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ENGRAVED BY T.B. WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.

THE
SAGES AND HEROES
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

IN TWO PARTS
INCLUDING THE SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
TWO HUNDRED AND FORTY THREE OF THE SAGES AND
HEROES ARE PRESENTED IN DUE FORM
AND MANY OTHERS ARE NAMED INCIDENTALLY.
BY L. CARROLL JUDSON,
AUTHOR OF A BIOGRAPHY OF THE SIGNERS OF THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
MORAL PROBE, ET CET. ET CET.
REVISED.
STEREOTYPE EDITION.
PHILADELPHIA:
MOSS & BROTHER.
1854.

Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1851,

By L. Carroll Judson,

in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Eastern District of Pennsylvania.
Transferred to Moss & Brother.
Stereotyped by Slote & Mooney, Philadelphia.

Kite & Walton,
Printers.

PREFACE.

This volume contains the condensed substance of more expensive works that have been published relative to the men and times of the American Revolution. The character and acts of the most prominent Sages and Heroes of that eventful era are delineated. A sufficient amount of documentary matter is inserted to enable the reader to fully understand the causes, progress and triumphant termination of that sanguinary struggle that resulted in Freedom to the new world and prepared an asylum for the oppressed. The French and Indian wars are prominently noticed. More Revolutionary names are rescued from oblivion in this book than in any other extant. I have introduced many practical remarks intended to rouse the reflective powers of the immortal mind and increase a patriotic love for our expanding Republic and glorious institutions. These remarks are designed to be living epistles animated with "thoughts that breathe and words that burn." There are many festering wounds on our body politic that need probing to the bottom—cancers that require the best treatment of the boldest operators in moral, religious and political surgery. The text is concise and not dressed in the dogmatical garb of arbitrary punctuation. In preparing the historical part I have consulted numerous documents and the most approved works in our libraries. Once for all I award a general credit. The relation of events is usually in my own plain laconic language. I believe this volume as free from errors as any of its illustrious predecessors. It has long been a cherished desideratum in my mind to place this multum in parvo within the reach of every working man in our land. I have exerted my best efforts to make it interesting and instructive by blending a perspective chart of human nature with the thrilling history of the times that tried the souls of the patriots of '76. It is my ardent desire that it may prove beneficial to readers and publisher.

L. CARROLL JUDSON,
of the Philadelphia Bar.

Philadelphia, March 4, 1851.

CONTENTS.

PART I.

Adams John [7]Adams Samuel [24]Arnold Benedict [32]Barney Joshua [39]Bartlett Josiah [49]Braxton Carter [54]Butler Zebulon [58]Carroll Charles [63]Chase Samuel [68]Clark Abraham [77]Clymer George [80]Dickinson John [87]Ellery William [90]Floyd William [96]Franklin Benjamin [101]Gates Horatio [110]Gerry Elbridge [114]Greene Nathaniel [121]Gwinnett Button [129]Hall Lyman [132]Hancock John [135]Harrison Benjamin [141]Hart John [148]Henry Patrick [151]Hewes Joseph [161]

Heyward Thomas [168]Hopkins Stephen [172]Hopkinson Francis [179]Hooper William [182]Huntington Samuel [186]Irvine William [189]Jefferson Thomas [191]Kalb Baron de [205]La Fayette G.M. de [208]Lee Francis Lightfoot [219]Lee Richard Henry [228]Lewis Francis [230]Livingston Philip [233]Lynch Thomas Jr. [237]McKean Thomas [240]Marion Francis [246]Middleton Arthur [251]Morris Lewis [255]Morris Robert [261]Morton John [267]Nelson Thomas [270]Otis James [278]Paca William [280]Paine Robert Treat [284]Penn John [288]

Quincy Josiah [294]Read George [296]Rodney Cæsar [300]Ross George [306]Rush Benjamin [311]Rutledge Edward [316]Sherman Roger [321]Smith James [329]Stark John [336]Stockton Richard [343]Stone Thomas [348]Taylor George [352]Thornton Matthew [355]Varnum Joseph B. [359]Walton George [361]Warren Joseph [366]Washington George [368]Wayne Anthony [379]Whipple William Jr. [387]Williams William [391]Wilson James [394]Witherspoon John [399]Wolcott Oliver [404]Wythe George [406]Yates Robert [410]

PART II.

Allen Ethan [415]Allen Ebenezer [416]Allen Moses [416]Alexander William [416]Armstrong John [416]Barry John [416]Beatty William [417]Biddle Nicholas [417]Bland Theodoric [418]Blount Thomas [418]Boudinot Elias [419]Bowdoin James [419]Bradford William [419]Broad Hezekiah [419]Brooks Eleazer [419]Brooks John [420]Brown Andrew [420]Brown John [420]Brown Moses [420]Brown Robert [420]Bryan George [421]Burd Benjamin [421]Burr Aaron [421]Butler Richard [422]Butler Thomas [422]Cadwalader Thomas [423]Caswell Richard [423]Champe John [423]Chrystie James [424]Clark George Rogers [424]Clinton Charles [424]Clinton George [425]Clinton James [425]Comstock Adam [425]Coward Joseph [426]Croghan William [426]Cropper John [426]Cushing Thomas [427]Dale Richard [427]Darke William [427]Davie Richardson W. [427]Davidson William [428]Dickinson Philemon [428]Drayton Wm. Henry [429]Dyer Eliphalet [430]Elsworth Oliver [430]Forrest Uriah [430]Gadsden Christopher [430]Gansevoort Peter [431]Gibson John [432]Gibson George [432]Greene Christopher [433]Graeff George [433]Griffin Cyrus [433]Gurney Francis [434]Gwinn William [434]

Hale Nathan [434]Hamilton Alexander [435]Hamilton Paul [436]Hathaway Benoni [436]Hawkins Nathan [437]Hawley Joseph [437]Hayne Isaac [437]Heath William [437]Heston Edward [438]Holden Levi [438]Houston John [438]Howard John Eager [439]Humphrey David [439]Huntington Jedediah [439]Irvine Andrew [440]Irwin Jared [440]Jackson Andrew [440]Jackson James [441]James John [441]Jasper William [442]Jay John [443]Johnson Francis [443]Johnson Samuel [443]Johnson William [443]Jones John Paul [444]Kennard Nathaniel [445]King Rufus [445]Kirkwood Robert [445]Knowlton Thomas [446]Knox Henry [446]Kosciuszco Thaddeus [446]Lacy John [447]Laurens Henry [448]Laurens John [449]Ledyard William [449]Lee Arthur [449]Lee Charles [450]Lee Henry [450]Lee Ezra [451]Lee Thomas Sim [451]Lincoln Benjamin [451]Lippitt Christopher [452]Livingston Robert R. [452]Livingston William [453]McClintock Nathaniel [453]McKinstry John [453]McPherson William [454]Madison James [454]Manly John [454]Marshall John [455]Mathews Thomas [455]Mercer Hugh [455]Meigs Return Jona'n [456]Mifflin Thomas [457]Miller Henry [457]Monroe James [457]

Montgomery Richard [458]Morgan Daniel [458]Morgan John [459]Morris Governeur [459]Moultrie William [459]Muhlenberg Peter [460]Nicholson James [460]Ogden Matthias [461]Olney Jeremiah [461]Orr John [461]Paine Thomas [461]Parsons Samuel H. [462]Paulding John [462]Peters Nathan [462]Peters Richard [463]Pettit Charles [463]Pickering Timothy [463]Pickens Andrew [464]Porter Andrew [464]Preble Edward [465]Prescott William [466]Prioleau Samuel [466]Pulaski Count [466]Putnam Israel [467]Putnam Rufus [467]Ramsay David [468]Randolph Edmund [468]Randolph Peyton [468]Reed Joseph [468]Revere Paul [469]Sargent Winthrop [469]Scammel Alexander [469]St. Clair Arthur [470]Schaick Gosen Van [470]Schuyler Philip [470]Sedgewick Theodore [471]Sergeant Jonathan D. [471]Smallwood William [472]Steuben Francis Wm.
Augustus Baron de [472]Strong Caleb [472]Sullivan John [472]Sullivan James [473]Stevens Edward [473]Thomas John [473]Thomas Thomas [474]Truxton Thomas [474]Wadsworth Jeremiah [474]Ward Henry [475]Washington William [475]Wheelock John [476]Williams Otho H. [476]Winder Levin [476]Wolcott Erastus [476]Wooster David [476]Wyllis Samuel [477]

THE
SAGES AND HEROES
OF THE
AMERICAN REVOLUTION.

PART I.

JOHN ADAMS.

ENGRAVED BY T.B. WELCH FROM A PORTRAIT BY G. STUART.

The history of men should interest every reader. It is the mirror of mind—imparting lessons of thrilling interest, essential improvement, exquisite pleasure—substantial advantage. It is a matter of deep concern to the investigating student. Remoteness increases veneration. Human foibles are buried in the tomb. Faults are often eclipsed by towering virtues—find no place on the historic page and after generations gaze upon a picture of rare perfection, which, as time advances, assumes shades—richer and holier—until it commands the reverence of every beholder. The names of many of the ancients, whose crowning glory was virtue, over whose ashes centuries have rolled, are often referred to with as profound respect as if angel purity had given the impress of Divinity to their every action. A country—a nation may be lost in the whirlpool of revolution—the fame of good and great men is enduring as time. In the persons of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution, ancient and modern wisdom, patriotism and courage were combined. Let us join the admiring millions who are gazing on their bright picture and impartially trace the character of those who pledged their lives, fortunes and sacred honors in behalf of FREEDOM.

Among them, John Adams was conspicuous. He was a native of Quincy, Mass. born on the 19th of Oct. (O.S.) 1735. He was the fourth in descent from Henry Adams, who removed from Devonshire Eng. with eight sons and located near Mount Wollaston.

During his childhood he was under the instruction of Mr. Marsh of Braintree and made rapid progress in his education. At the age of sixteen he entered Harvard college at Cambridge and graduated at the age of twenty-one with high honors.

At Worcester he commenced the study of law under Mr. Putnam, finished with Mr. Gridley, supporting himself by teaching a grammar class. Wisdom to discern the path of rigid virtue and uncompromising justice, with moral courage to act, marked his career from the dawn of manhood. He boldly grasped the past, present and future and made deductions truly prophetic. On the 12th of Oct. 1755, he wrote the following paragraph in a letter.

"Soon after the reformation, a few people came over into this new world for conscience sake. Perhaps this apparently trivial incident may transfer the great seat of empire into America. It looks likely to me, if we can remove the turbulent Gallics, our people, according to the exactest computation, will, in another century, become more numerous than England herself. Should this be the case, since we have, I may say, all the naval stores of the nation in our hands, it will be easy to obtain the mastery of the seas and then the united force of all Europe will not be able to subdue us. The only way to keep us from setting up for ourselves, is—to disunite us. Keep us in distinct colonies and then some men in each colony, desiring the monarchy of the whole, will destroy each other's influence and keep the country in equilibrio."

Mark two things referred to in this letter. He plainly saw that the navy is our right arm of defence and yet treated, by our government, with a parsimony that has long astonished the old world. "To disunite us"—the only thing that can ruin us now that we have set up for ourselves. Lay this to heart ye demagogues who are sowing broadcast the seeds of disunion and no longer court a monarchy.

At the end of three years study Mr. Adams was admitted to the practice of law and commenced a successful professional career at Braintree. Constitutional law had become a subject of investigation. Disputes had commenced between the people and the officers of the crown who were employed in the custom-house and claimed the right to search private dwellings for the pretended purpose of discovering dutiable goods. This preliminary act of usurpation was frequently prompted by personal animosity without a shadow of evidence to raise even suspicion. The right of search was vigorously resisted. Writs of assistance were issued—the seeds of the revolution were sown. Mr. Gridley, the friend and admirer of Mr. Adams, defended the officers—not on constitutional ground but from the necessity of the case to protect the revenue, from which Mr. Adams strongly dissented. The question was argued before the Superior Court at Boston—Mr. Gridley for and Mr. Otis against the crown. Mr. Adams listened to both gentlemen with intense interest and has often been heard to say—"The oration of Mr. Otis against writs of assistance breathed into this nation the breath of life. American independence was then and there born."

The court publicly decided against the writs but secretly issued them. No richer fuel could have been used to increase the volume and force of the revolutionary fires already kindled. Mr. Adams was roused by the hypocrisy of the court and the audacity of the crown officers and at once took a bold stand in favor of justice. The Assembly interfered in behalf of the people and in 1762, prepared a bill to prevent the issue of these volcanic writs only upon specific information on oath—which was vetoed by the governor. The Assembly retaliated by reducing the salary of the judges.

In 1761 Mr. Adams rose to the rank of Barrister—in 1764 married the accomplished Abigail Smith, daughter of Rev. William Smith, who nobly participated with her husband in the thrilling scenes of their lives for fifty-four years. Judge of her patriotism from the following extract from one of her numerous and able letters.

"Heaven is our witness that we do not rejoice in the effusion of blood or the carnage of the human species—but, having been forced to draw the sword, we are determined never to sheathe it—slaves to Britain. Our cause, Sir, I trust, is the cause of truth and justice and will finally prevail, though the combined force of earth and hell should rise against it."

The Stamp Act kindled an enduring flame of indignation in the patriotic bosom of Mr. Adams. He at once became a champion for chartered rights and rational freedom. He published an essay on Canon and Feudal Law which proved him a fearless, able and vigorous writer. It penetrated the joints and marrow of royal power as practised and parliamentary legislation as assumed. He traced the Canon law to the Roman clergy—shrewdly planned, acutely managed and rigorously enforced to advance their own aggrandizement. He delineated the servile dogmas of the Feudal code, each manor being the miniature kingdom of a petty tyrant. He exposed the unholy and powerful confederacy of the two, aiming to spread the mantle of ignorance over mankind, drive virtue from the earth, producing the memorable era of the dark ages, shrouded in mental obscurity. He then ushered in the dawn of returning light, exhibited the gigantic struggles of the reformers—the bloody scenes of persecution and finally placed his readers upon the granite shores of New England, where, for a century, Liberty had shed its happy influence upon the sons and daughters of freemen, undisturbed by canons or feuds. "Tyranny has again commenced its desolating course—it must be arrested or we are slaves." This is a mere syllabus of a pamphlet of over forty pages, strong in language, bold in sentiment, and nervous in style.

Mr. Adams became associated with other prominent whigs, Samuel Adams, Quincy, Otis and many kindred spirits, whose influence produced the repeal of the Stamp Act and the removal of Mr. Grenville from the ministry. An apparent but delusive calm ensued on the part of the crown officers. At intervals, a cloven foot would be seen, festering wounds would be irritated and no balm was found to restore them to perfect soundness.

In 1766 Mr. Adams removed to Boston where his talents became so strongly developed that the king's governor thought him worth purchasing. He was offered the most lucrative office in the colony—Advocate General in the court of Admiralty. He spurned the bribe with the disdain that none but freemen can exhibit.

In 1769 he was on the committee that prepared instructions for the legislature, which were very obnoxious to the royal governor. He had outraged the people by quartering a mercenary army in the town—was unyielding in his purposes and hastened a tragedy that gave a fresh impetus to the embryo revolution.

On the 5th of March 1770, an affray occurred between the military and citizens, in which five of the latter were killed and others wounded. Mr. Adams thus describes the result.

"The people assembled, first at Faneuil Hall and adjourned to the old South Church, to the number, as was conjectured, of ten or twelve hundred men, among whom were the most virtuous, substantial, independent, disinterested and intelligent citizens. They formed themselves into a regular deliberative body—chose their moderator and secretary—entered into discussions, deliberations and debates—adopted resolutions and appointed committees. These public resolutions were conformable to the views of the great majority of the people—'that the soldiers should be banished at all hazards.' Jonathan Williams, a very pious, inoffensive and conscientious gentleman, was their moderator. A remonstrance to the governor, or governor and council, was ordained and a demand that the regular troops should be removed from the town. A committee was appointed to present this remonstrance, of which Samuel Adams was chairman. The soldiers were removed and transient peace restored."

Captain Preston was brought before the court charged with giving the order to fire upon the citizens. The regulars who committed the fatal act were also arraigned and tried. Each party charged the other with commencing the affray. Some inconsiderate citizens had thrown snow-balls at the King's troops who returned lead in payment. Mr. Adams was employed to defend the accused. A delicate task he performed, but so ingeniously did he manage the case that Captain Preston and all the soldiers but two were acquitted and the two were only convicted of manslaughter. When the trial closed Mr. Adams stood approved by the citizens, having performed his professional duty to his clients and at the same time vindicated the rights of the people.

The same year he was elected to the legislative body and boldly opposed the arbitrary measures of the British cabinet. He was one of the committee that prepared an address to the governor, the style of which induces me to think that it was penned by him. After clearly pointing out the violation of chartered rights the address concludes, "These and other grievances and cruelties, too many to be here enumerated and too melancholy to be much longer borne by this injured people, we have seen brought upon us by the devices of ministers of state. And we have, of late, seen and heard of instructions to governors which threaten to destroy all the remaining privileges of our charter. Should these struggles of the house prove unfortunate and ineffectual this Province will submit with pious resignation to the will of Providence—but it would be a kind of suicide, of which we have the utmost abhorrence, to be instrumental in our own servitude."

A blind obstinacy on the part of the ministers increased the opposition of the people, inducing a rapid accumulation of combustible materials, increasing the volcanic fires by their own strong exertions. Being alarmed at the boldness of the citizens, the governor ordered the legislature to convene at Cambridge contrary to the law which fixed the place of meeting—consequently, the members refused to do anything more than to adjourn to the proper place. A war of words and paper ensued, in which the patriots were victorious. Mr. Adams was one of the sharp-shooters and made great havoc among the officers of the crown. Mr. Brattle, the senior member of the council entered the field in defence of the ministry but was put hors de combat by our champion. The governor was compelled to direct the legislature to convene again at Boston. New causes of complaint were constantly accruing. The governor, judges and troops were paid by England instead of the colony—thus aiming to render the executive, judiciary and military, independent of the people, destroying all confidence in the servants of the crown. The tax on tea was another source of aggravation, striking more tender chords. Wo to the ruler who rouses the fair sex. He may more safely defy the fury of Mars and challenge the speed of Atalanta.

Tea became forbidden fruit—several vessel loads were sacrificed to Neptune—an oblation for the sins of the British cabinet—a jollification for the fish of Boston harbour. Royal authority increased in cruelty—patriots increased in boldness. The message of the governor to the legislature of 1773 maintained the supremacy of parliament. This was denied by the members and a reply written by Mr. Adams in answer to a second message from the governor, more strongly in favor of the crown. The pen of this functionary was paralyzed—his arguments proved fallacious—his mouth sealed upon this exciting subject. The reply of Mr. Adams was an exposition of British wrongs and American rights, so clearly presented that no sophistry could impugn—no logic confront. So highly was it appreciated by Dr. Franklin, that he had it republished in England—a luminary to patriots—confusion to tyrants.

On taking his seat in the legislature Mr. Adams was placed on the list of committees. So vindictive was governor Hutchinson that he erased his name—an act that recoiled with such force as to rapidly close his public career in the colony. He was succeeded by Governor Gage, who was more fully charged with ministerial fire—more successful in accelerating the millennium of Liberty. He placed his cross upon the name of John Adams—removed the legislature to Salem—enforced the Boston Port Bill and seemed to tax his ingenuity to enrage the people. On convening, the members of the legislature requested the governor to fix a day for a general fast which he peremptorily refused. As well might he have undertaken to extinguish a flaming fire with pitch, as to refuse this boon to the descendants of the Puritans. The people en masse venerated religion and would not yield to the violation of ancient custom.

The legislature then proceeded to project a general congress. Governor Gage sent his secretary with an order to prorogue—the door was locked against him—patriotic resolutions were passed and five delegates appointed to meet a national convention, one of whom was John Adams.

At the appointed time he repaired to Philadelphia—took his seat in that assemblage of sages, whose wisdom has been sung by the most brilliant poets, applauded by the most eloquent orators—admired by the most sagacious statesmen of the civilized world. On reading the proceedings of the first congress in 1774, Chatham remarked, "I have studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master spirits of the world—but, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men can stand above this congress."

Some supposed the ardent zeal of Mr. Adams might induce rashness. Not so—he was calm as a summer morning but firm as the granite shores of his birth-place. He was discreet, prudent—the last man to violate or submit to the violation of constitutional law. He kept his helm hard-up—knew when to luff—when to take the larboard tack—when to spread and when to take in sail. He was one of the few who believed the mother country would remain incorrigible—that petitions would be vain—addresses futile—remonstrances unavailing.

At the close of that congress Mr. Adams had a close conversation with Patrick Henry in which he expressed a full conviction, that resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, addresses, associations and non-importation agreements—however they might be accepted in America and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be waste water in England. Mr. Henry believed they might make an impression among the people of England, but that they would be lost upon the government. Mr. Adams had just received a hasty letter from Major Hawley of Northampton, which concluded with these prophetic words, "after all we must fight." Mr. Henry raised his hands and vehemently exclaimed, "I am of that man's mind." Richard Henry Lee held a contrary opinion—Washington was in doubt. The two former based their conclusions on the past and present from which they drew deductions for the future. They penetrated the arcanum of human nature, passed in review the multiform circumstances that inflated power-backed by superior physical force—deluded by obstinacy and avarice, is callous to the refined feelings of humanity—deaf to wisdom—blind to justice. Lee, equally determined to vindicate right and oppose wrong, could not believe the ministry would dethrone reason and court ruin.

Washington, deep in reflection, an impartial and strong investigator—his soul overflowing with the milk of human kindness, did not arrive rapidly at conclusions on so momentous a subject. In weighing the causes of difference between the two countries—reason, justice and hope, on the one side—power, corruption and avarice on the other—at that time held his mind in equilibrio. He clearly perceived the right and fondly but faintly hoped England would see it too and govern herself accordingly. He was as prompt to act as the others when action became necessary.

Mr. Adams returned among his friends and stood approved by his constituents and his country. His pen was again brought into service, in answering a series of ingenious essays written by Mr. Sewell in favor of the supremacy of Parliament. Over the name of "Nonvanglus," Mr. Adams stripped the gay ornaments and gaudy apparel from the brazen image Mr. Sewell had presented to the public gaze. A meagre skeleton of visible deformity was all that remained. Attorney General Sewell trembled us he received the deep cuts from the falchion quill of this devoted patriot. So profound was his reasoning—so learned were his expositions—so clear and conclusive were his demonstrations—that his antagonist exclaimed, as he retired in a rage from the conflict, "He strives to hide his inconsistencies under a huge pile of learning."

The pile proved too "huge" for royal power and supplied the people with an abundance of light.

The supremacy of parliament was an unfortunate issue for ministers. It placed the patriots in a position to hurl their darts at them without refusing allegiance to the king. The British cabinet worked out its own destruction with regard to the American colonies—if not with fear and trembling it was with blindness and disgrace—impolicy and injustice—obstinacy and infatuation.

In May, 1775, Mr. Adams again took his seat in Congress with renewed responsibilities resting upon him. Revolution was rolling fearfully upon his bleeding country—hope of redress was expiring like the last flickerings of a taper—dark and portentous clouds were concentrating—the ministerial ermine was steeped in blood—the dying groans of his fellow-citizens and the lamentations of widows and orphans had fallen upon his ears and the prophetic conclusion arrived at by him and Henry but a few months previous, was forced upon the mind of every patriot, "after all we must fight."

As a preliminary measure it was necessary to appoint a leader of the military forces to be raised. To fix upon the best man was of vital importance. Some thought the measure premature. Not so with the sons of New England. When the blood of their friends was wantonly shed upon the heights of Lexington they hung their siren harps upon the weeping willows that stood mournfully over the graves of their murdered brethren. In their view, war was inevitable. A commander-in-chief must be appointed. Several prominent persons were named in private conversations. John Adams, alone, had fixed his mind upon George Washington, in whom he saw the commingled qualities of philanthropist, philosopher, statesman, hero and Christian. All opposed his appointment at first but gradually yielded to the reasons urged by John Adams. Satisfied that the measure would be approved by a majority, he rose in Congress and proposed that a commander of the American armies should be appointed. When his resolution passed, he described the requisite qualities of the man to fill this important station and remarked with great emphasis—"such a man is within these walls." But few knew to whom he referred, no one believing himself duly and truly prepared or properly vouched for as a military man. A pause—a painful suspense—then the name of Col. George Washington of Virginia was announced by Mr. Adams. No one could be more surprised than the nominee. No intimation of the intended honor had been made to him. The vote was taken the day following and was unanimous in his favor. So judicious was this selection that La Fayette remarked—"It was the consequence of Providential inspiration." Be it so—John Adams was the patriot who nominated him—thus placing at the head of the American armies just such a man as the crisis required—prudent, dignified, bold, sagacious, patient, persevering—universally esteemed by the friends of freedom—admired by the most fervent friends of the crown.

In 1776 Mr. Adams again took his seat in the National Assembly. The period had arrived for decisive measures. Massachusetts had been disfranchised by Parliament. England had hired legions of soldiers from German princes to subdue rebels in America. The last note of peace had been sung by echo—every patriot became convinced that resistance or slavery were the two horns of the dilemma presented. Independence had been conceived but by a few. It was a startling proposition. At this juncture Mr. Adams marked out a bold course and had the moral courage to pursue it. On the 6th of May he offered a resolution, proposing that the colonies should organize a government independent of England. On the 10th of the same month it was modified and adopted, recommending such government by the colonies "as might be conducive to the happiness and safety of their constituents in particular and America in general." All admitted the justice of this measure but some opposed it on the ground of the physical imbecility of the colonies—already crowded with a hireling army and their shores lined with a powerful navy. Mr. Adams knew no middle course. He had succeeded in obtaining the adoption of the preface to his broad folio of an independent compact—he then proceeded to prepare the text. He had commenced the work of political regeneration. Each day new and genuine converts were made. The legislature of his own state encouraged him to strike for independence. North Carolina had openly started the ball—Virginia gave it a now impetus and on the 7th of June, Richard Henry Lee became the organ to present the proposition to Congress. A most animated discussion ensued. Then the powers of Mr. Adams were more fully developed. Mr. Jefferson said of him, in alluding to his debates on the Declaration of Independence—"John Adams was the pillar of its support on the floor of Congress—its ablest advocate and defender against the multifarious assaults it encountered. He was our Colossus on the floor—not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses—yet he came out with a power, both of thought and expression, that moved us from our seats."

The noblest powers of his soul were raised to the zenith of their strength, determined to accomplish the mighty work he had commenced. Although one of the committee to prepare the instrument of eternal separation, he confided the labor to his colleagues—spending his whole force upon the opponents of the measure. Manfully did he contend—gloriously did he triumph. He bore down upon his adversaries like a mountain torrent—a rushing avalanche—hurling the arrows of conviction with such precision and effect that a majority soon became converted to the measure.

The day for decision arrived. The 4th of July, 1776, dawned auspiciously upon the patriots. At the appointed hour they assembled. The past, the present, the impenetrable future, big with coming events—rushed upon their minds. Moments flew—the pulse quickened—the heart-throb increased—bosoms expanded—eyes brightened—patriotism rose in majesty sublime—the question was put—the Gordian knot was sundered—Independence was declared—the colonies were free—Liberty was proclaimed—a nation was redeemed—regenerated—disenthralled and born in a day.

Early in the winter of 1776 Mr. Adams wrote a form of government for the colonies which was substantially the same as the present constitutions of the states. It was first submitted to Richard Henry Lee in a letter with these remarks.

"A constitution founded on these principles introduces knowledge among the people and inspires them with a conscious dignity becoming freemen. A general emulation takes place which causes good humor, sociability, good manners and good morals to be general. That elevation of sentiment, inspired by such a government, makes the common people brave and enterprising. That ambition which is inspired by it makes them sober, industrious and frugal. You will find among them some elegance, perhaps, but more solidity—a little pleasure but a great deal of business—some politeness but more civility. If you compare such a country with the regions of domination, whether monarchical or aristocratical, you will fancy yourself in Arcadia or Elysium."

Here is inscribed upon the tablet of truth the blessings derived from a government like our own in its principles—faithfully adhered to by every true patriot but trampled under foot by the demagogues of the present day and the aristocracy of all time.

Among all the great men of our country, no one has exhibited a more clear and minute conception of human nature and human government, than John Adams. He traced causes and effects through all their labyrinthian meanderings and deduced conclusions that seemed the result of inspiration. Many of his predictions of the future bear the impress of prophecy and show how deeply he investigated—how clearly he perceived.

On his return from Congress, Mr. Adams was elected to the legislature of Massachusetts under the new constitution. He was also appointed Chief Justice which he declined.

In 1777 he resumed his seat in Congress and performed an amount of labor, which, if imposed upon any ten demagogue legislators of the present day might induce suicide. He was an active member of ninety committees—chairman of twenty-five—chairman of the board of war and appeals, discharged all his duties promptly and was uniformly in his seat when any important measure was under discussion.

In December, 1777, he was appointed a commissioner to France. In February following he embarked on board the frigate Boston. During the voyage a British armed ship hove in sight—an action commenced—Mr. Adams seized a musket, gave the enemy a well-directed shot but was immediately deprived of this recreation by Capt. Tucker, who led him out of danger, pleasantly remarking—"I am commanded by the Continental Congress to carry you in safety to Europe and I will do it."

Before his arrival, Dr. Franklin and his colleague had succeeded in concluding a treaty of alliance with the French nation. After an absence of a little more than a year he returned and was elected to a convention of his native state, convened for the purpose of perfecting a constitution and the full organization of government. The original draft of the constitution of Massachusetts is from his pen. Before his term closed in this convention he was appointed by Congress—"A minister plenipotentiary for negotiating a treaty of peace and a treaty of commerce with Great Britain." In Oct. 1779, he embarked from Boston. The passage was boisterous, it being February before he arrived at Paris. Chagrin and pride prevented the British ministry from at once placing themselves on an equality with our own. The negotiation, on their part, commenced with equivocations. Mr. Adams could not be ensnared and was determined to submit to nothing wrong and left them to farther reflection.

On learning that Mr. Laurens, American commissioner to Holland, had been captured, Mr. Adams repaired to that kingdom. In August he received a commission from Congress to negotiate a loan—to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce and to accede to any treaty of neutral rights that might arise from regulations to be made by a congress of the European states then in contemplation. In a few months he was overwhelmed with important duties. Minister to Great Britain—to the States General of Holland—to all the European states for pledging the United States to the armed neutrality—with letters of credit to the Russian, Swedish and Danish envoys in Holland and a commissioner to negotiate a loan of ten millions of dollars for the support of the Home department and foreign embassies. All these duties he discharged with skill and approbation, a lasting monument of the gigantic powers of his mind. At every point he encountered intrigue which he uniformly discovered and crushed in embryo.

In July, 1781, he was directed to repair to Versailles to make a further attempt at negotiation with England. The terms offered did not fully recognize the rights of the United States as an independent nation. Peace was desirable and ardently urged by the Duke de Vergennes, who was the head and front of the French cabinet. Mr. Adams was anxious for peace—but only on just, dignified and honorable terms. The Duke, who had uniformly manifested a disposition to make the United States feel a dependence on France, dictated to Mr. Adams, placing him in the position of a subordinate agent. This was a French bull. Mr. Adams recognized no dictator but the Continental Congress and his own keen perception and penetrating judgment. This independence of the American minister enraged the Duke. He wrote to the minister of France in the United States to lay a formal complaint before Congress against the recusant for insubordination. This the minister did ingeniously but not successfully. As a matter of respect for their new and important ally, Congress partially modified the instructions of Mr. Adams but did not place him under the dictation of the Duke as requested. They knew the granite man too well to suppose he would ever compromise the dignity of his country. They had full confidence in his capacity to perceive right—in his moral courage to enforce it.

From all the evidence in the premises I am fully convinced that the motives of the French Court in aiding our country during the revolutionary struggle, were not based on patriotism but had ulterior objects in view. Not so with the noble La Fayette and others who came to the rescue.

Again Mr. Adams left ministers to arrive at a second sober thought and learn their true position. He then returned to Amsterdam.

Owing to sad reverses in the cause of freedom the French minister made such an impression in favour of the position of the French cabinet as an umpire between England and the United States, that congress added to the commission of Mr. Adams—Dr. Franklin, Jefferson, Jay, and Laurens—with the humiliating directions, "That they should govern themselves by the advice and opinion of the ministers of the King of France." The Duke de Vergennes was elated with triumph. He was virtually made sovereign minister of the United States. This act is the darkest spot upon the proud escutcheon of the Continental Congress—an act that I would gladly "expunge from the record." No full apology can be found. The tremendous revolutionary tornado that was then sweeping over our country, charged with the dismaying materials of terror, is a partial one and the true cause of this quailing error.

The exultation of the Duke was transient. Adams and Franklin were there, masters of ceremony. They dared to disobey instructions believing they had been improperly extorted by an intriguing and designing court. They at once took a bold stand and were promptly sustained by their colleagues and ultimately by congress, to which Adams communicated the chicanery of the Duke and the duplicity, or rather the toolicity of the French minister in the United States. The result was glorious. An honourable peace was obtained—the dignity of our nation preserved. A provincial treaty was signed at Paris on the 30th of November, 1782 and a definitive treaty on the 3d day of September, 1783 and all without the advice or consent of the Duke de Vergennes, whose golden schemes of finesse proved abortive. He addressed a bitter letter of reproach to the American commissioners, expressing great astonishment at their presumption in daring to act independent of him, which was not answered.

Among the golden schemes of the court of France, two are worthy of particular note. 1. To secure to France and Spain the fisheries of the United States. 2. To secure the perpetual and uninterrupted navigation of the Mississippi. Very modest. Other propositions were made, equally absurd, all of which form an unanswerable excuse for our commissioners in disobeying instructions.

After the important commission of concluding peace with England was completed, Mr. Adams returned to Holland where he had negotiated a loan of eight millions of guilders in September, 1782, which was one of the means of terminating the war by enabling the United States to prosecute it with more vigor. It had a direct influence on England, inducing Lord Shelburne to make proposals of peace soon after this was known.

During the same year he was placed at the head of a commission empowered to negotiate commercial treaties with all foreign nations. He returned to Paris where he met Franklin and Jefferson who were associated with him—forming a trio of combined, versatile and exalted talent—never surpassed if ever equalled.

In 1785 Mr. Adams was appointed the first minister to Great Britain after the acknowledgment of the Independence of the United States. He was received with marked attention and courtesy so far as courtly etiquette was concerned but found the ministry morose and bitter towards the new Republic. They seemed disposed to treat the peace as a mere truce between the two nations. Mr. Adams performed the delicate duties of his station with great sagacity and wisdom—patiently removing subsisting difficulties. Nor did he forget the internal interests of his country at home. To win independence was one thing—to preserve it another and more important matter. The theories of a Republican form of government by Thurgot and others, had been freely circulated in the United States. These he deemed wild and visionary. This was proved by the transient existence of the first French Republic and has been more fully demonstrated recently in Europe and South America. More success might attend these experiments, even with imperfect skeletons of a free government were the people as well prepared to receive it as were the colonists at the time of the American Revolution. Intelligence and primitive Christianity must pervade the mass. The European pioneers came to this country with the bible in their hands and based our government upon its eternal principles, where it will securely rest until ignorance darkens intellect and the bible is banished. Let all read its plain truths, teaching, as they do, freedom in religion, freedom of conscience—pointing us to our high origin and final destiny—then our Republic cannot be destroyed by kingly influence, aristocratic corruption, ultra fanaticism, reckless demagogues, or heartless politicians. Troubles have arisen, now exist, may continue to occasionally break out—but they ever have been and I trust ever will be confined to a small portion of the great and accumulating mass—the bone and sinew of our beloved country.

To strip from these delusive theories of a free government their sophistry, Mr. Adams published a learned and able disquisition on Republican constitutions which became a polar star to his own country and operated powerfully in correcting error and allaying prejudices in England adverse to the United States. His "Defence of the Constitution" placed him on a lofty literary eminence in view of the literati of Europe.

In 1788 he obtained permission to return home and in the autumn of that year was elected the first Vice President of the United States. He became the confidential counsellor of Washington on all important questions. He was re-elected in 1792 and in 1796 was elected President of that Republic for which he had freely periled life, fortune and honor.

At that time party spirit had commenced its reckless career which afforded an example set by Adams and Jefferson worthy of all praise and imitation. No bitterness of party spirit, no abuses from their partisans and party press, could sever the patriotic and moral ties of friendship that bound them together up to time death removed them from the theatre of life. So high did party spirit rage that Mr. Jefferson thus rebuked a clique of politicians who were hurling slanders against Mr. Adams.

"Gentlemen, you do not know that man. There is not upon earth a more perfectly honest man than John Adams. Concealment is no part of his character. Of that he is utterly incapable. It is not in his nature to meditate anything he would not publish to the world. The measures of the general government are a fair subject for difference of opinion—but do not found your opinions on the notion that there is the smallest spice of dishonesty, moral or political, in the character of John Adams for I know him well and I repeat—that a man more perfectly honest never issued from the hands of the Creator." Demagogues—read the above just encomium upon his opponent by a candidate for an office—then search for a parallel case of magnanimity among modern politicians—if you find one, proclaim it to the people of our vast country that they may be convinced a true patriot is in our midst—a lump of genuine salt in the body politic.

Mr. Adams proceeded to the conscientious and independent discharge of his presidential duties, prompted by the best motives for the good and glory of the infant Republic. He was an open, frank old-school federalist. During his administration the ranks of the democratic party increased rapidly, which defeated his re-election. Much has been written and more said relative to the causes that produced his political overthrow. To my mind the solution is plain and brief. His cabinet was not of his own choice—he was too independent to bend to party intrigue—he opposed the humiliating demands of the then self-styled democratic France—he advocated the augmentation of the navy of the United States and recommended the law for the suppression of the venality of the press. In the two first points he was impolitic as the head of a party—in the two next he did what all now acknowledge to be right in principle. On the last, he took the wrong method to correct an evil that has caused unceasing trouble from that time to the present—an evil that will ever exist in a government like ours, because, in annihilating this, we should destroy an essential part of our political machinery—a free press. The three last were the strong points seized upon by his opponents, which enabled them to achieve an easy victory. He retired with a good grace on the best of terms with his successful opponent and his own conscience. He supported the policy of Mr. Jefferson towards England and approved of the declaration of war in June 1812. He attributed the opposition of the eastern states to the impolicy of our government in neglecting the navy. He compared them to Achilles, who, in consequence of his being deprived of Briseis, withdrew from the Grecian confederacy. The increase of the navy was a long-nursed theory of his national policy. Had his views been carried out by our country, our nation would now have been mistress of the seas. As it is, we have scarcely armed vessels enough to protect the expanding commerce of our enterprising merchants—a fact that is often tauntingly referred to by Englishmen and has often crimsoned the cheeks of liberal-minded Americans. If all the money that has been expended within the last twenty years in worse than useless legislation and speech-making throughout these United States had been appropriated in building ships of war, our navy would now be larger than that of Great Britain. Add what has gone into the hands of peculators since the formation of our Republic—it would sustain that navy for thirty years. Some of our people have been occasionally a little too free.

Soon after his retirement from the presidential chair, Mr. Adams was solicited to become the governor of his native state, which he declined on account of his advanced age. In 1817 he was placed at the head of the list of presidential electors. In 1820 he was elected president of the convention that revised the constitution that he had written forty years previous. The compliment was duly appreciated by him but his infirmities did not permit him to preside. He imparted much counsel and rendered special aid in the revision. This was the last public act of this great man. Two years before this, the partner of his bosom had gone to her final rest—an affliction most keenly felt by him. She was a Christian—to know was to love her.

Surrounded by friends who delighted to honor him—his country prosperous and happy—enjoying the full fruition of divine grace which had produced the green foliage of piety through a long life—political animosities buried in oblivion—his now frail bark glided smoothly down the stream of time until the fiftieth anniversary of Independence dawned upon our beloved country. On the morning of the 4th of July 1826, an unexpected debility seized him but no one supposed he was standing on the last inch of his time. He was asked for a sentiment to be given for him at the celebration on that day. "Independence forever," burst from his dying lips, which were the last words he ever uttered with a loud and animated voice. He expired about four in the afternoon without a groan, sigh, murmur or apparent pain, with a full assurance of a happy reception in that brighter world where sin and sorrow never interrupt the peaceful joys of the angelic throng.

On the same day and but a few hours previous, the immortal spirit of the illustrious Jefferson had left its tenement of clay, thrown off its mortal coil and returned to Him who gave it. Perhaps these kindred spirits met in mid air and ascended together to an ecstatic meeting with the friends they had loved and lost and whom they should gain, love and never lose.

This unparalleled coincidence in death produced a deep sensation in the United States and in Europe. The simultaneous departure of two of the noblest spirits that ever graced the theatre of human life—illuminating the world with freedom—whose acts had elicited the admiration of all civilized nations—whose mighty deeds will be a theme of praise through all time—was an incident that seemed designed by the great Jehovah to impress their precepts—their examples and their names upon the minds of the human family with all the force of Divinity.

Mr. Adams was a plain man, low in stature, not graceful in his movements—at times rather repulsive. In public he was austere but in the social circle, familiar, pleasing and instructive. He disliked formal ceremony and abhorred pedantry. He admired and exemplified strong common sense. He spoke his sentiments freely and could not have been transformed into a modern technical politician. His open frankness was proverbial. He called it one of his failings. When looking at Stuart's fine paintings, he fixed his eyes upon the portrait of Washington with compressed mouth—then upon his own, with open lips, and facetiously remarked—"Ah! that fellow never could keep his mouth shut." Such a man never can be a popular politician as the writer knows from experience.

The highest eulogy that can be pronounced upon John Adams is the history of his bright and useful career. For more than half a century he served our country ably and faithfully. He continued to impart salutary counsel until the curtain of death closed the scene.

In all the relations of private life he was too pure for the palsying touch of slander. The foulest of all pestiferous atmospheres—party spirit—could not, dare not approach his private character with its damning miasma or impute to his public action an iota of political dishonesty or impurity of motive. If any demagogue dares to contradict this position, let him hear the voice of Jefferson from the tomb—"An honester man than John Adams never issued from the hands of the Creator."

SAMUEL ADAMS.

Many of the sages and heroes of the American Revolution were consistent and devoted Christians—some of them eminent ministers of the gospel of Christ. They all were evidently actuated by motives of purity, prompted by the demands of imperious duty based upon the inalienable rights of man. They had no innate love of military glory aiming only at conquest. Their pilgrim fathers fled front servile oppression—planted the standard of freedom in the new world—spread civilization over our happy land and transmitted the rich behest to their children. With the principles of rational liberty each succeeding generation was made familiar. When tyranny reared its hydra head, the monster was readily recognized. The people were prepared to drive the invading foe from their shores.

Samuel Adams was one of the revolutionary sages who boldly espoused the cause of equal rights. He was born in Boston, Mass. on the 22d of Sept. 1722. His parents were highly respectable. His father was long a member of the Assembly of Massachusetts, from whom this son imbibed those liberal principles which he so fearlessly and successfully vindicated during his subsequent life. In childhood he exhibited a strong inquiring mind—talents of a high order. He was prepared for college by Mr. Lovell. His application to study was close—his progress rapid. His highest pleasure was found in his books. Being naturally sedate, his father placed him in Harvard College, believing him destined for the gospel ministry. In that institution he advanced rapidly in science and in favor. During his whole course he was reproved but once and that for sleeping too late. In conjunction with other studies he had thoroughly investigated theology. The affairs of state had also occupied his mind. When he graduated, he chose for his subject of discussion the following question. "Is it lawful to resist the supreme magistrate if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved?"

His hearers were astonished at the masterly manner he advocated the affirmative of this bold proposition. With enrapturing eloquence and convincing logic, he painted in vivid colors the beauties of that liberty for which he so nobly contended during the Revolution. From that time he became a prominent politician—an advocate of equal rights—a stern opposer of British wrongs.

By rigid economy during his time in college he had saved a sum of money from that allowed him by his father to defray expenses. This first fruit of his pecuniary prudence he sacrificed upon the altar of Liberty. With it he published a pamphlet from his own pen entitled—"The Englishman's Rights." This was one of the entering wedges of the Revolution. It awakened a spirit of inquiry—kindled a flame of opposition to the increasing oppression of the crown. It did great credit to the head and heart of this devoted patriot then dawning into manhood.

Anxious that his son should embark in some business his father placed him in the counting-house of Thomas Cushing, an eminent merchant, that he might be prepared for commercial business. For this sphere nature had not designed him. Political knowledge, international law and the rights of man engrossed his mind. To this end he formed a club of kindred spirits for the purpose of political inquiry and discussion. They furnished political essays for the Independent Advertiser which were so severe in their strictures upon the conduct of the creatures of the crown, that the association obtained the name of "Whipping Post Club." The hirelings of the King treated these essays with derision—upon the people they exerted an influence that prepared them for the approaching crisis. Stamped with plain truth, sound reasoning, uncontroverted facts—they operated upon British power like the sea-worm upon a vessel—silently and slowly but with sure destruction. They contributed largely in perforating each plank of the proud ship of monarchy, then riding over the American colonies, until she sank to rise no more.

After remaining a suitable time with Mr. Cushing, his father furnished him with a liberal capital with which he commenced business. Owing to the pernicious credit system he lost all his stock in trade. By the death of his father he was left, at the age of twenty-five, to take charge of the paternal estate and family. In the discharge of that duty he proved himself competent to manage pecuniary matters. The estate was involved and under attachment—he relieved it entirely from debt. This done he again spent the most of his time in disseminating liberal principles. He was a keen sarcastic writer—analyzed every point at issue between our own and the mother country—exposed the British ministry in their corrupt and corrupting policy and roused the indignation of the populace against their oppressive measures. He was hailed as one of the boldest leaders of the whig party.

No man had examined more closely or understood better the relative situation of Great Britain and her American Colonies. He weighed every circumstance in the scale of reason—based his every action upon the sure foundation of immutable justice. He was not impetuous—appealed to the judgment of his hearers and readers—sought to allay—not to excite the passions of men. He was a friend of order—opposed to sudden bursts of popular fury—to every thing that could produce riotous and tumultuous proceedings. Religion, in its pristine purity, was ever his polar star.

Organized and systematic opposition against the unwarranted encroachments of the crown, emanating from the great majority of the sovereign people was his plan. Petitions, remonstrances—every thing consistent with the dignity of man to be resorted to before an appeal to arms. If this was rebellion it was in a very modified form.

When the offensive Stamp Act was proclaimed he exposed its odious features with unsurpassed severity and boldness. When the climax of oppression was capped by the imposition of taxes upon articles of daily consumption he believed forbearance no longer a virtue and openly advocated resistance as an imperious duly. He demonstrated fully that Great Britain had violated the constitution. Americans had vainly claimed protection under its banner—its sacred covering was rudely snatched from over them—they were left exposed to foreign officers who were drawing them closer and more effectually within the coils of tyranny. To be slaves or freemen was the question.

Being a member of the assembly and clerk of the house, Mr. Adams exercised an extensive and salutary influence. With great zeal he united prudence and discretion. From 1765, to the time he took his seat in congress he was a member of the state assembly. He had exerted the noblest powers of his mind to prepare the people for the approaching storm and had kindled a flame of patriotic fire that increased in volume as time rolled on. He was the first man who proposed the non-importation act—the committees of correspondence and the congress that assembled at Philadelphia in 1774. He corresponded with the eminent patriots of the middle and southern states and contributed largely in producing unity of sentiment and concert of action in the glorious cause of liberty throughout the colonies. Over his own constituents his influence was complete. At the sound of his voice the fury of a Boston mob would cease. He could lead it at pleasure with a single hair. The people know well he would maintain what was clearly right and willingly submit to nothing clearly wrong.

When the affray occurred on the 5th of March, 1770, between the British soldiers and citizens, the influence of Samuel Adams prevented the further effusion of blood after the populace had become roused and were on the point of avenging the death of their friends who had just fallen. He obtained the immediate attention of the assembled enraged multitude—proposed the appointment of a committee to wait on the governor and request the immediate removal of the troops. His plan was approved—a committee appointed of which he was chairman. The governor at first refused to grant the request. The chairman met all his objections fearlessly—confuted them triumphantly and told him plainly that an immediate compliance with the wishes of the people would alone prevent disastrous consequences and that he would be held responsible for the further waste of human life. The governor finally yielded.

Mr. Adams was one day surprised by a message from Gov. Gage communicated through Col. Fenton, offering him what modern truckling politicians would call a great inducement to change and in case he refused, to inform him he would be arrested and sent beyond the seas there to be tried for high treason. To the last part of the message he listened with most attention and asked Col. Fenton if he would truly deliver his answer. Receiving an affirmative assurance Mr. Adams rose from his chair, assumed an air of withering contempt and said—"I trust I have long since made my peace with the King of Kings. No personal consideration shall induce me to abandon the righteous cause of my country. Tell Gov. Gage it is the advice of Samuel Adams to him—no longer to exasperate the feelings of an insulted people." This reply roused the ire of the royal governor and when he subsequently issued a proclamation offering a free pardon to those rebels who would return to what he termed their duty he expected Samuel Adams and John Hancock—the highest compliment within his power to bestow on the two patriots. They received this mark of distinction as a special commission from the throne directing their future course—a royal diploma of liberty that left them as free as mountain air in their future action.

No bribe could seduce—no threat divert Mr. Adams from the path of duty. He placed his trust in the Rock of Ages—enjoyed the rich consolations of an approving conscience—the unlimited confidence of his friends, the approbation of every patriot. These were more dearly prized by him than all the dazzling honors of kings and potentates. He became an object of vengeance and was the immediate cause of the memorable battle at Lexington on the 19th of April 1775—the troops sent being in pursuit of him and John Hancock. Apprised of their mission Gen. Joseph Warren sent an express late in the evening to the two patriots warning them of approaching danger. In a few minutes after they had left, the British troops entered the house which they had just emerged from. In a few ominous hours the crimson curtain rose—the revolutionary tragedy commenced. The last maternal cord was severed—the great seal of the original compact was broken—the covenants of the two parties were cancelled in blood.

Mr. Adams remained in the neighborhood during the night. The next morning, as the sun rose without an intervening cloud, he remarked to a friend, "This is a glorious day for America." He viewed the sacrifice as an earnest of ultimate success and future blessings.

To rouse the people to action now became the sole business of this devoted friend of his bleeding country. The grand signal for action had been given—the tocsin of war had been sounded—the requiem of battle had been sung—its soul-stirring notes had been wafted far and wide on the wings of wind and were responded to by millions of patriotic hearts.

Mr. Adams mourned deeply the death of his friends, the martyrs of that tragical but auspicious day. He knew well that martyrs must be sacrificed and that the funeral knell of those who had just fallen would shake British colonial power to its very centre. He believed their blood would cry to Heaven for vengeance and incite the hardy sons of Columbia's soil to vigorous and triumphant action. The event added new strength to his propulsive powers and doubly nerved him to meet the fiery trials in reserve for him. As dangers increased he became more urgent for the people to maintain their rights. As the wrath of his enemies waxed hotter he was more highly appreciated by the people and was uniformly styled—Samuel Adams the Patriot. His fame and influence strengthened under persecution, his friends were animated by his counsels, his foes were astounded and chagrined at the boldness of his onward career. In the Assembly he effected the passage of a series of resolutions deemed treasonable by the royal governor.

In the Congress of 1776 he was among the first to advocate the Declaration of Independence—contending that it should have followed immediately after the battle of Lexington. In all his debates he was earnest and zealous but not rash—ardent and decisive but wise and judicious. When the Declaration of Rights was adopted he affixed his name to that important instrument without the least hesitation although he stood proscribed by the royal power.

During the darkest periods of the Revolution he was calm and cheerful and did much to reanimate the desponding. In 1777 when Congress was obliged to fly to Lancaster and a dismal gloom hung over the cause of the patriots like a mantle of darkness several of the members were in company with Mr. Adams lamenting the disasters of the American arms, concluding that the chances for success were desperate. Mr. Adams promptly replied—"If this be our language, they are so indeed. If we wear long faces they will become fashionable. Let us banish such feelings and show a spirit that will keep alive the confidence of the people. Better tidings will soon arrive. Our cause is just and righteous. We shall never be abandoned by Heaven while we show ourselves worthy of its aid and protection." At that time there were but twenty-eight members in Congress. Mr. Adams said—"It was the smallest but truest Congress they ever had."

Soon after that dark period the surrender of Burgoyne was announced which proved a panacea for long faces and put a new aspect upon the cause of Liberty. Many recovered from a relapsed state—hearts beat more freely, courage revived from a typhoid stupor—the anchor of hope held the ship of state more firmly to her moorings.

The arrival of Lord Howe and Mr. Eden with what they termed the olive branch of peace from Lord North, added to the excitement. Mr. Adams was one of the committee to meet these high functionaries. On examining the terms proposed, the committee found that the proposed olive branch had been plucked from the Bohun Upas of an overbearing and corrupt ministry and promptly replied through Mr. Adams—"Congress will attend to no terms of peace that are inconsistent with the honor of an independent nation." This reply was as unexpected to the royal messengers as it was laconic and patriotic. The grand Rubicon had been passed—the galling chains had been thrown off—the Sodom of British power was doomed and nothing could induce the sages and heroes of '76 to look back or tarry on the plain of monarchy. Lord Howe and his colleague had permission to return—report progress of locomotion and walk again. Mr. Adams continued one of the strong pillars in the rising temple of liberty until the superstructure was completed—recognized and approved by the mother country and all Europe.

In 1787 he was a member of the convention of Massachusetts convened to act upon the Federal Constitution. He did not fully approve of some of its provisions but avoided opposition believing it to be the best policy to adopt it, subject to future amendments. He was most particularly opposed to the article rendering the states amenable to the national courts. He submitted sundry amendments that were adopted by the convention and submitted with the Constitution for the future consideration of Congress, some of which have since been adopted.

From 1789 to '94, Mr. Adams was lieutenant-governor of his native state and from that time to '97, was governor. He performed the executive duties with great ability and contributed largely in raising the commonwealth to a flourishing and dignified condition. He watched over all her interests with parental care—viewed her rising greatness with an honest pride. He had seen her sons writhing under the lash of oppression and their bones bleaching in the field. He now beheld the people independent, prosperous, virtuous and happy. He could now be gathered peacefully to his fathers when his time should arrive to depart. Age and infirmity compelled him to retire from the great theatre of public life where he had been so long conspicuous. His health continued to fail sensibly with each returning autumn. On the 3d of October 1803, his immortal spirit left its mansion of clay—soared aloft on the wings of faith to mansions of bliss beyond the skies. He died rejoicing in the merits of his immaculate Redeemer who had given him the victory. He had fought the good fight of faith as well as that of Liberty and felt a full assurance of receiving a crown of glory at the hands of King Immanuel.

Amidst all the turmoils of political and revolutionary strife Mr. Adams never neglected religious duty. When at home he was faithful to the family altar and uniformly attended public worship when practicable. He was a consistent every day Christian—free from bigotry and fanaticism—not subject to sudden expansions and contractions of mind—rather puritanical in his views yet charitable in his feelings and opposed to censuring any one for the sake of opinion. He adorned his profession by purity of conduct at all times.

Mr. Adams was of middle size, well formed, with a countenance full of intelligence indicating firmness of purpose and energy of action. As a public man and private citizen he was highly esteemed and richly earned a place in the front rank of the American patriots. He placed a low value upon wealth—died poor but not the less esteemed for his poverty which was then no crime. He placed a high value upon common school education and properly estimated the higher branches of science. General intelligence among the great mass he considered the strongest bulwark to preserve our independence.

As a writer Mr. Adams had few equals. His answer to Thomas Paine's writings against Christianity is probably superior to that of any other author. His few letters on government published in 1800, show a clear head, a good heart and a gigantic mind.

As an orator he was eloquent, chaste, logical—rising with the magnitude of his subject. He always spoke to the point—addressing the understanding—not the passions.

His manners were urbane, unaffected and plain—his mode of living frugal and temperate—his attachments strong—his whole life a golden chain of usefulness. Let his examples be imitated by all—then our UNION will be preserved from the iron grasp of ambitious partisans—the snares of designing demagogues—the whirlpool of blind fanaticism—the tornado of party spirit. Let these examples be discarded—our Union will prove a mere rope of sand—the temple of our Liberty will crumble and moulder in the dust with Samuel Adams. O! think of this disorganizers and tremble!

BENEDICT ARNOLD.

Cause is treated with cold neglect by a large portion of the human family. All gaze at effect—but few trace it to its producing original. Especially is this true with men in forming opinions of the conduct of their fellow-men. Petty errors are construed into crimes—petty crimes into felonies. Often have I known this to be the case in sectarian churches where charity was loudly professed but sparingly practised. The causes that operated upon the erring brother may have been extenuating but are not examined. Away with him is the simultaneous cry. Kindness might have reclaimed and saved him. Too rarely are extenuating causes sought for—too partially are they credited when brought to light. But a limited number stop to analyze human nature—divest themselves of prejudice and become competent to pass an intelligent, impartial judgment upon the conduct of others. They do not inquire how formidable a force of temptation they could vanquish if attacked by the arch enemies of ethics and Christianity. They can never fully know their own strength in morals until they measure arms with the foe. In the balmy days of prosperity a man may act justly in all things and be the censor of others. Reverses may drive this same man into great error—perhaps crime. Keen adversity is a crucible from which but few emerge like gold seven times tried. Charity is the specific to ameliorate these evils but too cheap to obtain a wide circulation. Abstruse dogmas cost more labour and by many are more highly prized.

There are crimes so flagrant that no extenuating circumstances can form a legal excuse—crimes that blight like the sirocco—crimes so dark that they hide the noblest deeds—the most brilliant talents—the most towering genius—consigning the perpetrator to lasting disgrace—enduring infamy. Treason stands high on the black catalogue. But one traitor was found among the disciples of Christ—but one was found among the sages and heroes of the American Revolution. That traitor was Benedict Arnold, a Major General in the army of the illustrious Washington.

He was a native of New London, Connecticut. At the commencement of the struggle for liberty he resided at New Haven and was captain of a volunteer company. When the hoarse clarion of war was sounded on the heights of Lexington he was among the first to march his company to the American headquarters at Cambridge where he arrived in ten days after that painful event.

The Massachusetts authorities conferred upon him the commission of Colonel with directions to raise 400 men and make an attempt to capture Ticonderoga. He repaired to Castleton, Vermont, where he met Col. Allen. On the 10th of May, 1775, this fortress surrendered at discretion. On the 6th of September of that year he commenced his march for Canada through the dense forest with 1000 men from New England consisting of infantry, one company of artillery and three companies of riflemen. A portion of his troops were obliged to return for want of provision to sustain them all, through the wilderness. The balance endured the severest hardships on the march and arrived at Point Levi opposite Quebec at the end of six weeks. But from the fact that Arnold had sent a letter forward to a friend by an Indian who betrayed his trust by giving information of the approaching troops it is believed Quebec would have been easily captured. To prevent this all means of crossing the river had been removed and the fortifications put under rapid improvement. It was not until the night of the 14th of October that he led his little band of 700 men up the heights that had been surmounted by Wolfe and formed them near the memorable plains of Abraham. The city had become so well fortified that the summons to surrender was treated with contempt. To attack with so small a force would be a reckless waste of human life. In a few days he marched to Point aux Trembles twenty miles above Quebec to await the coming of Gen. Montgomery who arrived on the first day of December. A siege upon the city was immediately commenced which was successfully resisted. On the morning of the 31st of that month a simultaneous assault was made on two sides of the city in which Montgomery was killed and Arnold severely wounded in the leg. Officers and men behaved with great gallantry. No other assault was attempted—the blockade was continued to May 1776. On the 18th of June Arnold withdrew from Canada. He subsequently commanded the small fleet on Lake Champlain and exhibited great skill and bravery.

In August, 1777, he relieved Fort Schuyler, then besieged by Col. St. Leger with, an army of near 1800 men. At the battle near Stillwater on the 19th September he fought like a tiger for four hours. After the British had been driven within their lines in the action of the 8th of October, Arnold pressed forward under a destructive fire and assaulted their works, forced their entrenchments and entered their lines with a handful of desperate followers and only retreated upon his horse being killed and himself severely wounded again in his unfortunate leg. For desperate bravery on the field of battle he had no superior. He seemed enchanted with danger and infatuated with military glory. But this was not his ruling passion. He was licentious, voluptuous, amorous and epicurean. The want of means to fully pamper these ruinous propensities, which had destroyed all sense of moral rectitude—solves the problem of his treason.

Being disqualified by his wounds for field service he was put in command of the garrison at Philadelphia. He made the house of Gov. Penn his headquarters which he furnished in princely style and commenced a course of extravagant living and equipage far beyond his salary. To raise funds he laid violent hands upon all property belonging to those who did not enter fully into the cause of the patriots. He oppressed, extorted, used public money and properly for private purposes and made his public accounts more than duplicate. He rushed into unsuccessful trading speculations and made himself amenable to a series of grave charges and was summoned to appear before the commissioners of accounts who rejected more than half the amount of his charges against government. He appealed to Congress whose committee confirmed the report of the commissioners with the remark that Arnold had been allowed too much. So violent was his language and conduct towards his superiors that he was arraigned before a court-martial and sentenced to be reprimanded by Washington. This sentence was sanctioned by Congress and promptly executed. His mortification had now reached its zenith. He was bankrupt in means—his reputation wounded—his pride lacerated. He became surcharged with fell revenge—treason was the best panacea for that dark passion. He was quick to see that West Point would command the most money and inflict the deepest wound upon the cause of liberty. He suddenly professed deep repentance and applied to the New York delegation in Congress to obtain for him the command of that important post. Through Gen. Schuyler the same application was made to Washington who was anxious to have his services in the field but willing to comply with his wishes. Early in August, 1779, Arnold repaired to the camp of Washington and made the application in person without apparent anxiety, stating that his wounds disqualified him for field service. With full confidence in his fidelity he received the desired command.

It has been intimated by some writers that the plan of treason was suggested to Arnold by an English courtesan with whom he was intimate. It is true that he wrote to Col. Robinson of the British army upon the subject before he applied for the command. That letter opened to him a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton who sanctioned the project and probably fixed the price of the base deed. On the conclusion of these preliminaries the traitor solicited the appointment he received. He repaired to the garrison at West Point and opened an ostensible mercantile correspondence with Major Andre the British agent to consummate the nefarious plot. The names assumed were Gustavus and Anderson. For convenience of escape the British sloop of war Vulture was moved up the river at a distance not to excite suspicion. An interview was arranged for the night of September 21, 1780. Andre was landed below the garrison under a pass for John Anderson. Arnold received him at the house of a Mr. Smith within the American lines in violation of his sacred promise not to do so to avoid the penalty of a spy—showing the reckless daring of the traitor. The sun rose upon them before their plans of operation were completed. Andre remained with Arnold during the day. When ready to leave in the evening it was found the Vulture had been compelled to move too far down the river for him to reach her with a boat. He exchanged his regimentals for a plain suit—received a pass from Arnold and proceeded by land for New York. On the 23d he had proceeded so far that he felt perfectly secure when one of a militia scout suddenly seized the reins of his bridle and brought him to a stand. Instead of producing his pass he asked the man where he belonged. He answered—"below." "So do I" was the response and declared himself an English officer on urgent business and wished not to be detained. At that moment two others of the scout came up when the spy discovered his true position. He offered a purse of gold and his gold watch to let him pass. To those patriot soldiers the offer was an insult. He then offered them any amount they would name in money or dry goods, with himself as a hostage until the amount should be received. Fortunately for the cause of freedom, British gold could not purchase these honest men in humble life. They had met the tempter and had moral courage to repel all his assaults. Their virtue paralyzed the treason of the only traitor in the American army. Let their names be handed down to posterity with profound veneration. John Paulding, David Williams and Isaac Vanwert secured Andre and foiled Arnold. Williams lived respected and died regretted in my native neighborhood. Often have I heard him relate the minute circumstances of that important capture. He claimed to be the one who first arrested the spy. These three men proceeded to examine their prisoner and found concealed in his boots an exact account of the garrison at West Point in detail in the handwriting of Arnold. They took him to Lieut. Col. Jameson who commanded the scouting parties. Anxious to save the traitor, he persisted in the character assumed and shrewdly asked that Arnold should be informed that Anderson was taken, who would explain and make every thing satisfactory. The ruse succeeded—an express was sent to the garrison which enabled Arnold to escape on board the Vulture on the 25th of September, a few hours only before Gen. Washington reached West Point. He proceeded to Sir Henry Clinton at New York where he received $50,000 and the commission of brigadier general in the British army—the price of his base treachery. Although the foul transaction was tolerated by the English government, all honorable men in England detested the traitor and his treason. This was frequently manifested after his location in that country at the close of the Revolution. Lord Lauderdale expressed his disgust on seeing Arnold seated on the right hand of the king and exclaimed—"His majesty is supported by a traitor." Lord Surry rose to speak in the House of Commons and on perceiving the traitor in the gallery sat down and exclaimed—"I will not speak while that man is in the House." In addition to the money paid and the disgrace of associating with this vile man—the British army lost one of its brightest ornaments in the death of Maj. Andre. Contrary to his sacred pledge Arnold made him a spy by taking him within the American lines. He was tried, convicted and hung. Washington would gladly have warded off the dreadful sentence could he have found any excuse for doing so. The law demanded the sacrifice—it was made from the necessity of the case.

The news of Arnold's treason created surprise and indignation among the people of his native country. At Philadelphia his effigy was made large as life and drawn through the streets at night in a cart with a figure of the devil at his side holding a lighted lantern to his face and the inscription in large capitals—TRAITOR ARNOLD. The cart was followed by a dense crowd with martial music playing the rogue's march. The principal being absent the representative was hung and then burnt. Arnold had become so hardened by a long indulgence in improper practices that he was apparently steeled against all reflection upon the past. Soon after he commenced his murderous career in the British service, Washington remarked of him in a private letter-"I am mistaken, if, at this time Arnold is undergoing a mental hell. He wants feeling. From some traits of his character which have lately come to my knowledge, he seems to have been so hackneyed in crime—so lost to all sense of honor and shame, that while his faculties still enable him to continue his sordid pursuits there will be no time for remorse." An ingenious, bold but unsuccessful attempt was made to abduct him from New York before the execution of the unfortunate Andre. He made a hair-breadth escape.

The baseness of Arnold's treason was increased in blackness by his subsequent conduct. He had the assurance to write to Washington the day he escaped on board the Vulture, stating that he was acting for the good of his country and requesting the commander-in-chief to protect his wife and pass her and his baggage to him. Mrs. Arnold was immediately forwarded to New York with her effects and those of her husband. Arnold professed to his new companions in arms to be radically changed to a staunch loyalist. The Declaration of Independence he declared a treasonable paper—its authors a company of ambitious rebels seeking power to enslave the people. He wrote a threatening letter to Washington relative to the execution of Andre and assured him of a fearful retaliation unless a reprieve was granted. He published an address to the people of America fully justifying his treasonable conduct. He then issued an artful tirade of insulting sophistry for the purpose of inducing others to plunge into the same quagmire of disgrace with himself—calling it a proclamation with the following caption. "To the officers and soldiers of the Continental army who have the real interests of their country at heart and who are determined no longer to be the tools and dupes of Congress or of France."

All his vile paper demonstrations deepened his infamy, increasing the boiling indignation of the American people without inducing a single one to desert the cause of his country. To do this was a part of the consideration of the Arnold purchase. Sir Henry Clinton was deceived by the traitor and egregiously mistaken in the stern integrity of the patriots. Finding his Proteus brigadier powerless over the minds of his former companions, Sir Henry deducted $100,000 from the $150,000 which was the stipulated price for West Point and the traitor and despatched him to Virginia to act upon the persons and property of the obstinate rebels. In January 1781 Arnold entered Chesapeake Bay with a protecting naval force and landed with about 1700 men. His cruelties, ravages and plunders along the unprotected coast could not be surpassed by a band of practised pirates. Revenge seemed to be the motive power of his action. During one of his predatory excursions he captured an American captain of whom he inquired what the Americans would do with him if he fell into their hands, to which the officer replied—"If my countrymen should catch you I believe they would first cut off that lame leg which was wounded in the cause of freedom and bury it with the honors of war and afterwards hang the remainder of your body in gibbets."

After returning from Virginia he was sent on an expedition against New London where he first breathed the vital air. He landed his troops in two detachments—one on each side of the harbor. He led one against Fort Trumbull which could make but a feeble resistance. Fort Griswold made a spirited defence against the other division commanded by Lieut. Col. Eyre but was compelled to yield to an overwhelming force. When the Americans surrendered but seven men had been killed within the lines—after the surrender a murderous slaughter was commenced by the British and about 100 killed and wounded. On entering the fort an English officer inquired who commanded the garrison. Col. Ledyard presented his sword and answered—"I did—but you do now." His sword was taken by the officer and immediately plunged through his heart. In the attack the enemy had 48 killed and 145 wounded. Arnold commenced his favorite work of plunder—loaded and sent away 15 vessels mostly freighted with private property—fired the place and reduced 60 dwelling-houses and 84 stores to ashes and in his haste four of his own ships were burned. He completed this work of destruction and was absent from New York only eight days. Such expeditions afforded the richest aliment for the black heart of this traitor. He continued the scavenger of the British army to the close of the war and then removed to London where he died in 1801. To the lasting disgrace of the British government Arnold received a liberal pension to the time of his death which is continued to his descendants and is frequently complained of by the British press.

With the blackness of eternal disgrace resting upon his character this traitor has had apologists among American writers. They attribute his treason to a want of liberality on the part of our government. I have said the want of means to give full scope to his sordid passions was the cause. A want of liberality does not appear upon the record. He was allowed more than justice demanded—more than other officers under like circumstances. He was unsound at the core—void of moral rectitude—was proved dishonest before the commissioners of accounts—the committee of Congress and the court-martial. His name should then have been erased from the roll of officers regardless of consequences. That would have saved him from the treason he perpetrated—the accomplished Andre from the scaffold and thousands from the ravages subsequently committed by the reckless traitor. All apologies for Arnold are sophisms. His name is stamped with a lasting infamy that blots out the noble deeds that preceded his Lucifer-fall.

JOSHUA BARNEY.

The navy of a nation is justly termed the right arm of its strength. The life of a mariner is full of romance—often spiced with thrilling events—sometimes fraught with danger. The sons of the main are a hardy, noble, generous, bold class of men. None but those who have rode upon the green mountain waves of old ocean when lashed to a foaming fury by mighty wind, can fully appreciate the perilous service of a seaman.

The importance of increasing our navy is felt but by a few of our legislators and not urged by them. Americans are the favorite sons of Neptune. With shamefully limited means they have fought their way to the temple of fame. With a maritime force far inferior to the resources and magnitude of our prosperous and expansive country—far inferior to that of the enemy whom they met and conquered—they have snatched the laurels of victory from the mistress of the seas and placed them upon their own manly brows. Had our government been as forward in providing ships of war as our naval officers and noble tars have been in courting danger, shedding their blood and sacrificing life in defence of the star spangled banner—the combined forces of the old world would dread our power more than they now respect our flag. By an equal force our seamen cannot be conquered. History points to a long list of heroes—sons of America—who have carved their names as high on the temple of fame as Sidney and Nelson.

Among them is that of Joshua Barney—born in Baltimore, Maryland on the 6th day of July 1759. His father was a respectable farmer cultivating the soil now within the city limits. His son was sent to a common school until he was ten years of age and was then placed in a retail dry goods store at Alexandria. In 1771 he revealed to his parents his long nursed vision of a seaman's life. Reluctantly his father obtained for him a place on board a pilot boat commanded by an intimate friend. After a few months service he was apprenticed to Capt. Drisdall whose brig was bound to Ireland. After a long and rough passage the vessel reached the cove of Cork. From thence the Captain proceeded to Liverpool where he sold his cargo and brig. Young Barney returned home by the way of Dublin. Soon after his arrival his father was killed by the accidental discharge of a pistol in the hands of a young son but seven years of age. Joshua subsequently made a voyage to Cadiz and Genoa. In 1775 he sailed to Italy. On arriving there the mate was discharged, the captain taken sick which put Barney in command of the ship. He was not then sixteen years of age.

In July of that year he joined an unsuccessful Spanish expedition against Algiers. In October 1776 he arrived in Chesapeake Bay where he was boarded by the officers of the British sloop of war King Fisher and plundered of all his letters and arms. He there first received intelligence of the battle of Bunker Hill. He was at length permitted to proceed to Baltimore where his vessel was laid up. He had been her captain eight months—had passed through many perils with courage and skill that would have done credit to a man ripe in years and experience. He had earned the fame of a skilful navigator and judicious commander. He was not long in choosing whom he should serve for the future. He was born a patriot. The fire of liberty illuminated his soul. Freedom pointed him to the service of his beloved country. He was appointed master's mate on the sloop of war Hornet under Capt. Stone. Com. Hopkins presented him with a flag which he mounted on a staff—obtained martial music—beat up for volunteers and in one day raised a full complement of men for the sloop. He was the first one who unfurled the star spangled banner in Maryland.

In November the Hornet and Wasp sailed for the Delaware to join Com. Hopkins. The British fleet was in Hampton Roads to intercept them but could not bag the game. On their arrival the fleet of the Commodore consisted of two small frigates, two brigs and four sloops. With this infant navy just bursting into life he sailed for the Bahama Island New Providence—took the fort without opposition—secured the military stores—treated the people and private property with due respect and returned safely to the Delaware with his booty. Soon after his return Barney was stationed on board the Wasp under Capt. Alexander who was ordered to conduct the ship beyond the capes that conveyed Benjamin Franklin to France. On its return the Wasp was closely pursued by two British ships carrying 72 guns and escaped by running into Wilmington creek. The next morning Com. Hazelwood went down from Philadelphia with several row gallies and boldly attacked the Englishmen which enabled the Wasp to come out and take part in the action. This little schooner stung the British brig Tender so severely that she surrendered in a short time and was immediately taken to the Jersey shore. On his return to join the games amidst a dense fog, Capt. Alexander came in close contact with the fleet of the enemy. He met with a warm reception and returned the salutation promptly and effectually. After an exchange of the most impressive compliments he returned to the gallies. A brisk fire was kept up during the day which convinced the creatures of the crown that the infant navy was not to be trifled with. During the action young Barney went on board another vessel that was not fully manned. His bold and noble daring on that occasion elevated him in the esteem of his superiors and companions in arms. Robert Morris, then President of the Marine Committee, presented him with a lieutenant's commission and put him in command of the sloop of war Sachem. He was then but seventeen years of age. Shortly after receiving his commission Lieut. Barney participated with Capt. Robinson in a severe action of two hours which resulted in the capture of an English brig. A large sea turtle, designed as a present to Lord North, was one of the delicacies of the prize. It was presented to Robert Morris. In a few days after his return Lieut. Barney spread the canvas of his little craft in company with the Andrew Dorin with fourteen guns and the Lexington—all under the command of Capt. Barry and sailed for the West Indies. On their return they fell in with the British sloop of war Race Horse—tender to Admiral Parker's fleet, which he had sent out from Jamaica on purpose to capture these American "small craft." After a sanguinary action of two hours the English nag was cut in pieces, distanced and surrendered at discretion. Shortly after that brilliant victory the British sloop of war Snow was captured and Lieut. Barney placed on board as prize-master. He was overtaken by a gale that threatened to land all hands in Davy Jones' locker—was badly crippled and captured by the Perseus of twenty guns. During the passage young Barney was insulted by the purser of the Perseus and knocked him down the hatchway for which he was commended by the British captain. On their arrival at Charleston an exchange of prisoners took place which enabled Lieut. Barney to return to Philadelphia with fresh laurels on his youthful brow.

In the spring of 1777 he joined the squadron for the defence of the Delaware composed of the Delaware—32 guns—the Sachem, Andrew Dorin and several smaller vessels—all under the command of Com. Hazelwood. They were stationed near Fort Mifflin and bravely maintained their position until the next autumn when the little fleet and fort were compelled to yield to a superior force. Lieut. Barney was then ordered on board the frigate Virginia at Baltimore commanded by Capt. Nicholson. In an attempt to run her to sea at night the pilot brought up on the opposite shore where she and her crew fell an easy prey to the enemy. In August the ensuing year Lieut. Barney was exchanged—proceeded to Baltimore—took command of a small schooner with two guns and eight men and was again captured in an attempt to run out of Chesapeake Bay. He was soon exchanged and joined his old friend Capt. Robinson at Alexandria on board a vessel with 12 guns, 35 men and but a small supply of ammunition. On the third evening after leaving port they fell in with the British privateer Rosebud—fully manned and eager for action. A running fight was continued during the night. Daylight revealed a rapid opening and expansion of the Rosebud—she hauled off with 47 of her men killed and wounded. Capt. Robinson had none killed and but one man wounded. He then sailed to Bordeaux—mounted eighteen guns—shipped 70 men—took in a cargo of brandy and sailed for home. On his way he captured a valuable prize—placed it in charge of Lieut. Barney who arrived with it at Philadelphia in October 1779. He was received with great enthusiasm and applause. Lavished praises did not inflame his youthful mind. Vanity had no resting-place in his noble soul. Pomp and parade had no charms for him. He bore his prosperity with the calm dignity of a Socrates. He steered clear of the alluring quicksands of vice—the rocks of sinful pleasure on which many young men founder and are lost forever. His manly conduct gained the esteem of the great and good—his fame was based on substantial merit. Familiarity with scenes of blood and carnage—the rage of battle and the clash of arms did not enervate the exalted powers of his refined sympathies and softer passions. These were commingled with those of an accomplished daughter of Alderman Bedford of Philadelphia and were consolidated in one at the hymeneal altar before he left the city of brotherly love. After basking in the rays of the honey-moon for a few days he proceeded to Baltimore. On the way his money was stolen from the box of his carriage where he thought it more safe than in his pocket. He returned to Philadelphia—concealed his loss—went to sea in the Saratoga of 16 guns under Capt. Young.

Their first prize was a vessel carrying 12 guns. In a short time they came in contact with an English ship mounting 32 guns with 90 men accompanied by two brigs. Under the disguise of British colors Capt. Young ran alongside the ship. In a few brief moments the star spangled banner was floating in the breeze upon the three English vessels. Lieutenant Barney was put in charge of one of them. Becoming separated from the others he was captured by the seventy-four Intrepid commanded by Capt. Malloy and treated with great cruelty. On arriving at New York Lieut. Barney and 70 other prisoners were placed on board the ship of war Yarmouth by Admiral Rodney. They were confined under five decks in a dark filthy apartment but three feet between floors—twelve feet by twenty in area and ordered to England. They were 53 days performing the passage. Eleven of the prisoners died on the way—the survivors were scarcely able to walk. They were covered with vermin and when landed could not bear the light for some time. They were sent to Mill prison where they found nearly three hundred of their fellow-countrymen sharing the same tender mercies with themselves. Soon after this new accession of rebels preparations for escape were discovered. Lieut. Barney was suspected—loaded with heavy irons and thrown into a dungeon for thirty days. By the assistance of a soldier he made his escape from prison on the 18th of May 1781—was discovered and remanded. In a second attempt he succeeded—visited Bristol, London, Amsterdam, Rotterdam and the Hague. He reached Philadelphia in March 1782 amidst the heart-felt congratulations of his family and numerous friends. His sufferings had been aggravated and heart-rending. He had almost tasted death. The barbarous treatment of the American prisoners on board the English prison-ships is without a parallel. It has left a stigma on the Christian escutcheon of the British nation that time or angels' tears can never expunge—a foul blot, lasting as the pages of history. My strong language may be excused when I inform the reader that one out of eight of my patriot uncles was literally suffocated and starved to death on one of those ships in the port of New York. Were I to draw a full picture of the demoniac cruelties heaped upon the American prisoners in the loathsome dungeons of these floating Pandemoniums—a horror too painful to be borne would oppress the aching heart of the reader.

As a manifestation of the high value placed upon the services of young Barney, the State of Pennsylvania presented him with a captaincy and placed him in command of the Hyder Ally of 16 guns with 110 men. In a few days he proceeded down the Delaware as a convoy. On the 8th of April 1782 he was anchored in Cape May road waiting for a move favorable wind. At 10 A. M. he discovered four vessels making all sail towards him. On nearing they proved to be a British frigate, ship, brig and sloop of war. About noon the frigate made for Cape Henlopen channel—the other vessels steering for Cape May. Capt. Barney weighed anchor and sailed up the bay to elude pursuit. At 1 P. M. the ship and brig came into the bay by Cape May channel—the frigate coming round under Cape Henlopen. The following account of the action is from a gentleman who was a volunteer on board the Hyder Ally.

"At one P. M. prepared for action—all hands to quarters. At three quarters past one the brig passed us after giving us two fires. We reserved our fire for the ship then fast coming up. We received very little, damage from the brig which stood after our convoy. She mounted 16 guns and was formerly the Fair American privateer commanded by Capt. Decatur and equal to us in force. At 2 P. M. the ship ranged upon our starboard quarter and fired two guns at us. We were then at good pistol shot. We attempted to run her on board by laying her across the starboard bow—at the same time poured in our broadside from great guns and small arms. Our fire was briskly kept up for twenty-six minutes when she struck her colors. Immediately sent our first lieutenant on board and stood up the bay—the frigate being in chase under all sail and the brig ahead in pursuit of our convoy. We again prepared for action and stood for the brig. On perceiving this she tacked for the frigate and got aground. We were obliged to pass her as the frigate was gaining upon us. At 4 P. M. the frigate came to anchor in the bay—as we supposed for want of a pilot. We then spoke the prize for the first time and learned that she was his majesty's ship Gen. Monk—Capt. Rodgers—with 20 nine-pounders—136 men of whom 30 were killed and 53 wounded, including 15 out of 16 officers." The Hyder Ally had four killed and eleven wounded—mounted 12 six and 4 nine-pounders—a little more than half the weight of metal carried by the Gen. Monk—with a crew of 110 men and 5 volunteers who went on board as a matter of recreation. Capt. Barney proceeded to Philadelphia with his prize—treating his conquered foe with great kindness, soaring above retaliation for the recent base treatment he had received when a prisoner.

On his arrival at Philadelphia the welkin rang with plaudits of praise from the multitude who hailed him as one of the deliverers of their oppressed country. For his gallantry the legislature of Pennsylvania voted him a splendid sword which was presented to him by the governor with appropriate ceremonies. The General Monk was purchased by the U. S. government—fitted for a cruise and placed in command of Capt. Barney. He sailed for Paris in November of that year with despatches to Benjamin Franklin. His naval fame had preceded him in France and prepared the way for an enthusiastic reception at her proud metropolis. On his return he brought the loan that had been obtained by Franklin for the United States. That voyage closed his useful, adventurous, brilliant revolutionary career.

Subsequent to the revolution Capt. Barney purchased a tract of land in Kentucky for the purpose of a permanent residence. During 1786-7-8 he travelled through the West, the Carolinas and Georgia. He was a strong advocate of the Federal Constitution and freely expressed his views on all proper occasions. In 1789 he was in poor health and joined with another gentleman in the purchase of a brig. They sailed to Carthagena, South America and returned by the way of Havana. In 1792 he was at Cape Francois when the town was burned. Being on shore he was compelled to fight his way to his ship and brought off with him about sixty distressed women and children. On his return he was captured by an English privateer and all his crew taken from him except his carpenter, boatswain and cook. Three officers and eleven men were put in charge of the prize and ordered to New Providence. Capt. Barney was treated with cruelty because he refused to surrender the keys of his iron chest. Having secreted several loaded guns he and his three men retook the vessel, wounding two of the officers and compelling the Englishmen to work the ship into Baltimore. The little sleep Capt. Barney obtained up to the time his craft was moored at the monumental city was in his arm-chair on the quarter-deck. The next year he repeated his visit to Cape Francois and on his way home was captured by a British privateer—taken to Jamaica—his ship condemned and he confined in prison. It was acts like this that hastened the war of 1812. In 1794 Capt. Barney was again restored to his family. In company with James Monroe he visited the transient Republic of France in 1795 and was the bearer of the star spangled banner to the French convention. So delighted were the members with the veteran captain that they proffered him a command in their navy. The ensuing year he accepted the offer and arrived at Norfolk with two frigates where he was a long time blockaded by a British squadron. He offered to measure skill with an equal force which was prudently refused. In 1800 he surrendered his command without having had an action with the enemy. In 1805 he declined the offered command of the Navy Yard at Washington. In 1806-8 he was an unsuccessful candidate for Congress—the interests of party having become paramount to the substantial merit and righteous claims of a candidate who was not politically available although covered with scars and wounds received in the purchase of our liberty—endowed with sterling talents matured by cool reflection and long experience—with a pure and honorable reputation in all respects—deficient in one thing only—a political gum-elastic conscience.

In 1812 he removed to Elkridge with his family. On the declaration of war against Great Britain in June of that year he was immediately called into service. He was first commissioned to cruise in a privateer and succeeded in speedily capturing eighteen British vessels—several of a superior force to his. In 1813 he was invited to take command of the armed flotilla in Chesapeake Bay. On his arrival at Washington he was surprised to find a letter to the Secretary of the Navy from a merchant in Baltimore derogatory to his character. He at once called the writer to an account and settled the matter by the inverse rule of false honor by probing his breast with a blue pill which did not prove mortal. With the rank of Commodore, Barney took command of the flotilla in the spring of 1814. It consisted of twenty-six barges and nine hundred men. He first intended attacking the enemy at Tangier Island. On his way he met the British squadron off Patuxet and was compelled to run in there. During the summer he annoyed the enemy constantly—captured several of their smaller vessels and several times boldly attacked their frigates—materially injuring them—then retreating quickly into shoal water beyond their reach. On the first of July he was called to Washington to aid in devising the best plan of defence against the contemplated attack by the enemy. On the 3d he returned and moved the flotilla farther up the river. On the 16th of August the British fleet entered the Patuxet in full force. An express was despatched to the Secretary of the Navy apprising him of the movement. On the 21st Com. Barney landed most of his men—marched for Washington and joined Gen. Winder and Capt. Miller with his marines and five pieces of artillery. The marines were put under the command of the Commodore. On the 23d the troops were reviewed by the President and looked fine. On the 24th the enemy halted within three miles of the American camp. Skirmishing occurred between small advance parties. Com. Barney proceeded to the city and took station at the marine barracks determined to defend the bridge to the last extremity. Being advised of this the British changed their route by way of Bladensburg. The main body of the American troops met them there on the 25th about 11 A. M. At a late hour Com. Barney obtained permission from the President to join them. Within a mile of that town he found the Americans formed in irregular detached parties engaged in battle. His troops were nearly out of breath—having ran—not marched to the scene of action under the burning rays of an August sun. He had scarcely formed and brought his guns to bear when the militia broke in confusion and ran for dear life. The whole British army then advanced upon the Spartan band of Barney. He saw no hope of rallying the mushroom troops that were flying but determined not to be shot on the wing himself and fill a coward's grave. He reserved his fire until the enemy came within a few yards when a discharge of round and grape shot left the front ranks struggling in death. A second time the English veterans advanced—a second time their front ranks fell like grass before a scythe. The British then left the road and approached from another direction by fording the creek then very low. All the so-called American troops had left the Commodore and his brave phalanx. Still he stood his ground against an overwhelming force of the veterans of Waterloo. Although simultaneously charged on the right and left, he repulsed them several times with great slaughter. He had received a ball in his thigh which was bleeding profusely. At the same time his horse was killed under him. To add to his chagrin the mushroom militia had ran off with his ammunition wagon. On being nearly surrounded by the enemy and Capt. Miller severely wounded, he ordered those to retreat who were able to do so. He was carried a few yards by three of his officers and fell from loss of blood. Two of them he ordered to conduct the retreat of his gallant men. Gen. Ross and Admiral Cockburn were conducted to him and treated him kindly. They ordered him and Capt. Miller to be carried to a house in Bladensburg where their wounds were dressed and they made as comfortable as circumstances would permit. The British left 80 of their killed and wounded on the battle ground—who had fallen through the bravery of the bold sailors and marines who stood like men and fought like lions. The Americans had 60 killed and wounded 50 of whom were those who nobly defended the star spangled banner of the brave Barney and Miller, showing how early in the action the shrimp militia entered leg bail and distanced all pursuit—only ten being shot on the wing as they were courageously flying from the field of glory. Had they fought as did Barney and Miller with their ocean band they would have repelled the invading foe and saved the capital of our nation from desecration. The means for success were as formidable at Bladensburg as at Baltimore and New Orleans.

After having committed the most wanton waste at the shamefully deserted city of Washington Gen. Ross retreated on the 26th with a loss of over 1000 men. He could boast of having visited and devastated the capital of a great nation filled with defenceless females and children left to his mercy and generosity by most of their gallant husbands and fathers. The whole transaction as conducted by both armies does not reflect the highest honor on any concerned but the brave Commodore and his companions in arms.

The day after the battle Mrs. Barney, a son and the family physician repaired to Bladensburg to aid and comfort the Commodore. It was impossible to extract the ball from his thigh which remained through life. In a few days he was able to ride home in a carriage. On the 7th of October he was so far recovered as to visit the British fleet for the purpose of exchanging prisoners. For his gallantry on the battle ground of Bladensburg the state of Georgia voted him hearty thanks—the city of Washington presented him with a splendid sword. On the 15th of October he resumed the command of the flotilla—still suffering severely from the pressure of the ball. During the ensuing winter he prepared for a vigorous spring campaign. Peace put an end to further military operations. He sailed on a mission to Europe on the 25th of May 1815 and returned on the 19th of the ensuing October. So much did his wound disable him that he was compelled to send his despatches from Baltimore to Washington. He was conveyed to his family at Elkridge and subsequently removed to Baltimore.

In 1816 he visited his lands in Kentucky in company with his lady. They were received with marked attention on their whole route. So highly pleased were they with the noble bearing, open frankness and proverbial hospitality of the Kentuckians, that they resolved on removing there at the earliest time possible. In 1818 the arrangements were completed and the journey commenced. He started his men and effects in advance and met them at Brownsville on the Monongahela. Owing to low water he was detained for some time before reaching Pittsburgh. At that place he was detained from the same cause. When the water rose he went on board with his family in the evening for the purpose of an early start the next morning. During the night he was taken ill and was removed on shore. His disease increased—his wounded thigh became highly inflamed—death did its work. On the 1st day of December 1818 Com. Joshua Barney was numbered with the silent dead. He breathed his life calmly away and descended to the tomb in peace. He was buried by the sympathizing citizens of Pittsburgh with all the honors of sepulture in the graveyard of the first Presbyterian church where his remains reposed until 1849 when they were removed to the splendid Allegheny Cemetery three miles from Pittsburgh. After the funeral obsequies were over and the widow and her family had partially recovered from the shock of their sudden bereavement they proceeded to their place of destination and located upon their land in Kentucky. As a small compensation for the valuable services of her husband, Congress granted Mrs. Barney a pension for life.

But few men have lived whose web of life has been filled with as many exciting events and sudden changes as was that of Com. Barney. His was a life of industry and usefulness without reaching the lofty summit of fame on which many have perched whose substantial worth was inferior to his. He discharged every duty that devolved upon him with the strictest fidelity—with an eye single to the good and glory of his country—without parade, pomp or vain show. Such men should elicit the gratitude of our nation as much as those who have filled a higher rank but have not been more useful.

In all the relations of public and private life Com. Barney stood approved, admired and beloved. He lived respected and died regretted.

JOSIAH BARTLETT.

UNION—enchanting word—a harmonious euphony vibrates from its sound. It is the most mellow word in our language. It was the watchword in Heaven before this mighty globe was spoke into existence—its melody will be chanted there through the rolling ages of eternity. This magic word has rallied millions to deeds of noble daring both for good and evil. No language thrills through the soul of a patriot like the watchword of '76—"OUR UNION." Is this still the watchword of the great mass of the American people?—or is the unholy leaven of Dissolution working its fearful progress from demagogues and factionists? Shall our UNION be preserved to millions yet unborn? or will we follow in the awful wake of nations who once were but now are not? Will the bone and sinew of our dear America suffer patriotism to be basely strangled by party spirit and internal dissensions? These are questions big with importance and should be promptly answered by every friend of the UNION in a voice of patriotic thunder that shall carry terror into the heart of every fanatic and disorganizer in our land.

For years too little attention has been given to the mental and moral qualifications of our legislators. Available to the party has been the watchword in most cases. Cliques nominate—electioneer and hoodwink the dear people so that the destinies of our nation are emphatically placed in the hands of a meagre minority and many of this minority men of just seven principles—two loaves and five fishes. People of the United States! awake to a sense of impending danger! Return no man to a legislative hall whose uniform conduct has not proved him to be a pure patriot and no one a second time who deals in billingsgate, legislates by force of arms or favors dissolution. Unless Union is his watchword he cannot be trusted.

UNION was the glorious rallying word of the Sages and Heroes of the American Revolution among whom was Josiah Bartlett born at Amesbury, Mass. in November 1729. He was the son of Stephen Bartlett a man of sterling merit and liberal principles. Josiah received a good academic education which he completed at the early age of sixteen. He then commenced the study of medicine under Dr. Ordway and pursued it with great industry for five years. He then entered upon a successful practice at Kingston, New Hampshire, where he gained the confidence and esteem of the community. Two years after he commenced practice he was reduced very low by a fever and given up by his attending physicians. More consistent than some physicians he experimented upon himself and saved his life. He commenced taking small and frequent doses of cider—a free perspiration ensued—the fever left and he soon recovered. From that time he watched the indications and wants of nature more closely in his patients and often made judicious and successful deviations from the old beaten path of practice.

Dr. Bartlett was the first physician who boldly assumed the position that the angina maligna tonsillaris [canker] was putrid and not inflammatory and first gave Peruvian bark for this distressing disease. He also introduced the successful practice of using antiphlogistic remedies for cynanche maligna [sore throat] at that time terrific among children—four being sometimes buried in one grave from the same family. By the skill of this able physician this awful scourge was checked and stripped of its terrors. These improvements in his practice resulted from a close study and investigation of the laws of nature, ever in operation, which may be aided but never controlled by artificial means. Let doctors remember this fact and govern themselves accordingly.

Dr. Bartlett held several important offices under Gov. Wentworth both civil and military. Enjoying the confidence of the people he was elected to the New Hampshire Assembly where he became a prominent opposer of the infringements of the crown upon chartered rights. Republican blood only flowed in his veins. With an Argus eye he watched the movements of the British ministry and the royalists around him. In granting charters for towns the royal governors had uniformly reserved for the ostensible use of the Episcopal Church the cream of the location. This was one of the bones of contention between the people and the governors. Taxation for illegitimate purposes was the vertebra of the hated animal. In effecting their settlements the colonists had conquered the wilderness and the savage unaided by the mother country. They were unwilling to be robbed of their hard earnings by those who desired to roll in luxury at their expense. Resistance was natural—was right. Taxation and representation are inseparable principles that cannot be divorced. They were incorporated in the eternal code of Nature and like the Siamese twins must journey together where intelligence and social order predominate. Kingly power adopts the unholy aphorism that might makes right. Upon this sandy foundation the British ministers based their policy towards the American Colonies. They put the Revolutionary ball in motion—its rebounding force demolished the superstructure of their power over our hardy ancestors. At the commencement of their oppressions, so prompt was resistance that the king loosened the screws for a time. But under his old preceptor, Lord Bute, backed by Lord North, he was bound to court ruin and affiance it. Most effectually did he perform his plighted vows which were freely sanctioned by the patriots of America.

Gov. Wentworth thought to secure Dr. Bartlett by making him a member of the judiciary. But there was no gift within the power of monarchy that could seduce him from the path of liberty. As the crisis was urged on by the hirelings of the crown his opposition increased in an equal ratio. A circumstance occurred that made him at once conspicuous. The favorite measure of securing a majority in the Assembly at all hazards was resorted to by the Governor. He obtained the king's writ for three new members from towns that were then fully represented. This open violation of the known law of the land roused the indignation of the Doctor who carried with him others who had not before come out in favor of freedom. The three new members were expelled—opposition to the governor rose like a July thunder gust. He was obliged to take refuge from the popular fury on board the man-of-war Fowey. His Excellency proceeded to annul the power of all liberals under commission from him. By using this air-pump too freely he produced a vacuum that caused an irreparable collapse of his own power. The line of demarcation was drawn—the war cry was raised.

Dr. Bartlett was elected to the Congress of 1774 but on account of the recent destruction of his house by fire was unable to attend. In September 1775, he took his seat and was at once placed upon several important committees. About the same time he was made colonel of a regiment of provincial troops. In Congress his duties were arduous. That body met at nine in the morning and continued in session until four in the afternoon. After that hour most of the business of the committees was faithfully attended to. At this day of inglorious ease no one can fully appreciate and but few bestow a thought upon the immense labor, treasure and blood that our UNION cost. When we learn from the historic page the difficulties that surrounded the Continental Congress—a tremendous storm bursting over their heads—retreating before a relentless foe from place to place—their country bleeding at every pore—without resources—their army nearly annihilated—we are led to wonder and admire and ask why their well formed resolutions were not shaken when the yawning gulf of destruction seemed open to devour them. To my mind the solution is plain. A majority of the Sages and Heroes of that eventful period were truly pious and put their trust in Him who directs the destinies of nations. Their trust was well founded.

In 1776 Dr. Bartlett was again a member of Congress and took a decided stand in favor of severing the maternal cords of allegiance to the mother country and declare the child capable of self government. Many zealous patriots feared it was yet too weak. Much discussion occurred and a majority pledged themselves to take the nursling in charge. On the 4th of July 1776 the contract was signed which relieved mother Britain from further responsibility.

When the final question was taken the name of Josiah Bartlett was first called. With his eyes raised to Heaven he responded in a loud voice—Yea and Amen! Echo caught the words from his lips and carried them on wings of wind to the remotest bounds of a nation of freemen. They ran through the dense crowd of spectators hovering around the Hall of Independence who made the welkin ring with long and repeated responses—Yea and Amen!!!

Worn down by fatigue the health of the Doctor became impaired and prevented his further attendance in Congress for two years. During that time he was able to aid his state in organizing her new government and in raising troops for the northern army. He served in 1778 and took a final leave of the National Legislature that he might gather up the scattered fragments of his ruined fortune and aid his own state in her effort to advance the glorious cause of national freedom. He was appointed Chief Justice of the Common Pleas and muster master of the troops then enlisting. In 1782 he was made a justice of the Superior Court and in 1788 was appointed Chief Justice. His marked usefulness did not close with the war. The ushering in of peace made a false impression upon the great mass. Few understood the herculean task of rising from the paralysis of a seven years contest with a powerful foe—the formation of a government entirely different from the one which had stamped its customs upon the people. In my view the wisdom of the sages of the revolution was more severely taxed in perfecting our system of government than in driving the Britons from our shores. It often requires more wisdom to retain and enjoy, than to obtain an object.

In the new work of preparing the people for the rational enjoyment of the Independence they had achieved Dr. Bartlett took an active part. Numerous conflicting interests were to be reconciled—an enormous debt was to be paid—many abuses and corruptions were to be corrected—a concert of feeling and action to be produced—the art of self government to be acquired. Storm after storm arose that threatened to throw our nation back into primeval darkness. It required the combined sagacity and wisdom of the boldest sages to preserve the laurels of victory, the trophies of freedom and the chart of our liberty. Long and arduous were the labors that effected a confederated consolidation. During the time this subject was under consideration several of the states were shook to the very centre by internal commotion. That concert of feeling and action which had carried the people through the perils of the war was now lost in the whirlpool of self. UNION was no longer the rallying word with the mass. Fortunately for our country those who stood at the helm during the revolutionary storm were still at the post of duty. Reason slowly resumed her sway—wise counsels prevailed—order was restored—liberty was saved.

Dr. Bartlett was a member of the Convention of N. H. that adopted the Federal Constitution and gave it his zealous support. In 1789 he was elected to the U. S. Senate—the next year President of N. H. and in 1793 was elected the first governor of the state under the new order of things. He enjoyed the universal esteem of his constituents and discharged the duties of the numerous offices he filled with so much dignity, wisdom and prudence that envy and slander could find no crevice for an entering wedge.

Worn down with toil—old age ploughing deep furrows in his face for the last seed time—the confines of a brighter world just before him, he resigned his authority and closed his public career on the 29th of January 1794, covered with living honors and not a spot to tarnish the glory of his fair escutcheon. He then retired to private life full of hope—anticipating the domestic enjoyments always desirable to those who accept of public office for the sake of their country—not for the sake of the loaves and fishes. But these long desired enjoyments were of short duration. Disease fastened its relentless grasp upon him. On the 19th of May 1795, his happy spirit left its tenement of clay—ascended to Him who gave it—leaving a nation to mourn the loss of one of its brightest ornaments—one of its noblest patriots.

In his private character he fulfilled the duties of citizen, friend, husband, father and Christian. No man was more generally esteemed—no man more richly deserved it. In his whole life we have one of the fairest pictures drawn upon the easel of history. His public career was of that solid character that imparts substantial usefulness. Without dazzling, his course was right onward in the cause of universal philanthropy. He could look back upon a life well spent—he stood approved at the stern tribunal of conscience. He nobly fulfilled the design of his creation—discharged his duty to his country, his fellow men and his God. He left examples that stand as beacon lights to erring man to guide him safely through this vale of tears—to statesmen and patriots to induce them to put forth their noblest powers to preserve our UNION.

CARTER BRAXTON.

Men who forget right and abuse power often undermine the foundation of their own citadel. In reaching after more authority and larger enjoyments improperly, they are often shorn of what they have. Thus it was with England when she imposed unwarranted taxes and restrictions upon the American Colonies. Previous to the causes that produced the Revolution the plan of an independent government was ideal and had entered the minds of but few. With these it was only a nursling in theory not practically anticipated. When the impolitic measures of the British ministry were first reduced to practice the Colonists stood upon the firm basis, the broad platform of their chartered rights clearly defined and well understood and believed their grievances must and would be redressed when respectful petitions should be laid before the king. These were repeatedly forwarded to him couched in allegiate and eloquent language to which he turned a deaf ear, thus forging the first link in the revolutionary chain. Parliament was vainly appealed to. Remonstrances formed the next link in this chain. These were treated with contumely. A formal demand to desist from oppression in bold but still respectful language—every word breathing allegiance to the king was the third link in this chain but all to no purpose. The ministerial horse leech cry—give—give—GIVE—came rushing across the broad Atlantic from Albion's shore and pierced more deeply the wounded hearts of the imploring suppliants. Resolutions of non-importation formed the fourth link. These were answered by threats and menaces. Preparations to resist formed the fifth link. These resulted in an open and wanton attack upon American citizens on the heights of Lexington when the great seal of allegiance was dissolved in blood. The sixth link was the war cry which roused millions to resolve on liberty or death. The Declaration of Rights was the seventh and swivel link to the golden chain of Liberty forged by the patriots of '76 which formed an impassable barrier to the power of Great Britain over the colonies. The broad ring of the Federal Constitution perfected this mighty chain which has thus far held the ship of state safely to her moorings amidst the storms that have been raised by foreign foes and internal traitors.

Among those who aided in forging this golden chain of Liberty was Carter Braxton son of George Braxton a wealthy planter who resided on the north bank of the Mattapony river, where he owned a large tract of valuable land situated in the county of King and Queen in Virginia. At this delightful place Carter was born on the 10th of September 1736. His connections were numerous, wealthy and of the first respectability. Several of them were crown officers at various periods. Carter was raised amidst the splendor of opulence without the tender care of a mother to correct his childish foibles or the wise counsels of a father to guard him against the errors of youth. The former died when he was but seven days old—the latter when he was a small boy. He was liberally educated at the college of William and Mary. At the age of nineteen he married the beautiful and amiable Judith Robinson who was very wealthy. He entered into full possession of his large estate, which, united with that of his wife, constituted a princely fortune. She survived but a brief period leaving two daughters, the youngest but a few hours old.

Borne down by grief Mr. Braxton visited England where he remained nearly three years and added greatly to his previous stock of knowledge. He became familiar with the feelings and designs of that kingdom towards his native country. His rank and fortune gave him access to the nobility from whom he obtained much valuable information relative to the ministerial conclave then concocting plans to support royalty in Great Britain by forcing money from the hardy pioneers of America. Although his relatives and friends were many of them favorites of the King and everything around him was calculated to foster aristocracy and bind him to those in power, he became a bold opposer of British usurpations and a warm advocate of liberal principles and equal rights.

In 1760 he returned from Europe and was elected to the House of Burgesses and became an active and prominent member. His knowledge of the intentions of the mother country to impose increasing burdens upon the Americans enabled him to fully understand every movement of the monarchical hirelings around him. In 1765 he was in the House of Burgesses and was a warm supporter of the bold resolutions offered by Patrick Henry relative to the Stamp Act. He was in the House in 1769 when the proceedings of the members excited the ire of Gov. Bottetourt so highly that he dissolved them without ceremony. They immediately repaired to a private room in Williamsburg and entered into a solemn agreement not to import any articles from the mother country until their chartered rights were restored. The same members were elected to the next session. Being aware of the kind of material he had to manage the shrewd Governor lulled them into a more quiet mood by the siren song of promises of redress. They had yet to learn that deceit is an important part of political machinery. Still cherishing hopes that their rights would be restored they waited in respectful but watchful silence. In the House there were seven standing committees—on courts of justice, public claims, elections, privileges, trade, grievances, proposition and on religion. Of the three last Mr. Braxton was uniformly a member.

In 1771 Governor Bottetourt died and was succeeded by Lord Dunmore. Being fresh from the fountain of high notions and ministerial corruption he dissolved the turbulent Assembly then in commission and issued his king's writ for a new election. Mr. Braxton was then sheriff of the county and could not serve in the House. Promises of redress were renewed with apparent sincerity. The people lived on hope until the 27th of May 1774, when the House of Burgesses again took a bold stand against oppression and were unceremoniously dissolved by the Governor. By this act he dissolved the original contract in view of the people—they became enraged and doffed their allegiance instanter. Immediately after the dissolution, eighty-nine of the members and many other bold patriots formed themselves into an association of resistance. From these live sparks the fire of freedom rose in curling flames.

In August of that year a convention met at Williamsburg to devise plans for future action of which Mr. Braxton was an efficient member. Seven delegates were elected to meet the Congress at Philadelphia and an agreement made to act in concert with the people of Boston in the common cause against the common enemy. Lord Dunmore had a new set of members elected to the House but being displeased with their proceedings prorogued them several times. On the night of the 7th of June 1775 the people in turn prorogued his lordship who took his final exit on board the armed ship Fowey never again to wield his iron rod of despotism over the freemen of America. He took up quarters on board this ship and occasionally issued his mandates which came to the people as talismanic messengers to invigorate their patriotism. In April following he caused the powder to be removed from the magazine under a pretence that it would be needed in another part of the province to repel an expected insurrection of the blacks. The enraged people assembled in large numbers with a determination to take this important item into their own keeping. Through the persuasion of Peyton Randolph they dispersed. Some being still discontented a Spartan band assembled headed by Patrick Henry and proceeded to Williamsburg determined to have the powder or its equivalent. An armed force was sent from the Fowey to sustain the governor's orders. This was like adding bitumen to a blazing fire. The fury of the patriots was about to be poured out upon the minions of the crown—blood was about to flow when Mr. Braxton and others interfered—the powder was paid for by a crown officer—Mr. Henry gave his receipt for the money and his young Spartans returned home.

For a time the government of Virginia was managed entirely by the Committee of Safety of which Mr. Braxton was an active member. On the 15th of December 1775, he was elected to the Continental Congress and entered upon his duties with great zeal. He advocated, voted for and signed the Declaration of Rights that formally dissolved the maternal ties that bound the pilgrim fathers in slavery. On his return from Congress the next year Mr. Braxton took his seat in the first legislature of his state convened under the new form of government. A formal vote of thanks to him and Thomas Jefferson for their faithful services in Congress was entered upon the records of that body on the 12th of October 1776. From that time to his death he was almost constantly a member of one or the other branch of the legislature and but four days previous to his decease had taken his seat in the Council.

He had lost a large portion of his princely fortune by the British and after the war closed was the child of adversity. For a time his friends assisted him in the prosecution of several speculative projects, all of which proved abortive, injuring them without benefiting him. He finally sunk under a ponderous weight of affliction which produced paralysis, a second attack of which closed his useful and eventful career at Richmond, Virginia, on the 10th of October 1797.

Under all these adverse and trying circumstances his reputation did not suffer. He was known to be an honest man and poverty then was not an unpardonable sin or even prima facie evidence of dishonesty. He lost none of his well-earned fame as an able and faithful public servant and worthy upright man. His private character was pure. He fulfilled all the relations of life with fidelity. He was one of the most polished gentlemen of the old school. His name is justly placed high upon the list of enduring fame. He was a faithful sentinel in the cause of freedom and contributed largely in consummating the Independence we now enjoy, the Freedom we inherit, the Liberty we are bound to cherish, protect, preserve and perpetuate with our lives, fortunes and sacred honors and transmit it to our children in all the beauty of pristine purity.

ZEBULON BUTLER.

Wyoming Valley is the Paradise of Pennsylvania. Captivating in its location—rich in its soil—irrigated by the crystal Susquehanna—bordered with magnificent scenery of romantic grandeur—enlivened by beautiful farm-houses and productive fields—crowned with the flourishing town of Wilkesbarre—ornamented by several small villages of tasteful neatness—refreshed by cooling springs and mountain streams filled with sportive trout—evergreen forests adjacent towering to the clouds and full of game—graduated hills on every side rich with minerals and reaching to the mountains—a healthful atmosphere rendered pure by the untiring operations of nature's laboratory—inhabited by intelligent, enterprising, hospitable people—it is one of the most beautiful and delightful valleys in our expansive country. Its early history renders it sacred to the philanthropist and is read with thrilling sensations of painful sympathy. It has engaged the pens of our best historians—our ablest poets. It has been painted with the finest touches of our boldest artists. When strangers pass the narrow confines of the majestic mountains on the south and are ushered into this grand amphitheatre of creative wisdom—they gaze with pleasing surprise and wonder at the weakness of the most vivid descriptions they have read, compared with the sublime reality of the enrapturing view before them.

In this far-famed valley Zebulon Butler acted a conspicuous, brave and noble part. He was born at Lyme, Conn. in 1731. He received a good common school and religious education. The New Testament was then an approved school-book. He early planted himself on the firm basis of moral rectitude and primitive religious truth. Without these the laurels of the hero are less fragrant—the talents of the legislator less brilliant—the noblest attributes of man less perfect. By these remarks I do not mean Pharisaical religion, poisonous fanaticism nor blighting sectarianism. It is the honest, consistent, Golden Rule man I admire. Such a man was Zebulon Butler. He was one of the first patriots who opposed British tyranny and dared to be free. He entered early into the Provincial service and served the mother country through the French war. He commenced his military career an Ensign and soon rose to the rank of Captain. He participated in the memorable hardships of the campaign of 1758 on the frontiers of Canada—at Fort Edward, Lake George, Ticonderoga and Crown Point. In 1762 he was at the protracted siege of Havana. On his way he was on board one of the six vessels that were shipwrecked. All on board narrowly escaped a watery grave. They were on the beach nine days before they were relieved. On the 9th day of August the last of the fleet arrived before Havana. The defence was obstinate—the sufferings of the besiegers great.

Capt. Butler shared largely in the dangers of the attack—the glories of the victory. He sailed for his long absent home on the 21st of the ensuing October in the Royal Duke. He encountered many perils during the voyage. On the 7th of November the ship began to leak so rapidly that it was with difficulty that her crew were transferred to another vessel near by before she went to the bottom. He arrived at New York on the 21st of December and once more met the warm embrace of anxious relatives and friends. He had won enduring laurels—he stood high as a brave and skilful officer—an esteemed and valued citizen. He then left the army and enjoyed the peaceful pleasures of private life until the revolutionary storm began to concentrate its fearful elements. He was ready to brave its pitiless peltings. He had rendered arduous and valuable service to the mother country—he was well qualified to repel her ungrateful conduct and render efficient aid in the defence of his native soil. The goadings and insolence of British hirelings had deeply penetrated his patriotic soul and prepared him for bold and noble action. When the tocsin of war was sounded from the heights of Lexington he promptly tendered his services—was appointed a lieutenant-colonel in the Connecticut line and repaired to the post of honor and danger. He was actively engaged in the campaigns of 1777-8-9. During the last year he was commissioned colonel of the 2d Connecticut regiment. He was with Washington in New Jersey and greatly esteemed by him.

A short time previous to the revolution he was one of a company from his native place that had purchased Wyoming Valley from the Indians for a fair consideration. Many settlers had located there and cleared up much of the forest. Although fully remunerated for their lands pursuant to contract made with the Chiefs in grand council assembled—the red men were unwilling to leave a place so enchanting and congenial with their views of happiness. In that salubrious vale, fringed with hills and mountains on all sides, they fancied the Great Spirit had his dwelling-place and gave them audible audience as echo reverberated their stentorian yells from hill to mountain and back to the shores of the majestic Susquehanna. As the towering forest fell before the axe of the white man the Indians murmured and designed the extermination of the pale faces. In this they were encouraged by the British and black-hearted tories—most of the inhabitants having declared for liberty. Most of their effective force of near 200 men was in the American army. Soon after the departure of these troops the savages assumed a menacing attitude—manifesting a disposition to violate the terms of peace they had solemnly sanctioned when paid for their lands. Several stockade forts were erected—a company of rangers organized and placed under the command of Captain Hewitt. Every precaution was taken to guard against surprise—the movements of the red men were narrowly watched, their apparent designs closely observed. It soon became evident that they were preparing for a bloody sacrifice. An express was despatched to the board of war representing the approaching danger requesting the return of the troops who had recently joined the army—leaving their homes exposed to all the horrors of savage cruelty rendered more awful by the more bloodthirsty tories. The request was promptly granted but too late to ward off the fatal slaughter and carnage that took place when these brave men were within two days' march of their murdered wives, children and friends who slumbered in death deeply gashed with the tomahawk.

About the 1st of June 1778, a number of canoes were discovered descending the river just above the valley filled with Indian warriors. They attacked a party of the inhabitants who were at work on the bank of the Susquehanna—killing and making prisoners of ten. They were evidently concentrating their forces for the purpose of an attack upon the settlement. At that critical juncture Col. Butler arrived. A large body of the savages had assembled at the mouth of the Lackawanna at the head of the valley. The militia under the command of Col. Dennison assembled in the fort at Wilkesbarre on the 1st of July. They scoured the borders of the valley—discovered the bodies of those who had been massacred a few days before—killed two Indians and returned. Not supposing danger so near each man repaired to his own house for provisions. On the 3d most of the men able to bear arms assembled at the fort amounting to about 350. Some remained in the smaller forts with their families presuming on the delay of an attack. The command of the troops was given to Col. Butler. They were poorly armed and had but a small supply of ammunition. But few of them had ever been engaged in battle and were not familiar with military tactics. In a few moments after Col. Butler had assumed the command news was brought that the enemy had entered the upper end of the valley and were advancing rapidly. Fort Wintermote and another stockade fort was then in flames and their inmates weltering in blood and struggling in death. A council of war was held and an unfortunate resolve made to march out and attempt to arrest the savages in their career of desolation and carnage. The troops proceeded some distance from the fort and took an advantageous position on the bank of a creek where they supposed the enemy would pass on their way to the principal fort. There they remained for half a day without seeing the foe. Another council of war was held which resulted in adding to the error of leaving the fort that of attacking the enemy in their position contrary to the opinion of several officers who were as brave but more judicious than those who urged the fatal movement. The order to advance was given. They had not proceeded more than a mile when the advanced guard fired upon several Indians who were firing a house. The force of the enemy was concentrated at fort Wintermote amounting to near 1000 effective men commanded by Brandt, an Indian half-blood and Col. John Butler—not a relative of Col. Zebulon Butler as some writers have erroneously stated. Echo returned the demoniac yells of the savages from the surrounding hills—the forest resounded with the appalling war whoop. Another serious error was committed by the ill-fated Americans. Not until they were upon the battle-ground did they learn the superior force of the revengeful foe. As the little band approached they found the Indians and tories formed in a line—the right resting on a swamp commanded by Brandt—the left reaching to fort Wintermote headed by Col. John Butler. Col. Z. Butler led the right and Col. Dennison the left of the Americans to the attack. So determined was this Spartan band on victory that the left of the enemy gave way in a few minutes closely pursued by Col. Butler. In consequence of part of the Indians passing the swamp to gain his rear Col. Dennison ordered his men to fall back. Many supposing he had ordered a retreat the line became confused and broken. At that unfortunate juncture Brandt rushed upon it with such fury that it could not be rallied. At that critical moment Col. Butler rode towards the left and first learned the misfortune of Col. Dennison and saw his men retreating in disorder. He was then between two fires and near the advancing enemy. Before the troops on the right were apprised of the fate of the left they were nearly surrounded by the savages and compelled to retreat precipitately. The route was general—the slaughter horrible—the scene terrific. But about 50 survived among whom were Colonels Butler and Dennison who were more exposed than most of the others. The few who escaped from the dreadful carnage of that fatal day assembled at Forty Fort. So heart-rending was this defeat that the surviving inhabitants were willing to submit to any terms to save their lives. The enemy refused to treat with any officer of the continental army as unquestionably advised by the hyena tories. Nor would they give them or regular soldiers any quarter but insisted on their being delivered up to the Indians at discretion. Col. Butler at once left and proceeded to Gradenhutten on the Lehigh. On the 4th of July Col. Dennison entered into a capitulation with Col. John Butler and Brandt to surrender the Fort on condition the lives of the survivors should be preserved and not further molested in person or property. These conditions were solemnly agreed to by tory Butler and Brandt but most disgracefully violated. As the Indians marched in they commenced an indiscriminate plunder. Butler was appealed to and replied he could not control them—walked out and left them to finish their work in their own way. The man who could urge the savages on to murder could leave them to rob the helpless, regardless of his sacred pledge of honor.

Finding themselves still at the mercy of the Indians the inhabitants fled to the nearest settlement towards the Delaware about 50 miles distant through a dense wilderness and over rugged mountains. So rapidly did they fly on the wings of terror that numbers became exhausted from over fatigue and hunger and were carried on the last day by the stronger ones. After their departure the savage tories and red men laid waste the town of Wilkesbarre and most of the houses in the valley—plundering or destroying all the property they could find. They then drove the cattle and horses to Niagara. They had fully satiated their thirst for blood—desolation was completed—vengeance was gorged—nature mourned over the dismal scene.

From Gradenhutten Col. Butler communicated the sad intelligence of the bloody massacre to the Board of War and then proceeded to Stroudsburg then in Northampton county, where he met the returning Wyoming troops and a few of those who had escaped on the day of the unfortunate battle. In August he was ordered to return with such force as he could collect and take possession of Wyoming valley. On his arrival he found a few Indians who were collecting the cattle that the main body had left. They fled precipitately without their plunder. Col. Butler erected a new fort at Wilkesbarre and established a well regulated garrison which he commanded until the winter of 1780—keeping the tories and savages at bay—not risking a general action but killing them off in detail by scouting parties of sharp-shooters whenever they approached the settlement. The expedition of Gen. Sullivan in 1779 paralyzed the Indian power upon the Susquehanna and restored a good degree of confidence in the inhabitants.

In December 1780 Col. Butler was ordered to join the continental army and left Capt. Alexander Mitchell in command of the fort. After serving his country faithfully to the close of the war of Independence the Colonel returned to the vale of Wyoming to enjoy the fruits of his perilous toils and the gratitude of the inhabitants whom he had nobly aided and protected. He subsequently filled sundry civil offices with credit and fidelity. He lived to see his loved Wyoming bloom with the fruits of industry—its inhabitants peaceful, prosperous, happy. He was amply rewarded for the perils and hardships of the past by the full fruition of the enjoyments of the present. His happiness was as complete as it could be made this side of heaven. Dearly beloved by his immediate friends, esteemed by all who knew him—the waning years of Col. Butler were crowned with the most refined comforts of social and domestic life. He glided down the stream of time smoothly and calmly to the 28th of July 1795, when he threw off his mortal coil—resigned his quiescent spirit into the hands of its Creator—fell asleep in the arms of his Lord and Master deeply mourned and sincerely lamented. His career closed as brightly as it had been glorious and useful. He was an amiable companion, a virtuous citizen, a consistent Christian—a brave, noble, worthy, honest man.

A creditable monument has been erected on the battle ground in memory of those who fell on the memorable 3d of July 1778 in the far famed valley of Wyoming.

CHARLES CARROLL OF CARROLLTON.

The fond and faithful parents who have guided to manhood a family of sons whose every action is a source of pleasure and delight—who walk in wisdom's ways—who prove virtuous, generous, bold, brave and patriotic—whose lives shed new lustre on the world—whose achievements on the battle field or in the senate chamber stamp their names with enduring fame—enjoy a rich consolation, pure as the etherial sky—refreshing as evening zephyrs. More especially do their souls become enraptured with love if these sons deliver them from the iron grasp of a merciless tyrant—disenthrall them from the chains of slavery and make them free and independent.

All this was done for our country by her valiant sons who graced the memorable era of '76. Like a blazing meteor bursting from the clouds amidst the gloom of midnight darkness, they illuminated our nation with light—the world with glory—raised the star spangled banner and planted the tree of Liberty deep in the soil of Freedom. Noble sons of Columbia! Sages and heroes of the American Revolution! Your names will be held in grateful remembrance through the rolling ages of time. Millions yet unborn will chant your brilliant achievements, your triumphant victories, your unsurpassed wisdom, your god-like actions.

Among the sons of noble daring—champions of their injured country, was Charles Carroll of Carrollton, born at Annapolis on the 20th of September 1737. He was the son of Daniel Carroll who came from King's county Ireland and was named for his grandfather Charles Carroll. The elder Carrolls were highly charged with liberal principles and planted them deeply in the minds of their sons. Nor did the precious seed fall on barren ground. Obeying the precepts and imitating the examples of his patriotic sire, young Charles Carroll proved worthy of the high source from which he sprang. He was emphatically one of the same stamp.

At the early age of eight years his embryo talents shone so brightly that his father determined on giving them an opportunity to bud, blossom and expand amidst the literary bowers of Europe. He was first sent to a seminary in France. His untiring application to his studies and manly deportment at the different seminaries through which he passed, gained for him a finished education and the esteem of all his acquaintances. At the age of twenty he commenced the study of law in London, England, where he ripened into manhood and returned to his native State in 1764 with a rich fund of useful knowledge, prepared to act well his part through life.

The subject of oppression upon the Americans by the British ministry was freely discussed in England before he left and had prepared his mind for the exciting crisis that awaited the colonies. On his return he became an unflinching and able advocate for freedom. He possessed a clear head and discriminating mind. In action he was cool, deliberate, firm and decisive. His writing talent was of a high order. This was admirably developed in 1772. The governor had issued a proclamation derogatory to the constitutional rights of the people. In a series of essays published in the public papers, Mr. Carroll triumphantly vindicated the cause of his insulted constituents—conclusively answering and confuting the combined arguments of the governor and his cabinet in favor of the unwarranted pretensions of their master. So fully did these essays convince the people that the governor aimed at illegitimate power that they hung his proclamation upon a gallows and bid defiance to the minions of despotism. Before the writer was known the people instructed their representatives to record a vote of thanks to the author. When it was ascertained that Mr. Carroll was the champion who had bearded the British lion, they repaired to his house in great numbers and made the welkin ring with plaudits of thankful praise.

From that time he became a prominent leader of the liberal party—an espouser of equal rights—a stern opposer of ministerial wrongs. His benign influence radiated its genial rays upon the hearts and confirmed the wavering minds of many in the glorious cause of Liberty. In bold and glowing colors he portrayed the aggressions of the king, the corrupt designs of his ministers and the humiliating consequences of tame submission to their arbitrary demands. He was among the first to kindle the flame of resistance and light up the torch of Independence. He was among the first to sanction the Declaration of Rights—the last of the noble band of sages who signed it who lived to see 1832.

On the 18th of July 1776 he was a member of the Maryland Convention convened to elect delegates to the Continental Congress. He was selected for that important station—took his seat on the 2d of August and signed the Declaration of Independence. His talents and zeal were highly appreciated by the members of Congress. He had previously endeared himself to them by a voluntary mission to Canada in conjunction with Franklin, Chase and Bishop Carroll. The object of their visit was to persuade the people of the Canadas to unite with the Colonies in throwing off the yoke of bondage imposed by the mother country. The Messrs. Carrolls were Roman Catholics, the prevailing religion of the Canadians. The other two gentlemen entertained universal charity for all good men irrespective of manufactured creeds. It was fondly hoped their mission would be crowned with success. The defeat of the American troops at Quebec and the death of Gen. Montgomery had thrown so much darkness over the future prospects of the American cause that they refused to enter the compact. The consequences of that course have been fearfully developed for years and the time is not far distant when the Canadas will be free from England to the mutual benefit of both countries.

On his return he was surprised to find that the Maryland delegates in Congress had been instructed by a vote of the Assembly to oppose the Declaration of Independence. His influence caused the rescinding of that vote and a reversal of the instructions. He felt a strong desire that his native state should do full service in the cause of freedom. To effect this he spent more time in her legislative hall than in Congress. In the formation of her constitution and laws he rendered efficient aid. From 1788 to 1791 he was a member of the U.S. Senate. From that year to 1801 he served in the senate of his own state. He then retired from the great theatre of public action in the rich enjoyment of the esteem of a nation of freemen. For thirty years he was spared to enjoy the cheering comforts of domestic felicity and survived all the others who had placed their names upon the Chart of our liberty.

In his retirement he delighted in beholding the onward march of this favored country, prospering under the care of an all-wise Providence—populated by a free and independent people—in rank second to no nation on earth—in enterprise traversing the globe—in genius eclipsing the old world—in talent equal to the best. Like a majestic oak that had long braved the raging tempest, he stood alone as a signer of our Magna Charta calmly awaiting the time when he should be riven and gathered to his fathers. Gradually the world lost its former charms. More and more his mind became fixed on anticipated scenes of future and purer bliss. He seemed to ascend the ladder of faith and reach out his hand for that crown of unfading glory prepared for him by his Lord and Master. In this beatific state his soul was summoned from its tottering, trembling, falling tenement of clay on the 14th of November 1832. Calm and resigned he entered Jordan's flood—angels escorted his immortal spirit to Immanuel's peaceful shores whilst his grateful country deeply mourned and strongly felt the loss of one of her noblest sons—society one of its brightest ornaments—his relatives one of their dearest kinsmen.

Charles Carroll was a man of consistency in everything. He was a devoted Christian in communion with the Roman Catholic Church but decidedly opposed to a want of charity and kind feeling. He deprecated a spirit of persecution by one sect of Christians towards another. He was one of the few who reasoned correctly and acted wisely upon this important subject. It is a fact known to but few at this late day that the Roman Catholics of Maryland were the first who placed religious toleration on a statute book in America. [See laws of Maryland 1647.] It is also a fact that the Protestants first introduced proscription there. After the restoration of Charles II. in 1761, they obtained an order from him prohibiting all Roman Catholics from holding any office, which was in violation of the charter granted to Lord Baltimore by Charles I. upon which the colony was based. Still more. The Protestants having become the bride of the state, continued to draw more tightly the cords of persecution by authority from William III. The Catholics were taxed to support the churches of their oppressors. By an act passed in 1704, the celebration of mass or the instruction of youth by a Catholic insured him transportation to England. In the land of the Puritans, the Baptist and Quaker sects were treated more rigorous, being persecuted even unto death and by those too who fled from the very persecution they practised the moment they obtained the power. So it ever has been—so it ever will be until mankind become fully and feelingly sensible that sectarianism is not religion—is not a child of Heaven—that charity is the crowning attribute of Deity—the brightest star in the Christian's diadem.

During the excitement in Maryland upon the unhallowed connection of church and state, the Carrolls used their best exertions to effect a reconciliation between the parties which was never fully done until the revolution compelled sectarianism to hide its hydra head by uniting all sects in the common cause against the common enemy and forever banishing its power from our land by the adoption of our Federal Constitution. Men are as prone to abuse power as the sparks are to fly upward.

In the life of Charles Carroll of Carrollton, we have examples rich with instruction for youth, manhood and old age—for the lawyer, the statesman, the patriot and the Christian. His career was guided by prudence and virtue. His every action was marked with frankness and honesty. He richly merited and freely received the esteem and veneration of a nation of Freemen. His private and public career were prompted and directed by a purity of motive that never fails to render a man useful in life—triumphant in death.

SAMUEL CHASE.

Ostracism was the title of a law once in full and practical force in the Republic of Athens. It required the banishment of any citizen when six thousand of the people voted for his expulsion—there being about twenty thousand voters—thus violating the fundamental principle of a republican government—the majority must rule and be obeyed. Ruin was the natural result.

Each voter wrote the name of the citizen that was to be banished on a shell called in Greek—Ostralcon. These were deposited as are ballots at our elections and were counted by persons appointed by law. To the ruin of Athens, envy, jealousy, and intrigue caused the banishment of several of her most illustrious sages and heroes who loved their country more than they did political corruption. Among them was Aristides—a noble patriot, statesman and general. When the people were voting in his case he mingled with the crowd and met an illiterate peasant who did not know him, who asked him to write Aristides upon his shell. What injury has Aristides done you? The peasant quickly answered—None at all but I am tired of hearing him called the just. Without revealing himself the patriot wrote his own name upon the fatal shell and handed it back to the deluded voter. He bowed submissively to his sentence of banishment for ten years and invoked a blessing on his enemies as he departed.

A species of political persecution practically analogous to the law of ostracism commenced its career in our country as early as the American Revolution. Political cliques and venal presses have been the executioners. No one of the sages or heroes of that eventful period was so severely persecuted by party ostracism after the formation of our republic as Samuel Chase who was born in Somerset County, Maryland, on the 17th day of April, 1741. He was the son of Rev. Thomas Chase who came from England to that province and became pastor of St. Paul's Parish in Baltimore, then a new country village and destitute of good schools. At the age of two years Samuel was deprived of the tender care of his mother by her premature death. Under the instruction of his father he became an accomplished classical scholar. At the age of eighteen he commenced the study of law under the direction of John Hammond and John Hull of Annapolis. At the age of twenty he was admitted to the bar of the Mayor's Court and two years after to that of the County Court and the Court of Chancery. He located at Annapolis and filled up the rib vacuum by marrying the worthy and intelligent Ann Baldwin—a very sensible and fair business transaction.

Mr. Chase was not long in acquiring the reputation of a sound lawyer and able advocate. He was of a sanguine temperament—bold, fearless, undisguised, independent in mind, language and action but honest, patriotic, and pure in his motives—immovable in his purposes—qualities that dignify a man if prudently balanced and prepare him for just such times as the Revolution—qualities that often rouse the spirit of ostracism in those who aim to ruin those they cannot rule. These leading traits, constitutional with Samuel Chase, with the times and circumstances that influenced his judgment and governed his actions must be kept constantly in view to enable the reader to form a just estimate of his character which I will impartially and plainly portray.

On the flood tide of a prosperous business—celebrated for his legal acumen and forensic fame—in the full enjoyment of domestic felicity and social intercourse with friends—Mr. Chase glided smoothly along until his country began to writhe under kingly oppression. The Stamp Act, the first born of the scrofulous revenue system devised by the putrescent British ministry, met with a hostile reception at Annapolis. Mr. Chase and a band of kindred spirits under the cognomen of "Sons of Liberty," forcibly seized and destroyed the newly imported stamps and burned in effigy the stamp distributer. No further violence was then committed. The king's officers opened a newspaper battery against this "furious mob" directing their whole artillery against Mr. Chase complimenting him with the courtly names—"busy restless incendiary—ringleader of mobs—foul mouthed inflaming son of discord and faction—a common disturber of the public tranquillity—a promoter of the lawless excesses of the multitude" and other similar emphatic appellations—conferring upon the young patriot a diploma of distinction little anticipated by them. His answers to these vituperations were manly, charged with strong and conclusive logic—keen and withering sarcasm. The attack brought him fairly into the political field. So delighted were the people with the manner he handled the hirelings of the crown that they elected him to the colonial assembly. There he took a conspicuous part and became the uncompromising opposer of all measures that were not within the pale of the constitution or were tinctured with oppression. So strongly was he in favor of liberal principles that he gave his whole influence and vote in favor of the repeal of the law that compelled the people to support the clergy by which the stipend of his father was reduced one-half. Pursuant to the law of primogeniture then in force this was voting money out of his own pocket. His bold and independent course made him a subject of persecution with the creatures of the crown and an object of pride and admiration with the people. His enemies found him a bramble full of the keenest thorns and were awfully scarified every time they approached him. His tongue, pen, logic, sarcasm—all were blighting as a sirocco wind.

After the repeal of the Stamp Act a calm in the public mind ensued but it was a calm of delusion such as precedes a tornado. The inquisitorial rack of the ministry was again put in motion—fresh impositions commenced—the fire of discontent was again blown to a blaze. The Bill closing the port of Boston with directions to the King's officers to seize and send to England for trial those who dared resist the royal authority—roused the indignation of colonies that had been rather passive. The Congress of 1774 was then devised of which Mr. Chase was a member. The deep solemnity, unparalleled wisdom and patient deliberations that marked the proceedings of that Congress—shed a lustre upon the cause of liberty then in embryo that forced applause from its most violent opposers. Had not the cabinet of Great Britain been blinded by sordid avarice, mad ambition and political delusion—had not the King been a mere automaton, scarcely a moving, walking, talking machine—the loyal and logical appeals from that august body of sages would have been treated with merited respect and quiet restored. The colonists asked for nothing but what was clearly right and asked in the most respectful and even suppliant manner. Ministers were left without excuse for their subsequent course. Their sacrilegious hands broke the great seal of the social compact—their agents sowed the seeds of rebellion—their cruelty kindled the flame that devoured them—their visionary policy severed the cords of maternal affection—their treachery spread the mantle of righteousness over the cause of the Revolution. We justly censure them for their corrupt designs but rejoice in the glorious result of their plans. Haman erected his own gallows. Grenville and North destroyed their own power.

In 1775 Mr. Chase was returned to Congress with instructions to pursue a conciliatory course contrary to his judgment but which he implicitly obeyed. He was active and persevering on committees and took a deep interest in every measure proposed in favor of freedom. He was returned to Congress the next year still trammelled with instructions which he truly predicted would soon be removed. In the spring of 1776 he was associated with Messrs. Franklin, Charles and Bishop Carroll on a mission to Canada to induce the people there to join in the struggle for liberty. They wanted courage to be free and still wear the yoke of bondage. On his return he was delighted to find the question of final separation from mother Britain under consideration and boldly advocated the measure. It was the very proposition to animate the soul of Samuel Chase. His instructions became burdensome as the discussion increased. They were removed just in time for him to record his vote in favor of that imperishable instrument that has immortalized the names of the signers and is the pride of every true American. The act of signing the Declaration of Rights gave him more joy than any public duty he had ever performed. A short time previous to the glorious 4th of July Mr. Chase discovered that a Judas was among them in the person of Rev. Dr. Zubly of Georgia who was clandestinely corresponding with the enemy. So bold and so suddenly did he expose the traitor on the floor of Congress that "the gentleman from Georgia" plead guilty and suddenly retired. His arrest was ordered but when the officer went to his cage the bird had flown and was never bagged. As an able statesman recently remarked, he was left in the very worst company—with himself. Mr. Chase was all industry in every position in which he was placed. In the discussions upon the Articles of Confederation he took a deep interest and active part. He considered their adoption indispensable in carrying on the good work of political regeneration. The basis of representation and the mode of voting were the two great points at issue that consumed the most time in argument.

In the fall of 1776 Messrs. Chase, Wilson, Clymer, Stockton and Smith were made a committee to take charge of the War Department—then the most important of either. Mr. Chase was upon the committee for suppressing internal enemies and became a terror to the tories and certain Quakers in and adjacent to Philadelphia who were circulating papers adverse to the American cause and were in communication with the enemy. A report, with documents proving the charge was submitted to Congress. Several leading members of the Society of Friends were confined—the seditious papers suppressed and a respectful neutrality induced on the part of that very respectable Society whose creed opposing war had led some of its members into an erroneous interference. The tories took shelter under the wings of the British army. The course pursued by Congress was then deemed harsh by some and will still appear so to a casual reader who is not familiar with the rules of war. Agreeably to the martial code of other nations—then the precedent guide for Congress—the punishment would have been much more severe. The mildness of the sentence was an antepast of a more enlarged liberty under the new form of government. By the religious tenets of the Friends it can never be sanctioned—by every friend of liberty the necessity of such a case is always regretted. Each social compact and individual in every government must be subject to the laws of the land—must submit to the ruling power that order may be maintained.

In 1778 the British Parliament devised a stratagem by which they hoped to create a division among the patriots. Printed papers were circulated among the people containing conciliatory and flattering propositions and announcing the appointment of commissioners to perfect these inglorious terms of peace. So ingeniously were these papers worded that it was deemed necessary to prepare an answer. This important task was imposed upon Mr. Chase. Most ably did he perform his duty. He unmasked the base hypocrisy of the scheme—exposed the delusive gull-trap to the consuming fire of sarcastic logic—poured upon it the burning lava of ridicule and raised the indignation and scorn of the people against it to ninety degrees above zero. So well was it received by Congress that a larger number than usual was ordered printed and a resolution passed recommending all the clergy to read it to their congregations after service on Sunday. Like all the other plans the British ministers devised to enslave the colonies—it recoiled upon their own heads with all the force of fearful reaction.

This brilliant display of talent closed the congressional labors of this devoted friend of liberty. He retired crowned with the rich honors of an able statesman, sage, patriot and honest man. He had stood firm at his post—a faithful public servant, a bold advocate for freedom, a safe counsellor in every emergency, a fearless champion when danger pressed, an ornament to his country, a terror to the enemies of liberty. As a working man he had no superior—as a debater he had few equals. Without the mellifluous elocution of a Cicero—free from pleonastic parade—he spoke forcibly, reasoned closely, demonstrated clearly, deduced conclusively. He sought to inform the judgment, enlighten the understanding and convince by sound argument. Until the close of the struggle for freedom he continued to render efficient service to the glorious cause and then resumed his profession in the full enjoyment of the confidence of his constituents and the consolation of an approving conscience.

Soon after the close of the Revolution Mr. Chase was employed by the state of Maryland to prosecute a claim for bank stock in England and obtained for it six hundred and fifty thousand dollars. His journal shows that he was a minute observer of men and things. His high legal attainments, scholastic and legislative reputation, gentlemanly deportment, thorough business habits—combined to make a favorable impression upon parliament, the English courts and barristers generally. He was absent less than a year and accomplished more business than some would have done in five. On his return he again took his place at the Bar.

In 1786 his worthy friend, Col. Howard, conveyed to him a square of ten lots in the city of Baltimore near the site of the public buildings, on condition of his locating there. He accepted the proposition and changed his residence to that city. This square is bounded by Eutaw, Lexington, Fayette and Paca streets. The mansion-house built by Mr. Chase is still owned by his descendants. In 1788 he was appointed Chief Justice of the new criminal court organized for the county of Baltimore. The same year he was a member of the Maryland Convention that ratified the Federal Constitution. In 1791 he was appointed Chief Justice of the General Court of Maryland. In 1796 he was appointed an Associate Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States by President Washington which dignified station he filled with great ability to the time of the illness which terminated his life. He was considered one of the ablest judges upon the bench. When he presided in the lower courts his decisions, when carried up to the higher legal tribunals, were seldom reversed. His expositions of law and charges to juries were plain, learned, luminous, logical, profound. His manner was forcible, impressive, commanding. With all this lustre clustering around him, encircled by the sacred halo of great and acknowledged services in the cause of Independence, still green and fresh in the memory of millions—Judge Chase was placed in the crucible of unrelenting ostracism prompted by political animosity created by the lofty independence of thought and expression constitutional with him and which prompted him to act a bold and conspicuous part when the vials of British wrath were poured out upon our bleeding country. As I shall attempt carrying him through his persecutions unscathed the critical attention of the reader is requested. He was a federalist—I am an old school democrat and go for the compromises and our UNION.

In January 1804, John Randolph obtained the passage of a resolution in the House of Representatives of the United States instituting an inquiry into the official conduct of Judge Chase. As a hypocritical salvo the name of Judge Peters was joined with his. No one was more competent and no one could be more persevering than was Mr. Randolph in his gigantic efforts to destroy Judge Chase. The committee to which the resolution was referred reported on the 6th day of the ensuing March, acquitting Judge Peters and recommending the impeachment of Judge Chase, the real object of political revenge. On the 26th of the same month articles of impeachment were reported based upon the following premises.

In 1800 Judge Chase presided on the bench of the U. S. Circuit Court at Philadelphia, assisted by Judge Peters of the District Court of Pennsylvania when and where John Fries was put upon his trial a second time for high treason against the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, owing to some informality in his previous trial before Judges Iredell and Peters. Having been fully informed of the points of law at issue and of the proceedings at the first trial, Judge Chase had prepared an elaborate exposition of the law upon treason without referring to a single fact in the case. With the approval of Judge Peters he furnished a copy to the counsel for defendant, the District Attorney and reserved one for the jury after the trial should be completed. Messrs. Lewis and Dallas, counsel for the prisoner, affected to consider this a pre-judgment of the case and permitted Fries to be tried without the aid of counsel—unquestionably intending and successfully succeeding in creating a general sympathy that procured his pardon immediately after conviction. Fries subsequently called on Judge Chase and thanked him for his impartial and generous course upon the trial. The whole matter was then looked at in its true light—a ruse of ingenious counsel. No one attributed bad motives to the bench. The approval of honest clear-headed Judge Peters is conclusive proof that Judge Chase was judicially right—prima facie evidence that his motives were pure. He had written an opinion upon the law—not upon the facts of the case. This he had frankly furnished to the counsel—not to the jury before the trial. He was bound to explain the law to the grand jury before they should proceed to their business—to the traverse jury when he gave them their charge. This constituted the first charge in the articles of impeachment.

Shortly after the trial of Fries he presided at Richmond, Virginia, when and where one Callendar was tried under the Sedition Law for publishing a libel upon the President. During the trial Judge Chase refused the admission of certain testimony offered on the part of the prisoner which exasperated those who were opposed to the law in question. He honestly believed the law salutary as a check upon the venality of the press—others thought differently. Right or wrong—his oath of office bound him to act under the law so long as it remained in force. That his decision was legally correct must be presumed from the fact that under the great excitement then existing no writ of error was taken in the case. This formed the foundation of the second charge.

From Richmond he proceeded to New Castle, Delaware, where he presided, aided by Judge Bedford. In his charge to the grand jury he gave his views frankly upon the Sedition Law that they might fully understand what constituted a breach of its provisions, knowing that one or more cases of its violation would come before them. As an illustration he alluded to certain matter published in a high-toned party paper printed in that district that violated the provisions of this law. This gave great offence to the opposite party. The allusion to the paper was legal under any circumstances by way of explanation but may be considered uncourteous until we understand that it went immediately into the hands of the grand jury as testimony which made it in all respects a legitimate document to be alluded to by him. Ingenuity could not then nor with its prolific growth could it now construe the act into a pre-judgment of the case. The publication was before him—he alluded to that but to no individual. It was clearly a violation of the meaning and intent of the law—who published it was left for the jury to determine if they could. This constituted the ground of the third article of impeachment.

In delivering his charge to the grand jury in 1803, Judge Chase made sundry remarks upon the polities of the day reflecting upon certain acts of the democratic party. This was a surplusage of duty but not cause for impeachment. It resulted from his sanguine temperament, the great political excitement of that period—not from any impurity of motive. He believed laws had been passed for party purposes that were unconstitutional. If he was in error then, his position has often been verified since. Freedom of speech is a constitutional privilege—he used the same liberty practised by his opponents and which was not then trammelled by the obnoxious Sedition Law. It was not a proper time or place to read a political lecture but it does not follow that his designs were corrupt or his conduct criminal. The ermine of a judge is not beautified by being powdered with the farina of politics—his right to think and speak upon the subject none will question. If he speaks at an improper time and place it is an error—not a crime. He animadverted upon the change of the right of suffrage in the constitution of his own state to which he had strong objections. With him many of the devoted patriots of the revolution deemed the elective franchise unsafe with ignorant men who did not fully comprehend and appreciate their rights. The reasons for this opinion grow less as intelligence increases. In some of the states a property qualification is still necessary to entitle a man to vote and in others he must be a freeholder to entitle him to hold certain town offices. An anxiety to preserve the government pure unquestionably pervaded the bosom of Judge Chase.

In concluding his charge he spoke strongly against the changes that had been made in the judiciary system of the United States. He attributed them to party politics—deemed them personal in their object and not conducive to public good in their operations. As these related to his official duties they were legitimate points for remark. It was a matter of course that a man like him should comment freely and severely upon what he conceived a personal and public wrong. He never dined at the half-way house. In all that has been presented I can find nothing to impugn the honesty of his intentions or the purity of his motives.

Upon these premises six articles of impeachment were framed at first and at the next session of Congress two more were added—the natural increase of a year. On the 2d of January 1805 Judge Chase was arraigned before the Senate of the United States. A majority of the members were politically opposed to him but amongst them were men who loved justice more than party. The herculean powers of John Randolph were brought to bear upon him in the full plenipotence of their force. The trial continued until the first of March except a short recess. A portion of this time the Judge was confined by illness. He was ably and successfully defended by Messrs. Martin, Hopkinson, Harper and Key. Of five of the charges he was acquitted by a majority of the Senate. A constitutional number could not be obtained to convict him on the others—he stood approved, acquitted, triumphant over his enemies at the highest tribunal of his country—looking upon his colossal vanquished political foes, with mingled pity and contempt. He had never doubted the favorable result and properly regarded the prosecution as a political bagatelle.

From that period to the time of his last illness his peace was undisturbed. He continued to be an ornament to the judiciary, an honor to his country, the faithful friend of human rights and equal justice. On the 19th of June 1811, surrounded by his family and friends, he bade a last farewell to sublunary things and died peaceful and happy. A large number of relatives, an extensive circle of friends and a grateful nation mourned his loss.

In the character of this great and good man we find no corruption to condemn—many strong and brilliant traits to admire. As a revolutionary patriot he stood on a lofty eminence—as a statesman he rendered many and important services—as a lawyer he enjoyed a high reputation—as a judge he sustained an exalted position. All the charges against him have been faithfully spread before the reader. The result of their investigation caused his powerful enemies to weave for him a higher eulogium than language can express. I find no evidence of guile in his heart. He felt strongly—expressed his opinions freely and acted sincerely so far as we can judge from the record.

Against his private character slander and malice never directed an arrow. He was in all respects above suspicion. He was a kind husband, an affectionate father, a warm friend—an open, honorable, scarifying opponent. His sanguine temperament was calculated to gain strong friends and violent enemies. He handled his political opposers with great severity which accounts for the mighty effort made to ostracise him from the Bench. He possessed a noble and benevolent disposition—was a friend to the poor and needy, to education and to everything that enhanced the happiness of those around him and the human family. Under his benefaction the celebrated William Pinkey was educated and made a man. He often referred gratefully to his benefactor in after life. He was an active member of St. Paul's church and did much to promote practical piety, sound morals and social order. His force, vigor, decision of character and stern integrity were well calculated for the period in which he lived. If he sometimes offended by soaring above the non-committal system of technical politics, it resulted from the strong combination of conflicting circumstances that uniformly attend the period of a revolution, the formation of a new government and the asperity of high toned party feeling operating upon the sensitive feelings of an ardent, patriotic, honest, independent mind.

ABRAHAM CLARK.

A large proportion of the most substantial and useful men who have filled the measure of their country's glory and enrolled their names on the scroll of fame, were not ushered into public notice under the streamer of a collegiate diploma fluttering in the fickle wind of popularity. A clear head, strong common sense, an investigating and analyzing mind, with a judgment matured in the school of experience, are the grand requisites to prepare a man for sterling usefulness. Without these you vainly pour upon him the classic stream. It is like water poured upon the interminable sand—it invigorates for a moment, then sinks and leaves the surface dry and unproductive. If there is no substratum to retain the appliances of irrigation, the soil is not worth the labor. I do not undervalue high seminaries of learning and highly appreciate a liberal education. I only wish to correct the opposite extreme that is gaining rapidly among us, of placing too high a value upon them, making a classical course the grand requisite of prospective usefulness. I also wish to encourage those who have talent and only a good English education, to expand their wings of usefulness and imitate the examples of Franklin, Sherman, Abraham Clark and others who have graced the theatre of human action without the aid of a collegiate education. If they do not soar like eagles they may still be useful for there is more good to be achieved and more need of labor in low life than high. An humble bird saved Rome.

Abraham Clark was born at Elizabethtown, Essex county, New Jersey on the 15th of February 1726. He was the only son of Thomas Clark who held the office of Alderman, at that time a dignified station filled by men of merit. He was a farmer, a man of strong common sense and instilled into the mind of his son the enduring principles of moral rectitude that governed his actions through life. He received a good English education and was designed for the ennobling pursuit of agriculture. Of a slender frame and feeble constitution he was unable to endure hard labor but continued to superintend the improvement of the paternal domain left him by his father. He was an accomplished mathematician and was extensively employed in surveying and conveyancing. He was also an elementary lawyer and a safe gratuitous counsellor. He often saved his friends from the vexatious labyrinth of litigation by assuaging the angry elements of passion and leading them to the pure fountain of equal justice. He was called the poor man's counsellor and did much to allay disputes and promote harmony among his neighbors. He enjoyed the blessing pronounced on peace makers. His decisions were based on correct legal principles and impartial justice. He was often selected an arbitrator in different counties to settle disputed land titles. His knowledge and legal acquirements, united by an acute judgment, became so highly appreciated, that he was appointed by the Assembly to settle the claims to undivided commons. He filled the office of sheriff—was appointed clerk of the Legislature—doing credit to himself and dignifying every station he occupied. As he became known to the public his talents were more highly appreciated—not because they kindled to a blaze calculated to excite the huzzas of the multitude one day and possibly receive their execrations the next—but because they exemplified unwavering rectitude, strict justice, moral worth and disinterested patriotism.

When the vials of oppression were poured upon his native colony by the mother country Mr. Clark was among the first to contend for liberal principles and equal rights. Cool, reflective and deliberate—he had the confidence of his fellow citizens and exercised a wise and salutary influence over them. His actions flowed from the pure fountain of a good heart guided by a clear head and a mature judgment. He weighed impartially and felt most keenly British injustice towards the colonies. He was an active and bold leader in primary meetings firmly opposing the unreasonable claims of the crown. He was a prominent member of the Committee of Safety and did much to consolidate that phalanx of sages and heroes which stood firm and unbroken amidst the storms of wrath poured on them for seven years. He had a peculiar talent to rouse his fellow citizens to action on all proper occasions, always moving within the orbit of sound discretion.

In June 1776 he took his seat in the continental Congress where he fully sustained his previous high reputation for patriotism and good sense. To such men as him we owe the liberty we now enjoy. Revolution is too often the offspring of faction. When so, the successful actors, after annihilating the power assailed often plunge into tenfold corruption. Demagogues may rouse the angry passions of the multitude to a curling flame but it requires such men as Franklin, Sherman and Clark to ride upon the whirlwind, direct the tornado and rule the storm of passion. They could guide the liquid streams of mental fire and conduct them harmless in their course.

Although the American Revolution did not originate in fanaticism—the centrifugal zeal of many of its able advocates carried them beyond the orbit of prudence. Upon such men Mr. Clark exercised a happy influence. Although they may not be able to make a flowery speech of three hours or three days at the expense of thousands to our nation—yet it is to such men we must look for the perpetuity of our UNION. It is for them to steer the ship of State clear from the rocks and shoals of error and avoid the breakers of rashness, intrigue and corruption. They are the neutralizers of the inflammatory gases that fly from the fiery craniums of many of our legislators who are more classical than discreet—more in the forum than in the committee room—more anxious to advance their party than the good of their country.

Mr. Clark was warmly in favor of the Declaration of Independence. For this strong and important measure he had long been prepared from a strong conviction that no reasonable or honorable terms would be sanctioned by the ambitious and haughty ministry of Great Britain. He believed that abject slavery awaited the colonists unless the gordian knot of allegiance was cut at one bold stroke. On the 4th of July 1776, his affirmative vote and signature upon the chart of Liberty proved his sincerity and gained for him the approval of his conscience and the approbation of admiring millions.

He was continued in Congress for seven consecutive years, except spending one session in the state legislature. Owing to his naturally strong and highly cultivated mind, great industry and extensive fund of practical knowledge, he was one of the most useful members of the national legislature. From 1783 to 1788 he was a member of the legislature in his own state. So great was his influence that every act that excited public attention was attributed to him.

Mr. Clark was a strong advocate for the Convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He was appointed a member but extreme illness prevented his attendance. In 1788 he was again elected to Congress. At the next congressional election he was defeated for the first time. This reminds me of the law of Ostracism in the Republic of Athens under which many of its citizens were banished by the same demagogue party spirit that has banished many of our best men from the political arena. Mr. Clark was then appointed to the important station of commissioner to settle the state accounts with the general government. At the ensuing election the people, upon a sober second thought, again elected him to Congress of which he remained a member up to the time of his death. He died in June 1794 from the effects of coup de soleil

Mr. Clark was truly pious, a pure patriot and an honest man. He was a faithful public sentinel, a kind and affectionate friend, an honorable and generous opponent. His death was deeply mourned by our nation and most keenly felt by his numerous personal friends. His fame is worthy of the highest encomiums—his example should be more closely imitated.

GEORGE CLYMER.

Learning makes the man, is an adage too old to be used as a quotation but which time or angels can never stamp with truth. Unless the man is made by the Creator of all good, learning cannot do it. The mental powers of man are as diversified as the soils of earth and as well deserve classification. Upon the minds of some we may pour a continued stream from the fountain of knowledge but like the desert of Sahara they are barren of fruit or flower. Upon other minds laborious efforts produce an improvement but never enrich them. Their upper crust is too light—their substratum too porous to retain the fructifying substances lavished upon them. Others yield a liberal harvest by good culture and become valuable by use. Like the alluvial prairies, others are adorned with fruits and flowers. They only require the introduction of seed to afford all the rich varieties of products that may be desired. Expose them to the genial rays of the sun of science—the germs of genius will immediately spring up—the embryo forms will bud and blossom like the rose.

The mental powers of George Clymer were composed of a deep and prolific mould capable of producing the richest fruits. Fortunately for our country it was not appropriated entirely to ornamental flowers and blooming shrubbery but to the substantial fruits that invigorate and support life. He was born in Philadelphia, Pa. in 1739. His father removed to that city from Bristol, England and died when George was but seven years old. William Coleman, his maternal uncle, took him into his family, treated him as a son and made him heir to most of his property. Being a literary man he gave his nephew every facility for the acquirement of a good education. He had an extensive library and rejoiced to see it explored by young George who manifested an early taste for reading and investigated critically every subject that came before him. He traced it through all its meanderings to its primeval source. This trait in his character rendered him vastly useful in the momentous concerns of his subsequent life. He dug deep and laid firmly the foundations of his education—the superstructure was on a firm basis.

From the seminary George went into the counting-house of his uncle and became thoroughly acquainted with the mercantile business in which he finally embarked. This calling was too precarious to suit his equipoised mind. He was opposed to sudden gains or losses—the one elated the mind too much—the other depressed it too low—destroying the divine equilibrium calculated to impart the greatest happiness to man and assimilate him to his Creator. He believed a virtuous equality in life more conducive to the prosperity of a nation than to have the majority of wealth wielded by a favored few. The former tended to republicanism—the latter to aristocracy. He was in favor of equal rights, a patriot of the Roman school, a philanthropist of the first water—opposed to all monopolies. His genius was of that original order, that, like some comets, visit our world only at long intervals. It traversed the circuit of human nature, metaphysics, philosophy, physiology, ethics and general science without an apparent effort—drawing from each conclusions peculiarly its own. He was a virtuoso, an amateur, a deep logician and an acute mathematician. A love of liberty was innate with him. His mind was richly stored with the history of other times and nations—he was well versed in the principles of law and government—he understood the chartered rights of his country and felt, most keenly, the increasing infringements upon them by the very power that was bound by the laws of nature, man and God to respect them. He was among the first to resist the oppressors of his country and proclaim to his fellow-citizens the principles of freedom. At the tea meeting held by the people of Philadelphia on the 16th of Oct. 1773, his powerful reasoning, deep sincerity, ardent zeal and enthusiastic patriotism—commanded the admiration of all who heard him. Free from pedantry and naturally retiring—his powers of mind were known only to his immediate friends. From that time his talents were claimed as public property. He was compelled to surrender possession without the formality of a mandamus, quo warranto certiorari or appeal.

When the final crisis arrived—when the shrill war-cry came rushing through the air from the heights of Lexington, Mr. Clymer took command of a company under Gen. Cadwalader and repaired to the tented field. He was a member of the Council of Safety and had served on most of the committees to prepare petitions, remonstrances and other measures of redress. On the 29th of July 1775 Congress called him from the camp to aid Michael Hillegas in managing the public treasury. He subscribed liberally to the loan raised for the public service and placed all the specie he could raise into the public chest and took in return ephemeral paper. His examples and influence caused many to rush to the rescue regardless of consequences. In July 1776 he was elected to Congress after the 4th and on taking his seat placed his name upon the Declaration of Independence. A part of the preceding delegation from Pennsylvania, finding the Declaration of Rights would be adopted, were seized with crown fits and nothing but absquatulating powders promised any relief to the spasmodic attack. As security for the payment of this medicine they put in leg bail and vanished. The people promptly filled their places with men who dared to be free.

In September of that year Messrs. Clymer and Stockton were sent by Congress to visit the northern army and confer with Gen. Washington upon future arrangements. In December of the same year Congress retired to Baltimore in consequence of the approach of the enemy, then devastating New Jersey. Mr. Clymer was one of the committee left to superintend the public interests and brave the perils that were rushing on like a tornado. He was re-elected to Congress and in April 1777 was again upon a visiting committee to the army to confer with Washington upon all subjects that required prompt attention which were neither few, small or far between. In the autumn of that year a fresh momentum was given to the patriotism of Mr. Clymer. He had removed his family and goods to Chester county. Immediately after the battle of Brandywine the tories led the British to his house who destroyed a large amount of his property. His family fled just in time to be saved the worse than savage tortures inflicted upon every prominent patriot's wife and mother they could seize. This sacrifice upon the altar of liberty strengthened him in the cause of freedom imparting fresh vigor to his exertions. Such conduct on the part of the British operated as a talisman in consolidating the colonies in one solid phalanx of unyielding opposition. Its eloquence soared above all words—it was action—action—action—demoniac action.

In December 1779 Mr. Clymer was one of a committee sent to Fort Pitt to induce the Indians to desist from hostilities. The mission consumed four months and was principally executed by him alone, narrowly escaping the tomahawk during his absence. It was found necessary to carry the war into the Indian settlements. During the year after his return he devoted his time in raising supplies for the army then in a very destitute condition. In 1780 he was again returned to Congress and served until November when he was associated with John Nixon in the organization of the Bank of North America which contributed largely in raising the prostrate credit of the government and yet stands upon a firm basis with fair prospects of surviving whilst our Republic continues. In May 1782 he was associated with Mr. Rutledge on a mission through the Southern States to induce them to meet more promptly the requisitions for supplies. During the entire period of the Revolution he devoted his whole time to the service of his country and discharged every duty faithfully. He stood high as an able and efficient co-worker in the vineyard of Liberty and when the harvest was past and the war ended, he retired from the field crowned with living honors enduring as the historic page.

When peace was proclaimed he removed to Princeton, N. J. for the purpose of resting from his toils and educating his children. The ensuing year he was persuaded to return to Philadelphia. He was immediately elected to the legislature and contributed largely in cutting from the old Constitution and laws of his native state the obnoxious branches of tyranny that still clustered around them. He stripped the penal code of its inquisitorial features and originated and successfully advocated the abolishment of death in all cases except for murder in the first degree. He was the father of the salutary penitentiary system now in full force at Cherry Hill near the city of Philadelphia—solitary confinement and labor. It may not be known to every reader that prisoners were formerly compelled to labor in chains, often in public places. The superiority of solitary confinement over all other modes of punishment has been fully demonstrated and is in a slow course of adoption throughout the confines of civilized humanity.

The mind of Mr. Clymer was prolific and happy in plans of usefulness and utility. To benefit his country and better the condition of mankind was his constant aim. To effect this he saw the necessity of reducing every department of government to system and order. American Independence was achieved—to preserve it by reconciling conflicting interests, green-eyed jealousies, incongruous clamors and imaginary evils, was a herculean task only in embryo. He hailed with joy the convention to form the Federal Constitution and had the pleasure of being a member. The result of the labors of that body was charged with a deeper interest than the war-struggle for victory over the invading armies of England. It involved the fate of our infant Republic—then trembling on the verge of ruin. One more plunge and it would have been lost in the gulf of primeval chaos. The conflict was between members of the same family who had fought the enemy in one solid unbroken phalanx—now this band of brothers were separated by local interests and sectional jealousies. To bring the issue to a safe termination it required the deepest sagacity, the acutest wisdom, the most matured judgment, the profoundest legal learning, the most disinterested patriotism, the most exalted charity and the purest spirit of conciliation. Happily for our country and the cause of liberty these noble principles predominated—the glorious work was accomplished in which Mr. Clymer participated largely.

This noble patriot was elected to the first Congress that convened under the Federal Constitution. He was a stern republican in every thing. He was very properly opposed to tacking any titles to the name of any public man except that of the office which he held. Excellency, Honorable, &c., he considered to be what they really are—shadows of a shadow, too vain and imbecile for a freeman. He was wisely opposed to the right of instruction from his constituents because they must decide without hearing evidence or argument and were themselves uniformly directed by a few designing men actuated by motives based on prejudice or ignorance. He could not be made the passive tool of demagogue power or the automaton of party spirit. We greatly need many more of the same sort at the present time. In the organization of the general government he took a very active part. Every subject presented to Congress he analyzed with the acumen of a sage, philosopher and statesman. He was continued a member until 1790, when he made an effort to close his public career. But this he was not permitted to do. Under the Act of Congress passed in 1791, imposing a duty on distilled spirits Mr. Clymer was appointed to enforce its collection in his own state. In Pennsylvania this law produced the whiskey rebellion which required military force to restore order. No display of force could prevent Mr. Clymer from the performance of his duty. He appointed collectors in the different counties, advising the people to submit to the law whilst in force and pursue the constitutional remedy for its repeal if they believed it wrong. During the height of the excitement he mingled freely with the mobocracy when but few men would have been spared if clothed with the same office. When order was restored he resigned his situation. The last public service he consented to render was in conjunction with Colonels Pickens and Hasskins in negotiating a treaty with the Creek Indians which was consummated on the 29th of June 1796. He then retired to enjoy the fruits of his labors without any to disturb or make him afraid. He had periled his life, fortune and honor for his country—he had been her fearless advocate amidst the storms of revolution, civil discord and open rebellion—in his retirement he saw her peaceful, prosperous and happy with the illustrious Washington directing her destiny to fame and glory. The measure of his ardent desires was filled—he asked no more.

Although retired from the more prominent public arena, Mr. Clymer did not seek for inglorious ease—he remained active through life. He took a deep interest in every kind of improvement and to many extended his fostering care. He was a friend to the laboring classes and became familiar with the principles of agriculture and the mechanic trades. Among his private papers are many drawings of plans for bridges, canals, and various kinds of machinery and implements of husbandry with numerous recipes relative to the fine arts. Like Franklin he extended his researches to almost every subject within the grasp of man and extracted the essential oil from each. He always sought for solid substance that was of substantial use. He was opposed to pedantry, pomp and parade. He was what would now be called a plain blunt man. His bluntness was not of an offensive kind to common sense men. It consisted in laconic truth dressed in republican simplicity—a garb that was much admired then but is quite out of fashion now—a change of rather doubtful utility. Although he originated many important measures in the national and state legislatures, he seldom spoke in the forum and was often unknown to the public when the author of wise and salutary propositions. He was ambitious only to do good and was not anxious that his name should be wafted on the breeze of popular applause or sounded in the high places of the earth. To be instrumental in benefiting the human family was the ultimatum of his soul.

When the importance of a subject induced Mr. Clymer to rise in debate he was listened to with profound attention. As a speaker his example is worthy of all imitation. Without any effort at refined eloquence he expressed in strong language what he strongly felt. He came directly to the point—adhered closely to it in a strain of keen, cutting, conclusive and laconic reasoning avoiding recrimination—was always brief, often casting into the shade in a few moments the labored and finely dressed speeches of his opponents that had cost them days, perhaps weeks to prepare and hours to deliver. He aimed his blows at the syllabus of their finely spun arguments and often demolished their ornamented superstructure at one bold stroke with the damask blade of sound logic drawn from the scabbard of plain common sense and wielded by the vigorous arm of lucid reason.

This useful man closed his earthly career at the residence of his son in Morrisville, Berks County, Pa., on the 23d of January 1813—most deeply mourned by those who knew him best. He was of the middle size, well formed, fair complexion, with a countenance attractive, intelligent, ingenuous, pleasing and expressive of a strong mind. In the private walks of life he was a model of human excellence. He was proverbial for punctuality in all things, if only to take a walk with a friend or present a promised toy to a child. In conversation he was agreeable and instructive—illuminating and enlivening the social circle with apothegms, aphorisms and pungent anecdotes—imparting pleasure and intelligence to all around him. In all this he was modest, chaste and discreet—avoiding any appearance of superiority, never making personal allusions even to his opponents. He spoke ill of no one and rebuked slander whenever he discovered it. His morals were of the purest order—his philanthropy of the loftiest kind. As a public servant, a private citizen, a kind husband, a faithful father, a warm friend, an honorable opponent and a noble patriot—George Clymer had no superior. He visited the widow and the fatherless in their distress and relieved them. He kept himself unspotted from the world and did all the good in his power. His were the fruits of primitive Christianity as taught by the Apostles. Let his examples be imitated by all—then our UNION is safe.

JOHN DICKINSON.

Frugality is an old fashioned virtue that is deeply covered with the alluvion of modern extravagance. With a large proportion of the community—economy is no longer a governing principle. More generally is this the case with public bodies and associations. When we look at the enormous and worse than useless expense of public buildings a large proportion of them are marked with an extravagance far from republican simplicity—large expenditures without enlarging comfort or convenience, Girard College is an example in point. A large portion of the money expended on that too splendid structure, was diverted from its legitimate channel—the support and education of the poor orphan. It is a tolerated—not an excusable error. So with many other public buildings erected with money drawn directly and indirectly from the hard earnings of the people. As inconsistent as it is—professing Christians have adopted this error with a vengeance—although the great Author of Christianity was born in a stable—cradled in a manger and preached his thrilling soul-cheering sermons in the open air. As churches are now conducted—how great the change—how alarming the contrast. The landmarks of primitive Christianity are buried by the alluvion of human inventions. Millions are expended in building extravagant edifices—furnishing them with velvet, damask or other cushions—the congregation involved in debt—the poor necessarily excluded—when half the amount contracted would have been sufficient and the other half should have been expended to alleviate the wants of the suffering poor and in sending the Gospel of Peace to the destitute. Extravagant professed followers of the lowly Jesus—think of this when you rise from reposing—perhaps sleeping on your gaudy church cushions. Think of the birth place of your Lord—of his life of poverty—his friendship to the poor—his constant efforts to do them good—of the habits and limited comforts of his disciples—and more—think how destitute you are of the very foundation of true religion—humility. How will you answer for these things at the searching tribunal of the great Jehovah? Even your funerals are marked with an extravagance that should be reduced to an amount that would leave a sum sufficient to make your poor neighbors comfortable for a long time. If you would honor the religion of the immaculate Redeemer—learn and practice frugality—enlarge your charity and adorn your conduct with consistency.

With the true patriots of the American Revolution frugality was proverbial. Independence Hall, built of plain brick and mortar, was deemed sufficiently splendid for the accommodation of the master spirits of that eventful era. A plain yard, with native forest trees for an ornament, was satisfactory. Now nothing but a marble structure, surrounded by extensive highly ornamented pleasure grounds, at an expense of millions, will answer for the legislators of this anti-republican era. The dear people are no longer consulted relative to the expenses of our government—to pay is their only privilege. Imported extravagance—imported customs—apish imitations of European usages—are fast driving republican simplicity from our once happy land. If the people tamely submit to these gross innovations they will ultimately reap the bitter fruits of their culpable neglect of duty.

Among the sages of the American Revolution, John Dickinson figured conspicuously. He was born in Maryland in 1732. After acquiring a good education he read law and had a lucrative practice in the city of Philadelphia. He was elected to the legislature at an early age and became a prominent member—an eloquent speaker and ready writer. He was a member of the General Congress in 1765 when he boldly exposed the unwarranted conduct of crown officers urged on by corrupt ministers. In 1767 he published a series of letters—boldly exposing the unconstitutional features of sundry acts of parliament. They contributed largely towards preparing the people for that resistance which resulted in freedom.

Mr. Dickinson was a member of the important preliminary Congress of 1774 and wrote the lucid petition to the King that emanated from that body. He was the author of the declaration published by the Congress of 1775 which ably set forth the causes that impelled the down-trodden colonists to take up arms and resolve on victory or death. The second petition to the King was from his pen and adopted by Congress. All his writings were well suited to the occasions that induced them and were eminently calculated to advance the cause of the patriots. He was slow to believe England could not be brought to see and relinquish her suicidal course. He believed the Declaration of Independence premature and did not vote for it. He had great confidence in his own persuasive powers. His opposition to the Declaration of Rights caused his constituents to give him leave of absence. He subsequently sanctioned it and repented of his error. In 1779 he was again elected to Congress and became a zealous, active, useful member. The following extract from an address, adopted by Congress on the 26th of May 1779, is from his pen.

"Infatuated as your enemies have been from the beginning of this contest do you imagine they can flatter themselves with a hope of conquering you unless you are false to yourselves? When unprepared, undisciplined and unsupported—you opposed their fleets and armies in full conjoined force—then, if at any time, was conquest to be apprehended. Yet, what progress towards it have their violent and incessant efforts made? Judge from their own conduct. Having devoted you to bondage and after vainly wasting their blood and treasure in the dishonorable enterprise—they deigned at length to offer terms of accommodation with respectful addresses to that once despised body—the Congress—whose humble supplications, only for peace and safety, they had contemptuously rejected under pretence of its being an unconstitutional assembly. Nay more—desirous of seducing you into a deviation from the paths of rectitude from which they had so far and rashly wandered, they made most specious offers to tempt you into a violation of your faith given to your illustrious ally."

"Foiled again and stung with rage, embittered by envy—they had no alternative but to renounce the inglorious and ruinous controversy or to resume their former modes of prosecuting it. They chose the latter. Again the savages are stimulated to horrid massacres of women and children and domestics to the murder of their masters. Again our brave and unhappy brethren are doomed to miserable deaths in jails and prison-ships. To complete the sanguinary system—all the 'extremities of war' are denounced against you by authority. * * Rouse yourselves, therefore, that this campaign may finish the great work you have so nobly carried on for several years past. What nation ever engaged in such a contest under such a complication of disadvantages so soon surmounted many of them and in so short a period of time had so certain a prospect of a speedy and happy conclusion. We will venture to pronounce that so remarkable an instance exists not in the annals of mankind. * * * Consider how much you have done and how comparatively little remains to be done to crown you with success. Persevere and you insure peace, freedom, safety, glory, sovereignty and felicity to yourselves, your children and your children's children." * * *

"Fill up your battalions—be prepared in every part to repel the incursions of your enemies—place your several quotas in the constitutional treasury—lend money for public uses—sink the emissions of your several states—provide effectually for expediting the conveyance of supplies for your armies and fleets and for your allies—prevent the produce of your country from being monopolized—effectually superintend the behaviour of public officers (what a poser if the dear people should do this imperious duty now) diligently promote piety, virtue, brotherly love, learning, frugality and moderation and may you be approved before Almighty God—worthy of those blessings we devoutly wish you to enjoy."

Here is a bright specimen of the republican principles that governed the public officers and people of the Revolution. They are too simple for the present portentous era of imported extravagance and customs—too pure for the politicians of our time. They will be read with approving admiration—but few will put them in practice.

Mr. Dickinson filled the office of President of Pennsylvania and subsequently removed to the state of Delaware and there filled the same chair. His political writings were collected and published in 1810 making two volumes octavo. His famous "Farmer's Letters to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies" were so highly prized by the astute Franklin that he had them republished in London and sent a French translation to Paris. But few of the sages did as much with their pen as this patriot. He lived to enjoy the fruits of his labors to a good old age. He resided at Wilmington, Delaware, for a long time where he closed his earthly pilgrimage on the 15th of February 1808. He was a member of the Society of Friends. His private character was without reproach.

WILLIAM ELLERY.

Contracts fairly entered into by parties competent to make and consummate them should be sacredly fulfilled in the minutest particulars. Individuals and social compacts from the common business firm up to the most exalted national engagements are bound by the laws of God, man and honor to keep inviolate their plighted faith. A deviation from the path of rectitude in this particular is uniformly attended with evil consequences and often with those most disastrous. The party that violates its obligations without a justifiable reason and especially if it attempts to advance its own interests regardless of, perhaps injurious to those of the other, comes to court with a bad cause. I have repeatedly remarked that the American Revolution resulted from a violation of colonial chartered rights by the mother country. To enter into a full exposition of the relations between the two high contracting parties would require more space than can be allowed in this work. Reference to some of the cardinal points in a single charter will give the reader a clue to them all. Some of a later date are rather more limited in privileges than that of Rhode Island to which I refer.

This charter secured religious freedom, personal liberty, personal rights in property—excluding the king from all interference with the local concerns of the colony and was virtually republican in its provisions. One of the early Acts of Parliament referring to Rhode Island contains the following language. "That no person within the said colony at any time hereafter shall be in any way molested, punished, disquieted or called in question for any difference of opinion in matters of religion that does not actually disturb the civil peace of said colony." The loyalty of the inhabitants up to the time oppressions commenced was unquestionable. The ancient records give full evidence of the fact. The addresses to the king begin thus. "The general Assembly judged it their duty to signify his majesty's gracious pleasure vouchsafed to us." Extract of a letter written to Sir Henry Vane in England. "We have long drunk of the cup of as great liberties as any people we can hear of under the whole heavens. We have not only been long free, together with all English, from the yokes of wolfish bishops and their popish ceremonies against whose grievous oppressions God raised up your noble spirit in parliament but we have sitten down quiet and dry from the streams of blood spilt by war in our native country. We have not known what an excise means. We have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea or taxes either to church or common weal."

In addition to other declaratory acts of Parliament sanctioning and continuing chartered privileges generally in all the colonies, one was passed in March 1663, involving the very hinge upon which the question of the Revolution turned. Extract—"Be it further enacted—That no taxes shall be imposed or required of the colonies but by the consent of the General Assembly"—meaning the General Assembly of each colony separably and including the whole. This single sentence of that declaratory act, based upon a cardinal point in the British constitution and guarded by the sanctity of charter contracts that could not be annulled but by the mutual consent of the high contracting parties, solves the problem of the Revolution. Having lived in the full enjoyment of chartered privileges which had become matured by the age of more than a century, the colonists would have been unworthy the name of men had they tamely submitted to their annihilation. To the unfading honor of their names—they did not submit. A band of sages and heroes rose in all the majesty of man—met the invaders of their rights and drove them from Columbia's soil.

Among them was William Ellery, born at Newport Rhode Island on the 2d of December 1727. His ancestors were from Bristol, England. He was the son of William Ellery a graduate of Harvard College and an enterprising merchant. He filled many public stations and became one of the first men in the colony. Pleased with the docility of his son he became his instructor and prepared him for college. He entered Harvard and became a close and successful student. He was delighted with the classics and was enraptured with the history of the ancient republics. So great was his veneration for ancient authors that he continued his familiarity with them to the moment of his death. He was one of the most lucid classic philologists of that age. He graduated at twenty and commenced the study of law. In that ever expanding field of labor he was all industry and was admitted to the bar with brilliant prospects before him. Located in one of the most delightful towns on the Atlantic, surrounded by a large circle of friends who desired his success, blessed with superior talents improved by a refined education, esteemed by all who knew him—his situation was truly agreeable. He possessed an amiable disposition, a strong mind, a large share of wit and humor, polished manners and a vivid animation in conversation that dispelled ennui from every circle in which he moved. With these accomplishments he spread his sails to the public breeze.

He commenced a successful practice at the bar of Newport and realized the fond anticipations of his friends. He was highly honorable in his course and had the confidence of the citizens, the respect of his professional brethren and the esteem of the courts. To make more complete his standing and importance in community he entered into partnership with a most estimable lady until death should them part. The firm proved prosperous and happy. Up to the time British oppression commenced, his days passed peacefully and quietly along with an accumulating fortune flowing in. When the revolutionary storm loomed up from the horizon he became roused. A new impetus was given to his mental and physical powers. His townsmen were the first who had dared to beard the British lion. On the 17th of June 1769, in consequence of the oppressive conduct of her captain, the revenue sloop Liberty belonging to his Britannic majesty was forcibly seized by a number of citizens in disguise who cut away her masts, scuttled her, carried her boats to the upper part of the town and committed them to the flames under the towering branches of a newly planted Liberty Tree. This act was followed by another on the 9th of June 1772 in which blood was shed—that of seizing and burning the British schooner Gaspee. This was made a pretext for more severe measures by the hirelings of the crown who recommended to Parliament the disfranchisement of the colony. The revolutionary ball was in motion at Newport. In the midst of these turmoils Mr. Ellery was with the people and for freedom. He went for the preservation of rights that had become sacred and venerable by age and had the high sanction of the laws of man, of nature and of God. In 1774 he approved a suggestion made in a letter from Gen. Greene—that the colonies should declare themselves independent. This spirit took fast hold on the people of Rhode Island at the very inception of the Revolution.

In 1776 Mr. Ellery was elected to the Continental Congress. His constituents left him to act free as mountain air. He stood up to the post of duty boldly and became an active member. He was fully prepared to advocate and sanction the Declaration of Independence. An agreeable speaker, master of satire, sarcasm, logic and philosophy—he exercised a salutary and judicious influence. He was appointed on several important committees and rendered efficient service. Upon the marine committee he was the leading man. He was a strong advocate for the navy. Many of his constituents were bold mariners. He felt a just pride in referring to his fellow citizen—Commodore Ezek Hopkins, as the first commander of the little fleet of the infant republic. It was he who took New Providence by surprise—seized a large amount of war munitions amongst which were one hundred pieces of cannon—took the royal Governor, Lieutenant Governor and sundry others of his majesty's officers prisoners and gave an earnest of the future glory to be achieved by Yankee seamen.

When the time arrived for the final question upon the momentous instrument that was to be a warrant of death or the diploma of freedom, Mr. Ellery was at his post and fearlessly gave it his approving vote and sanctioning signature. With his usual vivacity he took his stand by the side of the Secretary, Charles Thomson, for the purpose of observing the apparent emotions of each member as he came up and signed the important document. He often referred to this circumstance in after life and said an undaunted resolution was observed on every countenance. He was continued a member of Congress until 1785—full evidence of the high estimation in which he was held by his constituents. In 1777 he was upon the committee that originated the plan of fitting out seven fire ships to annoy the British fleet and had the credit of suggesting and perfecting it.

When the enemy obtained possession of Newport their vengeance against this noble patriot was manifested by burning all his property within their reach. This did not move the equanimity of his mind only to make him more zealous in the glorious cause of liberty. In 1778 he strongly advocated a resolution making it death for any citizen—alias tory who should betray or aid in delivering into the hands of the enemy any of the adherents of the cause of freedom or give any intelligence that should lead to their capture. He spent nearly his whole time in Congress and toiled incessantly. In 1779 he was on the committee of foreign relations which had the settlement of some very unpleasant difficulties between the United States and the foreign commissioners. He was chairman of a committee to provide provisions for the inhabitants of Rhode Island who were destitute of the necessaries of life. From year to year he was arduously employed on most of the standing and many other important committees. Marine difficulties occurred between the general government and some of the states arising from a difference of opinion relative to the powers conferred by the Articles of Confederation. A committee was appointed to define those powers of which Mr. Ellery was the leading member. This committee determined that all disputed claims were subject to appeal from the Court of Admiralty to Congress where the facts and law were to be fully settled. On all occasions and in all situations he was diligent and punctual. When he discovered any long faces or forlorn countenances in Congress the artillery of his wit and humor was sure to pour a broadside upon them and often dispelled the lowering clouds that hung gloomily over the minds of members.

In 1782 he was an efficient member of the committee on public accounts the duties of which were large and perplexing. Speculation and peculation had rolled their dark waves over the public business of the nation—to do justice to all who presented claims was a problematical matter. In 1784 he was upon the committee to act upon the definitive treaty with Great Britain. He was upon the committee to define the power of the Treasury Board—the one upon Foreign Relations and the one upon the War Office. To crown his brilliant labors in Congress with resplendent glory, he advocated the resolution of Mr. King to abolish slavery in the United States. His whole force was brought to bear upon this subject in a strain of forensic eloquence and powerful logic that added fresh lustre to the substantial fame he had long enjoyed. Then the subject was legitimate for Congress—now it belongs to each state interested.

In 1785 Mr. Ellery retired from political life and repaired to his now peaceful home to replenish his ruined fortune and enjoy the blessings of the Independence he had so much aided in consummating. In the spring of 1786 Congress made him commissioner of the National Loan Office for Rhode Island. Shortly after he was elected Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of his native state. On his accession to the Presidential chair, Washington appointed him Collector of Customs for Newport which station he ably filled until he took his tranquil departure to a brighter world. The evening of his life was as calm and mellow as an Italian sunset. Universally esteemed—he enjoyed a delightful intercourse with a large circle of friends. Honest, punctual and correct—he had the confidence of the commercial community in his official station. During the thirty years he was Collector of Customs, a loss of only two hundred dollars upon bond accrued to government and upon that bond he had taken five sureties. He spent much of his time in reading classic authors and in corresponding with eminent men. But three weeks before his death he wrote an essay upon Latin prosody and the faults of public speakers. His bible was a favorite companion from which he drew and drank the living waters of eternal life. Always cheerful, instructive and amusing—his company was a rich treat to all who enjoyed it. His writings combined a sprightliness and solidity rarely found.

His death was as remarkable as it was tranquil and glorious. It was that of a Christian and philosopher. On the morning of the 15th of February 1820 he rose in usual health and seated himself in the flag-bottom chair which he had used for fifty years and which was a relic rescued from the flames when the enemy fired his buildings. He commenced reading Tully's Officiis in his favorite Latin without the aid of glasses the print being no larger than that of a pocket bible. During the morning the family physician called in and seeing him very pale felt his wrist and found his pulse had ceased. He administered a little wine which gave a transient impetus to the purple current. The physician spoke encouragingly to whom Mr. Ellery replied—"It is idle to talk to me in this way. I am going off the stage of life and it is a great blessing that I go free from sickness, pain and sorrow." Becoming extremely weak his daughter helped him on the bed where he sat upright and commenced reading Cicero de Officiis with the same composure as if in the full vigor of life. In a few moments his spirit left its tenement of clay without a motion, groan or sigh—his body still erect with the book under his chin as if asleep. William Ellery was dead—relations and friends wept—our nation mourned.

Thus usefully lived and happily died one of the brightest specimens of human excellence. His whole career presents a rare and rich picture upon which the imagination may feast, with increasing delight and which cannot be rendered more beautiful or interesting by the finest touches of the pencil of fancy dipped in the most brilliant color of romance. He was of the middle stature, well formed, with a large head; an intelligent and expressive countenance, moderate in his physical movements and with all his vivacity generally had a grave aspect. He was temperate, plain and uniform in his habits and dress and could seldom be induced to join in chase after the ignis fatuus—fashion. For many years before his death his wardrobe was of an order belonging to a by-gone generation. His courtesy and hospitality were always conspicuous—the whole frame-work of his character was embellished with all the rich varieties of amiable and good qualities—uniting beauty with strength which ever gain esteem in life and tranquillity in death. Reader contemplate this bright picture until its impress is so deeply fixed upon your mind that nought but death can erase it.

WILLIAM FLOYD.

Lexicographers define ambition to be an earnest desire of power, honor, preferment, pride. Some who study party politics more than philosophy, physiology or ethics, call all the laudable desires of the heart ambition—aiming to strip the monster of its deformity that they may sail under false colors and play the pirate whenever an opportunity offers. The power that is gained by ambition is held by a slender tenure—often a mere rope of sand. Its hero may receive the homage of the multitude one day and be the victim of their fury the next. The summit of vain ambition is often the depth of misery. Based on a volcanic foundation it is in constant danger of an eruption. Inflated by a gaseous thirst for power, like a balloon with hydrogen, it is liable to an explosion from the very material that elevated it. Predicated on self—it spurns philanthropy, banishes charity, tramples on justice, despises patriotism, deals largely in the corrosive sublimate of falsehood, the elixir vitriol of revenge—the assafœtida of duplicity. Like a kite, it cannot rise in a calm and when up, is subject to fly from its fastenings and be rent by the cross currents ever in motion. The fulcrum of ignorance and the lever of party spirit form its magic power.

Some European writers have charged the patriots of the American Revolution with selfish ambition. They may be excused for this supposition from the fact that this is the motive power of their actions and they can understand no other. Very different was the fact. Private virtue, broad charity, genuine philanthropy, undisguised patriotism were marked characteristics of those who achieved our Liberty. They were actuated by pure and honest motives—not by wild ambition and political frenzy. Noisy partisans and intriguing demagogues were not the favorites of the people at that trying period. The man of genuine worth and modest merit was the one they delighted to honor and trust.

In the character of William Floyd these qualities were happily blended. He was born at Suffolk county, Long Island, State of New York on the 17th of December 1734. He was the son of Mr. Nicoll Floyd and the grandson of Richard Floyd who came from Wales in 1680 and settled at Setauket, Long Island. During his childhood William was remarkable for frankness, truth, docility and pleasing manners. He was an industrious student and acquired a liberal education. During the prosecution of his studies he devoted a short period almost daily to his gun in pursuit of game which gave him healthful exercise and a strong frame. His father died before William arrived at his majority leaving him an ample fortune. This he managed with prudence and economy. From his youth he had been the advocate of liberal principles. At manhood he became a prominent opposer to the innovations of the British ministers upon the chartered rights of Americans. As oppression increased his patriotic feelings were more frequently and freely expressed. He was an active and zealous member of the Congress of 1774. He had the unlimited confidence of his constituents—the esteem of all who knew him. His cool deliberation and calm deportment were well calculated to preserve an equilibrium among those of a more fiery temperament and rashness in action. That Congress was remarkable for clear and unanswerable argument, calm and astute discussion, wise and judicious plans—reasonable but firm purposes. The course pursued operated powerfully and favorably upon the minds of reflecting men whose influence it was important to secure.

Mr. Floyd had command of the militia of the county in which he lived. When the British attempted to land at Gardner's Bay he promptly assembled the yeoman troops and repelled the invading foe. In 1775 he was again at his post in Congress and became one of its very efficient members. He was a working man and almost constantly engaged on important committees. During his absence the enemy obtained possession of Long Island and compelled his family to flee to Connecticut for safety. His property was materially injured—his house converted into a military barrack and for seven years he was deprived of all resources from his farm. In 1776 he was a warm advocate of the Declaration and with great satisfaction placed his name upon that sacred instrument. In 1777 he was elected to the first Senate of the Empire State convened under the new order of things. He was a leading member and rendered important services in forming a code of republican laws.