, by Luther himself. With this work he stood entirely upon the Bible, and on this account it was so refreshing to friends and annoying to enemies. In September, 1519, he was made a Bachelor of Divinity on account of his great learning. He would never accept a higher degree, and always remained a Magister (Master.) But Luther said of him: "It is true he is but a poor Master, but also a Doctor above all Doctors."

Whilst this worthy man was laying the foundation for the building of the renewed church, he also bore in his other hand the sword of the Spirit to drive away the foe. We have already heard how he smote Dr. Eck with it. As early as the year 1520, a publication filled with poison and gall appeared against Luther in Rome. It bore the following title: "To the Princes and People of Germany against Martin Luther, the Defamer of German Glory." The author had chosen the fictitious name Thomas Rhodinus. The Leipzigers, especially the wicked Jerome Emser, rejoiced in this libel, and soon reprinted it, in order to injure the cause of the Reformation. But now Melanchthon entered the lists in February of the year 1521. He wrote a defence of the greatly slandered Luther, under the fictitious name of Didymus Faventinus. He remarks in this: "Judge for yourselves, whether those are seeking the welfare and glory of the Fatherland indeed, who accuse that man, who has delivered our Fatherland from Romish frauds; who has ventured all alone to root out the errors which existed for centuries; who has again brought to light Christian doctrines which were almost buried by the wicked laws of the Popes, and the foolish subtleties of the schools. For this praise is given him by all the learned, and not only by me." In this decided tone spoke Melanchthon, and declared that everything which opposed the Gospel must fall, no matter how ancient it may be. After explaining the manner in which the Pope had gained supremacy in Germany, he called upon the princes to defend the Church against the power of Antichrist. The battle grew more exciting, and Melanchthon took a bolder position, although he was a man who might truly, with reference to his inward disposition, be called a child of peace. Towards the close of the year 1520, principally by Luther's advice, he had married a daughter of Mayor Crapp, of Wittenberg. But of this we shall speak further hereafter.

CHAPTER V.

MELANCHTHON WITHOUT LUTHER.

As early as the summer of 1520, the Pope, upon Eck's instigation, issued a severe bull against Luther, in which forty-one propositions from his various writings were condemned, and he himself was threatened with excommunication if he should not recant. But the hero was of good courage, for he was suffering for the best cause. Eck triumphed, but the Wittenberger was not to be intimidated, and wrote the well-known severe work "Against the Bull of Antichrist," and even took the bold step, on the 10th of December, 1520, to cast this bull, together with the canon law and other papal writings, into the fire, before the Elster gate, in the presence of many students and doctors. Thus did he powerfully separate himself from the Roman Church and the Pope. All who preferred the better way were thus driven to decision. Melanchthon was not wanting among these better ones, as he proved by his vindication of Luther.

In the meantime, Charles V. had become Emperor of Germany. The papal nuncios urged him to execute the bull. But this youthful monarch proceeded leisurely. He summoned a Diet to Worms, where, among other matters, the difficulties of the Church might also be decided. Although the Papal legates endeavored to prevent Luther's summons to the Diet, they could not succeed. When parting from Melanchthon, he said: "If I should return no more, and my enemies should murder me at Worms, as may very easily be the case, I conjure you, dear brother, not to neglect teaching and abiding by the truth. In the meantime, labor also for me, because I am not able to be here. You can do better than I can. Therefore it will not be a great loss, provided you remain. The Lord still finds a learned champion in you." It is well known to all with what joyful faith Luther received the summons, and with what bold words he expressed himself in regard to it. Luther's journey to Worms, and his demeanor before the Emperor and the States of the Empire, are among the most glorious events of his own history, and of the Reformation in general.

Faith, like that exhibited by him at this time, is not often found in Israel. "Here I stand, I cannot do otherwise; God help me! Amen!" These were Luther's words; he remained faithful, and God helped him. He was removed until March, 1522, for it is known that the care of the Elector had sheltered him from the malice of his enemies in the silent Wartburg.

During this time, Wittenberg truly seemed to be fatherless, for Melanchthon was no Luther. And yet the burden of the Reformation rested upon the shoulders of this young man. But, notwithstanding the papal bulls, and in spite of the Edict of Worms, which appeared May 26, 1521, and spoke in the papal spirit, he was not afraid to stand in the gap. He published the acts of the Diet of Worms, and sided with the proscribed Luther. Every where his assistance was required, so also to give his advice in supplying the professorial chairs in the University. During this time, Aurogallus, teacher of the Hebrew, and Justus Jonas, in the capacity of provost and professor of Theology, arrived in Wittenberg. During the same year, Melanchthon published a severe work against the Theologians of Paris. These had severely condemned Luther and his writings. Against these he wrote his defence of Dr. M. Luther, "against the raging judgment of the Paris Divines." It is one of his most cutting productions. He begins thus: "Behold, Christian reader, what monstrous beasts of Theologians this part of the earth, Europe, gives birth to!" He expresses himself unwilling to believe that this production has emanated from Paris, because so furious a spirit breathes in it. The common people believe that Christian doctrine dwells in the high school as in its own palace. But he will disregard the distinguished personages, and the high rank of the University, and says: "In our common Christianity, Christ's voice alone shall rule. Whoever does not hear this, does not belong to Christ." The Universities of Cologne and Löwen had also condemned Luther's writings, but they had not acted as crazily as the Parisians. He, therefore, found himself obliged to believe that the saying of those in the olden time was not altogether without foundation: "That the French have no brains." They called Luther a heretic because he did not agree with the Universities, the holy fathers, and the councils. But here Melanchthon plants himself upon the basis of the Bible, and declares this alone can be infallible, and adds: "What new articles of Faith do magistri nostri of Paris wish to add to this? Perhaps their own gross ones!" In this biting manner he proceeds, and in a clear, lively manner, thoroughly refutes the assertions of the Parisians. He proves the Scriptures to be the only fountain of knowledge in the most triumphant manner, and then proceeds to show that Luther is standing upon the Bible, and yet does not contradict the Fathers. Luther's defender proves that he is on Augustine's side in the doctrines of Free-will and of Grace, and then goes on to show that the Parisians themselves are opposed to the Fathers. He concludes thus: "I wished to guard you in these things, Christian reader, in order that you may not be prejudiced against Luther by the reputation of the Sorbonne,[6] the wisdom of which you have been able to see in one or two points. From those which I have exposed to you, you may easily guess the rest—for the Sorbonne is the Sorbonne. It will be easier for you to find Christ among the carpenters than among these people."

So bravely did Melanchthon speak, and yet the position he occupied alone, during Luther's absence, depressed him so much that he felt the need of consolation. When Luther had reached the Wartburg, Melanchthon discovered it, and full of joy wrote to Wenzeslaus Link: "Our dearest father is alive!" He wishes to fold him in his arms very soon, and says: "Everything is going on well in the University, except that we are deprived of our father Doctor Martinus."

At another time he wrote: "Our Elijah is not yet with us, but we wait and hope for him. What more shall I say? My longing for him tortures me grievously!" Luther reprimanded him about this, and wrote thus: "Even though I should be lost, the Gospel will lose nothing by that; for in that you now excel me, and follow Elijah as an Elisha with a double portion of the spirit, which may the Lord Jesus bestow upon you in his mercy! Amen." Already on the 12th of May, 1521, a letter of comfort arrived from Patmos, as Luther called the Wartburg. He says in it: "And what are you doing, my Philip? Do you pray for me, that this my involuntary concealment may redound to the greater glory of God?" In conclusion, he says: "Here I sit, and all day long place before me the picture of the Church, and lament my insensibility that I am not drenched in tears, and with my eyes, as with fountains of tears, weep for the slain of my people. But there is no one who will arise and cleave to the Lord, or oppose himself as a wall for the house of Israel, in these latter days of his wrath. Yes, Kingdom of the Pope, thou art worthy of this latter time! God be merciful unto us! Do you then, as a servant of the word, stand in the midst, and guard the walls and gates of Jerusalem, until they come upon you also. You understand your calling and your gifts. I pray for you before all other things, if, (as I do not doubt,) my prayer availeth anything. Do you likewise. Let us bear our burden together. We stand alone in the battle. After me, they will fall upon thee."

Melanchthon needed such encouragement in his present position; for as it has often been, so was it now in Wittenberg, that enemies are less dangerous than friends. With all his storming, Luther yet proceeded calmly. It was his primary object to lay on every side the deep foundation of Justification by Grace through Faith; and he thought less of the finishing of the building. He permitted all those things to remain which did not flatly contradict the word of God. But his friends in Wittenberg did not think so soberly and prudently. They wished to overturn the structure of the Roman Church by rapid assault, and to erect something entirely new. Every particle of the Romish leaven was to be exterminated from the public worship of God.

First of all, Luther's fellow-conventuals, the Augustinian monks of Wittenberg, led by the preacher Gabriel Zwilling, appeared with a resolution to omit the daily private mass, and to distribute the Sacrament in both kinds. When the Elector heard of this, he inquired at once into the particulars of the matter, and appointed a commission, to which Melanchthon belonged, to investigate the whole matter. The report of this commission was decidedly in favor of those who encouraged these innovations. After exhibiting the antiscriptural character of the mass, and the denial of the cup to the laity, and saying: "It is certain that the abuse of the mass is one of the greatest and most abominable abuses in the world," they pray the Elector to take hold of the matter earnestly, and speedily to abolish the abuse of the masses in his own dominions, and not to care if he should be abused as a Bohemian or heretic. It is impossible to avoid reviling. They appeal to the Elector's conscience, and reminded him of the great day of reckoning. But it also gave liberty to conscience, if any one wished to celebrate mass alone. But the Elector was not satisfied with this opinion. As he generally preferred to act prudently, he considered the step of the Augustinians too hasty. He thought that the opinion of so few persons could not be decisive, and he also clearly foresaw the consequences, should the overthrow of private masses put an end to the legacies for this purpose. He communicated these views to the Commission in writing, through Dr. Bayer. They returned an excellent reply, full of a joyful faith, which we regret not to be able to print entire. The reply said: "Although we are the smallest party, the truth of the divine word, which is above all angels and creatures, because it is clearly revealed in the Gospel and in the apostle Paul, shall not therefore be despised. For the smallest party ever received and preached the truth, and so it will remain to the end of the world." It concludes thus: "Let no one be offended because this matter will cause great offence. For Christ, as it is written, came into the world, and was given to those who believe in him and his word, that they might improve themselves in him, to obtain eternal life. But to those who do not receive him and his word, he has been given and set for a stumbling-block, that they may die for ever." Luther also, in his work "Of the Abuse of the Mass," expressed himself in favor of the omission of private masses. The Elector now permitted the matter to take its own course. The movement, which had commenced in the Augustinian cloister in Wittenberg, communicated itself likewise to those in Meissen and Thuringia. In the month of December of this year a provincial assembly of Augustinians from different quarters was convened. Their resolutions contemplated the abolition of secret masses, cloistral confinement, and other antiscriptural customs. At this time appeared Luther's publication "Concerning Priestly and Monastic Vows," which gave the movement scriptural progress. When a minister, Bernhardi, called Feldkirch, relinquished his celibacy, and defended this step, Melanchthon was not afraid to step forward to defend the severely assaulted man, and to renounce a doctrine which the Bible terms a doctrine of devils, and is yet held fast by the Papal Chair with the utmost tenacity.

But other events occurred in Wittenberg, which might have done the greatest injury to the good cause of the Reformation, had not the Lord of the Church watched over it. A fanatical spirit had arisen in the city of Zwickau. Among other things he rejected Infant Baptism, and boasted of the possession of supernatural revelations. At Christmas, three of these fanatics came to Wittenberg. These were two cloth-weavers named Nicholas Storch and Thomas Marx, the third being Marcus Stübner, who claimed to belong to the learned. In Wittenberg, the private teacher, Martin Cellarius, joined them. They also met with Melanchthon, who had even received the chief spokesman, Stübner, into his house. He did not possess that deep insight into human nature which distinguished Luther. He, therefore, did not at once declare himself opposed to this perverted movement. December 27, 1521, he gave notice of this to the Elector, and says: "I have conversed with them myself, and they declare most wonderful things concerning themselves, viz., that God with a loud voice sent them forth to teach, that they enjoy most intimate conversations with God, behold future events, and that they are, in short, prophetic and apostolical men. I cannot describe how all this moves me. That spirits possess them, seems to be established by many reasons, concerning which no one can easily form an opinion but Martinus, (Luther.) If the Gospel and the honor and peace of the Church are in any danger, it is absolutely necessary that these people should have an interview with Martinus, especially as they appeal to him. I would not write anything to your Electoral Grace about this matter, did not the importance of the matter require that steps should be taken in time. For it is needful for us to be on our guard, lest the devil entrap us." Spalatin relates that the Elector expressed himself about this matter very humbly in these words: "This is a very important matter, which I, as a layman, do not understand. Now, God has bestowed considerable possessions upon me and my brother. If I understood these matters, I would rather take a staff in my hands and fly, than act knowingly against God." However, the Elector summoned Melanchthon and Amsdorf to Prettin.

There Haubold von Einsiedel and Spalatin questioned them further concerning these matters. They expressed themselves to the same effect as Melanchthon had done in his report. Again Luther's judgment was solicited. In a letter of Luther's, called forth by Melanchthon, he judged very correctly of the spirits of Zwickau. He requires letter and seal for their public ministry. As to their spirit, it would only be necessary to inquire, whether they had experienced spiritual conflicts and divine birth, death and hell. He proceeds to express himself in a very decided manner in reference to Infant Baptism, and concludes thus: "I have all along expected that the devil would create this ulcer, but it was not to be done by the Papists. He desires to bring about this great schism among us and ours, but Christ will soon trample him beneath our feet. But these fanatics had already gained adherents. Among them was the well-known Dr. Karlstadt,[7] a man of a legal, unsettled mind, who, with all his boasting of liberty, knew nothing of true evangelical liberty. He commenced a sad work in Wittenberg. Many students joined him. They abolished private masses, burned the images, destroyed the altars, abolished auricular confession, dropped the hymns and ceremonies of the Church, went to communion without previous confession, and did many other things of a similar character. Without applying to the constituted authorities, without caring for those who were offended at their course, they carried everything before them by storm, appealing to their liberty, the first commandment, and the Holy Ghost, which they possessed. Whoever did not side with them was denounced as an heretic.

This was too much for the youthful professor, the burden was too great, and he longed for the faith and strength of that man, who, under these circumstances could not endure to remain longer in his Patmos. Luther addressed a capital letter to the Wittenbergians, in which he most clearly points out to them the true point of view from which Karlstadt's innovation was to be examined. But Melanchthon ardently desired Luther's return to Wittenberg. His return was absolutely necessary too, yet the Elector would not hear of it. At last, on the 7th of March, 1522, Luther escaped from the Wartburg. Two letters, addressed to the Elector, and which really display an apostolical strength of faith, paved and prepared the way. He was received with acclamations in Wittenberg, and when he now began, from the first Sunday in Lent until the Sunday Reminiscere, to preach eight sermons against these innovations, in a convincing, winning manner, all rejoiced, and the turbulent waves again grew calm.

Gabriel was convinced, but Karlstadt remained hardened. But the fanatics again gathered together secretly, and endeavored to spread themselves. The desire was expressed that Luther might have an interview with them. Although reluctantly, he at last resolved to hear Marcus, one of their leaders. Melanchthon was present at the interview. Marcus was accompanied by the impetuous Cellarius, and several others. When Luther pointed out to them, that their pretensions were not founded upon the Holy Scriptures, but were really the inventions of over-curious minds, or perhaps even foolish and hurtful inspirations of a deceitful spirit, Cellarius behaved like a mad-man. They departed with curses, but Luther calmly said: "That God, whom I worship and serve, will know right well how to restrain your gods, so that none of these things will come to pass."

We may well conceive how relieved Melanchthon must have felt, when the proper man of the Reformation again stood in the breach.

CHAPTER VI.

LABORS, RECREATION, AND TROUBLE.

The Gospel gained greater and greater victories. The preaching of the truth found open doors in Denmark and Sweden, in Transylvania and Hungary, in Silesia and France. As the spirit of primitive Christianity in Germany went forth from Wittenberg through the various provinces, so also did Zwingli, and Melanchthon's friend and fellow-student, Oecolampadius, labor in Switzerland with blessed results. A new time was coming, and its spring had already dawned. Perhaps no other means contributed so much to the promotion of the Reformation as the translation of the Bible, which we owe to Luther's master hand. In the Wartburg he completed the translation of the New Testament, with a spirit which to this day has not been excelled. But he was not ashamed to make use of the assistance and advice of his friends in this work.[8] Among these friends, Melanchthon was the principal one, who, indeed, excelled Luther in learning. Melanchthon took very great pains to discover the true meaning of the passages, for which his assistance had been solicited. If any expression remained dark, he could apply for an explanation to the physician, Sturtz, in Erfurt, to Spalatin, and other friends. We have before heard that he applied himself to the Hebrew language. The knowledge of this language was very serviceable to him in the translation of the Old Testament. The Book of Job particularly called forth the efforts of the Wittenbergians. Luther somewhere speaks of it in a letter: "M. Philip, Aurogallus, and I, are laboring so carefully in Job that sometimes we could scarcely complete three lines in four days. But Melanchthon labored with especial energy in his own field of labor. He saw the importance of a classical education, and labored very zealously for its extension. But, although he mightily promoted the ancient languages, his heart was yet in the Holy Scriptures. This is proved by his explanations of several books of the Old and New Testaments, which appeared in 1523.

But his numerous uninterrupted labors were beginning to undermine his health. He was particularly troubled with sleeplessness about this time. Recreation was indispensable for him, and his friends also earnestly advised him to it. When Luther went to Worms, he was not permitted to refresh himself by a visit to his home. He now wished to pay this visit. One of his friends and colleagues, Nesen, intended to make a trip to Frankfort. It seemed best to join him, and from thence to visit his beloved native city, Bretten, and to see the dear relatives residing there. Luther, to whom he communicated his intentions, approved of them, relieved him of all scruples and doubts, and dismissed him with these pleasant words: "Go, dear brother Philip, in the name of God. Even our Lord Jesus did not always preach and teach, but also journeyed, and visited his relatives and friends. All I ask of you is, that you return to us soon! I will include you in my prayers day and night. And now depart!"

On the 16th of April, 1524, he departed, with a very pleasant caravan of friends. Nesen, who taught History, Geography and the Languages, in Wittenberg; Philip's fellow-boarder, Francis Burkhard, of Weimar, who afterwards became Chancellor in Saxony; John Silberborner, of Worms; and his dearest friend in all the world, with whom he became acquainted during the Leipzig disputation, Joachim Camerarius, were his fellow-travellers. They rode upon horses, which were none of the best; but most likely these gentlemen were not among the best of riders. Their way led them through Leipzig. There a most worthy man, Peter Schade, called Mosellanus, who had expressed himself much in favor of the Reformation, was breathing his last. They visited him, and bade him farewell in this world. Thence they went to the city of Fulda. Crotus Rubianus and Adam Kraft rejoiced in the arrival of the beloved Saxons, and entertained them most hospitably. Here the travellers heard of the death of the Knight Ulrich von Hutten, who died upon an island in the Lake of Zurich. It is well known with what ardor this champion joined the Reformation. Neither Luther nor Melanchthon, however, could approve of everything in the conduct of the clever freebooter; for he was not inspired with the pure, evangelical spirit.

Nesen remained in Frankfort; but Melanchthon and his remaining companions, after a short stay, hastened to the end of their journey. It is said that when he first beheld his beloved native city in the distance, overcome with joy, he dismounted, and falling upon his knees, exclaimed: "Oh! my native soil! I thank thee, Lord, that I have been permitted to see it again!" And now they went to Bretten, to his mother's house. How she rejoiced to behold her son again! She had in the meantime ceased to be a widow, and had married a widower named Christopher Kolbe. It seems she had remained a good Catholic; and perhaps had no other fault to find with her Philip, but that he had taken too decided and zealous a part in the Reformation. Now there was opportunity to speak of these things; and the son did not neglect to instruct his mother as to the object and extent of the Reformation. But she seems to have remained steadfast in her old persuasion.

The mother knew very well that her son had gained a great name. She could see this with her own eyes during his stay in Bretten. Campegius, at that time the Papal legate in Germany, was then in Heidelberg on account of a great hunt. We can well conceive how anxious he must have felt to detach Melanchthon from Luther; and he must have thought it worth while to make an attempt to bring about this desirable result. He had a very shrewd secretary, named Nausea, who was sent upon this difficult and important errand. When he arrived in Bretton, he immediately repaired to Melanchthon, in order to introduce the matter. He seconded his appeal with the best inducements, but he did not find a reed that could be swayed to and fro by the wind. The Wittenberg Professor declared, in a firm and decided manner: "If I discover anything to be true, I hold it fast, and maintain it without any regard to the consequence of any mortal, without any regard to advantages, honor, or gain. I shall never forsake those who were the first to bring better things to light. But in the same manner I shall also continue to prove true to myself, that I shall teach and defend the truth without quarrelling or abuse. I therefore advise every one who earnestly desires peace and unity, to do all he can to heal those wounds which can no longer be concealed, and to restrain the mad rage of those who are constantly tearing them open again!" He added a small essay on the principal points of the Lutheran doctrine, in which he particularly gave prominence to the difference between divine and human righteousness, and that they were only striving against work-holiness.

Nausea returned to Heidelberg, without having effected his object; but Melanchthon received another visit, from three professors of the University. These did not come to alienate him from that cause, which was the cause of God. On the contrary, they presented him with a richly ornamented goblet, as an acknowledgment of his meritorious services, for which he returned his cordial thanks in a letter.

Whilst Melanchthon was spending most agreeable days in Bretten, his travelling-companions sojourned in Basle. Erasmus of Rotterdam resided in this city, and by his great reputation also attracted these Wittenbergians. This will be the proper place to say something of the relations existing between this renowned scholar and Melanchthon. It was Erasmus who, at a very early period, recognized and admired Melanchthon's talents and great acquirements. Melanchthon had taken this great man, who exerted such an influence upon the restoration of the sciences, for his model. But Erasmus was a man who preferred standing on neutral ground, and considered the Reformation commenced by Luther, and supported by Melanchthon's learning, as by far too extravagant. He was very fond of the honor of this world, which prevents so many learned men from arriving at a knowledge of the truth. Although he, therefore, at first expressed his approbation of the work in Wittenberg, he gradually became more and more opposed to it. He manifested his hostility particularly in his work "On Free Will." He shows in this, like all persons who do not consult the word of God, and a deep inward experience, that the great corruption of this world of sin, and the indescribable riches of divine grace, were both mysteries to him. He also expressed his views more fully in a letter to his friend at Wittenberg, on the 6th of September, 1524; and did not forget to state that he could not agree on all points with Melanchthon's book, Loci Communes, in which he had, however, found much that was excellent. Nothing else could have been expected, for Melanchthon had most decidedly expressed the doctrine of the renewed Church. He could, therefore, neither be satisfied with Erasmus' publication against Luther, nor with his letter to himself.

It is well known to every one acquainted with these disputes, that Erasmus had found a powerful opponent in Luther, by means of his work "Of the Bond Will," which is one of the ablest and most powerful productions of the Reformer. The gulf between these two men became wider and wider. All mediation was impossible.

In a letter to Erasmus, in answer to the one already referred to, Melanchthon expressed his decided adherence to Luther's doctrine, and declared that if the Bible should teach differently, he would gladly adopt it. He took Luther's side, and defended him against Erasmus' attacks upon his character. But Erasmus adhered to his own opinions, and especially censured Luther's violence. He was particularly displeased with this violence in Luther's polemic treatise against himself. This relation to the great man in Rotterdam caused Melanchthon much trouble. It was one of the many sorrows which afflicted him.

But we have thus already returned to Wittenberg, and we must first see what happened to Melanchthon on his return. It was difficult to part from Bretten, for his mother did not wish him to depart so soon. It seemed to her, as we often feel when bidding farewell, that she was then beholding him for the last time. But at last, with his companions who had returned from Basle, he tore himself away from his home. Not far from Frankfort he met with a singular adventure. The young Landgrave Philip of Hesse, who had early exhibited a warm interest in the progress of the Reformation, was travelling with his retainers to Heidelberg. He had, no doubt, heard that Melanchthon was on the road. He sees a company of travellers approaching, and he feels that Melanchthon must be among them. He rode towards them, and asked for him. When Melanchthon discovered himself, and was about to dismount in token of respect, the Landgrave prevented him, and requested him to change his route, and to remain with him over night, because he would like to have many matters explained to him. He bade him entertain no fear, but be of good courage. Melanchthon assured the Landgrave that he was not afraid, and that he was a very unimportant person besides. The prince replied: "But, nevertheless, Cardinal Campegius would be not a little rejoiced if you were to be delivered into his hands." On the condition that, after his return to Wittenberg, he would prepare a written statement concerning these innovations in religion and send it to the Landgrave, he permitted him to continue his journey, and gave him the promise of a safe conduct through the Hessian dominion. This writing was really prepared, and bore the title: "An Epitome of the renewed Christian doctrine, addressed to his most serene highness the Landgrave of Hesse." The journey was safely completed, but he soon experienced great sorrow in Wittenberg. His beloved travelling companion, Nesen, wished to cross the Elbe in a fisherman's boat, as he had often done before; but upon the present occasion, it was July 5th, the boat struck against the trunk of a tree, was capsized, and Nesen was drowned. Besides this, his beloved Camerarius, who was daily more endeared to him, removed from Wittenberg. He felt very lonely and forsaken, and in this frame of mind wrote to Camerarius: "I sit at home like a lame cobbler."

CHAPTER VII.

THE WAR OF THE PEASANTS

The hopes raised by the proposed plans for reform, by the new Pope Hadrian VI., were not realized. How often have men been deceived in their hopes, when they looked towards the city on the seven hills! The Diet in Nuremberg opened in a threatening manner, for the Pope and the Emperor insisted on severe measures, and the execution of the Edict of Worms. But it came to pass here, as the Elector Frederick the Wise is said to have remarked before the Diet: "In heaven it has been resolved far otherwise than in Nuremberg!" Already in the year 1523, death summoned Hadrian from the scene. True to the proverb, "The Pope does not die," another one, Clemens VII., of the same spirit as all the rest, ascended the throne. He insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms, and caused this opinion to be proclaimed during the Diet at Nuremberg, which had been opened again. The Emperor made the same demand by his ambassador. But all these violent measures were defeated by the action of the princes, who said "that they would do what they could." The more the Gospel began to penetrate to every quarter, to find good soil and to strike deep root, so much more the hostility of the Catholics increased. Persecutions arose, and martyrs began to bleed for the Lord's cause. Melanchthon took an especially deep interest in the terrible martyrdom of Henry von Zütphen, who was burned at the stake towards the end of the year 1524.[9]

The war of the Peasants, which commenced in Swabia as early as 1524, but took a new and dangerous turn in the beginning of 1525, still more increased the hate of the enemies of the pure Gospel, and gave them a plausible excuse forcibly to exterminate these ecclesiastical novelties and the innovators themselves. As when fire has been placed in the different quarters of a city, and it breaks out on every side, so that the inhabitants do not know where to begin to extinguish it, so was it in the peasants' war. Almost everywhere the peasants arose and threatened death and destruction to the authorities and existing laws. Nothing is more easy than, with preconceived opinions, either to proclaim this war a noble struggle for freedom, or, on the other hand, to trample under foot the just sighs of the deeply injured peasants. It is well known that no event in the days of the Reformation was more welcome to its enemies than this desperate and bloody rebellion of the peasants. They at once proclaimed this war to be a legitimate fruit of the new doctrine. It cannot be denied that this opinion has some appearance of truth, but then only if we look at the mere surface of things, and carry an evil-disposed heart within us. The peasants themselves have partly given occasion for this opinion, because in the well-known "twelve articles of the peasants," they mingled spiritual and temporal demands together. It is, however, not our purpose to give a history of the peasants' war, which still awaits a true representation, even if it were carried out in the shortest outlines. We are here but to consider how the Reformers, particularly Melanchthon, demeaned themselves in this critical event.

In Melanchthon's home, the palatinate, this extravagant spirit had also seized the peasants. There too they rose up on every side, however little reason for it they might have had, under the reign of the Elector Louis of the palatinate. This prince wrote to Melanchthon, whom he esteemed very highly, requesting him to come to Heidelberg to assist him by his counsels in this dangerous affair. He says of Melanchthon: "You who were born and raised in the palatinate are more learned and experienced in the Scriptures than others, celebrated, and doubtless favorable to peace and justice." If it was impossible for him to come, he should send his advice and opinion, "according to divine and truly evangelical Scripture" to him in writing. On this account Melanchthon wrote his "Pamphlet against the articles of the peasantry." As Luther's writings in regard to the war of the peasants have frequently given offence, because he stood firmly by the word of God, which demands obedience towards the authorities, so did it also fare with Melanchthon. He too, like Luther, must submit to be called a Court-theologian. But their theology was drawn from the word of God, and redounded to the glory of God, let the enemies to the right and left say to the contrary—whatever they please. The peasants declared they would submit themselves to the word of God. This Melanchthon seized upon. He wishes to present to them "the Gospel, and the true Christian doctrine; for no doubt there are many among the masses who sin from ignorance; who, it is to be hoped, if they are properly instructed, will forsake such wicked practices, and consider the Judgment of God, their own souls, and their poor wives and children. But many are so wanton, and blinded by the devil, that they do not desire, and cannot abide peace." After having spoken of Faith and Love, he proceeds to obedience to government, and says: "Whereas this article is even despised by those who call themselves evangelical, we will hold before them the Gospel and the Word of God, in which they may see how desperately they are fighting against God under the pretext of the Gospel."

The beginning of the 13th chapter of the Epistle to the Romans will ever be the principal direction in this matter. Melanchthon, too, refers to it, and fully and convincingly explains this passage to every one whose passions have not blinded and disordered his senses. He proceeds to say: "From all this we therefore conclude, that, because the Gospel demands obedience to government, and forbids rebellion, although princes may do evil; and also further requires that we endure wrong, they act against the Gospel, inasmuch as they arise against the government, and use force and violence against them. And they prove themselves liars in this, that they write they desire to live in accordance with the Gospel, and yet thus openly act against God, so that it is easy to observe that the devil is instigating them, desiring to destroy their bodies and souls. For the end may be whatever it will, such wickedness will be punished at last."

Melanchthon now proceeds to consider each of the twelve articles separately. In the first article he proves, that the government is bound to have the Gospel preached. But if a government, possessed by Satan, will not permit it, we ought not to raise a tumult, for God has forbidden it. Each one is to profess his faith, and suffer, if the government be hostile. "It is not possible to be a Christian, and lay the cross upon the shoulders of others; you must bear it yourself." In the second article "Of Tithes," he takes the side of right, and refutes the misapplied scriptural passages of the peasants. In the article "On Vassalage," he also defends the established order of things, and proves that the passages quoted by the peasants had no reference to bodily, but to spiritual freedom. "Therefore," he says, "the expectation of the peasants has no pretext. Yes, it would be better if so wild and unruly a nation, like the German, had less liberty than they really possess."—"Our authorities indulge the people in all wantonness, and only require money of them, but keep them under no restraint, which causes great disorders!"

He then reviews the remaining articles, of the chase, forests, services, taxes, penalties, &c. Of the right of heriot, a tax, he says that the government ought to abolish it, and remember the poor orphans. He concludes his pamphlet with very earnest words to the princes and peasants. To the former he says, they should humble themselves, because they had transgressed in many ways. "For God has always, from the beginning, overturned governments, when their wantonness became too great." He advises them to abolish the abuse of the mass, the celibacy of the clergy, and to appropriate the possessions of convents for useful purposes, especially for schools. Thus, should the princes lend a friendly hand, there should be some hope that words might answer a good purpose; but should this clemency be unavailing, the princes should strengthen themselves to treat the rebels as murderers. Melanchthon, who completed this pamphlet before the conclusion of the war of the peasants, added an appendix as soon as he heard that the peasants had been put down on every side. Now, the amiable man is merely a herald of peace and clemency. In this appendix he says: "As God has now given the victory, and the murderous rabble, which would not have peace, has been punished according to the laws of God, the princes should further be very careful that no harm befall the innocent, and also show mercy to the poor people, some of whom sinned through fear, others through folly." He points them to the example of David, who punished at the proper time, but at another also showed mercy, and concludes his excellent production in the following words—worthy of being taken to heart: "The Government should also look to it, that the word of God might be preached in the proper way, and that those customs of the church which oppose the word of God, be changed. Then God would grant them peace and prosperity in their government, as he did to Hezekiah and other pious monarchs, who put away the old abuses in the services of religion. For he declares, 1 Sam. ii. 30: 'For them that honor me, I will honor, and they that despise me shall be lightly esteemed.'" Not all the victorious princes regarded this truly Christian word, but punished and oppressed the peasants most severely, whilst they laid the blame of the rebellion upon the gospel thus recommended. But the Elector Frederick the Wise did not act thus. The peasants had also risen in rebellion in his dominions. Thomas Münzer, one of the most crazed and preposterous of beings, stood at their head. He endeavored to screen himself behind divine revelations, for all his violence against the government. When the rebellion was increasing, the Elector was confined by illness. These events moved him deeply; but in a letter to his brother, Duke John, he thus expressed himself: "It is God's sending and work, and God grant a happy conclusion." Again, he says: "Perhaps occasion has been given the poor people, particularly by prohibiting the word of God. Thus the poor are oppressed in many ways by us secular and spiritual authorities. God avert his anger from us!" This was Frederick's opinion, and his brother fully coincided in it. The Lord also gave the victory to the princes in Saxony and Thuringia. Melanchthon has described this rebellion in its beginning and close. He thus begins his narrative: "After Dr. Martin Luther had preached several years, and had taught the pure and true gospel, the devil sowed his seed by its side, raised many false and hurtful preachers, in order that the gospel might again be darkened and suppressed, and much blood might also be shed. For Christ himself has given the devil this name, and has thus painted him, that he was a murderer from the beginning, and will cause murders to the end of the world."

Before the termination of the war, the Elector fell asleep on the 5th of May, 1525, in a truly Christian manner, so that his physician said: "He was a child of peace, and died peacefully." As it was desirable to prevent all superstitious customs at the funeral of the Elector, Luther and Melanchthon were requested to give their opinion. They did so; and the funeral ceremonies were conducted in this manner. Not only did Luther preach his celebrated funeral sermon, but Melanchthon also delivered a Latin oration in the church, which shows how well he was able to appreciate a prince of Frederick's character. He spoke of the excellent qualities of the deceased, and his love for the word of God, and concluded thus: "I pray that God in his mercy may receive into his own keeping the soul of Frederick! May he also bless the administration of the government by his brother, protect our country in these unhappy times, and grant you all that affection for public peace, that you may reverence your princes with all fidelity and conscientiousness, according to the command of God."

Melanchthon sustained a great loss in the death of this exalted patron; but John the Constant, who now held the reins of government, bore the same affection in his heart towards the chosen instruments of the Reformation.

He even took a more decided stand than his brother, as we shall see hereafter. Melanchthon feared that the wheels of the machine would be interfered with too much. The slow, prudent conduct of the Elector, which he had extolled in his address, pleased him very well. To his fears in this respect another event was added during this year, which incited their enemies to increased slanders. This was Luther's sudden marriage in June, 1525, to Catharine von Bora, who had been a nun. Luther took this step, standing upon the word of God, and in defiance of his enemies. But there seemed to be no end to the noise; yet Melanchthon, who had declared himself in favor of the marriage of the clergy, could not but approve of the marriage. Yet he would have prevented it during this period of ferment, had it been in his power to do so. But when Luther began to be concerned himself, Melanchthon became his comforter.[10]

CHAPTER VIII.

HIS LABORS FOR THE CHURCH AND SCHOOLS.

Although Melanchthon's professional activity was principally directed to the education of good teachers and pastors for the schools and churches, yet the confidence enjoyed by him, and his splendid reputation, which bore his name far beyond the confines of Saxony, soon afforded him an opportunity to exert a very salutary influence in the erection of new, and improvement of established schools. Even before he had, together with Luther, arranged the school in Eisleben, and also one in Magdeburg, of which Cruciger was Rector, he was invited to Nuremberg, by Jerome Baumgartner, towards the close of the year 1524, in order to establish a Gymnasium,[11] and to act as its Rector. But nothing could induce him to leave Wittenberg. He therefore declined the offer of an appointment in Nuremberg, although he had the establishment of this institution of learning much at heart. One year after the invitation to visit Nuremberg, he undertook the journey with his friend Camerarius. This celebrated imperial city, which was then called "the eye of Germany," attracted him on many accounts; for it had an eye open to the Gospel, and numbered among its inhabitants many of the most distinguished minds, with whom Melanchthon was intimately connected. Among these were Pirkheimer, Baumgartner, Lazarus Spengler, Ebner and Nützel. He entered Nuremberg on the 12th of November, 1525. He communicated his views in regard to the arrangement of the school, and proposed able men as teachers. Camerarius, his beloved friend, was appointed Rector of the school. Other men also accepted the call extended to them. In the following year we find Melanchthon, true to his promise, in Nuremberg again. He formally opened this learned institution with a Latin address, May 23, 1526. In this address he uttered weighty words concerning the necessity and utility of the sciences. He concluded with the appropriate prayer: "I pray Christ that he may assist your important work by his grace, and that he may accompany your intentions and the diligence of those who shall study here, with his blessing." Among his friends in Nuremberg, he also numbered the celebrated painter, Albert Dürer, whose heart was also with the work of the Reformation. He spent a few very pleasant days with him and the rest of his friends, but returned to Wittenberg in June. Important business awaited him there, but in the middle of July he was seized with a severe illness, and his physician considered his recovery doubtful; but the Lord could not spare him yet.

In the beginning of the year 1526, he was formally appointed to deliver lectures on Theology, although he remonstrated against it. His salary was increased to 200 florins. But the most important duty in which he was engaged at that time was in participating in the visitation of the schools and churches in Saxony. It may well be imagined that these were in a miserable condition. The Apostolic doctrine, which was proclaimed in Wittenberg with Apostolical power, had not found an entrance everywhere. In some of the schools and churches they still pertinaciously adhered to the beaten path. In other quarters it was patchwork, a new patch upon an old garment. There was one case of a minister who preached the gospel in his principal church, but read mass in the under-parochial church where they required a different practice. The confusion in doctrine, church customs, and church treasuries was truly deplorable. Luther did not complain without reason: "Help, dear Lord, what frequent distress have I seen, because the common people, particularly in villages, know nothing at all of Christian doctrine, and it is but too true that many ministers are unskilful and unfit to teach. And yet all are called Christians, are baptized, and enjoy the holy sacraments, and do not even know the Lord's Prayer, or the Creed, or the Ten Commandments, and live on like the brutes...."

Luther had taken this distress to heart long before, and had earnestly appealed to Court, to institute a Visitation of all the schools and churches in the land. The Elector John, who was greatly concerned for the spread of the truth, ordered such a visitation. It took place in 1527, and was a real work of necessity, but at the same time full of blessings. Different commissions were appointed for different parts of the country. Melanchthon was ordered to visit Thuringia, accompanied by Jerome Schurff, Erasmus of Haugwitz, and John of Planitz. Great indeed was the spiritual distress discovered by them! Melanchthon often went out and wept, as he writes himself: "What can be offered in justification, that these poor people have hitherto been left in such great ignorance and stupidity? My heart bleeds when I regard this misery. Often when we have completed the visitation of a place, I go to one side and pour forth my distress in tears. And who would not mourn to see the faculties of man so utterly neglected, and that his soul, which is able to learn and grasp so much, does not even know anything of its Creator and Lord." However, the Elector's instructions to the visitors enjoined it upon them to proceed in the most lenient manner. They obeyed strictly, and no doubt accomplished more in this way than if they had fallen upon everything in the stormy spirit of a Karlstadt.

Melanchthon was also commissioned to prepare an Instruction for the ministers in the Electorate of Saxony. This called forth a little volume with the title, "Instruction of the Members of the Visitation to the Pastors in the Electorate of Saxony." It was handed to Luther for inspection, who was entirely satisfied with it, and therefore made but few alterations. He added a Preface to the book, in which he explained the necessity of the Visitation. This volume may be called the first Confession of Faith of the Lutheran Church, and on this account already deserves to be better known. As might be expected from Melanchthon, it is conceived in a spirit of great moderation, and, whilst it gives prominence to the principal doctrines of the true Church, treats the opposite opinions with great forbearance. Let us select a few passages from this book of Instruction. The first chapter treats "Of Doctrine." It says: "But how many now only speak of the forgiveness of sins, and nothing or very little of repentance, and yet there is no forgiveness of sin without repentance; and forgiveness of sins cannot be understood without repentance. And when we preach forgiveness of sins without repentance, it will come to pass that the people will believe that they have already obtained forgiveness of sins, and will thereby become secure and careless. Therefore we have instructed and exhorted Pastors that, according to their duty, they should preach the whole Gospel, and not one part without the other." In the article "Of the Ten Commandments," he requires that the people might be brought to a knowledge of their sins, by an exhibition of the law and of their sins, and proceeds thus: "Besides this, it will be profitable to preach of faith, in this manner, that whosoever feels pain and sorrow for sin should believe that his sins are forgiven him, not because of any merit of his own, but for Christ's sake." But the instruction always reverts to this, that faith is nothing without repentance. "Where there is no repentance there is a painted faith." After having thus given prominence to the two first parts of the Christian life, he proceeds: "The third part of the Christian life is to do good works, such as chastity, to love our neighbor, to help him, not to lie nor cheat, not to steal, not to murder, not to be revengeful, not to take vengeance into his own hands, &c. He then enters upon a consideration of the Ten Commandments. In treating the second commandment, he requires "the true Christian prayer." This section fully treats of the manner in which we ought to pray, and renounces all abuses. "Whatever it may be, we are to seek help from God alone." The fourth commandment is treated at length, and proceeds to show how children should treat parents, and parents their children, and particularly how subjects should conduct themselves towards the government. An entire section is devoted to the consideration of Tribulations, as a part of good works. They are to be careful to teach that all tribulations come from God, but also, that God is to be called upon in the midst of them. In considering the Sacrament of Baptism, the lawfulness of Infant Baptism is proved from its antitype, circumcision. They should perform the ceremony in the German language, in order that those present might understand its meaning. Here, too, they are directed to repentance and faith. Of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ, it teaches, "That in the bread is the true body of Christ, and in the wine the true blood of Christ," and mentions two of the principal passages of the Bible. The miracle is not wrought by the merits of the priest, but because Christ has so ordered it, that his body is present wherever men commune. They should teach in the most decided manner that both kinds, bread and wine, should be distributed; yet no one, who, because of the weakness and fear of his conscience, could not receive both kinds, should be forced to receive both. Under such circumstances the Pastor should offer but one. It treats fully "Of true Christian Repentance." Added to this, is the section, "Of true Christian Confession." It says: "Papal Confession, namely, to rehearse all our sins, is not commanded, for it is impossible to do it."

Yet, every one going to communion should be previously examined by the pastor. The article "Of true Christian Satisfaction for Sin," shows that Christ alone has made satisfaction for our sin. In the chapter "Of human Church Regulations," the pastors are exhorted to insist upon the principal matters in their sermons. Sundays and festival-days are to be observed. Yea, they even suffer Apostles' and Saints' days to remain. But on the latter they are to permit labor. But it is not their intention hereby to establish or commend the invocations and intercessions of the saints, for Christ alone is the mediator who intercedes for us. Matters relating to marriage are also briefly considered. Of free will it says, that we are able to perform worldly piety and good works by our own strength, given us and preserved for this purpose by God. This is the righteousness of the flesh. But they also teach—"Man by his own power cannot purify his heart, and produce divine gifts, such as true repentance from sin, a true and unfeigned fear of God, true faith, cordial love, chastity, an absence of revenge, true patience, earnest prayer, freedom from covetousness, &c." Concerning Christian Liberty, the errors of the vulgar are set aside, and liberty in Christ exhibited. We are also freed from the ceremonies of the Old Testament. The Turks are not forgotten, and it also mentions how the daily exercise in church is to be conducted. Would that it were so still in our churches! Concerning true Christian Excommunication, they teach that it is to be employed against those persons who live in open vices, after they have been admonished several times. They are not to be permitted to come to the Lord's Supper; but they are not prevented from hearing preaching. Overseers, called Superintendents, selected from the pastors, were appointed in particular districts. Besides this, this instruction of the visitation devotes a full chapter to schools.

The Commissions of Visitation labored in this mild, conciliatory, and truly scriptural spirit, and that, too, with blessed results. The Catholics pretended to find a creeping back, as Luther calls it, in this book of instruction, and began to rejoice aloud.[12] When the little volume appeared publicly in 1528, and also during the previous years when a Latin sketch of it had been printed, different opinions were expressed concerning it. But the most singular attack upon the book was made by one of the evangelical party. A former friend of Melanchthon, John Agricola, rector in Eisleben, considered it unscriptural, and leading to the papacy, if repentance was derived from the law, and not from the gospel. This dispute made so much noise, that the Elector considered himself obliged to arrange a meeting in Torgau, between Agricola, on the one side, and Melanchthon, Luther, and Bugenhagen, on the other. It was held in November, 1527. Agricola could easily be refuted from the Scriptures; however, he was a man obstinately wedded to his own opinion, who, as it is well known, stirred up this very matter ten years after, in the most violent manner, at which time he made use of the most daring expressions, such as "Moses deserves the gallows." But this Antinomian spirit, which was manifested by the ultra-evangelical party from time to time, was refuted by Luther in the most powerful and conclusive manner. Melanchthon refers to this, and refutes it in a number of writings.

In the summer of 1527, the university was removed to Jena, because the plague had broken out in Wittenberg. When Melanchthon had finished his first visitation tour, he continued to lecture in Jena, and wrote against the Anabaptists, who were also carrying on their sectarianism in various parts of Saxony. In the autumn of 1528, he made his second visitation tour into Thuringia, together with Myconius and Menius.

CHAPTER IX.

THE DIET OF SPIRE.

It is reasonable to suppose that the Pope could not have been satisfied with the great activity of the evangelical party, and the constantly increasing and noble spread of the gospel. He had but too many adherents in Germany, who were filled with the most violent rage against the Evangelical party. Duke George of Saxony, who had been frequently attacked by Luther, especially breathed vengeance. He had in his service a counsellor, named Otto von Pack. It is a mystery to the present day, how this man came to reveal a pretended secret to the son-in-law of the Duke, the well-known Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, according to which the Catholic princes had formed a league against the evangelical states. He succeeded in presenting the matter in so plausible a manner, that Philip, who was already inclined to fight, believed it necessary to form a counter-league. Even the Elector John, who was otherwise more sober and calm, was of the same opinion. The Landgrave was not satisfied with mere words, but marched to the frontier with his troops; but the Elector was prudent enough to ask the opinions of his theologians, among whom Melanchthon was included.

Their advice was quite temperate. Although they were highly incensed at this Catholic league, they would hear nothing of an attack. How much Melanchthon was inclined to a scriptural peace, is shown in a letter addressed by him to the Elector on the 18th of May, 1528: "To have a good conscience, and to enjoy the friendship of God, is surely the best consolation in all afflictions. But if we should begin by seizing the sword, and commence a war with an evil conscience, we would have lost this consolation. Great sorrow and cares induce me to write this. God knows that I do not value my own life so highly, but I am only thinking how much dishonor might be brought upon the holy Gospel, should your Electoral Grace begin to war, without previously making use of all means and ways to preserve the peace, which indeed ought to be done." The Elector was of the same opinion, but the Landgrave stood prepared to fight. But when he wrote to his father-in-law, Duke George, he declared the whole matter to be "an unfounded lying report." Although the evangelical party could hardly believe this assertion, and perhaps had reason for it, they were, nevertheless, obliged to put an end to all further preparations.

Two years before, in the year 1526, a Diet had been held in Spire, which had taken a turn favorable to the evangelical party. Although the Catholics demanded that the wicked Edict of Worms should be executed, they nevertheless did not succeed. The States were divided, and the Elector of Saxony and the Landgrave Philip were about to leave the Diet, when King Ferdinand and the Elector of Treves acted as mediators, and declared that a Christian free council should be held in a year, in order to settle these religious difficulties. During this time each one should remain quiet and peaceful. The princes promised to act as they wished to answer for it before God and the Emperor, or in their own words: "During the meantime, until a council shall be held, each State is so to treat its subjects, in reference to the Edict of Worms, as they hope to answer for it before God and the Emperor." After this, the whole matter remained as it was before, and there was great reason for gratitude to God that such a result had been reached.

There was nothing to be dreaded on the part of the Emperor at this time, for he was engaged in open war with the Pope; he had not yet been reconciled to the king of France, and the Turks were advancing victoriously. It would have been highly imprudent to arouse the hostility of a part of the German princes at this time. But that which he had avoided by the prudence which always characterized his conduct throughout life, was earnestly sought by the Catholic States, who had denied the existence of a league against the Evangelical party. Their hearts were full of anger. The Emperor had summoned another Diet to Spire, to meet on February 1st, 1529. The Imperial proclamation did not promise as favorable a result as had been brought about by the last Diet of Spire. As the Elector well knew what hostility prevailed against Luther, he did not take him along with him, but chose the more peaceful Melanchthon. They arrived at Spire on the 13th of March, 1529. The general hatred was now directed against him. The prospect was a gloomy one. Melanchthon had not the strong faith of Luther, by which he could have believed the clouds away—he rather increased their number by his anxiety. The Imperial proposition, in reference to religious matters, did not speak favorably of the innovations. It regrets that "such wicked, grievous, troublesome and destructive doctrines and errors have arisen in our holy faith, and are daily spread abroad more and more." His Imperial majesty, by his Imperial absolute power, annuls the resolution of the previous Diet, which had indeed been a very flexible one. This was not a good beginning. The Catholics triumphed, and succeeded in passing a final decree of the States of the Empire assembled in Diet, which was very unfavorable to the Evangelical party. For this final decree insisted upon the execution of the Edict of the Diet of Worms. The mass should be retained, and all innovations in the Church be stopped.

The Elector requested Luther and Melanchthon to give their opinion concerning this decree. They express themselves decidedly opposed to assenting to the decree, but drop the Anabaptists and Sacramentarians, who were as unpopular in the electoral dominions as elsewhere. This opinion no doubt exercised an influence upon the Evangelical States. Melanchthon's spirits were deeply affected during the progress of these negotiations. He expressed his sorrow in his letters. On the 15th of March he wrote to Camerarius that it could easily be seen on every side that the Evangelical party is hated, as well as what they intend to do. "You know," he continues, "that I observe many defects among our friends, but their object here is not to correct our faults, but to suppress the best of causes. But I hope that Christ will prevent this, and frustrate the counsels of those people who desire war." So he also entreated his friend Myconius: "I exhort thee to pray Christ that he would regard us in mercy, and protect us. For here we are objects of scorn to the proud spirits, and of derision to the rich."

A very bad state of feeling prevailed in Spire. Faber preached: "The Turks are better than the Lutherans, for they fast, and these do not." He even went so far as to say, that if he had his choice, he would rather throw away the Bible, than the ancient errors of the church. Camerarius exhorted Melanchthon to cast his cares upon God. He replied, "If I had no cares, I should not cry unto God. But whereas piety conquers cares by prayers, it cannot be altogether rid of them. By cares, therefore, am I driven to prayer, and prayer drives away my cares."

Verbal and written objections to the final decree were unavailing. Finally, the Evangelical party, and Melanchthon with them, saw themselves compelled to take the step which has become so celebrated in the history of the Reformation. On the 15th of April, 1529, they entered a formal Protest and Appeal against the decree of the diet. Even though the Catholics afterwards called them Protestants, by way of derision, the despised ones could regard that name as an honorable title.[13] And at this time, more than ever, should we abide by this name, as an honorable distinction of the Evangelical Church, because the old assumptions are again endeavoring to gain an influence; and even in the bosom of the Evangelical Church, there is enough against which we must protest.

The Emperor received the Protest in a very ungracious manner. A threatening imperial reply arrived from Barcelona, dated July 12, 1529, in which he expresses his disapprobation of the Protest, and concludes thus: "If you should continue to appear disobedient after this our gracious warning, we would no longer hesitate, but would and should be obliged to punish you, in order to maintain proper obedience in the Holy Empire." We may well imagine how such language was calculated to trouble Melanchthon.

During this season of troubles, he made a brief visit to Bretten, to see his mother. He saw her for the last time, for she completed her earthly pilgrimage on the 6th of June, 1529.[14]

CHAPTER X.

THE CONFERENCE AT MARBURG.

While the Catholics were filled with the most violent enmity against the evangelical party, and dark clouds were gathering over the heads of the Protestants, because of the decided expression of the emperor's will, it was a matter for the very deepest regret that a deep gulf was opened in the midst of the evangelical party, which grew wider and wider in the course of time. This was the rupture between the Lutherans and the Reformed, to use the names familiar now. We have already become acquainted with the restless, stormy spirit of Dr. Carlstadt, whom Melanchthon called the wicked A B C, on account of the initials of the three names, Andrew Bodenstein Carlstadt. Among other errors, he also denied the bodily presence of Christ in the sacrament, and explained the words of institution in so forced a manner, that Luther was doubtful whether he should consider him in earnest, or think that God had hardened and blinded him. Luther simply adhered to the words of Christ, however much, as he confesses himself, he was spurred by his reason to deviate from the words. "But I am a prisoner," he says, "and cannot escape; the text is too powerful, and will not permit its meaning to be changed by words." Melanchthon also strictly held, that the body and blood of Christ are truly and essentially present in the Lord's Supper.

Because Carlstadt would not return to Wittenberg, he was obliged to leave the country. But soon after he solicited Luther's intercession, who willingly complied. He returned to Saxony in the year 1525. Luther baptized his son, and his wife and Melanchthon acted as sponsors. But in the year 1527, Luther already expressed himself unfavorably of the man, who still adhered to his ridiculous explanation of the words of the Lord's Supper. Carlstadt now left Saxony, and in 1528 came to Basle, where he was appointed preacher and professor. He soon disappeared in the back-ground, when another, Ulrich Zwingli, the Swiss reformer, appeared with his unsatisfactory exposition of the words of the supper, according to which the words "This is my body," were said to mean "This signifies my body." Although he labored with great success in Switzerland, he yet bore some resemblance to Dr. Carlstadt, in his stormy proceedings, for he destroyed the images, bells, organs, and the like. Zwingli took Carlstadt's side against Luther. John Oecolampadius, professor and pastor in Basle, and a friend of Melanchthon's youth, united with him in the same unsatisfactory view of the Lord's Supper.

Luther was greatly grieved at these innovations, and attacked them with terrible earnestness. He called the Swiss Sacramentarians. We shall not introduce those matters, which more properly belong to the Life of Luther. Adhering to his declaration: "Thus it is written," he laid powerful blows upon the Sacramentarians, who replied in equally violent and biting publications. Although Melanchthon had not mingled in the strife up to the present time, he yet stood on Luther's side. He too felt himself bound by the express words of the Bible. Even from Spire, as early as the year 1529, he had written to his otherwise dearly beloved friend Oecolampadius concerning this matter: "It is very painful to me that discord should have arisen in this matter, ordained by Christ himself to establish an indissoluble love. Never has anxiety for any matter disturbed my heart more than my anxiety in this. And I have not only myself considered what might be said for and against this matter, but I have also examined the opinions of the ancients. For I should not like to stand up as the author or defender of any new dogma in the Church. After having thus weighed what seemed to be best established on both sides, I will express my sentiments, with your permission, but I cannot agree with your opinion." He then reviews the objections of opponents. One of these objections was, that the absent body of Christ could not be present. In answer to this he says: "I know that there is a promise of Christ; 'I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world;' and other ones similar to this, in which it is not necessary to separate his humanity from his divinity; and therefore I am of the opinion that this sacrament is a testimony of the true presence.... That opinion, that Christ has taken possession of a part of heaven in such a manner that he is shut up in it as in a prison, is one altogether unworthy of a Christian." Such an important question should not be judged by the rules of geometry, but by the word of God. He also says, that the most distinguished Fathers of the Church explain the sacrament like those of the Evangelical party. In the conclusion of his letter he yet presents a variety of considerations. "I observe," he says, "that your cause relies upon the assistance of the understanding and subtleties, and that you are not only employing public but secret arts also, to attract attention; and I doubt whether these will further your cause more than public ones. I am well aware of your own modesty; therefore I consider it necessary to remind you to reflect, that even shrewd and prudent persons may sometimes fall, and it is particularly dangerous to rely upon our own reason in spiritual matters." Melanchthon gave up all thoughts of a conference concerning this matter.

However, this plan, entertained by another individual also, was soon to be realized. The Landgrave Philip of Hesse saw what incalculable mischief would follow a division of the Germans and the Swiss. He regarded the matter from a political point of view, because a party, divided in itself, could not accomplish that which it might do when united. But he also appreciated the religious aspect of the question. It was soon discovered to which side he leaned in this dispute. Be this as it may, the Landgrave considered it advisable to arrange a conference at Marburg between the Germans and the Swiss. Although the doctrine of the Lord's Supper was the principal point of difference, there were yet besides this a number of other differences. Although Melanchthon had suggested the idea of such a conference to Oecolampadius, he now dissuaded from it, when the Landgrave wished such an one to take place. With Luther he believed that the conference would not be productive of good.

But finally both parties consented. The day after Michaelmas, the Wittenbergians, Luther, Melanchthon and Jonas, arrived in Marburg, after Zwingli, Oecolampadius, Bucer and Hedio, had already arrived. Andrew Osiander, of Nuremberg, Brenz of Hall, and Stephen Agricola of Augsburg, arrived after this. Jonas cannot sufficiently extol the gracious, friendly, even princely reception, they met with. Although it had at first been arranged that they should lodge in the city, the Landgrave now received them into his palace. Jonas remarks: "This has been done in these forests, not only in honor of learning, but of the true God and Christ, whom we preach. Would to God that everything might be decided to the honor of Christ!"

Melanchthon reported the proceedings of the conference to the Elector John of Saxony, and likewise to Duke Henry of Saxony. We follow his narrative, which gives us a clear view of this important meeting. At first, Luther conversed with Oecolampadius alone, and Melanchthon with Zwingli. It was stated that Zwingli was accused of teaching that Original Sin was not sin, and that Baptism did not secure to children forgiveness of Original Sin. That he declared concerning the Lord's Supper, that the body and blood of Christ are not truly in the sacrament. He is also said to teach that the Holy Ghost is not given through the Word and Sacrament, but without the word and sacrament. Further, it is asserted, that some do not teach correctly of the Divinity of Christ, and also spoke awkwardly of Justification before God. That they did not insist enough upon the doctrine of Faith. Zwingli hereupon declared that he always believed, and did still believe, that Christ is true God and man. That it is not his fault if others have taught improperly. They disputed a long time concerning original sin, and the means by which the Holy Ghost is communicated. Zwingli yielded this point.

On the 2d of October, the following day, they began the principal battle on the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave and his chief counsellors attended this discussion. They disputed two days on this point of difference. Zwingli and Oecolampadius steadily maintained: 1. That Christ taught a spiritual eating of his body in John vi., and therefore we should only understand a spiritual eating in the Sacrament. 2. That a body cannot be present in many places at one and the same time. Christ possesses a true body, and is in heaven; therefore, he could not be in the Sacrament at the same time. Here they made a number of awkward assertions; e. g., God does not present such unintelligible matters to us, outward participation is useless. 3. Oecolampadius introduced quotations from Augustine, that Sacraments are mere signs, signifying something, even as the serpent in the wilderness signifies something. He thought it sufficient to be satisfied with a spiritual participation. Luther replied as the principal speaker. Concerning John vi., he declared that, although Christ is there speaking of spiritual eating, yet this is not opposed to bodily eating. He, too, taught a spiritual eating, but in the words of the institution an outward eating is ordained. The opposite party then referred to the words: "The flesh profiteth nothing." It was replied to them, that, as Christ above speaks of his flesh as giving life, the words quoted by them could not refer to his own flesh, but to our own carnal being and thoughts. But if we wish to explain it of Christ's flesh, we cannot draw any other conclusion from it than this, that the flesh of Christ, when received without faith, profiteth nothing. To the second objection they replied, that our reason should not judge God's power and glory, whether one body is able to be present in many places or not. Melanchthon relates that their opponents steadfastly adhered to this objection. They said that even wicked priests could perform this great miracle. It was replied to them, that we ought not to regard the worthiness of the priests, but the commandment of God. Upon this they dropped their objection. To the third objection, in which Oecolampadius declared "the Sacraments are signs, and therefore we ought to grant that they signify something; therefore we ought to acknowledge in the Lord's Supper that the body of the Lord is only signified, and not present," the other side replied, that we ought not to explain them in a manner different from that in which Christ had explained them. That the Sacraments are signs, should be understood thus, that they signify promises connected with them. Thus, the Lord's Supper signifies that the death of Christ has obtained satisfaction for our sins, and gives us the assurance of the forgiveness of sin. From this it does not follow as a matter of necessity that Christ's body is not present. Zwingli and Oecolampadius quoted many passages from the Fathers in corroboration of their views. Their opponents also presented many clear declarations of the Church Fathers to the Landgrave in writing, from which it appeared that the ancient Church taught the true presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Lord's Supper.

Such was the result of the conference at Marburg. Both parties adhered to their own opinions. The Swiss asked to be regarded as brethren. Luther refused, and declared this to be an evidence that they did not value their own cause very highly. Although they were satisfied with Luther's doctrines on all other points, they adhered to their own opinion of the Lord's Supper. It is true Melanchthon expresses a hope that they might change their opinion in this matter at some future day, but this hope was never realized.

The Conference lasted three days. Melanchthon had feared that their opponents would be far more violent, and expressed himself well satisfied with them in this respect. The Landgrave was also deeply interested in this discussion. It is said that he made the remark: "Now he would rather believe the simple words of Christ than the subtle thoughts of men." Although this conference effected some good in correcting many misapprehensions and errors, as well as for a while putting an end to the violent polemical writings, yet no union had been brought about in the matter of the Lord's Supper. The schism remained, and grew more incurable in future days. Meetings were again held in Rotach, Schwabach, Smalkald, and in Nuremberg, in the beginning of the year 1530, in order to bring about a union with the upper Germans. But they would not forsake their opinion, and the Elector, who believed Luther's doctrine, could not induce himself to enter into a league with his opponents. Besides this, the latter were so far removed from the Catholics in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, that it was not to be hoped that they would be received when united. However, the Landgrave, whose purpose to unite the Reformed, especially the four upper German cities, with the Lutherans, had so far been frustrated, did not relinquish all hope of final success. He made repeated efforts. Thus a meeting was held in Schwabach in October, 1529. Luther had prepared seventeen articles, one of which expressed the true presence of the body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament. But they could not unite here, nor in the Conferences at Smalkald in November, and Nuremberg, in January, 1530.

Thus, while the Catholics were banded together to inflict deadly blows upon the Protestants, these were separated into two parties; and if we add the sects, into a number of parties. But now every eye was directed to the Diet of Augsburg, at which the cause of the Protestants was to be considered again. All were in anxious expectation to see what the Emperor would do. And on this occasion it was reserved for Melanchthon to produce a work which should not only excite attention in Augsburg, but which decided and secured the lawful position of the Evangelical Church. However, Melanchthon was not in the most joyous frame of mind at this time. He thus expresses this in a letter to Camerarius: "Not a day passes in which I do not wish that I might leave this world."

CHAPTER XI.

THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.

The Turks, who had advanced victoriously as far as Vienna, met with so determined a resistance at the hands of the brave hero Philip of the Palatinate, that they were obliged to retreat. Thus the danger which threatened the Emperor from the East was lessened. He had resumed peaceful relations with King Francis of France, and was also reconciled to the Pope, and had been crowned by him. He now had abundant opportunity to attend to the religious difficulties, and, as he hoped, to bring them to a happy conclusion. It is very true that Pope Clemens would hear nothing of it, when he informed him that it would be necessary to hold a general council, and that he intended to summon a Diet on this account. Clemens, in his reply, declared, that religious difficulties must be brought before the Bishop of Rome, and that he in every case had a right to convene a General Council. He demanded power of arms to suppress the dissatisfaction reigning in Germany, and said: "There is no other way for you but to restore peace by your arms." Of course Charles would not agree to this. He insisted upon a Diet, and said: "We must hear both sides, and then pronounce sentence, not according to our tyrannical pleasure, but according to the law and doctrine given us by God."

On the 21st of January, 1530, the necessary imperial documents were dispatched from Bologna to Germany, fixing the meeting of the Diet for the 8th of April, in Augsburg. Besides deliberating concerning assistance against the Turks, they would also consider "what might be done and resolved in reference to the errors and schism in our holy faith and the Christian religion." The imperial proclamation was couched in very mild terms, yet the Evangelical party entertained unfounded fears that the Emperor would now assume a more hostile attitude. The Landgrave Philip of Hesse even considered it dangerous to attend the Diet. We are already acquainted with this man, who was not at all disinclined to divide the Gordian knot with the sword. But the Elector John was of a different opinion, and besides this, consulted his Theologians in this important matter. They expressed themselves most decidedly against an armed resistance. Luther gave his opinion to the Elector as early as the 6th of March. Melanchthon added a preface. On the 14th of March an electoral decree was sent to Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon, which called upon them to prepare a list of the principal points of difference in matters of Faith, and the customs of the Church, so that it might be known how far they might go at the approaching Diet. They selected the 17 so called articles of Torgau, which were formerly called the articles of Schwabach, and had been prepared by Luther. They constitute the basis of the Augsburg Confession. On March 21, the Theologians were commanded to meet the Elector in Torgau. Here in Torgau, these Theologians assembled in the parsonage, and presented this matter to God, with prayers and sighs.

On one occasion, Melanchthon arose, sad and weary, having been called out by a messenger. When he had dismissed the messenger, he retired to his room. Here he found the wives and children of the Pastor, and his two chaplains. Some of these children were being suckled, whilst others were being examined in the Catechism and Prayer. When Master Philip saw this, he stood still for a little while, looking on and listening with great surprise as the little children are praying with stammering tongues, and he thinks of the words of the Psalmist: "Out of the mouths of babes and sucklings thou hast perfected praise." He is especially moved by beholding the wife of one of the chaplains suckling one child, and at the same time cutting turnips for her husband's dinner, whilst another child is repeating its prayers to her. When Philip saw this, he exclaimed: "Oh! what a holy and God-pleasing work!" He goes in again to the Theologians, joyous and comforted. Dr. Luther asked him how he came to enter so pleasantly, after having gone out in such sadness. Then Melanchthon replied: "My clear Sirs, let us not be so faint-hearted, for I have just now seen those who shall fight for us, who protect us, and who are and shall remain invincible in all violence." Dr. Luther inquired who these mighty heroes were? Philip replied: "The wives and little children of our Pastor and his chaplains, whose prayer is now heard, and which God will not leave unanswered, even as our faithful God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ has not despised this their prayer up to the present time." This filled the Theologians with great joy, so that they remained firmly in the truth, and bore witness of the same. And the result proved that faith and prayer will always gain the victory. The Elector was pleased with these articles, and commissioned Melanchthon to arrange them in a proper manner, and also to write an introduction to them.

On the third of April, the Elector, accompanied by a numerous retinue, and the Theologians, commenced his journey. They proceeded very slowly, by way of Eisenberg, Weimar, and Coburg. Here they rested several days, for Melanchthon was already preparing the articles which were to be delivered at Augsburg. But Luther, who was particularly hated by their opponents, was left behind in Coburg, where he took up his quarters in the castle, having for his companion a very worthy man, Veit Dietrich, of Nuremberg. April 21st or 22d, the Elector resumes his journey, and Agricola has taken Luther's place. In Nuremberg they halted but a single day. Melanchthon made use of these moments to report the latest news to Luther, and thus concludes: "Christ preserve you, pray for us all!" On the 2d of May, the Elector and his retinue arrived in Augsburg. None of the princes had yet arrived. As they were obliged to wait some time for the coming of the Emperor, Melanchthon, who was at all times fond of correcting his productions, had ample time to improve the Confession. On the 4th of May, he wrote to Luther concerning this matter, and says: "I have given the introduction to our Confession a more elegant turn than it had as I wrote it in Coburg. But I will shortly bring it to you, or, if the Elector will not permit this, send it you." He was already able to send the Confession to Luther on the 11th of May; but he now called it an Apology, because at the same time it should also be a defence of the Evangelical faith. It was his intention to prove in this that the doctrine of the Evangelical party did not at all depart from the Christian Church. He writes: "We send our Apology to you, although it is rather a Confession. For the Emperor has no time to listen to long disputations. But I have, nevertheless, mentioned whatever I considered to be particularly useful and appropriate. On this account I have included nearly every article of faith, because Eck has published quite devilish blasphemies against us. I wished to present an antidote to this. You will judge of the entire work according to your own mind." Melanchthon and the Elector, who added a letter to the Confession, inquired of Luther what ought to be done, in case the Emperor should prohibit the Evangelical party from preaching. Luther returned Melanchthon's manuscript to the Elector, with these words: "I have read Mr. Philip's Apology. I like it well enough. I know of nothing to improve or alter in it, besides that would not be suitable, for I cannot walk so meekly and so silently. May Christ our Lord grant that this may produce much and great fruit, even as we hope and pray. Amen." In reply to the question concerning preaching, he declared his opinion, that "they ought to yield to the Emperor, if previous humble remonstrance has been made, because the city is his." As the Emperor still delayed, Melanchthon again took the file in hand, in order to give greater perfection to the Confession of Faith. He wrote to Luther on the 22d of May: "I daily alter many things in the Apology. I have taken out the article 'On vows,' because it was by far too short and meagre, and have put a fuller one in its place. I am now arranging the article on the 'Power of the Keys.'" He prepared the Latin, as well as the German text. When the document was completed, it was also communicated to the ambassadors of the free cities. These were so well pleased with it, that the resolution that it should be signed in the name of all the Evangelical States was passed at once. However, the Theologians of the various States met together to discuss the different articles of the Confession. They particularly discussed the little word "really," in Article 10, which treats of the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ. For this was opposed by some in the most determined manner.

While they were thus deliberating, the emperor was still delaying his coming, and they were thus kept in the greatest suspense. It was reported that the notorious Cajetan was accompanying the Emperor as the legate of the Pope. Melanchthon says of him: "He is a foolish and insolent man, with whom you cannot do anything." But this report, as so many others circulated at this time, was not corroborated. The Elector had sent John von Doltzig to the imperial court, who returned with the order that all preaching in Augsburg should be stopped. We already know what Luther thought of this. Melanchthon entertained the same opinion. But the Elector, and his chancellor Brück, were unwilling to obey this prohibition, and protested against it. At last, the Emperor decided that no preacher, no matter who he might be, should be permitted to preach in Augsburg, without being appointed to do so by the Emperor himself. When the Lutherans in Augsburg were likewise deliberating what they should do, if they should be forbidden to eat meat on certain days, if spiritual jurisdiction should be demanded again, and they should desire to re-establish convents, and the like, Melanchthon delivered his written opinion to the Elector. He was in favor of yielding, but opposed the re-establishment of convents.

The conduct of the Landgrave Philip, of Hesse, grieved him exceedingly; for he was very anxious to bring about a union between the Lutherans and the Swiss. For this purpose, he had previously brought about the Conference at Marburg, without, however, accomplishing his purpose in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper. He still entertained thoughts of a union. On this account, Melanchthon wrote to Luther, May 22: "I entreat you most earnestly to write to the Landgrave, and to exhort him, that he should not burden his conscience by defending any false doctrine." In addition to this, Melanchthon and Brenz also addressed a letter to the Landgrave, and justified themselves for not being able to unite with the Zwinglians. The Landgrave replied in very temperate language, insisting upon treating the Zwinglians as brethren, without, however, being able to shake the opinions of the two theologians. The Catholics knew very well that such divisions had arisen in the Evangelical camp. It will always remain a subject of regret that no union could be brought about. Melanchthon and Brenz declared: "We have such articles, of which, by the grace of God, we are certain, and are able to suffer for them with a good conscience, which is indeed a source of great comfort in every danger; but we cannot be certain of the Zwinglian doctrine, as it is called, for we have no clear word of God for it."

Relying upon the word of God, they could indeed calmly await coming events. At last the Emperor, who had delayed so long, arrived in Augsburg. He made his public entrance on the 15th of June. Not Cajetan, but the smoother Campegius, accompanied the Emperor, as the Pope's legate. We may well suppose that this public entrance was very magnificent. The following day was the festival of Corpus Christi. As the evangelical princes could not conscientiously take a part in this festival, which celebrated a doctrine which they rejected most decidedly, they took no part in the procession. They declared to the Emperor, who insisted upon their attendance: "They could not conscientiously before God, comply with this demand, because this procession was made a species of worship." The princes at first expressed themselves in the most decided manner, against the Emperor's demand that the preaching should be stopped. The Margrave George even said, before the Emperor: "Rather than deny my God and his Gospel, I would kneel down here before your Imperial Majesty, and have my head cut off." The Emperor replied, in his defective German, "Not head off, not head off." However, as the Emperor had prohibited preaching to both parties, and had reserved the right to appoint preachers for himself, the Lutherans could not complain any longer, especially as their theologians advised peaceful measures. The day preceding the opening of the Diet, Melanchthon wrote to his friend Camerarius, that the Confession would be more moderate than the ungodliness of their enemies deserved. He had only insisted upon the principal matters, and restored spiritual jurisdiction entirely to the bishops. That many, indeed, were dissatisfied with this; but that he would be willing to accept even more stringent conditions, if peace might be attained by these means. He continues: "After Mercurinus is dead, there is no one of any consequence at Court, who is inclined to peace. He had gained over a Spanish secretary, who promised well, and had already spoken to the Emperor and Campegius; but all lies in the hands of God. Pray to Christ that he may grant peace. Not only are we forbidden to preach, but our adversaries also. However, the Emperor, by his imperial power, will appoint a preacher who shall only read the mere text of the gospel and Epistle. In this you may observe the wonderful wisdom of the courtiers." Concerning the prospects of the Diet, Luther thus strikingly expresses himself towards Agricola: "Truly, you are not merely to contend with men in Augsburg, but with the gates of Hell." And again: "The Lord Jesus, who has sent you all thither to be his witnesses and servants, and for whose sake you expose your necks, be with you, and testify unto you by his Spirit, that you may know with certainty, and may not doubt, that you are his witnesses. This faith will strengthen and comfort you, for you are the ambassadors of a great King. These are true words. Amen." Such courageous faith should have filled all the Lutherans, and Melanchthon in particular.

At last, on the 20th of June, the Diet was opened by the celebration of Mass, by the Archbishop of Mentz. The Papal orator, Pimpinelli, made the address. Afterwards they proceeded to the town-hall, where the Imperial demands were proclaimed, first against the Turks, then in matters of religion. In reference to the last point, the Emperor expressed his regret that the previous Imperial resolutions had not been carried out. Nevertheless, the States should express their sentiments in matters of religion in Latin and German declarations. Melanchthon, filled with excessive alarm, believed this important matter might be brought to a favorable conclusion by private efforts. It was not a good plan; however, he adopted it. Among the retainers of the Emperor was a secretary named Alphonsus Waldesius. This Spaniard seems to have been a shrewd man. He entered into communication with Melanchthon, and revealed his views of the Lutherans as they were regarded in Spain. It was thought there that they did not believe in a God, or the Holy Trinity, or Christ, or Mary; so that the people of Spain thought they could not serve God better than by killing a Lutheran. Melanchthon replied somewhat to the following effect: "The Lutheran cause is not so tedious and awkward as it may have been represented to his Imperial Majesty; and that the principal difficulty was concerning the articles, of the two forms in the Sacrament, of priests and monks, marriage and the mass; because the Lutherans considered solitary masses sinful. If these articles should be conceded, he believed that ways and means might be found to settle all the rest." Soon after he was informed by the Imperial secretary that the Emperor was pleased to hear this, and had commanded that he should make a very brief statement of the Lutheran articles, and deliver it to him. The Emperor also believed that it would be most advisable to settle the matter quietly; for public trials and quarrelsome disputations were only productive of ill-will, and not of unity.

Melanchthon expressed himself ready to reflect upon this subject; but neither the Elector nor Chancellor Brück would permit the matter to be disposed of in this way. He was merely permitted to show the Confession, which, as Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, the Secretary Waldesius found "entirely too bitter for the opponents to endure it."

As they could not and would not take the by-way of silence, the Emperor suddenly, on the 22d of June, appointed Friday, June 24th, for the delivery of the Evangelical Confession. This short time greatly perplexed the Lutherans, because Melanchthon still wished to make further corrections, and the Introduction also was wanting. In order that this might be in the proper form, Chancellor Brück assisted him. The Theologians, (there were twelve present,) assembled to deliberate. Nine princes and cities signed the German copy of the Confession; and because they had no further time to spare, they took Melanchthon's manuscript as the Latin copy. The 24th of June arrived, but it being too late, the reading of the Confession could only take place on the following day, Saturday, June 25, 1530.

This day, which has become one of the most important in the History of the Evangelical Church, came at last. Spalatin says: "One of the greatest deeds ever accomplished in the world has been done this day." The Emperor and his brother Ferdinand, Princes and States of the Empire, and distinguished Ecclesiastics, were there assembled, to listen to the reading of the Confession of Faith. The Saxon Chancellor read the German Confession so loudly and distinctly, that it was not only heard in the hall, but also in the court, where a great multitude was assembled. It contained two parts, the first including all the doctrines of Faith, the other the disputed articles. On account of our limited space, we shall but briefly touch upon the different articles, as every one, especially every Lutheran, should be most intimately acquainted with the Confession of his Church. We have more need of it at this time than formerly, for the ancient errors arise with renewed vigor, and may easily shake one who is uncertain in his belief.

First—1. Stands the Confession of the Holy Trinity, of God the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. 2. How we become pious and righteous before God. 3. How all men are born with Original Sin. 4. What Original Sin is. 5. How we attain God's Grace. 6. How preaching is necessary towards Justification. 7. How Faith must produce good fruits and works. 8. What the general Christian Church is. 9. That the Sacraments are efficacious, even when administered by wicked priests. 10. Of Baptism, against the Anabaptists. 11. Of the Holy Sacrament of the true body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar. 12. Of Repentance. 13. That the Sacraments are such consoling tokens, with which we are assured and may be certain that God, for Christ's sake, will be gracious, kind and merciful to us, and do us good in time and eternity. 14. Of the Teachers of the Church. 15. Of Ceremonies, that those are to be observed for the sake of peace, which can be observed without sin, but they are not to be observed in order to attain salvation. 16. Of human laws and order. 17. That Christ will come at the last day, to judge the quick and the dead, to give everlasting life and joy to believers, and to condemn the devil and the wicked. 18. Of Free Will, that we have a free will to be pious outwardly, but not before God. 19. That sin comes from the perverted will of the devil and wicked men. 20. Of Faith and Good Works, that this is true Faith, that we are heartily assured of every good, Grace and help from God, for Christ's sake, and that Faith without Works, such as God has commanded, is dead. And 21. Of the Adoration of Saints, that we should expect all good from God, as the saints did, and that we should imitate their faith and love, but call upon God alone.

Then, in the second part, follow the disputed articles: first, 22. Of the two kinds in Sacrament, why we distribute them to all. 23. Of mass, how it is observed among us, and why we have rejected secret masses. 24. Of priests, and the marriage of monks and nuns. 25. Of cloister vows. 26. Of difference of meats. 27. Of confession. 28. Of the power of the Bishops, and the difference between the spiritual and temporal sword. These twenty-eight articles are discussed in a clear, simple, scriptural, and peaceful manner. No ingenuous mind could withhold its approbation from them. It is impossible to say what impression they made upon the Emperor. It is well known that he was not very well acquainted with the German language. Besides this, he no doubt had previously also decided upon the course he would take. When the two copies were being handed to his secretary, he graciously took them into his own hands. He gave the German copy to the Archbishop of Mentz, and kept the Latin one for himself, and caused it to be translated into Italian and French for himself. He intimated to the Lutherans, that he would consider the matter further, but expected that they would not print the Confession. However, their opponents soon circulated defective copies, so that the Lutherans were forced to publish the correct Confession.

Luther was regularly informed of the progress of events. He indeed was deeply interested, and secretly, by the help of God's hand, ruled the Diet. As Moses prayed, and had his sinking arms supported during the battle between the Israelites and their enemies, so Luther prayed in his castle of Coburg. He who sitteth in the heavens alone knows what influence he exerted. It would have been well for Melanchthon had he possessed such strong faith, and such a mighty spirit of prayer. But he looked too much to men, their power and their craftiness. And for this he was rewarded by complaints and sighs, but he did not conceal his sorrows from his paternal friend in Coburg. Through this, Luther opened the depth and power of his faith, and permitted the flame to spread even to Augsburg, that Melanchthon's heart might be encouraged. His precious letters should be read at length in the history of his own life; here we can only communicate extracts. June 26th, he wrote: "I heartily hate your great care, which, as you write, weakens you. That it increases so greatly in your heart, is not owing to the greatness of our cause, but is the fault of our great unbelief. Why do you thus unceasingly trouble yourself? If our cause is wrong, let us recant; but if it is right, why do we make God a liar in such great promises, because he bids us be of good cheer and satisfied? You are troubled thus by your philosophy, and not by your theology. The same also greatly vexes your friend Joachim; just as if you could accomplish anything by your useless cares. What more can the devil do than to kill us?" On the same day, Melanchthon sent a dejected letter to Coburg: "We are here constantly in the greatest trouble, and shed tears continually, which has been aggravated by still greater distress to-day, when we read M. Veit's letters, in which he informs us that you are so highly displeased with us that you would not even read our letters. My dear father, I do not wish to increase my sorrow by many words, but would only ask you to consider where and in what great danger we now are, having no other comfort but your own encouragement. The sophists and monks are running daily, and making every effort to excite the Emperor against us." He prays that Luther would read and answer his letters. On the following day already, June 27th, another letter from the afflicted one followed this. He says: "At no time have we stood in greater need of your advice and encouragement than at this time, as we have followed you, as our head, in the most dangerous cause up to the present time. Therefore, I also pray, for the sake of the honor of the Gospel, that you would take our part. Christ permitted himself to be awakened in the vessel when it was in danger. Now, truly, we are in still greater danger here, in which nothing worse could happen to us all than if you should forsake us." He also said: "I have written to you before, that you should inform me, if necessary, how much we may yield to our adversaries." On the 29th of June an answer arrived from Coburg, in which, among other things, we read this: "I have received your Apology, and I am wondering what you mean, that you desire to know what and how much we may yield to the Papists? According to my opinion, too much is already conceded to them in the Apology. If they will not accept this, I do not know what I could yield further, unless I see their arguments and clearer Scripture than I have seen hitherto." He expressed himself most decidedly against being called "head," by Philip: "I wish to have no name, wish not to command, and do not wish to be called Author. You are troubled about the beginning and end of this matter, because you cannot understand it. But I say so much: If you could understand it, I should not like to have anything to do with the matter, much less would I be a head or beginner. God has set it in a place which you can neither reach by your rhetoric nor by your philosophy. That place is called Faith, in which are all things that we cannot see or understand. Whoever wishes to make these things visible, open, and comprehensible, as you do, will get sorrow and weeping for his pains, even as you have against our will." As he was closing the letter, he reflected that Melanchthon might think he had received little in reply to his question, what and how much should be conceded to their opponents. On this account he added this: "You have not asked sufficiently, and have not clearly stated what you think they will ask of us. I am ready, as I have always written to you, to yield up everything to them, if they will only leave the Gospel free. But whatever opposes the Gospel I cannot allow. What other answer can I give?" From such an apostolical faith, several other letters flowed to the friends in Augsburg, and particularly to Melanchthon, who truly needed such a mode of address more and more.

After the Confession had been presented to the Emperor, different opinions were held by their enemies as to the course that must now be pursued. Faber, Campegius, and others of like stamp who endeavored to influence the Emperor, insisted upon the execution of the Edict of Worms. Others wished the Confession to be examined by impartial men, whilst others again demanded a written refutation of the Confession. The last opinion prevailed. But at the same time it was also declared that the Emperor should decide in this matter, in default of which the whole should be postponed until the calling of a General Council. In regard to this latter point, Luther wrote to Melanchthon on the 9th of July: "You see that our cause is now in the same position as it was with me in Worms, namely, that they require us to accept the Emperor as Judge. Thus does the devil ever fiddle upon one string, and the old conjurer has nothing he can oppose to Christ but this single helpless weapon." Notwithstanding all these exhortations, Melanchthon was still anxiously engaged in finding a middle path. Thus he considered it advisable to write to Cardinal Campegius, in order to lead to thoughts of peace. He did not reflect that this man, although of a smooth exterior, was nevertheless a viper, swollen with venom. The crafty Roman endeavored to instil the most odious thoughts into the mind of the Emperor. This evil, he remarked, could be cured. The Emperor should unite himself with the well-meaning princes, and change the sentiments of the others by promises or threats. But what is to be done if they remain obstinate? We have the right to destroy these poisonous plants with fire and sword. If we have gained the mastery over them, we can appoint holy inquisitors, the University of Wittenberg can be excommunicated, the books of the heretics can be burned, and the like. It was needful to strike a decisive blow in the beginning.

With such a man, Melanchthon, of course without knowing his true character, entered into negotiations. After an humble letter, Campegius sent for the writer. Let us hear Veit Winsheim, Melanchthon's friend and eulogist, relate the particulars of the interview: "The day after, when the whole company was assembled, Philip was summoned, who enters with a firm mind. He saw himself surrounded by a circle of serpents and devils, and like the prophet Jonah, shaken alone in the belly of the whale. Campegius is importunate, and flourishes the terrible lightnings of his highly enraged and cruel Jupiter, the others vehemently threaten the poor and small flock of the helpless sheep of Christ with the power and force of so many kingdoms. It was enough to terrify even a strong and courageous man. But when Philip was asked whether they would yield, he replied: "We cannot yield nor forsake the truth. But we pray for God's and Christ's sake that our adversaries will not think hardly of us, and will dispute with us, as they are able, i. e., will yield that to us which we cannot forsake with a good conscience." When Campegius heard this, he shrieked: "I cannot, I cannot, because the key does not err." To this thundering, although Philip stood, as it were, in the midst of lions, wolves, and bears, who could have torn him in pieces without punishment, yet having a great and glorious spirit in a little body, he now boldly replied: "We commend our cause to the Lord God. If God be for us, who can be against us? And finally, come what will, we must abide by our fortune or misfortune."

Melanchthon had frequent interviews with the cardinal after this, especially, as the Protestant princes believed, that they might accomplish some good in this way. It is true, some have maintained, that Melanchthon was willing to agree to a base accommodation; but this cannot be proved. However, this much is certain, that all mediations were ineffectual. How true is Luther's word in a letter to Melanchthon, on the 13th of July: "I should think, dear master Philip, that you have by this time sufficiently learned by your own experience, that Christ and Belial cannot be united by any means whatever, and that no unity in religion is to be thought of."

While this was transpiring, the Catholic theologians were busily engaged with the task laid upon them by the Emperor, in refuting the Confession of the Protestants. He had recommended moderation to them, when the first draught had exhibited too great a violence. The Catholic theologians who were preparing the refutation, were Eck, Faber, Wimpina, Cochlæus, and others. The last one composed it. What good thing could be expected of these men? Melanchthon therefore remarks, in a letter to Camerarius: "I hear that their refutation is finished, and will make its appearance in two or three days. It is said that the Emperor will order all things to remain as they were, until these disputes shall be examined in a Council. This is to be the end of the deliberations. And if this decree is not tempered, you may easily conceive what troubles will be the consequence." At last, after having awaited it for a long time, the princes and electors were summoned, on the 3d of August, to hear the Confutation of the Augsburg Confession. This document follows the same order as the Confession. It first treats of doctrines in 21 articles, and afterwards of abuses, in 7 articles. Although it acknowledged many things in doctrine, as agreeing with the Catholic church, it did not depart in the slightest degree from Roman principles, and strictly adhered to the abuses. In the article on Original Sin, it did not acknowledge the prevailing corruption; and in the article of Good Works, it maintained that the good works which are performed by the help of Divine grace, are meritorious. It also refuses to allow that faith alone justifies. In the article on Repentance, it insists upon satisfaction which man is to pay, whilst the Confession excludes all human satisfaction. The Confutation likewise finds fault with the Lutherans, because they deny that we can by our works earn forgiveness of sins, and also because they reject the adoration of the saints. It is not willing to grant the cup to the laity, and defends this position with the most absurd reasons. It adheres to the celibacy of the priests and monks, and maintains the mass, with all its antiscriptural characteristics. In short, it will not cast aside any abuses. The Emperor really regarded this untenable production as a refutation of the Confession of the Protestants; and gave these to understand that it was his will that they should compromise matters with the other Christian states, and should not separate themselves from the general Christian church. If this should not take place, which the Emperor did not expect, he should act as it became him, as the guardian and protector of the Holy Christian church, and as a true Christian Emperor. Melanchthon speaks of this in a letter to Luther, August 6th: "This was the sum and substance of it, which, although it seemed very harsh, yet, as the Confutation was executed in a very childish manner, our friends became quite cheerful after it was read; for this Confutation is the paragon of all the childish and foolish writings of Faber. In speaking of the two kinds, he referred to the history of the sons of Eli, that they would ask the priests for a piece of bread, and proved from this that laymen should only receive the bread. The mass has been defended by particularly bald and lame tricks." The Princes requested a copy of the Confutation after it had been read, but could not obtain it. Even if the Emperor had now been inclined to act severely, a quarrel arose in the midst of the Catholic camp, because they could not agree among themselves in regard to the steps that should now be taken.

At last, the views of the more moderate prevailed, that a delegation should be appointed by both sides, in order to effect a compromise. On the 6th of August, several Catholic princes and bishops assembled to agree upon the points of convention. On the following day, the Elector Joachim, of Brandenburg, informed the Lutherans that they should drop their erroneous views, and no longer separate themselves from the Catholic Church. Even if there were some abuses, they might be done away with by the assistance of the Pope. And now ensued answers and replies in great number. The Lutherans would not entertain the yielding propositions of Melanchthon, who believed that unity in doctrine might be secured, and only wished to insist upon the two kinds—marriage of the priests, and the Evangelical mass. The Evangelical states declared that they did not intend to retreat from the word of God, although they were inclined to maintain peace and harmony. Philip, the Landgrave of Hesse, was not at all satisfied with this course of things. He was opposed to yielding in the slightest degree, and said to his counsellors, in a letter dated August 24th: "If the Papists wish to remain sitting in their devil's roses, and will not permit the pure preaching of the truth of the gospel, nor freedom of marriage, nor the Sacraments according to Christ's institution, why then you shall not yield one hair's-breadth. Much less still are we to allow the jurisdiction of the bishops, because they do not permit the gospel to be preached nor practised in their dominions." And because he hated the yielding of Melanchthon, he added: "Stop the game of that subtle philosopher, Philip!"

Such were the sentiments of the Landgrave, and therefore he could no longer contain himself in Augsburg, but suddenly and unexpectedly to all, left the city August 6. This excited great attention; however, the proposed plan to bring about an accommodation by means of a committee of fourteen persons, including the Evangelical Theologians Melanchthon, Brenz, and Schnepf, and the Catholics Eck, Wimpina, and Cochlæus, was not prevented by it. They met together from the 16th of August until the 21st. On motion of Chancellor Vehus of Baden, the Augsburg Confession was examined, article after article. They agreed in many articles, but in Justification Eck would not admit that we are justified by faith alone, for that would make rude, wicked, and impious men. Love justifies more than Faith. Because he did not like the word sola, which means "alone," he perpetrated the wretched witticism: "Let us for the present send the soles to the cobbler." However, he found Melanchthon a man who stood immovable in the main point. Whenever the two Theologians grew somewhat passionate, the princes present entreated them to maintain peace.

Although they agreed in many points of doctrine, there were others, such as Justification, Repentance, &c., in which they could not agree; and when they came to the abuses, their opponents would not allow the two kinds, the marriage of priests and the mass. There were in all 14 points on which they could not unite. On August 22, Melanchthon wrote to Luther: "Yesterday we finished the Conference, or rather dispute, before the Commissioners." After having referred to the opposition to Justification, satisfaction, the merit of good works, and the two kinds in the Sacrament, he thus concludes: "I do not know where this will end; for, although peace is also necessary to our enemies, yet it seems to me that some do not consider what great danger there will be, if this matter ends in war. We proposed very reasonable conditions; we have given authority and jurisdiction to the Bishops, and have promised that we would re-establish the usual ceremonies. I do not know what we shall accomplish by it. Pray to Christ to preserve us."

Luther was not satisfied with these compromises, and among other things replied thus: "Summa Summarum, I do not like it at all that you are endeavoring to treat of Unity of doctrine, because this is entirely impossible, unless the Pope is willing to abolish the entire papacy. It would have been sufficient for us to have shown the reasons of our faith, and to have demanded peace. But how can we hope to convert them to the truth?" And concluded thus: "Why do we not perceive that all they are attempting is mere deception and fraud? For you are not able to say that their acts are prompted by the Holy Ghost; for they have neither Repentance, Faith, nor the fear of God. But may the Lord, who began this matter, finish his work in you; to him I heartily commend you."

On the 24th of August, a sub-committee met, in which only Melanchthon and Eck were to meet each other. But upon this occasion Melanchthon took a bolder and more decided stand, and wrote to Luther on the following day: "Our mildness only makes these proud fellows more stubborn. I cannot tell you how they triumph. If I were attending to these matters on my account, and not in the name of the prince, I would by no means endure this insolence. But now I must endure all, because of the common danger of princes and subjects. The spirits of our friends are at times depressed, and again unseasonably brave. However, I trust we shall do nothing against the Gospel." He also sent two other letters, in which he spoke of the mass, which the Papists demanded. Luther replied that they could not consent, and says in his letter of August 28, "Would to God that I might soon see you again, whether you had departed secretly or publicly. You have even done more than enough. And now it is time for the Lord to act in the matter, and he will do it. Be of good cheer, and trust in him." And further on: "You have confessed Christ; you have offered peace; you have been obedient to the Emperor; you have patiently borne much contempt; have been overwhelmed with shame and abuse; and have not returned evil for evil. Summa, you have managed this holy work in a proper manner, as it became saints. Rejoice in the Lord, and be joyous, ye righteous. You have been sad and afflicted long enough in this world; look up, and lift up your heads; I promise heaven to you, as faithful members of Christ. What greater honor do you desire? Is it so small a matter to serve the Lord Jesus faithfully, and to have proved yourselves faithful members of Christ? Far be it from us, that the Grace of Christ should be so lightly esteemed by you. I await your return with great anxiety, so that I may wipe away your sweat after this."

All these efforts, as might have been foreseen, did not effect peace, so that the committee adjourned August 30, and Melanchthon wrote to Luther September 1: "Three days ago we brought our Conference to a conclusion. We would not accept the proposed terms of Union on the subjects of the one kind in the Sacrament, of the Canon of Private Masses, and also of the Celibacy of the Priesthood. Now the matter has again been laid before the Emperor, and I do not know what will be done. Let us only pray God that he may influence the heart of the Emperor to maintain peace, which we need so much, and not we alone, but all Germany. You cannot believe how the Nurembergers and others hate me on account of the restoration of Jurisdiction to the Bishops. In this manner do our friends merely contend for power, and not for the Gospel. A certain friend wrote: If the Pope had bribed me with never so much money, I could not have invented a better plan to restore the papal supremacy than the one we have taken appears to the people. Yet I have not, up to this time, dropped or given up a single article of doctrine."

Although Melanchthon did really not give up a single doctrinal point, he was yet justly to be blamed for wishing to restore jurisdiction to the Bishops. How soon would they have suppressed the true doctrine! Jerome Baumgärtner, otherwise a friend of Melanchthon, expresses himself very strongly in regard to him: "Philippus has become more childish than a child;" and calls upon Spengler: "You will do your part, and write to Dr. Martin Luther, that he, as the one by whom God first again revealed his word to the world, should put a stop to Philip's course, and should warn the pious princes, and especially his own sovereign, against him, and exhort them to be steadfast. For no man has done more harm to the Gospel during this Diet, up to the present day, than Philip." This judgment is indeed too severe; and Baumgärtner, at a later period, himself repented of having formed so severe a judgment. It is true, also, that Melanchthon did not only defend Episcopal jurisdiction during the Diet of Augsburg, but has also expressed his approbation of it in a number of places. He did this for the sake of order in the Church.

September 7.—The Emperor summoned the Evangelical States to appear before him. His answer, given by the Elector of the Palatinate, Frederick, was an ungracious one. He had heard with displeasure that they disagreed with others in the principal articles. He would speak with the Pope in regard to a General Council, yet on the condition that they would, in the mean time, adhere to the Catholic Church. But the Protestants now behaved like true Protestants, by declaring that they would abide by the word of God. The more moderate Catholics, at the head of whom were the Baron of Truchsess, and Vehus, the Chancellor of Baden, once more made efforts to bring about an accommodation, but without success. There were thirteen articles on which they could not unite. These were delivered to the mediators just mentioned. The first treats of justification through grace by faith in Christ; the second, that works indeed are necessary, but do not earn grace. The third declares that the enumeration of particular sins is not needful in confession; the fourth, that repentance is necessary, but that our sins are not forgiven on this account, but on account of our faith, by which we believe the Gospel; the fifth, declares the ecclesiastical exercises of penance unnecessary for the remission of punishment; and the sixth declares that uniform human ordinances are not, but unity in doctrine and sacrament are needful to constitute a true unity. The seventh rejects the self-elected service of God, by which men wish to earn his grace, and which has been established without God's command. The eighth declares monastic vows, which men consider meritorious, opposed to the Gospel. The ninth permits the observance of such rules of the Church as may be kept without sin, but not as if they were needful to salvation. The tenth declares the invocation of saints to be a very dangerous practice, and one greatly diminishing the glory of Christ. The eleventh declares that the denial of the cup is opposed to Scripture; and the twelfth, that the prohibition of marriage to priests is also unscriptural. The thirteenth and last article maintains that the mass is not a work with which to earn grace, but that grace is offered in the Lord's Supper, and faith obtains it.

After all attempts to bring about an agreement had been made, the Emperor summoned the States on the 22d of September, in order to present to them the final decree of the Diet. He declared their positions thoroughly refuted by the holy Gospels and other writings, but would give time for further deliberation on the contested points until the 15th of April of the following year. During this time they should not print or sell anything new in matters of faith, should not draw over any one to join their sect, should not oppress those yet holding to the old Christian faith and practice, and unite with him in opposing the Sacramentarians and Anabaptists. He would endeavor to bring about that a General Council would be summoned in six months. The Protestants replied, by Chancellor Brück, that they considered their Confession to be founded on the word of God, and that it was divine truth, so that they trusted to abide by it in the day of judgment. At the same time, Brück also presented a written defence, which the Emperor, however, would not accept. This was the well-known Apology of the Augsburg Confession, in its rough draft. Melanchthon had been preparing it for some time, with the assistance of several theologians. But as he only received a copy of the Catholic Confutation towards the close of the Diet, he laid this sketch aside, and prepared one of his ablest works, the Apology of the Augsburg Confession, which has justly been enrolled among the number of the Confessions of the Lutheran Church. He did not, however, complete it until the following year. The Protestants prayed for a more gracious discharge, but the Emperor adhered firmly to the decree. On this account, the Elector of Saxony, together with Melanchthon and the other theologians, departed from Augsburg September 23d, leaving a few counsellors to hear the general final decree of the Diet.

When Luther heard of the departure of the Elector, he was much rejoiced, and congratulated the prince: "I am heartily rejoiced that your Electoral Grace has, by God's grace, escaped from the hell at Augsburg. And although human displeasure, and its god the devil, may look sour, we still entertain the hope that God's grace, which hath begun with us, will remain more strongly with us in time to come." The Elector passed through Nuremberg to Coburg, where Luther was expecting him with the greatest anxiety. On the road to Wittenberg, the theologians stopped in Altenburg, to visit Spalatin. Melanchthon, who was constantly revolving his Apology of the Augsburg Confession in his mind, wrote even while partaking of his meals. But Luther snatched the pen from his hand, and said: "We can serve God, not only by labor, but also by rest; therefore, too, has he given us the third commandment, and ordained the Sabbath." At last they arrived in Wittenberg. How Melanchthon rejoiced! To his friend Silberborner, who had asked him for an account of the Diet of Augsburg, he now wrote a detailed letter, in which he expressed himself favorably of the Emperor, e. g.: "Without referring to other matters, he has with great condescension heard our side in this matter of religion, in which he had been excited against us by the many wonderful arts of our enemies." "The remaining history of the Diet constitutes a lengthy tragedy." He now briefly describes the course of events, and says: "The remotest posterity will bear testimony, that our intentions were pious and conscientious, and that we exerted ourselves honestly to clear up the doctrine of the Catholic Church, and to promote the glory of Christ. This truly is the reasonable service of God, with which he is pleased above all things: To teach and practise the word of God in its purity. Even should we be overwhelmed by unfair means, our writings will undoubtedly transmit to posterity a picture of our opponents, who, while they excite princes against us, under the pretext of serving the honor of Christ, neither care for the temple of the Church, nor for the doctrine of the Gospel, nor for the Glorification of the name of Christ. However, the whole matter is in the hand of God. Therefore will we pray to God that, for Christ's sake, he would put mild means in the hands of our rulers, and that he may not suffer the pure doctrines of the Gospel to perish."

On the 19th of November, the final general decree of the Diet was published. It was very severe, for it condemned everything taught by the Lutherans in opposition to the Roman Church; it confounds them with the Anabaptists, and commands that all innovations in doctrine and practice shall be abolished, and the former state of things re-established. The Protestants did not sign it. Thus a division between the Catholic and Evangelical states was fully accomplished.

CHAPTER XII.

THE POSITION OF THE EVANGELICAL PARTY AFTER THE DIET OF AUGSBURG.

The severe decree of the Diet, which even threatened violence, was at least productive of this good result, that it united the Evangelical party more closely. Whereas the theologians, especially Melanchthon, had formerly dissuaded from resistance to the Emperor, matters now took a very different turn. In view of the threatening attitude of the Catholics, the theologians perceived very well that it was necessary to be prepared for defence; and Melanchthon wrote to Camerarius, January 1st, 1531, that they were seldom asked the question now, whether it was right to wage war, and that they did not dissuade from preparation. "For there may be many needful and just causes for defence." One of these causes was the threatening language of the decree of the Diet of Augsburg. The election of the Emperor's brother Ferdinand, as King of Rome, which was strongly urged and accomplished by the Emperor, was another threatening event,[15] although Melanchthon defended it in a special opinion, delivered December 12, 1530. He referred to similar cases in former times. During the month of December of this year, the Evangelical states united more closely, and formed a league, March 29, 1531. Both Conferences were held in Smalkald. The confederates declared that they had united "for the honor of Almighty God, and the better growth and prosperity of divine free doctrines, and to gain and maintain a Christian and harmonious peace," yet "only for mutual defence and preservation." This league, therefore, neither contemplated an attack, nor war. The Emperor, who was obliged to have his eyes directed to more than one point, and particularly against the Turks, whose Sultan, Solyman, had already declared that he would soon be master of Hungary, and the whole of Germany, considered it most advisable to conciliate, under existing circumstances. The Electors of the Palatinate and of Mentz, acted as mediators.

While Melanchthon had before this time been filled with the most anxious apprehensions, so that he feared the worst, he now said in a letter to Camerarius, when he heard of this mediation: "May God regard the sighs and tears of the distressed among us, and grant us peace!" This wish seemed about to be fulfilled, when the Emperor in Nuremberg made preparations for a Religious Peace. Melanchthon, Luther, and other Theologians, expressed their approbation in a written opinion.

On July 23, 1532, the so-called Religious Peace of Nuremberg was actually agreed to, according to which no State was to give offence to any other, on account of Religion or other matters, until the meeting of a Council, soon to be held; and "that each was to treat the other with true friendship and Christian love." At last a period of rest seemed to have been granted to Melanchthon, that child of peace; but it was not to continue very long. For it was no slight pang to his heart to be called with Luther to Schweinitz, to the death-bed of the Elector John. The Elector had gone thither to hunt. On the 15th of August he was suddenly attacked by such a severe pain in his head, that he soon lost the power of speech, and remained motionless, and deprived of all sense and feeling, for 28 hours. On Friday, these two men of God, accompanied by Dr. Augustin Schurff, appeared by his bedside; the Elector raised both hands and dropped them again, and breathed his last. On the following Sunday the body of the pious Elector was deposited by the side of that of his brother Frederick. Melanchthon had, in a very touching manner, invited the University to attend the funeral. He said in this letter: "that the departed manifested a truly paternal affection towards his subjects." After Luther's consoling funeral sermon, Melanchthon spoke of the excellent traits of the sainted one in Latin. In his letters, written at this time, he expresses the most cordial wishes in regard to the successor of the departed one, the Elector John Frederick. We have heard of this son, that he trod in the footsteps of his father. He was a man full of zeal for the cause of the Kingdom of God, and, as we shall learn hereafter, honored by the Lord to endure contempt, the robbing of his Electorate, and fetters, for the sake of the Gospel. But he at this time already found opportunity to show the strength of his faith. The Religious Peace of Nuremberg seemed lenient, and even favorable to the Protestants, compared with the final decree of the Diet of Augsburg. It was but too soon apparent that the Catholic States, who had very unwillingly yielded to these concessions, were not pleased with it. For at the Diet of Ratisbon, which was held soon after the Nuremberg Religious Peace, they already wished to grant less to the Evangelical party. Notwithstanding all the assurances of peace, the Emperor entertained no good intentions towards them. He only postponed matters on account of the perplexing circumstances by which he was surrounded. They were again referred to a general, free, Christian Council, which, according to the announcement, should be held in half a year.

It appears, that in the following year, 1533, Pope Clemens VII. actually took steps towards assembling a Council. For in June he sent a legate, accompanied by an Imperial orator, to the Elector, who then resided in Weimar. Although the Papal Nuncio spoke of a free, general Council, he at the same time took away all liberty with the other hand, by demanding in advance that all should submit to the resolutions of the Council. On the following day the Elector returned a truly Christian and princely answer. He expressed his joy at this offer, but remarked that he could only give a reply after the next meeting in Smalkald. In conclusion, he confessed that his contemporaries and successors should learn: "That his Electoral Grace had not hitherto regarded, and with the help of God would not in all the future days of his life regard anything as being more valuable and worthy of his love, than the pure, saving and blessed word of God, and the true and proper worship of God." The Elector now gathered the opinions of his Theologians, who indeed advised the acceptance of the offer of a Council, but under this condition that no pledge of obedience should be required in advance. In the middle of June, Melanchthon declared himself to the following purpose: "The Pope says, that he would hold a Council, such as have been held in the Church before. Now Councils at the present time are not conducted as the ancient Councils were. For in the ancient Councils they judged according to the word of God." This advice was not forgotten by the Elector, who, together with Duke Ernest and the Landgrave Philip, delivered an answer to the Nuncio of the Pope and Emperor on the 30th of June, 1533. Of course the Pope, who was merely dissembling, suffered the matter to remain as it was.

While the Evangelical party was held in an attitude of suspense, they could still cultivate and spread the cause of the Lord. It increased in popularity, and spread more and more. The Reformers, and Melanchthon particularly, did not omit to labor in their official capacity and by their writings. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, already mentioned, is one of Philip's master-pieces; and as one of the Confessions of our Church, deserves to be studied and taken to heart. He concludes its Preface in the following words: "We have, thanks be unto God! the testimony of many distinguished, honest, sincere, and pious persons, who heartily thank God for his unspeakable gifts and mercies, that they have received far more correct, certain and clearer instruction in the most needful portions of the entire Scriptures, as well as consolation for their consciences, than is to be found in all the books of our adversaries. Therefore, should this discovered, clear truth be trodden under the feet of men, we commend our cause to Christ and God in heaven, who is the Father of widows and orphans, and the Judge of all the forsaken; he, we know with certainty, will consider this matter, and judge righteously; and thou, Lord Jesus, it is thy holy Gospel, it is thy cause: wilt thou regard so many troubled hearts and consciences, thy churches and little flocks, which suffer terror and distress from the devil, and also preserve and establish thy truth? Bring to nought all hypocrisy and lies, and thus give peace and unity, that thy honor may advance, and thy kingdom may flourish and increase without ceasing against the gates of hell."

In September, 1532, he published a new edition of his explanation of the Epistle to the Romans. It is a matter of great surprise that he dedicated this volume to Archbishop Albert of Mentz, who had not gained much honor in the matter of indulgences. This man is reported to have trampled the book beneath his feet, and to have said: "The man is possessed by St. Valentine." But it is well known that he sent a very costly present to the scholar at Wittenberg, for which Melanchthon, who regarded it as sincere, returned his most friendly thanks January 5th, 1533. He enjoyed so great a reputation as a scholar, that even the Archbishop of Mentz, who wished to be considered a patron of the arts and sciences, saw himself compelled to do honor to Melanchthon. His distinguished reputation elicited repeated invitations from abroad. It was, no doubt, not a very difficult matter for him to decline a call to Poland, in the year 1534; but it must have been difficult when Duke Ulrich of Würtemberg, who had been banished from his dukedom for a long time, but had now regained it by the help of the landgrave Philip of Hesse, invited Melanchthon to reform the University of Tübingen according to the principles of the Reformation. But his attachment to Saxony, and his field of labor there, was so great, that he declined this call from Würtemberg. The Elector was so highly pleased with this, that he himself wrote a letter to his Professor, praising him for his fidelity, and assuring him of his favor.

CHAPTER XIII.

THE KINGS OF FRANCE AND ENGLAND, AND MELANCHTHON.

The reigning King of France, Francis I., as well as King Henry VIII., of England, were little pleased with the victorious advances of the Emperor. Francis had waged war against him some years before this, but was completely vanquished, and taken prisoner, at the battle of Pavia, 1525. He was, indeed, liberated upon certain conditions, after one year of captivity; but inveterate enmity remained, for Francis had suffered great losses. It was to be expected that such a man would unite with the enemies of the Emperor at the first good opportunity. He recognized an ally in the League of Smalkald, which was daily assuming a more decided form. But the principles of this League were quite different, for it aimed principally to secure spiritual rights, while the King of France was merely prompted by ambition.

But the Reformation had also penetrated into France, and he may have thought that it would be expedient to do something in reference to ecclesiastical matters. He was persuaded to this by his minister, William Bellay, his brother John Bellay, Bishop of Paris, and particularly also by John Sturm, of Strasburg, who was favorably disposed towards the Reformation. These men endeavored to gain over the King for the cause of the Reformation, and recommended the amiable Melanchthon to him, who was already known to him, and also highly esteemed by Queen Margaret of Navarre.[16] When the King sent an ambassador, Barnabas Voræus Fossa, to Germany, in 1534, in order to unite with the Evangelical States, Bellay, the minister, requested the man of peace, Melanchthon, to state, in a written opinion, in what way a union might be brought about between the divided parties. He complied with this request, and on the first of August sent a very conciliatory opinion to the minister, in which he gave prominence to eight articles. In the first, he grants outward power to the Pope and the Bishops, provided "they do not abuse their power to suppress the true doctrine." In the second, that it would be easy to agree about non-essentials, such as meats, holidays, dress of the priests, and similar ceremonies, provided there would be uniformity in doctrine. In the third, he expresses himself in favor of retaining Confession, but without the superstitious enumeration of sins. In the fourth, he treats of Justification. It is now generally conceded that faith in Christ is necessary. It is necessary to insist upon it, that a man is justified by faith. In the fifth, he speaks of the Mass. This is an almost inextricable knot. He declares himself opposed to secret masses, and demands both kinds in the Sacrament. In the sixth, he speaks of the Invocation of Saints. This is opposed to Scripture. Yet he proposes the following form, after the pattern of ancient forms in the Church: "Grant, O God, that they may be assisted by the prayers of the Saints." In the seventh, he says of Convents, that it is not necessary utterly to destroy them, but that it was rather to be preferred that they should become schools, as they formerly were. Yet no one ought to be detained in a convent against his will. In reference to the Celibacy of the clergy, he says, in the eighth, that the Pope ought to abolish it. They might select unmarried men for the highest dignities. It would be possible to come to an agreement on all the articles, with the exception of the one on the Mass. After adding: "Let us beseech Christ, that he would in mercy regard and lead back to a cordial true unity, the Church for which he prayed and suffered," he says, that he had only written these things, in order that learned men might jointly deliberate upon such important matters.

It was a long time before anything was heard of the effect of this Opinion. However, at last, in the month of March, 1535, John Sturm broke this silence in a manner not very agreeable to the friends of the Reformation. The king was highly incensed against the friends of these novelties, who seemed to him to check a too rapid advance. He even permitted his rage to lead him to burn several of them.[17] Very little could be hoped for the kingdom of God, from a man of this character. However, Sturm strongly urged Melanchthon to come to France, because the king reposed the greatest confidence in him, and called himself his pupil. On the 22d of April, Melanchthon wrote a suppliant letter to Bishop Bellay, that he would exert his influence to arrest the persecution. In his reply to Sturm, on May 4th, he said that he had never found it more difficult to decide in any matter, than in reference to this journey to France. "But you must not think that I am restrained by domestic ties, or that I fear any danger. For nothing human is so important in my eyes, that I would not prefer the honor of Christ, the salvation of so many of the righteous, and the peace of the Church, to it. But I am thinking of, and exceedingly troubled by this one apprehension, that I am doubtful whether I would indeed accomplish any good by going." At the close of the letter, he advises that the king, if he desired to do anything for the honor of Christ, and the peace of the Church, should be earnestly entreated to convene a council, in order to discuss the affairs of the Church. He would attend this, provided he could obtain the permission of his sovereign. But what happened? What, indeed, he did not think of in the remotest degree. The king addressed him in a most friendly letter, on June 23. The French Ambassador delivered this letter in person, which closes in the following manner: "Your coming will give me great pleasure, whether you come as a private individual, or in the name of the Evangelical states." At the same time Bellay, who had been made a Cardinal in the meantime, and Sturm, pressed him to come, and gave him the strongest assurances of a happy result. The latter concluded his lengthy letter in the following manner: "I exhort, yea, I conjure you, in the name of Christ, not to neglect this opportunity to further the best of causes among men." Towards the end of the month of July, Melanchthon left Wittenberg on account of the appearance of the plague, and with some other teachers resided in Jena, until the middle of February. When he had received such a pressing invitation to come to France, and also a safe-conduct, he proceeded to Torgau, where the Elector was sojourning at the time, and in writing applied for leave of absence for two or three months. Luther also seconded Master Philip's application, by a most earnest petition. He said: "May it please your Grace to permit M. Philip to venture for these three months, trusting to the grace of God. Who knows what it may please God to do, whose thoughts are at all times higher and better than our own? As for myself, too, it would pain me that so many pious hearts, who so anxiously call, and certainly expect M. Philip, should be disappointed, and might also be led to entertain evil thoughts concerning us." But the Elector was of a different opinion. He understood King Francis' relation to the Emperor at this time, far too well, to be anxious unnecessarily to excite the suspicions of the latter against himself. He therefore refused the request of his petitioner. Perhaps he also entertained the opinion, not altogether without foundation too, that Melanchthon might yield too much, "which would displease many, and do great harm to the Gospel." He said to Dr. Brück, in the most positive manner: "We are determined, once for all, that Philip shall not go with our permission and good will, even if we should, in consequence, lose his services altogether."

When Melanchthon, therefore, applied again for leave, a severe decree of the Elector was handed to him, in which he was told that he should not, as a good subject, have meddled in this matter, without the knowledge of the Elector. No good, but rather evil, was to be expected from such a journey. "But if, over and above all these considerations, you think that you cannot omit this journey conscientiously, we must in such a case suffer you to take your own way, and to gratify your own will; and it remains for you to decide what you will do under these circumstances." The Elector also sent a letter of apology to King Francis, stating why he could not, under present circumstances, permit Philip to go. But at some future time, if Philip's services could be dispensed with, and the present difficulties and apprehensions should cease, he would permit him to visit France.

On the 28th of August, Melanchthon himself wrote to King Francis, expressing his regrets that he was not permitted to visit France at this time, and praying the King most earnestly not to suffer himself to be led, by the severe judgments and writings of some persons, to destroy things that were really good and useful for the Church. He also excused himself in letters to Bellay the Minister, and to John Sturm, and expressed himself in rather strong terms in regard to the Elector. To Camerarius, to whom he was in the habit of opening his whole heart, he wrote, August 31, that he feared that the prince had been estranged from him by the efforts of evil-minded persons; and in a letter to Spalatin, he said: "His most serene Highness prevents me from taking a journey to France. And besides this, he gave me a very severe reply, although I am willing to stay at home, and take no delight in these French Conferences." This caused him great sorrow for several weeks, until he met the Elector in October, and saw that he was as friendly towards him as ever. He was also more and more convinced in his own mind that his journey to France would not have accomplished the good he expected. Francis was a politician, and he merely regarded religion as a means to gratify his ambition. For when the Sorbonne in Paris pronounced Melanchthon's opinion heretical, he fully agreed with this sentence.

Thus this matter terminated. The case of Henry VIII. of England was a similar one. He is well known on account of his attack upon Luther, for which the Pope gave him the title of "A Defender of the Faith." It is also well known what a scandalous, adulterous life he led. It was such a marriage matter which at this time separated him from Rome, and brought him nearer to the Evangelical States. He wished to be divorced from his wife Catharine, who was an aunt of the Emperor Charles. As the Pope would not comply with his request, Henry renounced all allegiance to the Pope, and proclaimed himself the Supreme Bishop of the Church of England. This happened in the year 1534. We learn from a letter to Camerarius, that during this year Henry had invited Melanchthon twice to come to England. The King was anxious to settle his matrimonial matters, and to enter into a union with the Evangelical States. He therefore sent a special envoy, Anthony Barnes, who came to Wittenberg March 11, 1535, to enter into a negotiation. Melanchthon, who believed that he could and should embrace this opportunity to recommend and promote the truth, wrote to the King two days after this, in which he most earnestly commends the cause of the Gospel to him. He even dedicated the second edition of his Loci Communes to the King, in a most winning letter. Henry esteemed this honor highly, and sent him 200 gold florins, with a very gracious letter, in which he calls Melanchthon his "dearest friend," and signs himself: "Your friend Henry, King." In September we again find Dr. Barnes in Wittenberg. In the matter of divorce he had not found the Wittenbergians favorably disposed. But now he also came to negotiate concerning doctrine, and to ask leave of absence for Melanchthon, that he might visit England. The Elector, whose sagacity in this matter cannot be denied, understood very well that Henry was merely anxious to unite with the Evangelical party from impure motives, particularly his matrimonial matters; and therefore in his letter to the English envoy gave his permission to hold a Religious Conference, but did not permit Melanchthon to go to England, because he could not spare this Professor, owing to the breaking out of the plague in Wittenberg, by which the Professors had been dispersed. In December, the religious negotiations were commenced with the utmost zeal. Besides Barnes, Bishop Fox, and Archdeacon Heyth or Hethe, had also arrived. These negotiations were carried on in Wittenberg. On this account Melanchthon, who then resided at Jena, was obliged to go to Wittenberg, January 15, 1536. The marriage difficulty continued to occupy the foreground, but the Wittenbergians would not accommodate themselves to the views of the Englishmen. As to doctrine, the articles of the mass and the marriage of priests continued to be the points on which they could not agree. February 11th, Melanchthon returned to Wittenberg. The negotiations were continued until the end of April, without arriving at any definite result. But gradually all hopes of an Evangelical change of doctrine and worship in England disappeared, and Melanchthon entirely relinquished his desire to visit England, as he says to Camerarius in a letter, June 9: "I am perfectly freed from my anxiety about that English journey."

CHAPTER XIV.

THE WITTENBERG FORM OF CONCORD.

We have already mentioned that the division of the Evangelical party, in the doctrine of the Lord's Supper, was not beneficial to the good cause of the Reformation. On this account, the Landgrave Philip of Hesse had made an earnest effort to bring about a union between the Germans and the Swiss in Marburg. He did not relinquish his hope of such a union, and made efforts to effect it at the Diet of Augsburg. One of the ablest divines of this period was the preacher and professor, Martin Bucer of Strasburg, born in Schlettstadt in Alsace, in the year 1491, and gained over to the side of the Gospel in the year 1518, by means of Luther's Discussion in Heidelberg. This man made it the task of his life to bring about a union in the doctrine of the Sacrament. For this purpose he had visited Luther in Coburg as early as 1530, and had found him inclined to union. Soon after, he published a confession of the four upper German cities, Augsburg, Constance, Lindau, and Memmingen, in which he closely approximated the Lutheran doctrine of the Lord's Supper. Luther and Melanchthon were highly pleased with this, and the latter wrote to Bucer, January 22d, 1531, that he would write to him, although he was troubled by a fever at the time. "I saw the grounds of your union, and greatly rejoiced that you admit a presence of the body of Christ with the soul. But I do not see why you are so strongly opposed to admit a presence with the sign also." Luther expressed himself to the same purpose, and was very much surprised that Bucer represented Zwingli and Oecolampadius as holding the same view. He, therefore, expressed himself in favor of a postponement of the Form of Concord, although he confessed that he would rather lose his life thrice, if this dispute could be settled. It seems that Bucer said in several places that the differences which had hitherto prevented a union were mere trifles. Luther, therefore, in a letter to the town council of Augsburg in 1533, declared that he did not agree with the ministers there, who only presented mere bread and wine to the people. In a letter of the year 1534, "To a good friend concerning his book of secret masses," he expressly declares: "I believe, and do not doubt, that in the Lord's Supper, under the form of bread is the true body of Christ given for us to the cross; under the form of wine is the true blood of Christ shed for us, and that this body and blood of the Son of God, Jesus Christ, is not only received by the holy and worthy, but that sinners and unworthy persons truly receive it in a bodily manner." But Bucer did not give up his efforts to bring about a union on this account, and especially endeavored to gain over Melanchthon, who, in a letter of October 10th, 1533, assures him of his love, and promises to use his utmost endeavors to bring about such a union. In September, 1534, the indefatigable Bucer published a Form of Concord. On the 16th of September, Melanchthon wrote to Erhard Schnepf and the Landgrave Philip, who was deeply interested in this matter, that he had spoken of this Form with Luther that very day; and that he was satisfied with it, provided Bucer believed what his words expressed. For Bucer confesses that, in the reception of the bread and wine, Christ is truly and essentially present. Melanchthon adds, "I would not require more." He relied much upon the Landgrave in this matter, exhorted him to act promptly, and added concerning himself: "All that I am able to do, in order to bring about a Christian unity, I am willing to do with all my heart, and know of no more agreeable task in the world. May God add his blessing!" The Landgrave was now anxious that Bucer and Melanchthon should meet in Cassel. Luther agreed to this, although he did not entertain great expectations of the result of such a meeting, and gave written instructions to Melanchthon, pointing out the basis upon which a union might be established. This document contains seven propositions: one of which demands, that it should not be said that they had not understood each other before; and another, that no middle meaning should be invented, as if, for instance, the opponents should say the true body of Christ is present, and the Lutherans should say that nothing is eaten but the bread. Luther said in this matter: "God is my witness, that if it were possible, I would gladly give my body and blood to put away this disunion." He here expressed himself in a very conciliatory and tolerating manner towards those who entertained different views of the Lord's Supper, and concluded with a decided confession concerning the Lord's Supper, that the body of Christ is truly eaten in and with the bread. Melanchthon also at this time expressed his views of this important doctrine to the Landgrave, and in it declares: "That the body and blood of Christ, that is, Christ essentially, and not figuratively, are truly in the bread and wine. But here we must cast aside those thoughts which our reason proposes, such as, how does Christ ascend and descend, conceal himself in the bread, and is in no other place."

About the 12th of December, Melanchthon travelled to Cassel, to negotiate a Form of Concord with Bucer. Bucer had a short time before met with several ministers from upper Germany, in Constance, who fully coincided in his views of the Lord's Supper. The Landgrave took a deep interest in the matter, and treated the Wittenberg envoy in the most friendly manner. Here Bucer, with the upper Germans, expressed his opinion to the following effect:—"That we receive the body of Christ essentially and truly when we receive the Sacrament, and that bread and wine are signs, with which, when they are dispensed and received, the body of Christ is given and received at the same time." He further said, "that the body and the bread are thus united, not by a mingling of their essence, but as a Sacrament, and that which is given together with the Sacrament." With a doctrine thus approximating, together with the declaration, that the opposite side would abide by the Augsburg Confession and its Apology, Melanchthon returned from Cassel January 9th, 1535. Luther was highly pleased with it, so that he remarked: "As for my own person, I do not know how I could reject such a Form of Concord." Yet he advised that this Concord should not be finally arranged at once, but that it would be best to wait a while longer, because these differences were so great and wide-spread. We must notice here that Melanchthon returned in favor of Bucer's views. He shows this very distinctly in a letter to Camerarius; and in a letter to Brenz, who was opposed to a Concord, he remarked, that they were not treating with persons who denied the Trinity and other articles. With such he would have nothing to do, but would look upon them as persons who ought to be condemned. He confesses the true presence to him, yet with a leaning towards Bucer, and remarks that uniformity could be brought about. Letters arrived from every side, declaring how gladly all would unite with the Wittenbergers in the Lord's Supper. So also did they write from Augsburg, to whom Luther wrote: "If this Form of Concord is established, I will sing with tears of joy: Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace. For I will leave peace in the Church, that is, the glory of God, the punishment of the devil, and vengeance upon all enemies and adversaries." Such encouraging letters also came from Strasburg, Ulm, and Esslingen, which filled Luther with great joy. He remarked to the Strasburgers, that it would also be necessary to interest the princes and cities in this matter. As to the time, it would scarcely be possible to hold the conference before next Easter. The Elector would be requested to appoint the place of meeting. He also expressed his cordial wishes to the preacher, Shelling, in Strasburg, towards the close of December: "I have received your letter with pleasure, and assure you that I am just as anxious for the Concord as I observe you to be. Let Him bear witness whom no one can deceive. Therefore pray God, as we also do, that this union, which, thanks to God, is prospering better and better, may at last be fully established. May God not be merciful to me, if anything is wanting on my part, or if I lay difficulties in the way; so anxious am I that peace should be restored to the Church before my death." Melanchthon had written to the ministers in Augsburg: "I would willingly endanger my life to promote this Concord, and I trust that the way is already prepared for it. May Christ rule and guide the designs of the godly." Thus the two leaders were warmly in favor of the Form of Concord. The place was also appointed, the Elector selecting Eisenach. But all at once, Melanchthon began to fear that greater divisions might be brought about by this conference, as he writes to the Landgrave of Hesse in April: "Now I have all the time feared, if this should be held at this time, that some rigorous individuals might attend, and thus more disunion and offence than improvement would be the consequence." He then goes on to say that no negotiations should be undertaken without the presence of the Landgrave and the other princes and States, and that, on the whole, too great haste should be avoided. His concern may have been caused by an epistle sent forth at this time by Zwingli and Oecolampadius, which could not promote unity. This was prefaced too by a letter of Bucer, who praised these men on account of their orthodoxy. On this account Melanchthon was so anxious, and feared that it would only increase discord. "This disease," he wrote to Veit Dietrich on the 15th of May, "cannot be healed suddenly. But I beseech God in mercy to look upon the Church, and to deliver it from all offences."

Notwithstanding all this, the Conference was held. But because Luther suffered great bodily pain at this time, and could not go to Eisenach, he proposed Grimma, which was nearer. Melanchthon was already on the way thither, when Bucer, with his friends Capito and Wohlfahrt, called Lycosthenes, arrived in Wittenberg, May 21, 1536.

Luther was not greatly pleased with their coming, for he had read the epistle already mentioned, and thought that the opposite party were not seeking a sincere union. However, this does not seem to have been the case, for on the road to Wittenberg they had visited Frederick Myconius at Gotha, who soon led them to converse on the Lord's Supper, and found them inclined to unite with the Wittenbergers upon a proper basis. This he relates in a detailed narrative of the proceedings of the Convention. Menius also had understood this to be the case, and they both informed Luther and Melanchthon of it. Early on the 22d of May, Bucer and Capito visited Luther, but the convention did not begin until three o'clock in the afternoon. One side was represented by Luther, Pomeranus, Jonas, Cruciger, Melanchthon, Menius, Myconius, Weller, and Rorarius; the other merely by Bucer and Capito. Bucer opened the meeting by a lengthy address, in which he particularly expressed his joy on account of this Conference, and stated that this was now the fourth year that he had been laboring to bring about a union. Luther replied, and expressed his disapprobation of the epistle of Zwingli and Oecolampadius, prefaced by a letter from Bucer, which did not at all agree with this union. He believed it would be better to leave matters as they were, than to make this business, which is already bad enough, a hundred times worse by a fictitious form of concord. This of course greatly perplexed Bucer; but in a long speech he again declared that there was no deception in the case, but that the Upper Germans had fully expressed their sentiments, and that the said epistle had been printed against his will, yea, even against his express injunctions; and that his own letter had been written to others during the previous year, and had not been intended for publication. Luther now, in his reply, demanded that they should, first of all, publicly recant their previous opinion as incorrect; and secondly, that they would henceforth teach in unison with the Wittenbergers. He began to explain this doctrine at length; but, during this address, he became so feeble, that he was obliged to desist. They did not resume the conference until three o'clock in the afternoon of the next day. Luther insisted upon the two points referred to yesterday, and requested an answer from them. Bucer consented to recant, and confessed in his own name and that of the Swiss, that the bread in the Lord's Supper is truly the body of Christ, and that the wine is truly the blood of Christ; and that the body and blood of Christ, namely, the natural, essential body, are received, not only by the heart, but with the mouth of those who receive it, if worthily, unto salvation, but if unworthily, unto damnation. His friends also, upon Luther's inquiry, expressed themselves to be of the same opinion, and earnestly requested that they might be received in a brotherly manner into such a union, as members of Christ. This was done, and Luther, as Myconius says, assured them of it "with great fervor and joy, which was visible also in his eyes and entire countenance."

The same narrator proceeds to say, that it made so great an impression upon the whole assembly, that "Capito and Bucer began to weep, and we, on both sides, thanked God with clasped hands and devout gestures." Melanchthon, who was known to be peculiarly skilful in preparing a Form of Concord, was commissioned to draw it up, which he cheerfully did. On the 29th of May, this Form was signed by both parties. In the first article it declares, that there are two things in the holy sacrament, a heavenly and earthly; and that the body and blood of Christ are really and essentially present with the bread and wine, and are thus presented and received. In the second article they reject the Romish doctrine of transubstantiation; and in the third, they declare that the body and blood of Christ are also truly presented to the unworthy," but unto condemnation. They had also agreed in regard to Baptism and Absolution.

Thus was the concord established with the gracious assistance of God. It caused great joy among the Lutherans in every quarter, and declarations of approbation were sent to Wittenberg from many sides, and even the Swiss partially acceded to it. All were of course not satisfied; for instance, Amsdorf, who was not at all pleased with the Form of Concord. But Melanchthon rejoiced most of all; for he now discovered that the fears which had troubled him so much were groundless. He from henceforth continued to abide by the Wittenberg Form of Concord.

CHAPTER XV.

RECREATION AND TROUBLE.

After the completion of this work, Melanchthon felt desirous of carrying out a plan of a journey for recreation, which he had formed a long time before. Whither did he wish to go? To no other place but his home. He therefore, on the 17th of July, 1536, addressed a petition to the Elector: "I would, in all humility, inform your Electoral Grace, that there are some matters in which my poor children are also concerned, which I ought to settle with my brother, and which cannot be done through other persons, or by letter. In addition to this, Magister Camerarius, who is now dangerously ill, has expressed a strong desire to see me. I would therefore humbly pray your Grace to grant me, and Magister Milichius,[18] whose father has earnestly entreated him to visit him, leave of absence to visit our homes for about five weeks." Already on the following day, he and Milichius received a gracious permission from the Elector, and also at the same time permission to make use of a one-horse carriage belonging to the Elector.

But when he was about to depart, important difficulties arose, which made it necessary to postpone his intended journey. Pope Paul III., who had ascended the Papal chair at the death of Clement VII., seemed to be in earnest about summoning a General Council of the Church. The Emperor had held the opinion since 1530, that a General Council must be held, if harmony was to be restored to Germany. But Pope Clement was never in earnest in the matter; and even the Papal Nuncio, Paul Vergerius, seems only to have gone to Wittenberg in order to deceive. But now it had a different appearance. Pope Paul had already published a bull, June 2d, 1536, calling a Council to meet at Mantua, on the 23d of May, of the following year. But it offered no hopeful prospect, for it said, among other things: "Not only to exterminate all heresy and error from the vineyard of the Lord, and to improve the morals of the Christian Church by such holy and wholesome medicine, but also to effect a general peace and unity among all Christian believers, and to reconquer our kingdom and lands by a general crusade against the Unbelievers." It proceeds in the same tone. The Lutherans could not greatly rejoice in a Council which was to accomplish such things. It was generally reported at this time, that a Papal Nuncio would come to Saxony; and it was of importance to know how he was to be received. We may easily understand that the Elector was not disposed to meet him in the most friendly manner. However, he requested the opinions of the divines and jurists in Wittenberg. They replied that it would only be possible to consent to a Council, under certain conditions. Let us hear what principles were expressed in Melanchthon's opinion. He thought that it would be best, if the Council could be prevented, for the Pope evidently had no other intention than to condemn the Protestants. That they had a perfect right to protest against the Council, but as they had continually appealed to such an one, it would now bring "disgrace" upon the Protestants, if they should fly from it. Neither he, nor the other Wittenbergers, would permit the Pope to be judge in this General Council of the Church. However, the Elector differed altogether from the temperate views expressed in these opinions. He held, that the Council summoned by the Pope was neither a free nor general one, and that it ought not to be attended to; he even thought that an opposition Council should be called, in which nothing should be transacted "but what is founded in divine and holy Scripture, and drawn up in accordance with it."

While matters were in this state, Melanchthon began his journey August 23, with Professor Milich, who wished to visit his home, Freiburg in the Brisgau. They passed through Frankfort and Bretten, to Tübingen, where his most faithful friend Camerarius had received an appointment a year before. We may easily imagine what a cordial reception he met with here. From Tübingen he wrote to Milich: "By God's grace, Joachim is now quite well. Oh, that it might be of long duration! I was received in the most friendly manner." He remained three weeks in Tübingen, and could scarcely separate himself from Camerarius, and therefore remarks in a letter, that he would rather be with his Joachim than anywhere else. "But I do not see how I can separate myself from those with whom I have hitherto associated." He thus again declined the renewed invitation of Duke Ulrich of Wurtemberg, to accept a professorship there. The learned from every quarter came to Tübingen, to see and to converse with Melanchthon. When these were assembled at a dinner upon a certain occasion, in the house of Phrygio, Melanchthon asked the preacher Zell, of Strasburg, what he thought of the Lord's Supper? He honestly replied: "When God the Lord permitted me to arrive at a knowledge of his holy Gospel, I never believed, taught, and preached otherwise in regard to the Lord's Supper, but that the true body and the true blood of Jesus Christ, my Saviour, are offered to all those who receive and partake of the Lord's Supper. But as for believing that I must receive the body and blood in the Lord's Supper, substantialiter, essentialiter, realiter, naturaliter, præsentialiter, localiter, corporaliter, transubstantialiter, quantitative, qualitative, ubiqualiter, carnaliter, I believe the devil has brought these words from hell. Christ simply said, 'This is my body, this is my blood.'" Melanchthon replied, in a pleasant manner: "You have given a correct answer." On the 14th of October, he went to Nürtingen, and there consulted with the Duke about the arrangement of the University. From this place he wrote an encouraging letter to the professors of the University, in which he assures them that the Duke entertained the kindest feelings towards the University, and looked upon it as one of the most important institutions of the state.

The Duke commissioned Melanchthon to write to Brenz at Hall, to induce him to accept a professorship in the University. Melanchthon discharged this honorable duty on the 17th of October. He entreated Brenz in the most earnest manner, in the name of the Duke, to accept of the appointment at least for one year, until a suitable person could be found. Yea, he conjured him for the sake of Christ and the good of the Church, and said that he would go himself, if the Elector of Saxony would suffer him to go for a time. "But," he adds, "I cannot preach, and therefore would be of little use in such a situation." Brenz actually accepted the call, and received the permission of his government for this purpose. The Duke dismissed Melanchthon in the most friendly manner, and presented him with one hundred gold florins. He journeyed through Göppingen and Ellwangen to Nuremberg, where a circle of devoted friends resided, such as Baumgärtner, Ebner, Dietrich, Roting, Osiander, and others. A dispute concerning Private Confession was carried on here at this time. Andrew Osiander was involved in it. He adhered to this ancient and established custom of the Church, whilst others maintained that forgiveness of sins was to be sought in preaching, in the general Confession, and in the Sacrament. Osiander granted that forgiveness was also granted in preaching, but did not wish the servant of Christ immediately to say: I absolve thee from thy sins, without knowing who should be bound and who absolved. He feared confusion, because the wicked man might thus falsely comfort himself with absolution; and he called this absolution juggling. Against this last, Melanchthon declared himself in writing and verbally, for he understood very well that absolution "is effectual to those who receive it with true faith, and comfort themselves with it,"—"although others are present to whom the absolution does not apply. These, however, are reminded and excluded by the condition of repentance." It was, however, also his opinion that efforts should be made to re-establish Private Confession more and more in future. At the same time he modestly suggests that others also "who have more knowledge," should give their opinion in this matter. From Nuremberg he wrote to Camerarius, and revealed his troubles in regard to these disputes: "Oh that this evil might be remedied! I am oppressed and consumed by private and public cares. Therefore I so earnestly long for your company, with whom I somewhat refreshed myself. I am most painfully troubled about these disputes, by which, as is very evident, Churches and States are rent. Therefore we will withdraw from all such disputes, and devote all our zeal to the education of youth, and to form their judgment, so that, as much as possible, we may provide for posterity. I shall exert myself more and more to instil moderate and useful principles into the minds of the young, and to restrain them from such foolish disputes."

While he was thus pouring forth his sorrows, he himself was threatened with a great trial in Wittenberg. A preacher named Conrad Cordatus, of Niemegk, a zealous adherent of Luther, had been present at a lecture, delivered by Cruciger towards the end of July, 1536. In this, Cruciger expressed the opinion that in the article of Justification, good works are the condition, without which we cannot be saved. Cordatus was greatly and properly shocked at this, for such a form of expression was totally opposed to the doctrine of the Lutheran Church. In the following month he wrote to Cruciger, to call him to account, on account of this wrong doctrine. The professor did not reply. Cordatus wrote again, threatening that he would not be silent until he should hear a recantation of this heresy. If this should not be done, he would apply to the theological faculty for a decision. He also said that there were many trifling Theologians in Wittenberg, who would rather read and hear the dead Erasmus than the living Luther. Now Cruciger replied, and defended his views. On the 17th of September, Cordatus came to Wittenberg, and visited Cruciger. He here heard that what he had read concerning the Gospel of John was the work of Melanchthon, who, as Ratzeberger relates, in a manner composed their lectures for the professors. "For no labor was distasteful to Philip, and he served every one cheerfully." The next day Cordatus went to Luther, and presented the whole matter to him. Luther replied: "You are not the first to inform me of this. Michael Stiefel and Amsdorf have already asked me about it." It is not known how much more was spoken and resolved, although it seems that Luther labored to suppress the difficulty. Melanchthon's journey of recreation was not a little embittered, for he received the news of this occurrence in Wittenberg. Even while yet upon the road he found it necessary to write to Luther, Bugenhagen, Jonas, and Cruciger, in which he at length justifies his manner of teaching. He says: "I never wished, and in this particular point of dispute, I have never taught anything else but what you all together unite in teaching." He declared that many had fallen into the opinion, especially on account of this proposition—"We are justified by faith alone," that we are justified by the new life, or the gifts communicated to us.

Hence arose the question: If we are only acceptable by Grace, wherefore is the new life required? Although he highly praised good works, he yet distinctly states that they are neither the price nor the merit of eternal life. He prayed for Christ's sake that they should be convinced concerning him; that he had taught thus with the best intentions, and not on account of stubbornness of opinion. He had never wished to hold opinions different from their own, and if they wished to make him suspected and estranged, he would rather remove far away from them. Cordatus already circulated the report that Melanchthon would return to Wittenberg no more. But on the 5th of November, a few days after his letter, he arrived, and almost the first thing he did was to write a friendly and conciliatory letter to his accuser, in which he reminds him of old friendship, and says that he should have spoken to him first of all, if he found anything reprehensible in him. He concludes thus: "This cause, in which we are engaged, is not our own, but Christ's, whose glory I truly desire to serve." Cordatus had raised considerable excitement, which spread even to the Court of the Elector. Towards the end of December, Cordatus referred the decision of this matter to Jonas, then Rector of the University, who had already besought him to desist from the accusation. Another event, however, put a stop to this disagreeable matter for the present.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE CONVENTION AT SMALKALD.

We have before referred to the proceedings instituted by the Elector, when he received notice that Pope Paul III. was about to convene a Council at Mantua. The Evangelical States appointed a meeting at Smalkald, February 7, 1537, in order to deliberate whether they should accept the invitation to attend the Papal diet or not. The Elector, at the same time, as Luther informs us, commissioned him "to arrange articles of our doctrine, in order to see if it should come to this, what and how much we could and would yield to the Papists, and which we finally intend to adhere to." This led to the so-called "Smalkald Articles," which were very properly adopted among the Confessional writings of the Lutheran Church. When he had completed this work, the Theologians from abroad, Amsdorf, Agricola, and Spalatin, met with Luther and Melanchthon in Wittenberg, in order to discuss these articles before they should be delivered at the meeting at Smalkald. This document contains three parts. The first relates to the doctrines of the Divine Majesty, in which both parties were agreed. The second part treats of the articles "which refer to the office and work of Jesus Christ, or our Salvation." 1. It speaks of Justification by Faith alone. "From this article," it declares, "we cannot move or let anything fall, if heaven and earth should fall." 2. They treat of the Mass and Invocation of Saints. 3. Of charitable foundations and convents. And 4. Of the Papacy. The third part included the doctrines of Sin, of the Law, Repentance, of the erroneous repentance of the Papists, of the Gospel, of Baptism, of the Sacrament of the Altar, of the Keys, of Confession, of Excommunication, of Ordination and Vocation, of the Marriage of the Priests, of the Church, of Justification and good works, of Monastic Vows, and Human Ordinances. Luther says, "These are the articles to which I must and will adhere until I die, if it pleases God; and I know of nothing in them that I can alter or yield. But if any one wishes to yield anything, let him do it upon his conscience."

These articles, which are composed with a truly Lutheran vigor, were highly approved of by the Theologians. They subscribed them in Wittenberg. Melanchthon also signed them, and added these remarks: "I, Philip Melanchthon, also consider the above articles right and Christian. But concerning the Pope, I hold, that his superiority over the Bishops, which he otherwise possesses, should also be conceded by us, jure humano, (according to human right,) on account of the peace and unity of those Christians who now yield obedience to him, and may do so in time to come." Luther had disputed this human right of the Pope, in the article on the Papacy; and surely not without good reason. For a Pope, as he was now presupposed by Melanchthon, had never existed in any place. If he accepted the Gospel, he was no longer Pope; he could not longer be Pope. It was clearly an erroneous yielding to the powers on the opposing side, and must be explained by Melanchthon's timidity, as is manifested in his letter to Veit Dietrich, January 20: "When I think of the Convention, and of the terrible conflicts, which, I believe, will arise there, I shudder all over my body." The Elector was highly pleased with Luther's articles, and did not agree with Melanchthon's view of the Pope; for he saw very well that they would by this expose themselves to future suppression and extermination.

Towards the end of January, Luther, Melanchthon, and Bugenhagen, departed for Smalkald, although Melanchthon's health was seriously affected. They passed through Torgau, Altenburg, and Weimar. In the latter city, Luther preached before the retinue of the Papal Nuncio. He was not afraid to complain that the kings and bishops hated the Evangelical party more than the Turks. On the 7th of February they arrived at Smalkald, and eight days after this the Convention was opened. But they had not been here long, when Luther became very ill with violent pains of the stone. Immediately every attention was paid by the physicians of the princes, but in vain. Luther begged Melanchthon to send for Dr. Sturz, of Erfurt, in whom he reposed great confidence. Philip wrote to him: "I beseech you to come at once, and do not fail, when such a man is in danger." He took Luther's illness much to heart, which he manifested in all his letters at this time. He wrote to Jonas, "Let us pray to God earnestly, that he would preserve him, and restore him to health." Luther did not wish to remain in Smalkald any longer, and had himself conveyed away. When he was riding out of the gate of the city, he turned to the friends who were escorting him, with these words: "God fill you with hatred against the Pope!" This legacy to those remaining behind was faithfully taken to heart by them.

The object of this meeting of Smalkald was, as Melanchthon stated in a letter to Jonas, partly thoroughly to discuss doctrine, in order to promote uniformity in all the churches, and partly also to deliberate to which articles they would adhere to the last, and in which they might yield should any hope of peace appear. This, too, was the Elector's plan, but it did not succeed, particularly as far as yielding was concerned, because the more determined Theologians were altogether opposed to it. They entertained the opinion, which was no doubt correct, that to yield would be explained as inconstancy both by friends and foes, and the Emperor would only press them more urgently because they seemed to fly. Even a closer comparison of doctrine did not become popular, doubtless because they feared that if disunion should arise, the League would be broken. Luther's illness and departure also interfered with the deliberations. The Theologians, together with Bucer and Blaurer, who represented the upper Germans, as well as the princes, continued to adhere to the Augsburg Confession and the Apology. They also subscribed the Smalkald articles.

Melanchthon wrote to Jonas, that, in order they might not be idle, and play the part of dumb persons, they had received orders to write something in regard to the power of the Roman Chief-Priest. He applied himself to this task, and confesses himself that it was sharper than he generally wrote. He still entertained the opinion that the Council should not be rejected unconditionally, and did not wish to dispute the Pope's right to call such an one, even if he should not be considered judge. Those who were more determined, granted that some of the reasons of Melanchthon were acute and true, but they were not expedient; for even if they should promise an attendance of the Evangelical party in this Council, their opponents would interpret this as a submission to the right of Papal decision. He himself could not deny that his views were somewhat dangerous, and finally yielded to the majority; but it drew forth sighs and complaints, which he poured into the heart of his friend Camerarius. But he also confesses that the lawfulness of the good cause affords great consolation, let the consequences be what they will.

The Imperial Ambassador, Held, a decided enemy of the Evangelical party, was to receive their answer. They informed him that they could not approve of the Council of Mantua, and therefore begged the Emperor to provide a free Council. Held made many objections, and promised that the Emperor would see to it, that everything should be lawfully decided in the General Council. However, the Evangelical states were not satisfied with such general declarations. They delivered a written statement, prepared by Melanchthon, both to him and the Papal Nuncio, Bishop Vorst of Aix, in which they justify themselves for declining to meet with the Council. He proved in a thorough manner, that there was no divine right constituting the Pope the head of the Christian Church, and that he consequently deserved no obedience. He also disputed the power of the bishops, because it was merely founded upon human regulations. The princes and divines assembled in Smalkald were so highly pleased with this work, that they subscribed it with joy. During this meeting, the Theologians present felt themselves urged to recommend a proper appropriation of the possessions of the Church to the princes. They said in their address: "May your electoral and princely highnesses, for God's sake, take this great want to heart, and exhort the states that the possessions of churches and convents be principally retained for and applied to the support of churches and schools, which will be for the glory of God, and the good of the people, and will also prevent their dissipation, which would injure the Church, government, and country." The princes received this address in a very gracious manner, and the Landgrave of Hesse declared that in this thing help must be given by deeds, and not merely by words.

Thus the Convention was brought to a close, and Melanchthon rejoiced to be able to go home again. On the 14th of March he returned with Luther, who had recovered again, and whom he found on the way to Wittenberg. He could not thank God sufficiently that his friend Luther was well again, and in all his letters he calls upon his friends to thank the Lord for this. On the 16th of March he wrote to Agricola: "I was seized by a peculiar sorrow when I saw Luther's danger. I was moved to it by the loss of the Church, but also by my love for this man, and my admiration of his distinguished and heroic virtues. I could not but be greatly troubled at the danger of such a man. Therefore, I heartily thank God and our Lord Jesus Christ, that he has looked upon our tears and sighs, and has restored Luther to health." In another letter he calls upon Spalatin, not only to be thankful for this, but also to pray God "that he would preserve such a teacher for his Church for a long time."

CHAPTER XVII.

CONFLICTS IN THE EVANGELICAL CAMP.

On the day after his arrival in Wittenberg he wrote to Veit Dietrich: "Wittenberg, by the grace of God, is still quiet;" and as late as the 14th of April he wrote: "There is still peace here, and Christ grant that it may endure for a long time." He little thought that conflicts, which should trouble him greatly, would soon break out in this camp. The dispute which had arisen, certainly not without Melanchthon's fault, was interrupted for a while by the convention at Smalkald, but it was not yet to be brought to a conclusion. On the 14th of April, Cordatus addressed a letter to Melanchthon, in which he accuses him of making Cruciger's cause his own, and also complains that unworthy motives were imputed to him. It is true, Melanchthon had made this cause his own, and could not well do otherwise. He had invited Cordatus to an interview, by a man named Ungarus; but he did not come, because, as he himself confesses in the letter already mentioned, he was too much excited against Melanchthon, and particularly because Melanchthon had before that only spoken jestingly of the whole matter, and his present earnestness was altogether unexpected." He also addressed a letter to Dr. Jonas, then Rector of the University, in which he prays that Cruciger should be compelled publicly to recant the error he had publicly proclaimed. That he could not now desist, in his own name, from that which he had begun in the name of Christ. Jonas replied in a very haughty manner, and accused him of seeking notoriety, because he was disgusted with his obscurity and little church, and advises him to obey, and to tame his violent disposition. But this merely served to call forth stronger letters from Cordatus to Jonas and Melanchthon, in which he threatened that he would apply to the whole Theological faculty. At the same time he also gave notice of this matter to Chancellor Brück, and said: "I cannot endure that so great a crowd at Wittenberg oppose the blessed doctrine of the pious man Luther, who is indeed the only Doctor of these things, and that too, God knows, without just cause." And besides, that Melanchthon had written to him yesterday: "I have of my own accord altered many things in my little volume, and I rejoice that I made these alterations." Melanchthon, in a letter to Bucer, April 23d, complained most bitterly of Cordatus, and insisted upon his proposition, that new obedience is necessary to eternal life. In this too, as in a letter to Dietrich, he spoke of retiring from Wittenberg if he should see that the conduct of Cordatus met with approbation.

This dispute at last attracted the attention of the Elector, who directed an inquiry to Luther and Bugenhagen, May 5th, through the Chancellor, whether it was true that Master Philip, Dr. Cruciger, and many masters and students, entertained different opinions from Luther and Pomeranus in some doctrines. The Inquiry referred to several points, especially to Justification, concerning which, Cruciger is said, by Melanchthon's direction, to have taught publicly a year ago that we are not justified before God by faith alone, "but that works were also necessary, for they are causa sine qua non," (the condition, without which we cannot be saved.) The Inquiry also referred to another point, according to which men might securely, and without burdening their consciences, receive the Sacrament in one kind. There is also said to be a difference in reference to "free will."

The Elector especially censured Melanchthon for arbitrarily altering the Augsburg Confession, which was not a private, but a public Confession. The people, too, were highly displeased with this. He required an answer to this and several other points. He would rather suffer the University, which had prospered under Melanchthon, to decrease, than endure such divisions. Luther did not say anything about this to Melanchthon. When a certain Peter Ravus was made a Doctor, on the 4th of June, Luther led to the discussion of the doctrine of the necessity of good works, and rejected the formula that good works are necessary to salvation. Cruciger, who yielded at last, wrote a lengthy account of this to Dietrich. Cordatus was silent after this public discussion, in which Melanchthon's formula had been defeated; and Master Philip himself began to retract, no doubt because he saw that his formula might be promotive of work-righteousness. He simply wished to insist upon the doctrine that sanctification must necessarily follow from justification. He should not therefore have adhered so obstinately to his formula in the beginning.

The "Inquiry" of the Elector referred to an opinion, that under certain circumstances, one kind of the sacrament might also be distributed. Melanchthon had thus advised the preacher Jacob Shenk, of Freiberg, who had asked his opinion whether he should not introduce both kinds of the sacrament into his congregation, even against the will of the authorities. This answer, which regarded the circumstances of the case, and wished to prevent rebellion against tyrannical princes, had been given without any consultation with Luther. Shenk sent Melanchthon's letter to the Elector's court at Weimar. When Melanchthon heard of this, he was greatly incensed. On the 16th of July he wrote to Brenz that he was here contending with a Hydra. As soon as he was done with one, many others arise. Another slanderer of Freiberg had complained of him to the Elector. He now refers to the cause which had induced this friend and former hearer to take this step. On the 11th of October he wrote to Camerarius, that the prince was present himself. For he had sent his Chancellor to speak with Luther concerning this matter. The result of this interview was, that Luther expressed his surprise that Melanchthon still entertained such fancies; and, on the whole, he thought that Melanchthon did not think much of the sacrament, and was almost of Zwingli's opinion. Yet he was not able to say how he felt at heart, and did not wish that so distinguished a man should separate from them and their University. But if he should adhere to the opinion expressed to Shenk, why everything else must yield to the truth. If for the sake of peace, we are to permit one kind, we should also be obliged to yield to tyrants, if they wished us to teach that works justify us. "I think," said the Chancellor, "that it would do no harm if Dr. Martinus would proceed, and speak earnestly and cordially with Philip. There is a chain in these matters which connects something. May the Almighty overrule it for good."

October 13, Melanchthon wrote to Dietrich: "Yesterday I understood that several articles should be presented to me to subscribe, but I am not certain of anything, because everything is kept secret. Not only are all who are considered my friends excluded from these interviews and deliberations, but also all those who do not seem to be full of the proper heat and violence. I earnestly hope that, if they are displeased with me, they will produce their complaints openly and without concealment. I have to-day prepared a defence."

He completed this, and met all the accusations against him, not only in regard to the Lord's Suppers but also in regard to those other points in which he had somewhat changed his views. The day on which he was to make his defence was already appointed, but Luther's illness prevented the meeting. Besides this, Shenk went over to Agricola, who, as is well known, held the erroneous doctrine that the law is no longer to be taught in the Christian Church. On this account no further notice was taken of him.

The year 1538 also brought him fresh troubles. In the summer Melanchthon had indeed been honored by being made Rector of the University, but he was soon to experience the unpleasant part of his office. A young Master Simon Lemnius, a Grison, had published a small volume of satirical poems, in which he not only ridiculed several citizens of Wittenberg, but also the most worthy Professors, among them even Luther and Melanchthon. He even made satirical allusions to the Elector's Court. On the other hand, he praised Archbishop Albert of Mentz, who indeed deserved so little praise. This part displeased Luther more than all the rest; and he expressed his displeasure, "because this lampooner praises that miserable town-clerk of Halle, (pardon the expression,) Bishop Albert, and thus makes a saint of the devil." As many were already prejudiced against Melanchthon, he was suspected of secretly having countenanced the satirical poems of Lemnius. For, among other things, it was also the duty of the Rector of the University to keep a watchful eye upon the various publications.

It was certainly a fault that Melanchthon had overlooked this; however, he did everything he could to rectify it. He forbade the satirist to leave the city; and when he fled, and did not appear after having been summoned twice, he was expelled. However, his enemies were not satisfied yet, and Melanchthon believed it necessary to send a written justification of his conduct to the Elector. He proves that he could not have known anything of this lampoon, because he and his wife are also attacked in two places in the most virulent manner. He had not seen a page of the book until it was handed to him, and then he scarcely looked into it, regarding it as an abject petition addressed to the Bishop of Mentz; but when he had examined it more carefully, he had forbidden the author to leave the city. As he had fled, and did not appear to answer the summons, he had been expelled from the University as a traitor and calumniator. Melanchthon thus concludes: "This is indeed the truth, for by God's grace, unfaithfulness and falsehood shall never be laid to my charge." When it was said that his son-in-law Sabinus knew something of it, he added to his report: "I do not know what my son-in-law knew of, or did in this matter, for he has caused me enough sorrow in other matters, which I must labor to mend." This settled the whole matter. But these repeated attacks grieved Melanchthon exceedingly, as appears from various letters to his friends. He once wrote to Camerarius, that he felt in Wittenberg as if he was tied to Mount Caucasus. The continual, bitter sorrows which had been weighing upon his mind for years, and his daily anxieties, were preying upon him so much, that he feared he would not live much longer.

CHAPTER XVIII.

THE ASSEMBLY OF THE PRINCES AT FRANKFORT, AND THE VICTORIES OF THE REFORMATION.

The Catholics and Protestants assumed a more hostile attitude towards each other; but the Electors of Brandenburg and the Palatinate interposed, and finally succeeded in bringing about a meeting of the princes, in Frankfort-on-the-Main, at the beginning of the year 1539. On the 31st of January, Melanchthon also went thither. From Weimar he wrote to Jonas, that there was some hope of peace, for the princes manifested their readiness to bring it about. The Emperor and King Ferdinand had likewise sent ambassadors. They were not regarded much before they had presented their offers as to the conditions of peace. But when the Imperial orator requested the mediators already mentioned to make propositions for peace, according to their judgment, a star of hope seemed to arise. The Count Palatine and the Margrave hereupon demanded a form of agreement from the Protestants, in order to learn what they still missed in the Nuremberg Religious Peace. The Protestants complied with this request; they demanded that not only the states of the present time, but also those who should receive the Gospel in the future, should receive full liberty, and especially also that the proceedings of the Imperial chamber of justice should be stopped. Thus matters stood March 4th, as Melanchthon wrote to Jonas; but the ambassadors were stubborn, and would by no means consent to the proposed conditions of peace. He wrote to the prince of Anhalt: "May God incline their minds to the love of peace!" But this did not happen; on the contrary, the Imperial ambassador overwhelmed the Protestants with accusations, although the mediators seemed more inclined to terms. Melanchthon wrote to Brenz "The matter has almost come to that point, that, as the Emperor said, the time for arms, and not for deliberations, seems to have arrived. Yet, although I tremble when I think what a very serious matter this is, I am sometimes surprised that our friends, who are so greatly irritated, do not break forth more violently."

They could not effect an agreement. Thus time passed on, and Melanchthon, in the meantime, wrote three discourses in the German language. The first treated of the right of defence, if they should be attacked by their enemies; the second showed that upright persons could not take up arms against the Protestants; and the third, that all the godly must assist them. Some disputed the right of waging war against the Emperor. Two years ago the Wittenbergers had declared the lawfulness of this step, maintaining that the Gospel did not oppose natural rights or public laws. All hopes of an agreement diminished more and more, and he was obliged to write to Camerarius, on April 5th: "We have here been weaving the veil of Penelope. If we have rejected one form of peace, another is laid before us, which merely differs from the preceding one in words, but not in sense. Some maintain that they are treacherously procrastinating this matter, but this has not frightened us as yet. I hope that the Empire may remain undisturbed, although no fair conditions could yet be obtained from the Imperial orator. He demands that we should not receive any new confederates. This shameful condition is introduced again and again, with new sophistries, although it has been rejected repeatedly. In this you have the entire history of the Convention. In the beginning, I disputed concerning a number of points; but when the Imperial ambassador made such unreasonable demands, I ceased; and if no truce is made, we shall publish the reasons which induced us to reject those demands." For this purpose he had prepared his three German discourses. Luther understood the state of things very well when he wrote; that one party wished an open door for the Gospel, and the other locked it; and the matter was now so, that Christ and Belial must be united, or one must yield to the other.

As the King of England still intended to enter into a league with the Protestants, and had therefore sent his ambassador, Christopher Mouat, to the Convention at Smalkald, Melanchthon again addressed a letter to him. In his letter, dated April 1st, he most earnestly urges the King, that, as he had already reformed some abuses in the Church, he should also abolish all remaining Roman ungodliness. At the same time, Louis von Baumbach and Francis Burckard, vice-chancellor of the Electorate of Saxony, departed from Frankfort to England. These messengers were received by the King in a very friendly manner, but they could not induce Henry to reform the Church according to the principles of the Gospel. When Henry demanded again that Melanchthon should be sent over, it was not done, for they saw very well that the King was not serious in this matter. He had also received Melanchthon's letter in a very ungracious manner. Henry was an obstinate man, who pretended to be a Theologian himself. How ridiculous this his boasted learning was, is apparent, for instance, in the argument he advances for the necessity of good works. He argued, because evil works merit everlasting wrath, it follows that good works merit everlasting bliss. At the request of the Elector and the Landgrave, Melanchthon also addressed a letter to King Francis of France, in order to explain the character of the League of Smalkald to him. This was brought about, not for bad ends, but simply to defend the Gospel. He thus concludes this letter: "It is much to be desired that the greatest monarchs will prevent a suppression of the truth by unjust means." At last the Convention of the Princes at Frankfort adjourned. On the 19th of April they agreed on a truce of fifteen months, and also a religious discussion, to be held in Nuremberg, August 1st. "We thank God," Melanchthon writes from Saalfeld April 23d, "that no one is permitted to begin war, and that the peace of Nuremberg has again been established and renewed. But this was only gained by great exertions."

He was now to have a more agreeable experience than he had been accustomed to for the past few years. On the 17th of April, Duke George of Saxony, this decided enemy of the Gospel, departed this life. It is true, it is said that he passed from this world with full faith in the Lord Jesus Christ. He had already, in the beginning of this year, expressed a wish that a reformation of his dominions should be undertaken. But he wished a Reformation like that of King Henry of England. He did not wish the Scriptures to decide, but rather the traditions of the first eight centuries. However, Melanchthon, together with Chancellor Brück and Bucer, had gone to Leipzig in the beginning of January, in order to negotiate with George von Carlowitz, and George Wizel, who, after having become a Protestant, had returned into the bosom of the Catholic Church. These negotiations, however, were soon brought to a conclusion, because the principles of the two parties were entirely opposed to each other. But now, after the accession of the Duke's brother Henry, the Reformation was accomplished easily and rapidly, for he was a friend of Evangelical truth. It was, indeed, a blessing that death had carried off Duke George so suddenly, for, as Melanchthon relates in a letter to Camerarius, he intended to exclude his brother and the other heirs, and to bequeath his dominions to King Ferdinand. But it is evident in this case also, that God's thoughts are often different from, and always better than the thoughts of men. The new Duke had an interview with the Elector, concerning the Reformation of his dukedom, on the 5th of May. May 22d, Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas went to Leipzig, where Myconius and Cruciger were already, in order to reform the Church and University according to the Gospel. On the 28th of May, they published their opinion in regard to the Reformation of the University, in which they declared that "all government is bound before God to abolish and forbid false doctrine and false worship." All preaching, discussions, reading, distribution of the Sacrament, and all their ceremonies, were to be forbidden to the monks, because they continued to practise, and would not forsake their blasphemy. The Theologians of the University should be required "to receive this doctrine, or, if they should be unwilling to do this, that they should not be allowed to lecture, dispute, or preach. Also, that it was highly necessary to introduce Christian doctrine into the schools and churches at the same time." In addition to this, they proposed Amsdorf, Dr. Hess of Breslau, or Alexander Alesius and Ziegler, as teachers of the Hebrew language. That it would also be necessary to increase the salaries, for twenty florins would no longer suffice in these times, especially as the professors were married. The abundance of the convents should be taken from them, and provision made for poor students of Theology, because "the rich do not become pastors and preachers, for alas! they are ashamed of this high service of God."

On Pentecost the Evangelical form of worship was introduced in Leipzig, and Luther preached a powerful sermon. On the 30th of May we already find our friend Melanchthon busily engaged in Wittenberg. But his eyes were still bent upon Leipzig, where his two dear friends Myconius and Cruciger had to contend with the powers of darkness. He comforted and encouraged them in a letter dated June 6: "I pray God and our Lord Jesus Christ to be with and to preserve you in your conflicts and dangers. For I have no doubt that you have there become acquainted with the pharisaical, yea diabolical venom of the enemies of the Gospel. But you know that your labor will redound to the honor of Christ, and you also know how much the Empire would be benefited by the reunion of these countries. Therefore patiently endure labor and danger in so important a cause." "We look for your letters with fearful anxiety, and pray you to write more frequently. Here, by the Grace of God, we have peace, only we have almost too much to do."

On the 24th of June he wrote to Duke Albert of Prussia: "According to the latest news we learn, that by the hand of God, the Gospel has had a good and flourishing beginning in the dominions of Duke Henry of Saxony, as well as in Leipzig and other places. May our Lord Jesus Christ grant his Grace to it! In Leipzig they have begun to administer the sacrament in the true way, and they are also abolishing secret masses." A few days before, Myconius and Cruciger had a severe conflict with the Dominicans. The disputation lasted eight hours. After this the University renounced the Roman Church. Many were, however, not at all satisfied with this Reformation, which was especially opposed by John von Maltitz, Bishop of Meissen. He sent a memorial to the Duke, which was either composed by Pflug or Witzel, and asked that the reformation of the defects of the Church should be left to him. The Duke sent it to the Elector, who required an opinion from his Theologians in regard to it. Melanchthon is the author of this opinion. Although this Meissen Book, as the Bishop's memorial was called, had taken up some portions of the true doctrine, in order to be more acceptable, yet on the whole it adhered to hereditary teachings, and found fault with the Protestants.

As Melanchthon, Luther, and Jonas, appealed to the Holy Scriptures, they could easily refute the Bishop's book. They therefore declare: "That they announce to the priests that they would not receive or approve of their book; and that they did not consider it calculated to effect the Reformation and Improvement of the Church, nor to bring about a Christian agreement."

As Melanchthon had been so active in the Reformation of the Church and University in Leipzig, he was now commissioned to visit the Churches in the Duke's possessions in Thuringia, and also some cities in Meissen. He discharged this duty, and found a most lamentable state of things. We will extract some parts of his report. Of the minister at Weissensee he says, that he was unlearned, frivolous, and led a scandalous life; that the people asked for a good Pastor, and displayed an affection for the Gospel. Of the minister of Danstadt he says, that he was a highly vicious person, and should be deposed at once. The two preachers of Sangerhaus, although they had adopted the new doctrine, were accused of adultery. The minister in Freiburg is a venomous blasphemer, sent thither by Eck, and ought to be deposed forthwith. He also proposed persons for these vacant places. Myconius should be lent for a time to Annaberg. He thus discharged his duty in the region which he had been appointed to visit, in a most earnest and conscientious manner. He also enjoyed the great satisfaction of hearing that his dearest friend in the world, Joachim Camerarius, had been called to a Professorship in Leipzig, in 1541.

He had not long completed his labors in the dominions of the Duke, when he received a call from the Elector of Brandenburg, Joachim II., to come to Berlin, in order to give his advice in regard to the introduction of the Reformation in that country.

We have already seen that the Elector had acted as mediator in the assembly of the princes at Frankfort; so he also wished to introduce a Church discipline of this character, which was strongly tainted with Catholicism, although he wished the preaching of the Gospel to remain free. Melanchthon, who met the Elector about the 12th of October, induced him to change his Church discipline after the pattern of that of Nuremberg, although it still retained much that was Catholic. He wrote to Dietrich, that private masses were abolished, that the priests were permitted to marry, that the invocation of saints was abolished, that the preaching of the pure doctrine was enjoined, and that the Lord's Supper was distributed in both kinds.

CHAPTER XIX.

HELP IN A DANGEROUS ILLNESS.

When he returned, he found the plague raging in Wittenberg. It had carried off his dear friend and brother-in-law, the jurist Sebald Münsterer, together with his wife. He received their children into his own house; but he himself felt seriously indisposed, and entertained earnest thoughts of death. On the 26th of October, he wrote to his beloved Dietrich in Nuremberg, that he was now standing in one of the climacterical years of human life, the forty-second year, which had proved the year of death to many; that his strength had failed, partly because of the sorrows of the soul, and partly on account of his excessive labors. He continues thus: "Although I might wish to live somewhat longer, on account of my children, and also on account of my books, yet I shall follow God with resignation, whenever it pleases him to call me away from this place. I am very glad that you so kindly offer your assistance to my son (Philip, then 14 years old), and I commend him to you; for he will need the kindness of his friends, when I am gone. His moral character is good, but I cannot praise his temperament; and I also believe that he does not possess sufficient talent to study."

Although many fled on account of the plague, he was determined to remain in Wittenberg. "I will bear the present cross, as I have borne many other things; God will put an end to it." At that time, when he was very weak, and suffering much from sleeplessness, he made his will, from which we here present a few extracts, showing his truly Christian disposition. He began by declaring, that after the manner of the fathers, he wished to prepare his will, as a Confession for his friends and children, in order that they might abide by it at all times. "And first of all do I return thanks to God, the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, who was crucified for us, the Creator of all things, that he has called me to repentance and the knowledge of the Gospel, and beseech him, for the sake of his Son, whom he has given as a sacrifice for us, that he would forgive my sins, accept of, and justify me, hear me, and deliver me from eternal death, as I also confidently trust he will do. For he has commanded us to believe it; and it is a sin to think our sins greater than the death of the Son of God. I prefer him before my sins. But I pray that God would strengthen these beginnings of faith, by the Holy Ghost, for the sake of his Son, our mediator. I am indeed troubled concerning my own sins, and the offences of others; but I consider the death of the Son of God greater, so that Grace is mightier than sin." He then proceeds to confess his belief in the Apostles' and Nicene Creed, and the entire system of doctrine which he had so unequivocally declared in his Loci Communes, and the Epistle to the Romans. He warns his children against the Roman Church, which in many articles teaches the most corrupt doctrine. "I therefore beg my children to obey me in this, on account of the divine commandment, that they do not connect themselves with the Papists." He also particularly warns them against those frivolous persons who should deny the doctrines of the Son of God, and of the Holy Ghost, among whom he especially mentions Servetus. He also defends himself against the suspicions of those who have said that he leaned to the side of the enemy; he calls God to witness that he never wished to do so. He never wished to spread any new doctrine, but adhered to that doctrine which had been brought to light in these latter days, by Dr. Martin Luther. He therefore thanks this man of God, "firstly, because I have learned the Gospel from him; and secondly, on account of his particular kindness towards me, which he has manifested in many acts of kindness; and I wish that he may be always revered as a father by the members of my family." Then he also gratefully mentions the Elector, Chancellor Brück, his brother George, in Bretten, Camerarius, and a number of other friends. "I beseech them all kindly to forgive all my faults, if I have in any respect offended any of them; I never wished to offend any one wilfully." But the Lord still needed him for important labors; his health gradually returned, and he could again attend to his numerous duties. He published one of his best writings, "On the Soul," about this time. Towards the close of this year, 1539, Bucer came to Wittenberg on account of a certain matter, which became a source of much bodily and mental distress to Melanchthon.

The Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, had commissioned Bucer to solicit the opinions of the Wittenberg Theologians in a peculiar and very delicate matter. It did not refer to the general affairs of the Church, but a private, domestic affair of the Landgrave. For various reasons his affections had become alienated from his wife, and he believed that it would be better for him to form a new matrimonial connection than fall into sins of the flesh. Bucer brought an elaborate treatise with him, which justified this double marriage of the Landgrave, and now only wished that Luther and Melanchthon should also signify their approval of this step. The two Theologians delivered a "secret Confessor's advice," on the 10th of December, in which they show that God originally permitted man to have but one wife, and that this law, although God bore with its violation in the Old Covenant, was restored in the New Testament. But an exception should be made in the present case of necessity, in order to avoid greater evils; yet without making it public, so that the enemies of the Gospel could not cry out that the Protestants were like the Anabaptists, who took many wives at once.[19] With this wished-for advice, Bucer departed; and after the Landgrave had also obtained a formal consent from his wife to form a second marriage, he was secretly married to Lady Margaret von der Saale, on the 3d of March, 1540, at Rothenburg on the Fulda. Melanchthon, who was at the time in Smalkald attending a convention, was also invited, without being informed particularly of the character of the occasion. He was much offended because he was thus obliged to be present at the wedding, and never forgot this treatment of the Landgrave. But even upon the present occasion he exhorted him to take better care of pastors and the teachers of the schools, to avoid the vices of fornication and adultery, and to remember David's punishment; also, to keep this second marriage secret, and not permit it to be spoken of publicly.

We have but now mentioned that Melanchthon was in Smalkald. He had gone thither on the 18th of February, 1540. It was proposed to discuss the Religious Convention here, which had been called to Spire. The Theologians had already, in obedience to the Elector's orders, delivered their opinion, "whether the Evangelical princes should enter into a worldly peace with the Bishops, and whether they could yield anything to them in matters of religion." This document was signed by the Theologians on the first of March. It discussed doctrine, needful external matters, and external indifferent matters, (adiaphora.) In the first article of doctrine, it does not depart from the Confession, and will not yield anything. The second article enumerates among external needful matters, the abolition of private masses, of the canon of the mass, of monastic vows, of the celibacy of the priesthood, of the Invocation of saints, of all magical ceremonies, as, for instance, herbs, consecration of bells, &c., and required the restoration of the Holy Sacrament of the Lord's Supper. In this article also it does not yield anything. The third article speaks of external indifferent matters, of the power of the Bishops, ordination, reading, singing, holidays, and other ceremonies, and of possessions. They expressed the opinion that if Princes and Bishops would accept doctrine and the needful points, arrangements might be made with them in reference to the last point. Envoys were sent from Smalkald to the Emperor, who was in Belgium at this time, to present the peaceful sentiments of the Protestants to him, and to pray him not to begin war. They returned with the most peaceful prospects, for the Emperor expressed his intention to institute further deliberations in regard to the harmony of the Churches. After Melanchthon had prepared another opinion, concerning the erroneous doctrines of Sebastian Franck and Caspar Schwenkfeldt, which was also signed by the Theologians, the Convention adjourned April 15th. Melanchthon returned by way of Erfurt, and on the 4th of May wrote to Dietrich that the Emperor did not as yet manifest any hostility, although he had not promised a certain peace. He, on this occasion, related that the Count-palatine Frederick had conversed with the Emperor in Spain, and had advised him to follow more moderate counsels. The Emperor promised him he would do so. He had not been long in Wittenberg, when he heard that the Emperor was willing to hold a convention at Spire. After having written a letter to the Emperor in Torgau, whither he had been called by the Elector, he departed in the beginning of June to attend this convention, which, according to the last orders, was to be held, not in Spire, but in Hagenau, in Alsatia. It is not to be wondered at, that he should have felt very unwell when he departed from Wittenberg, after so many exertions, and recent recovery from a severe illness. Before he departed, he deposited his last will with Cruciger. A large concourse of students and masters escorted him, and when he was crossing the bridge over the Elbe, he said: "We have lived upon Synods, and now we shall die there." With such thoughts of death he departed, and reached Weimar. Here he was obliged to remain for some time, because he was not sure whether he should go to Hagenau. Luther, at least, had written to the Elector beseeching him to see to it, "That each and every one of the delegates should be earnestly commanded, that they could not and should not depart from that which has now finally been harmoniously agreed upon at Smalkald."

Melanchthon, however, was the person whose yielding temper was most objected to. He was at this time filled with indescribable dread, because a report reached his ears that the Landgrave intended to publish the secret advice of the Wittenbergers. He saw very well that its publication would not only place him in a very doubtful position, but would also greatly injure the cause of the Gospel. His sorrows almost consumed him, and he therefore wrote to Luther for consolation and support in this matter. He faithfully responded to this call. But this consolation did not help him, and he became seriously ill. But let us hear the account of old Ratzeberger: "As it now also became known that the Landgrave had, besides his first wife, also married Lady von der Saale, and it was apparent that this deed would bring great disgrace and injury to the Gospel, Master Philip took it very much to heart. For he saw, if he went to Hagenau, that this would give the Lutherans a very severe blow. He was particularly grieved by this, because he had always looked upon this Landgrave, who had caused this great offence, with particular affection and hope. However, some assert, that he fell into this distress because he approved of this improper conduct of the Landgrave through the persuasions of his Court Chaplain, Dionysius, with which the court was afterwards highly displeased. He therefore became very sick at Weimar, more on account of sorrow and melancholy than anything else. His strength failed rapidly, and certain death seemed to be his only prospect. When he was thus seriously and dangerously ill, the Elector sent for Luther, who rode day and night from Wittenberg, in order to see Philip before his death. When he arrived, he to his sorrow found him as he had already heard. His eyes were already dim, his reason was gone, he could not speak nor hear, and his countenance was loose and fallen; having, as Luther said, a Hippocratical countenance. He recognized no one, and could neither eat nor drink. When Luther, unrecognized, looked upon him, he was greatly shocked, and said to his companion, God forbid! how has the devil abused this instrument! and immediately turned to the window and earnestly prayed to God. Then, Luther said, God our Lord was obliged to listen to me. For I cast my burden before his door, and besieged his ear with all his promises that he would hear prayer, which I could remember in the Bible, so that he was obliged to hear me, if I was to trust his promises.

He then took Philip by the hand, and said, "Be of good cheer, Philip, you will not die! Although God has reason enough to take away life, yet he hath no pleasure in the death of the sinner, but that he should return from his ways and live. If God again called and received the greatest sinners who ever lived upon this earth, namely, Adam and Eve, he will not cast out thee, my Philip, nor suffer thee to perish in sins and sorrow. Therefore, do not give way to despondency, and do not murder yourself, but trust in the Lord, who is able to kill and make alive, wound and bind, scourge and heal again. For Luther fully understood the troubles of his heart and conscience. When he had thus held and addressed him, Philip began to draw his breath again, but could not say anything for a long time. He then turned his face towards Luther, and began to entreat him for God's sake not to detain him any longer; that he was now upon a good journey, and that he should suffer him to proceed, for nothing better could happen to him. Luther replied: "By no means, Philip; you must serve the Lord still longer." Philip became more and more animated, and Luther immediately ordered them to prepare some food, and took it to him himself. But Philip refused to taste it. Luther forced him, and said: "Do you hear, Philip! you must eat, or I shall excommunicate you. He was prevailed upon by such language, so that he began to eat a little, and thus gradually regained strength."

Melanchthon himself said of Luther: "If he had not come I should have died." The Elector also, who deeply sympathized with his sorrows and illness, comforted him in the most friendly manner: "Although it belongeth to God alone, according to his good pleasure, to bestow or take away courage and comfort, yet you on your part must not fail to lay aside and forget the causes of your trouble, which, thanks to God! are not so great in our estimation, that they should afflict you so deeply. We doubt not but that Almighty God will soon restore your cheerfulness, and with it your health."

The Elector then requests him, as soon as he should be able to move, to come to Eisenach, with Luther and Jonas, because he needed them; for letters and reports were constantly arriving from Hagenau. He gradually recovered, and, although it was with difficulty, he was able to leave for Eisenach on the 7th of July. On the 10th of July, Luther wrote concerning him to Wittenberg: "Master Philip has been restored to life, as it were from the grave; he looks sickly, yet lively, jests and lives with us, and eats and drinks in his own room and at table."

Melanchthon himself wrote to Bugenhagen from Eisenach: "I thank you heartily, best and dearest pastor, that you have comforted me in so Christian a manner, while I was absent, and visited with terrible afflictions in body and spirit, and that at home you assisted my wife by your counsels. I still feel my disease, although it has abated somewhat. If I should remain alive, I will be able to say that I have been restored from death to life, by the power of God. This is the testimony of all who were with me. Oh! that I might thank God rightly, and live for his glory! I commend myself, and the Church of Christ, to your prayers. I hope that he also (the Landgrave), who has brought me into this great trouble, warned by my example, and the writings of our friends, will be more modest, and not publicly defend a scandalous affair. I have heard that he promised to listen to the counsels of our friends." In Eisenach, the Saxon and Hessian Theologians conferred concerning the double-marriage of the Landgrave. The Hessian Theologians, among them the court-chaplain, Dionysius Melander, wished the permission to publish the second marriage, to be granted to their Prince. An old account relates, that upon this Luther attacked them in so severe a manner, "that the water ran down their cheeks." The Wittenbergers insisted that this marriage should be concealed, like the secrets of the Confessional. On the 24th of July, Melanchthon himself wrote to the Landgrave, exhorting him to cover the matter, and not to give cause for its public discussion. He should prevent this, "not only on account of the evil reports and the offence, but also because it is no easy matter to defend this business plausibly." The Landgrave took this to heart, and for a long time bore the disgrace he so richly deserved. But when he sent forth a pamphlet, written by Bucer, yet without his name, which endeavored to justify his conduct, Melanchthon published a very severe reply to it.

At the close of July, he returned to Wittenberg.