TRAVELS
IN
WESTERN AFRICA,
ETC.

G. WOODFALL, ANGEL COURT, SKINNER STREET, LONDON.

W. Gray del.

BOKARI THE KARTAN GUIDE.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

MAP of the ROUTES pursued by the Expeditions under MAJORS PEDDIE AND GRAY.

[(Large-size)]

TRAVELS
IN
WESTERN AFRICA,
IN THE YEARS 1818, 19, 20, AND 21,

FROM THE

RIVER GAMBIA, THROUGH WOOLLI, BONDOO, GALAM,
KASSON, KAARTA, AND
FOOLIDOO, TO THE RIVER NIGER.

BY
MAJOR WILLIAM GRAY,
AND THE LATE
STAFF SURGEON DOCHARD.

WITH A MAP, DRAWINGS, AND COSTUMES, ILLUSTRATIVE
OF THOSE COUNTRIES.

Quòd si deficiant vires, audacia certè

Laus erit in magnis, et voluisse sat est.

PROP.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET
MDCCCXXV.

WITH SENTIMENTS OF THE HIGHEST RESPECT
AND THE MOST SINCERE GRATITUDE,
THE AUTHOR OF THE FOLLOWING PAGES
HAS, BY PERMISSION, DEDICATED THEM
TO THE
RIGHT HON. THE EARL BATHURST,

HIS MAJESTY’S PRINCIPAL SECRETARY OF STATE
FOR THE COLONIES.

PREFACE.

In offering to the public the following pages, it may be necessary to state the motives which operated to my acceptance of that important command, which it will be their business to disclose. Though not born in the camp, nor altogether educated in the field, I have been early taught in that frankness which generally characterises the soldier, and, I trust, it will be found that, in all I describe, I have never deviated from strictly acting on that honourable and faithful basis.

I had reached the shores of Africa, in my tour of service, well remembering on my passage the labours and researches of the informed and the brave who perished in the exalted struggle of benefiting their country and the benighted Africans; while, at the same time, I could not help reflecting on the disappointing results which often attend the best directed human exertions. The brave and the scientific were gone; their country consecrated their labours, though partially abortive; and the enterprising mind felt no alarm in tracing their progress, while a chance remained of redeeming their fate by more successful exertions. Greece and Rome alternately fought and conquered, and were subdued by arms, the short summary of most nations’ history, while it remained for the British Government alone to extend their empire through the enlightened agency of moral sway, of civil institutes, and Christian regulations, and convey to the hapless, the neglected, and the enslaved, the highest blessings which can dignify, improve, or adorn man.

Warmed with those feelings, I felt an honourable pride in being entrusted with a command to explore the uncultivated regions of Western Africa. It was a task of peril, but the measure of danger was the measure of honour; and with a strong distrust of my own capacity I accepted the office of conducting the expedition. As soon as I became acquainted with its objects, it may be naturally supposed that I felt some uneasiness; but such were the measures taken by a superior commander, now no more, that any insufficiency on my part was compensated by the wisdom of a gallant and enlightened officer. The objects of the mission were not the mere acquisition of territory, or the unfair advantage of commerce; they were the improvement of science, the enlargement of trade, and the consequent diffusion of increased happiness to the African population. The sceptic in religion, and the would-be renovator of politics, may think differently on this subject; but every rational individual must feel that British life, British talent, and British treasure, would not be employed in such a quarter if there were not every wish to benefit and improve the condition of our degraded fellow creatures.

In undertaking this mission I was not employed to create a fabulous history, or describe romantic scenery; I was employed to glean and collect facts; to effect discovery when it was possible; to note down nothing which might not lead to some useful result; and, in the end, to draw such honest inferences as will, I humbly venture to trust, be found throughout these pages.

With the wisdom of all the previous plans adopted in exploring Western Africa I have nothing to do, and for that in which I was engaged, I only feel myself responsible as far as the resources placed within my reach. A difficult duty was assigned me; I attempted its execution; and, be the results satisfactory or not, I can safely say that my best exertions were in no case wanting to meet the views of those high authorities at home and abroad who confided its performance to me. If I have partially failed, the failure is attributable to circumstances, which will be fully developed in the sequel. I shall say nothing of my sufferings and privations; but after all I have witnessed, I feel deeply impressed with the generous sentiments and wishes of his Majesty’s Government towards all who need their aid, and I entertain a fervent hope that to future travellers in Africa my humble endeavours may prove a source of more ample success than it has fallen to my lot to achieve.

I cannot conclude, without regretting the premature death of my friend and companion Staff Surgeon Dochard, who but a few months after my return from Africa, fell a victim to the consequences of the sufferings and privations he endured on the missions under the command of Major Peddie, Captain Campbell, and myself. I particularly felt the want of that assistance in preparing our several notes for the press, which he was so fully able to afford me. The importance of his notes have not, however, been altogether lost, though they are still deprived of much of that value which his reconsideration would no doubt have imparted to them. Such as he left them, they are faithfully preserved, and have been used in the narrative with the same attention as my own.

W. GRAY, Major.

CONTENTS.

PLATES.

N. B. For the nature and amount of presents, see Appendix.

ERRATA.

TRAVELS IN AFRICA,
ETC.

CHAPTER I.

Arrival of the Expedition at Senegal — Delay there — A Messenger despatched to Sego — Departure from Senegal, and Arrival at the Rio Nunez — Town of Tallabunchia — Major Peddie’s Death — Sickness of the Men and Officers — Departure from Robugga — Difficulties on the March — Arrival at the Panjetta.

It is no doubt in the recollection of many of my readers, that an expedition destined to explore the interior of Africa, from its western coast to the river Niger, the course and termination of which was its ultimate, and indeed grand object, left England in the latter end of 1815, under the command of Brevet-Major Peddie, of the 12th Foot, having with him Captain Campbell, of the Royal Staff Corps, and Staff-Surgeon Cowdrey; the latter, an officer who had some years before explored part of the country in the vicinity of the Cape of Good Hope, and all three fully qualified to the importance of the service entrusted to their care.

On their arrival at Senegal in the month of November, 1815, so many obstacles presented themselves to the immediate departure of the expedition for the interior, that Major Peddie, having proceeded to Sierra Leone for the purpose of consulting with his Excellency the Governor, decided on remaining at Senegal until the ensuing year.

They had not been long there, when Staff-Surgeon Cowdrey took ill, and in a few days fell a victim to the climate, much regretted by his brother officers, who were thus left without a medical assistant, and deprived not only of his society, but of his invaluable services as a naturalist and astronomer.

To fill the situation thus left vacant, at least in the capacity of a medical officer, I was applied to by Major Peddie; and although I felt that I possessed few of the qualifications requisite to the discharge of the duties of so important a situation, I nevertheless accepted the offer, with a determination that no exertion should be wanting on my part to forward the services of the expedition, which I joined at Senegal, in February, 1816.

Major Peddie’s first step was to despatch a messenger with a letter to the king of Sego, informing him of our intention to visit him, and begging he would send some of his chiefs to Senegal, to conduct us into his territories. The person employed, whose name was Lamina, was a native of Sego, and promised to return with the king’s answer in three months.

Captain Campbell went to Sierra Leone in March, 1816, for the purpose of acquiring information respecting the path through Foota Jallon, and on his return so strongly urged Major Peddie to enter the country for the interior from the Rio Nunez, that he decided on doing so, and fixed the middle of November for their departure from Senegal. The interim was employed in collecting information respecting the countries through which we were to travel, and selecting from the regiment serving on the coast, a detachment of non-commissioned officers and men fitted to the peculiarity of such a service, and purchasing animals for the transport of the baggage.

All these preparations being completed, we embarked on board four vessels, hired for the purpose, and sailed from Senegal on the 17th of November, 1816.

The expedition was then composed of Major Peddie, Captain Campbell, Mr. Adolphus Kummer, a German, as naturalist, Mr. Partarrieau, a native of Senegal (possessing considerable knowledge of the Arabic and Moorish languages, with some of the native African tongues), and myself, having with us a party of soldiers and civilians, amounting to 100 individuals, and a train of 200 animals. We called at Goree, where we remained until the 26th, when being joined by a vessel from the Cape de Verde Islands, having on board some horses and mules for our use, we proceeded and arrived, after a tedious passage of sixteen days, at Kakundy, a factory belonging to a Mr. Pearce, on the left bank of the Rio Nunez.

While waiting for the tide at the mouth of that river, we visited a small island formed by the alluvial matter brought down with the stream, and collected by a ridge of rocks which run nearly across its embouchure. It is called Sandy Island, from its soil being almost wholly composed of that substance. It is about a mile in length, and from a quarter to half a mile in breadth, having a gentle rise towards the centre, where it is covered by a grove of palm trees. We met on it a party of about twenty of the Bagoo tribe, who had come thither to collect palm wine, for the celebration of a mournful ceremony over one of their chiefs, who had died a short time before. At a little distance from the spot where we met them, there is an arbour, on approaching which we were stopped, and told the place was sacred, as it contained their idols; of those we could not obtain even an indistinct view.

Tallabunchia, which we also visited, is situated on the north bank of the river, about four miles above Sandy Island, in a plain, beautifully shaded with lofty palm trees, and a great profusion of orange, lime, plantain, and bananas. The town is straggling and irregular, and contains about 200 inhabitants. The houses are about sixteen feet high, and divided, by a partition of split cane, into two apartments, one of which serves as a store for their rice, &c. and the other for a dwelling. The men are strong and well formed, but of an extremely savage appearance; their whole apparel consists of a fathom of cotton cloth wrapped round their waists; they practise cutting the incisor teeth and tattooing the breasts and arms; holes are pierced through the whole circle of the ear, in which are inserted bits of a coarse kind of grass. The dress of the women is still less decent or becoming; a strip of cotton bound round the loins, in the shape of what surgeons call a T bandage, is their only covering; a band of twisted grass round the upper parts of the thigh, one immediately above, and another below the knee, with one over the ankle, constituted the female ornaments. The children were quite naked, and had large copper rings hanging from the cartilage of the nose.

A NATIVE’S HUT AT TALABUNCHIA.

W. Gray del.

FAC SIMILE OF DRAWING ON THE WALLS OF THE HUT.

[(Large-size)]

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

On the morning of the 14th, Captain Campbell, who had again proceeded to Sierra Leone, on matters connected with the service, joined us at Kakundy, where the whole of the men, animals, and baggage were landed. We encamped on an elevated piece of ground, cleared for the purpose, and overlooking the factory. There sickness soon began to prevail amongst the Europeans, few of whom escaped without one or two attacks of fever, and, such was their weak state, that, on the 24th of December, it was thought expedient to remove them about four miles east of Kakundy, to Robugga, a factory belonging to a Mr. Bateman, who politely gave up his house for their accommodation. On that day Major Peddie was attacked with violent fever, from which he experienced little relief until the morning of the 1st of January, 1817, when, thinking himself better, he left his bed, but was soon obliged to resume it, and in a few hours breathed his last.

This was a sad commencement of the new year, and the melancholy event cast a heavy gloom on the minds of every individual connected with the expedition. It made so deep an impression on some, that it was with much difficulty they could be prevailed on not to abandon the enterprise. Never was a man more sincerely beloved, nor more truly regretted by all who knew him. His remains were deposited, amidst the heartfelt regrets of his friends and companions, on the following day, in the court-yard of Mr. Bateman, under the shade of two orange trees; and an appropriate epitaph, written by Captain Campbell, and carved on a slab of native mahogany, was placed on his grave.

The day previous to his death, the expedition was joined by Lieutenant Stokoe, of the Royal Navy, and Hospital-assistant Nelson. They were accompanied by Lieutenant M‘Rae, of the Royal African Corps, and Thomas Buckle, Esq.[1]; the latter was sent by his Excellency, Sir Charles M‘Carthy, to afford every facility to our departure from Kakundy, and was the bearer of presents to Mr. Pearce (the nominal king of Kakundy having no power whatever in the country), without consulting whom nothing is done in that river even by the European traders.

Lieutenant M‘Rae, hearing on his arrival of Major Peddie’s illness, and the little hope we entertained of his recovery, came forward with the most disinterested zeal, and told Captain Campbell that if his services were likely to be of any use to the expedition, he would readily accompany it; indeed he left Sierra Leone partly with that intention: and notwithstanding the great want of officers in that garrison at the time, and that he filled some very important situations, his Excellency, with that alacrity he had all along shewn to comply with whatever was calculated to forward the views of the expedition, most willingly agreed to his proceeding, should his services be required. After Major Peddie’s death, they were considered very acceptable, and he was immediately added to our number. He did not, however, long survive our lamented commander; he was attacked with fever, for the first time since his arrival on the coast, on the 13th of January, and died on the 21st, deeply regretted by us all.

The convalescents, and in which condition were nearly all the Europeans, being in a very debilitated state, were moved forward, under the care of Mr. Nelson, to the borders of the Foota country, on the Tingalinta river, whence they might be easily sent back were they not sufficiently recovered by the time the whole might have moved forward.

We left Robugga in the afternoon of the 1st of February, and after a most fatiguing march of four hours reached Harrimakona, a small slave village belonging to a Mandingo chief, named Kirra Mahomadoo, who lives near Kakundy.

On the morning of the 2d, Lieutenant Stokoe was added to the sick list, and being unable to render any assistance, rode forward to the Tingalinta. We left Harrimakona at two, P.M. and got on tolerably well until we arrived at a difficult pass in a wood, where those in front disturbed a swarm of bees, which made so violent an attack on both men and animals, that all were thrown into confusion. On my being made acquainted with the cause, I considered it a very frivolous excuse for allowing the horses and asses to run about in all directions, throwing off their loads; and was reprimanding the men for their carelessness, when I was attacked by so dense a swarm of those insects, that I was obliged to retreat, and suffer the mortification of exhibiting myself in the same predicament with those I had just been reproving. It was sunset before the bees dispersed, or we could collect the animals, many of whom suffered severely, from the bees getting into their eyes, ears, and nostrils; one of our best horses died on the spot, and some of the asses were unable to rise from the ground. We reached the Changêballê stream at nine o’clock, but the darkness of the night, and the difficulty of the passage prevented our crossing.

From the number of animals stung by the bees on the 2d, we were in a bad state for travelling on the morning of the 3rd; the third and fourth divisions, however, moved forward to the Tingalinta, leaving the second and first, which arrived about noon from Robugga, at the Changêballê, where we found it necessary to halt, until the arrival of some animals from the divisions in advance enabled us to move, in the cool of the evening, to the Pompo stream, where we passed the night.

The following morning, we started at eight, and at ten reached a fine stream, the Falgori, which we were more than an hour in crossing. The difficulty did not arise from the depth of water, but from the acclivity of the hill on the east bank, up which some of the animals could not carry their loads without the assistance of two men. After passing this hill we entered a barren rocky waste, over which we travelled, for nearly twelve miles, without meeting water.

We were here met by Mahomedoo Mariama, a messenger sent by Major Peddie from Senegal in the preceding August, with a letter to the Almamy or king of Teembo. He was accompanied by Abdul Hamed, one of Almamy’s brothers, and three other chiefs, with their wives and attendants. We reached the Tingalinta village at four, P.M. and encamped for the night on the east side of a hill overlooking the river. The men were all extremely fatigued, and, although we had only travelled thirty miles, we had all had four days’ hard work, in consequence of the difficulties of the path, and the accidents among our animals. The general appearance of the country we travelled over was extremely barren, and our course south-east. We found that the convalescents sent forward to the Tingalinta with Mr. Nelson, were still in a very weak state, and the scarcity of rice under which we laboured, tended to keep them so. We were in hourly expectation, however, of a supply from Kakundy. A little milk was all we could procure at the village which takes its name from the river, and contains about 100 inhabitants, principally slaves, belonging to Mr. Pearce, who has allowed them to settle there for the purpose of cultivation, and to keep up an intercourse with Foota Jallon. The rice, to the amount of ten men’s loads [ten cwts.], arrived on the 8th, and eight of those men, natives of the neighbourhood of Kakundy, were engaged to carry loads to Laby.

On the morning of the 9th, Abdul Hamed informed Captain Campbell it was Almamy’s orders, that a white man should be sent on in advance to Teembo, to explain to him the object we had in view in entering his dominions, and at the same time forbidding our nearer approach until he should be perfectly satisfied on that subject. I took the opportunity of offering my services to go with an interpreter, to make any arrangements with that chief which might be thought necessary, but Captain Campbell did not conceive it requisite to send an officer; and, therefore, despatched one of our native serjeants[2], who had been before employed by the governor of Sierra Leone on similar occasions. He left us on the 10th of February, and was accompanied by Abou Baccary, one of the princes in Abdul Hamed’s train.

In the evening, the animals and baggage were removed across the Tingalinta, which, at that place is about 110 feet wide and from two to three deep, with a bottom of small round pebbles. At a little distance below the ford was a swinging bridge, composed of cane and bark ropes, by which it was attached, at about twenty-four feet above the water, to the branches of the trees which grew on the banks, and afforded during the rainy season and periodical floods, a safe, though apparently slight and tottering, passage for people on foot.

W. Gray del.

SWINGING BRIDGE OVER THE TINGALINTA.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

We were in motion at three o’clock on the morning of the 12th, but the Kakundy people, who had been hired as carriers, refused to cross the Tingalinta, assigning as a reason that they were afraid of being seized, and retained as slaves by the Footas, who had some years before obliged them to quit that country, which formerly belonged to themselves. This delayed us a considerable time, and it was not until eleven o’clock that we left the ground on which we passed the night. The path by which we travelled was so extremely rugged and broken, that we had much labour and difficulty in keeping the animals from lying down under their loads. This arose from their not being shod, and from never having travelled on so hard a soil before; that in the vicinity of Senegal and Goree being a light moveable sand. On reaching a place where the path separates, one branch leading direct to Teembo, and the other to Laby, a halt was made until Captain Campbell came up, when, after some conversation between him and Abdul Hamed, he ordered us to follow that leading to Laby, in opposition to the advice of the prince. The reason assigned by Captain Campbell for his choice, was the expectation of the assistance of the chief of Laby, who had considerable power and influence in that quarter. At one, P.M. we passed a small stream[3] running north, and which, from the steep, rocky, and narrow nature of the path leading to and from its banks, occupied much time. At six, the rear reached the halting-place, which was situate on the ridge of a rising ground, about two miles east of the stream, but so extremely barren that we could not find, for a considerable distance round us, a single blade of grass for the animals. Here again some bees, that were flying about in search of water, fastened on the animals’ backs as soon as the pack-saddles were removed; but on this occasion, we applied some dry sand, which absorbed the profuse perspiration that evidently attracted the thirsty bees, and by this means we got rid of our troublesome visitors. Abdul Hamed made himself very useful during this day’s march, and on finding that we expressed ourselves sensible of his attention, he presented Captain Campbell with his bow and arrows, modestly insinuating that a musket in return would be most acceptable; and this was given him.

It was eight o’clock on the morning of the 13th, before the rear moved forward. We marched over a gently descending plain for a mile and a half, when we came to a small brook named Calling Ko. The asses were as usual stubborn, and evinced a most determined dislike to wet their feet, which caused us much trouble and loss of time. The country here began to wear a more fertile, or, rather, a less barren appearance. It was thinly sprinkled with large trees and shrubs, and produced an abundance of better grass than we had met before. We halted for the night at another small brook, a short distance from the Calling Ko, having abandoned during the day’s march six asses and one bullock.

On the following morning, we started at eight o’clock, and, in about twenty minutes, passed a fine brook called Sappacourie, running SSE. the path more rocky and difficult than before. At eleven we perceived, distant about a quarter of a mile to the right, a broad lake, thickly skirted with wood; it is called Silla Dharra[4]. At noon, we passed another smaller lake, and at one, P.M. arrived at the Cogan, a beautiful stream, which we crossed, and halted for the night on its eastern bank. It is about fifty yards wide, two feet deep, and runs rapidly to the north, over a rough stony bottom.

Though we were at work at three o’clock on the morning of the 15th, it was eleven before the last division left the top of the hill. The path led us over the most barren country I ever saw, until three, P.M. when we entered a rich valley, in which, at some distance to our right, stood a small town, the first we passed since we left the Tingalinta. At half after four, we arrived at the Serriwoomba, where we were obliged to halt, in order to cut a passage through the thicket of cane, which covered its banks. We were all so much fatigued that we could scarcely keep our eyes open; indeed many of the men fell asleep on the path. A few shots were fired, to apprise the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages of our arrival; and in about two hours, they made their appearance from different directions, bringing corn, rice, and pistacios for sale.

Both men and animals were so much exhausted, that it was found necessary to halt until the 18th, when we moved forward at eight, A.M. and, travelling east for about two miles up hill, we passed a deserted town, from which we continued marching on a level barren plain for six miles, and then descending gently for about four miles more, we arrived at the Kuling, a fine stream running NNE. We crossed it, and halted on its eastern bank for the night. We had scarcely unloaded the animals when the long dry grass to windward of our position was set fire to, and nothing but the greatest exertion on the part of the men could have prevented it from destroying the whole of our baggage.

It behoves travellers in that country to be extremely guarded in their choice of a halting-place, for the path generally lies through grass six or seven feet long, and so dry at that season, that the smallest spark of fire is sufficient to set it in a blaze for miles. One of our animals that had not come up with the rear, lay down with his load, within range of the burning grass, which soon communicated with some gunpowder, and blew the whole to pieces. On the morning of the 19th, we moved forward at eight o’clock. The first hour’s march lay along the side of a steep hill, rendered doubly difficult for the animals by being covered with small rough stones. At ten we descended to a plain, and crossed three small brooks, the first running NNE. and the two latter S. and by W. Several of the European non-commissioned officers and soldiers were so ill during this march, that they lay down under some trees on the path-side. I prevailed on two of them to move slowly forward, but the others requested to be allowed to rest until the cool of the evening. My own horse, and every animal in the division, were so heavily laden, that we could not afford them any assistance. At one, P.M., we began to ascend some rocky hills, where we were obliged to abandon three animals. At the bottom of those hills, we passed the dry bed of a rocky watercourse, and, shortly after, had considerable difficulty in crossing another of the kind, near which we halted, in a small valley by the side of a brook called Bontong Ko.

On the 20th, a messenger was despatched with small presents to Almamy and the men in authority about him, and to advise him of our approach. He was accompanied by a young chief, one of the prince’s suit, likewise the bearer of a message to the king from his brother. Finding it impossible, with the assistance of all the carriers we could procure, to move the whole of our baggage with any degree of regularity or safety, we decided on abandoning our two small field guns, with their shot and grape, and, having buried them about three feet beneath the surface, we made a fire, to conceal where the ground had been broken. By this means we got rid of three very heavy loads. Captain Campbell thought it better to dispose of them in that way than to make a present of them to Almamy, for although it was not likely he could make any use of them, yet the very circumstance alone of possessing such destructive engines, and of having received them from us, might induce those nations with whom he occasionally wages war (and through which we were likely to travel), to entertain unfavourable opinions of us.

When about to move on the forenoon of the 20th, the prince commenced a long palaver with Captain Campbell on the subject of our proceeding without giving him previous notice. It had never been done; and why he should have expected it on this occasion, was no less matter of surprise than his haughty language and deportment. After much conversation, little of which was relevant to the question, he consented to our moving, which we did at four, P.M., and ascending a steep hill, so closely covered with cane that we had more difficulty in passing it than any former part of our path, the dry leaves of the cane with which it was covered, rendered the ground so slippery, that the men with difficulty kept their feet; and that nothing might be wanting to complete our confusion, the Foolahs set fire to the dry grass and roots, in which the place abounded. We fortunately escaped without any injury, save the loss of two asses that lay down unable to move further. It was dark when we began to descend the eastern side of the hill, which, from the animals frequently falling, occupied two hours. We reached the Poosa, a small stream, at eleven, P.M., and encamped on its banks. Our want of the means of conveyance was every day, nay every hour, becoming more distressing; carriers could not be procured for all the loads of the animals that died or were abandoned; we therefore destroyed two of our tents and a large quantity of flints and musket balls.

The prince, observing Captain Campbell seated on a mat outside his tent, approached the spot, accompanied by one of his attendants, named Salihou, and, without further ceremony, seating themselves near him, began to destroy a portion of the vermin with which even royalty in that country is covered. They opened a conversation on the dangerous part of the country we were then in, and the difficulty of preventing the natives from robbing and otherwise annoying us, adding that we should not have left the Bontong Ko without consulting them.

Although we were aware that the object of all this was to induce Captain Campbell to make the prince a present, he nevertheless took no notice of them. Salihou then, taking hold of the prince’s trowsers (which, by the way, were in very bad repair), and holding them up, asked if it was a fit dress for the brother of Almamy to appear in before the white people? But even this failing to produce the desired effect, they closed the conversation, and, at the same time, their more disgusting occupation.

On the following morning, we left the Poosa at nine o’clock, and at eleven, entered a valley of great beauty and fertility. The light coloured sandy and rocky soil, which, with little variation, we passed over since entering the Foolah country, here changed to a rich dark mould; hills on all sides, rising gently one above another, and covered with large clumps of trees, bounded this luxuriant spot. Having passed it, we entered a deep gully, in the bottom of which the brook Lagoody runs to the NE. The path on both sides is extremely broken and rocky, forming a nearly perpendicular precipice of about one hundred and sixty feet; down which two of the animals, a horse and ass, rolled into the brook, and, strange to say, received little or no injury. We soon reached the plain of Parowell, where we encamped for the night. During this march, one of the Foolah carriers absconded with a portmanteau, containing several articles of value, and, although the prince sent one of his men in search of him, he effected his escape unmolested.

On the morning of the 23rd, we moved forward at eight o’clock. In half an hour we passed another deep ravine, and crossed a plain about a mile long, from whence the path continued along the side of a hill, rising to a ridge, of steep ascent; the east side being very steep, narrow, and rocky. It was so broken before the last division reached, that we were obliged to make much use of the pickaxe, in order to clear a passage for the horses, one of which fell over the precipice, and was much hurt. We continued descending, until we arrived at the Koba stream, running north, over a rocky bottom; here we encamped for the night. We were all much fatigued, and one of our sick, being unable to walk, was most cruelly treated by some Foolahs who were hired to carry him. They obliged him to walk to the Parowell, where, had he not met Mr. Stokoe, who lent him his horse, he must have sunk from weakness and fatigue. When he reached the camp, he was so much exhausted, that his pulse was scarcely perceptible, and he was covered with a cold clammy perspiration.

We left the Koba at eight o’clock on the morning of the 24th, and, passing some large unconnected lumps of rock of from five to twenty feet perpendicular height, crossed the Yangally, a small stream running to the east over stones and small gravel. Soon after, we entered a valley, which, although an apparent good soil, bore no marks of cultivation. It is bounded on the right by bold rocky cliffs, behind which, at no great distance, rise a chain of lofty mountains running SE. and NW. At two P.M. we crossed a small brook that joins the Dunso, and shortly after heard the noise of the waterfall, which we were informed was caused by the junction of that river with the Thoominea. At three, we reached the former, running with great rapidity to the NNW., and having crossed it at a ford about thirty yards wide, halted for the night. At about four miles NE. from our camp, was a lofty perpendicular rock of sand-stone, bearing a strong resemblance to the ruins of a cathedral.

We left the Dunso at half after seven on the morning of the 26th, and travelled through a valley bounded by lofty mountains and perpendicular cliffs of sand-stone. At eleven, we passed a small stream running E. by S., and in an hour after arrived at the Kankeenhang stream, running N. by W., where we encamped.

In consequence of some hesitation on the part of the prince to accompany us farther, until, as he said, a white man had visited Almamy, we halted at the Kankeenhang until the 2d, when, not being able to procure a sufficient supply of rice or other provisions, we moved forward, much against the advice of the prince, who plainly told us we were doing so altogether on our own responsibility.

A march of four hours, rendered extremely painful and tedious from the swampy nature of part of the path, and a no less number than fourteen streams crossed, brought us to the Panjetta river, which we also crossed, and halted on its east bank. Abdul Hamed, on seeing us cross the last, thought we were going to continue our march; and, although he had been told that such was not our intention, he would not allow the Foolah carriers to move their loads from the west bank. Our own men soon remedied the evil, much to the temporary annoyance of the prince, who, on seeing us encamp, expressed his regret at having doubted us. Our situation was now become truly alarming; a scarcity of provisions had existed for some days, and on the 3d the men had none at all: and as the prince could not be prevailed upon to allow our moving from the Panjetta, until the king’s sanction could be obtained, Captain Campbell determined on sending Lieutenant Stokoe, with presents to him and two of his principal chiefs, requesting permission to pass through the country without any further delay.

FOOTNOTES:

[1]Member of the Council of Sierra Leone.

[2]William Tuft.

[3]Diudilicourie.

[4]A Mandingo word, signifying “a prosperous journey.”

CHAPTER II.

Halt at the Panjetta — Return of Messengers sent to the Capital — His Majesty’s Answer — Great Scarcity of Provisions — Another Messenger sent, with Presents to the King — Captain Campbell’s interview with Omerhoo Kano — Reports about the Intentions of the Expedition — Captain Campbell goes to see the King — Arrival of the Messenger from Sego — Captain Campbell’s Return — No satisfactory Answer — Illness of the Officers — Lieutenant Stokoe and Mr. Kummer sent to the Coast — Captain Campbell decides on retracing his steps — Departure from the Panjetta — Arrival at Kakundy — Death of Captain Campbell — Departure for, and Arrival at Sierra Leone — Description of Foota Jallon.

When Lieutenant Stokoe was about to move, on the morning of the 4th of March, Sergeant Tuft and Abou Baccary, the messengers sent to the king from the Tingalinta, made their appearance, and informed Captain Campbell that having delivered the presents, and made known to his majesty the purport of their message, he told them that he could not permit us to pass through Foota Jallon until he had consulted his chiefs, to whom he could not address himself on the subject before Captain Campbell thought fit to make them suitable presents: the messengers also said, it appeared that many unfavourable reports, respecting the objects of the expedition, had been made to the king, who nevertheless expressed himself well disposed towards us, and said he should be extremely sorry if any thing unfortunate happened to us in his territories.

The arrival of those messengers, and the result of Tuft’s interview with the king, rendered it necessary, in Captain Campbell’s opinion, that Tuft should return to Teembo in the place of Lieutenant Stokoe. A dispute now arose between Salihou, who was to have accompanied the latter, and Abou Bacary, as to which of them should be Tuft’s companion. The latter insisted that Almamy directed him to attend all messengers from Captain Campbell, and the former, knowing that whoever went must receive some present, urged his claim with much obstinacy. It was at length determined that both should go, in consequence of the prince not wishing to entrust Abou Bacary with his commands. Although from Salihou’s conduct we could not expect him to report very favourably of us, yet he had been so troublesome, and his wife, a sister of Almamy’s, so beggarly and importunate, that we were glad to get rid of them. We were now in the district of Laby, the chief of which (who, as before stated, has much influence in the country) sent one of his head men, named Mode-Duran, to remain with us, and prevent our being imposed on by the natives of the surrounding villages.

Sergeant Tuft, being furnished with large presents for the king, and a host of chiefs, ministers, and favourites, left us on the 5th, to meet his majesty at Pappadarra, a village near Laby, where he was assembling his army, for the purpose, as was reported, of invading the Gaba country, on the southern bank of the Gambia. We were reduced since our arrival at the Panjetta, to a very small daily allowance of provisions, and from which there appeared no prospect of relief, at least as far as we could foresee; a pint of rice between four men was our usual ration, and even that scanty pittance failed us on the evening of the 6th.

In this state we could not have remained long; and although we were daily enabled to purchase enough from the natives to keep body and soul together, yet our sufferings were great indeed. The health of the Europeans was rendered worse than it had been, in consequence of their eating unripe fruit, and even that they could not procure in sufficient quantities to satisfy their appetites.

On the 7th, a chief named Omerhou Kano arrived at our camp, and having seated himself with all pomp imaginable under a tree at a short distance from it, where he was surrounded by his followers to the number of three hundred armed men, sent to summon Captain Campbell to appear before him. This was complied with, when, after the usual compliments, he stated that he had been sent by Almamy to ascertain and make a faithful report on the state and numbers of the expedition, and the objects it had in view in entering the country, which he said the king suspected had all been misrepresented by the former messengers. This he repeated several times, and concluded by advising us to wait with patience until he returned to Almamy, when arrangements agreeable to our wishes would be effected. He left us on the 8th, after having examined with the most scrutinizing curiosity every thing in or about our camp.

Every day brought us some messenger from the king, but none of them were the bearers of any satisfactory answer. One stated that we were ordered to return to Kakundy, and another, that the king had received a letter from Mahomedoo Mariama, informing him that our object in entering the country was the subversion of their religion, for which purpose we had provided ourselves with machines that could kill at any distance, and that we were accompanied by one hundred large dogs, each able to fight one hundred men. These, with other similar reports, were in circulation; but it is scarcely possible that a being of the most ignorant and unsophisticated nation on earth could believe them.

On the 13th, Sergeant Tuft, who was still at the king’s camp, sent Brahima to inform Captain Campbell that as there did not yet appear any probability of obtaining permission to proceed, he recommended that he should himself see Almamy, with as little delay as possible; and it appearing to Captain Campbell, as well as all the other officers, that some decisive answer should be obtained from the king, he left the camp on the morning of the 16th, accompanied by Mr. Partarrieau, and four men (natives) with a train of carriers, amounting in all to about eighteen persons; they were soon followed by the prince and his suite. They had not gone long when we received a letter from Lamima, the messenger sent to Sego from Senegal in 1816, apprising us that he, together with some men from the king, were on their way to meet us. It was time that some decisive step should be taken: our animals were dying fast; provisions were extremely scarce; and the wet season had that evening set in, by visiting us with a heavy shower of rain, which lasted for an hour, and proved that our huts were not calculated to secure us from a wetting.

Captain Campbell did not return before the 27th, and then without having obtained any very satisfactory answer from Almamy, whom he met at a village called Dhoontoo, on the eve of commencing a campaign against some of the neighbouring chiefs. He said, that being obliged to lead the army himself, and considering his reputation at stake for our safety, he could not allow us to proceed during his absence, which would not be long, and as he understood we had lost the greater number of our animals, he had given directions that we should be provided with men to carry our baggage to Woondê, a town near Laby, where we were to await his return. On the following morning, the prince returned, accompanied by Sergeant Tuft and thirteen carriers, which not being near half the number required, having lost eighty-five animals since we left Robugga, the prince said the remainder would soon follow; and immediately ordered all strangers, except Foolahs, to quit the vicinity of our camp. The object of this we could not ascertain, but it deprived us of many persons whom we had found extremely useful in collecting provisions for the party.

In this state we remained until the 7th of April, when we were for a moment inclined to think that a sufficient number of carriers would be furnished us, by the arrival of another party of men for that purpose, but we were much surprised and disappointed to find, that on the following day, not only those, but the thirteen who came with the prince, had decamped without any previous notice of such being their intention. Abdul Hamed despatched one of his followers, on the 9th, to recal them, but as they did not obey the summons,—he sent, on the 10th, to request Almamy to issue fresh orders concerning them.

Brahima, who had been absent from the camp for some days, watching Almamy’s manœuvres (by Captain Campbell’s orders), returned and informed us that many debates had arisen, and various proposals been made with respect to what conduct they should pursue towards the expedition. Some of the chiefs proposed plundering us, to which Almamy would not consent, but said we should pay well before he would allow us to pass. A third party insisted that the country was already polluted by the presence of so large a body of Cafirs[5], and that their offence against the will of their prophet, in allowing us to pass, with such valuables as we possessed, to their enemy, the king of Sego, who was himself a Cafir, would be much aggravated. By this it was evident that the general feeling on the subject of our going to Sego, was not favourable, and that if we should succeed at all, it would probably be at a period when the advanced state of the season must render our doing so extremely difficult, if not wholly impracticable.

Our situation was daily becoming more alarming; provisions were not only scarce, but almost impossible to be procured even in small quantities, and at exorbitant prices; and sickness increased rapidly since the rains set in. Captain Campbell, Lieutenant Stokoe, and Mr. Kummer were added to the list since the 12th; the two latter continued to decline until the 26th, when, seeing no chance of their immediate recovery, they were prevailed on to return to the coast. Mr. Kummer left us on that day, and Lieutenant Stokoe on the 28th. The mode adopted for their conveyance (for they were unable to ride) was cradles, or long baskets of cane, at each end of which was a loop, or long handle, for the purpose of receiving a pole, that served the same use as the pole of palanquins, and supported a curtain to defend them from the rays of the sun. Two men could easily carry one of these with a person of ordinary size in it, but, in order that no delay should arise from want of carriers for themselves or their baggage, five accompanied each.

On the 2d of May, Lamina, accompanied by one of the chiefs, named Abou Hararata, and a long train of attendants, came to the camp, and informed Captain Campbell that Almamy sent them to say he had given permission to Lamina, in consequence of his being the messenger of the king of Sego, to conduct us through the country by whatever path he chose, and had also given directions to Abou Hararata to collect carriers for the conveyance of our baggage. This, however plausible in words, was not acted upon, and as nothing could be obtained from them but promises which they never intended performing, with the view of detaining us until the state of the country, occasioned by the rains, would prevent us moving in any direction. Captain Campbell, who was himself very ill, came to the decision of retracing his steps to the coast, and made known the same to Almamy, who sent us word that, although we were returning, it was not his desire that we should do so, as his country was open to us in any way we wished. This was his last effort to detain us, but, finding it would not answer, he ordered that we should be provided with carriers.

It was not, however, until the 18th of May, that a sufficient number were collected, and even then, we found so much difficulty in putting them to their work, that we were obliged to hold out to them promises of large rewards on their arrival at Kakundy.

Our retreat was by far more painful and difficult than our advance; the carriers required more attendance than even the fatigued and sulky asses; and what with the sick men and officers, my time and exertions were so completely taken up, that I found myself, on the 20th of May, in a state that rendered me unable, however willing, to afford myself the assistance, so many others wanted from me.

From that date to the 1st of June, I remained in a state of insensibility to the objects around me, and was conveyed, in a basket similar to those already described, to the house of Mr. Bateman, where, on coming to my senses (an event which those about me did not expect), I was informed of Mr. Kummer’s death, and the departure of Lieutenant Stokoe for Sierra Leone.

Captain Campbell, who, although a little better than I was, still continued very weak, wished on the 10th to proceed down the river, for the purpose of hiring a vessel to convey the expedition to Sierra Leone, but he was in that state which I conceived must, in case of his moving, prove of serious consequence, and I therefore persuaded him to remain quiet, and send Mr. Nelson in his place.

On the 12th, I again visited him, and was sorry to find him worse, so much so, that he could not speak to me, and so debilitated that I much doubted the possibility of his recovery. My fears were unfortunately but too well grounded; he breathed his last on the following morning, sincerely regretted by every individual of the expedition. We deposited his remains on the 14th, by the side of those of his highly-valued friend and companion, Major Peddie, amidst the tears and lamentations of all present, and which were greatly aggravated by the painful recollection of the untimely death of our former and much-beloved commander.

Thus ended the mortal career of two distinguished officers, who, in the prime of life, and scorning a state of inactivity at home, entered on an enterprise of the most difficult and truly forlorn nature; and who, by their anxiety and exertions for the advancement of the arduous service committed to their care, fell early victims to that inhospitable climate, leaving their bones in the sands of Africa, a sad memento of their own melancholy fate, and of the unfortunate issue of the expedition under their command. To express my own feelings on that occasion, would, indeed, be impossible; the service lost a gallant officer, and I lost a sincere friend.

The sick, who were left at the Panjetta, joined us in safety, and, in order to avoid starvation at Kakundy, and to obtain that relief and rest of which we were all so much in want, we sailed immediately for Sierra Leone, where we did not arrive until our provisions were nearly exhausted, and then, with the loss of two men and nearly all our remaining animals.

On landing at Free Town, his Excellency Sir Charles M‘Carthy omitted nothing that could tend in any way to relieve our wants and sufferings, and it is with particular satisfaction that I take this opportunity of offering my grateful acknowledgments for his marked kindness and attention to myself.

Lieutenant Stokoe, on whom the command then devolved, as soon as he had recovered from the effects of his late illness and fatigues, although in the depth of the rainy season, set out by the Port Logo path, with the intention of going to Teembo, in order to enter into arrangements, if possible, with Almamy, and obtain from him hostages for the free and unmolested passage of the expedition through his country to the Niger. In this, however, he failed, and returned to the colony, to wait until the ensuing dry season would admit of his endeavouring to penetrate by some other route; but he, like his predecessors, was not doomed to see his projects realized, and died at Sierra Leone, after a few days’ illness.

Foota Jallon, of which Teembo is the capital, is a country of considerable extent, lying between the Sierra Leone and Gambia rivers. When it was in the possession of the aboriginal inhabitants, the Jallonkeas, it bore the name of Jallonk, which has been gradually softened into Jallo, to which was prefixed the name of Foota, signifying together the Foolahs of Jallo, or Foota Jallo. The Jallonkeas are now subject to the Foolahs, who conquered the country, under the direction of a family from Massina, consisting of the father, two sons, and a few followers. One of the sons was a Mahomedan priest, and gradually gained such influence among the Jallonkeas, that he converted many of them to his own faith, and by means of his wealth (of which he is said to have possessed much), strongly attached them to his interest. A few years enabled them to make so many converts to their religion, and their riches procured them so much favor, that they planned and carried into execution the subjugation of the Jallonkeas, at least of such as would not embrace the Mahomedan faith; and the usurpation of the supreme government of their country, the first exercise of which was, to oblige those who still adhered to paganism, to pay them a yearly tribute or quit the country which had for ages been their own.

From that family is descended the present Almamy. Karamoka Alpha was the first Almamy of Teembo, and was surnamed Moudoo, or the great, being at the same time acknowledged as the chief Iman and defender of their religion. He was succeeded by his son, Yoro Padde, surnamed Soorie, at whose death the regal power was assumed by Almamy Saadoo, who was deposed by Ali Bilmah and Alpha Salihou, and to whose sanguinary intrigues he afterwards fell a victim. Salihou was next proclaimed king, and distinguished his reign by a succession of predatory excursions against several Cafir or pagan tribes of the neighbouring states, many of whom he destroyed, plundered, or rendered tributary. He was succeeded by Abdulahi Ba Demba, who, having a dispute with Ali Bilmah, sent him in irons to Bondoo, where he vainly thought he could not injure him; but Ali Bilmah contrived to keep up a secret communication with his friends, and was eventually instrumental in removing his tyrannical sovereign from the throne, which was next occupied by Abdoolghader. Ba Demba then retired to Toogumba, a village at some distance north-west of Teembo, and, with the assistance of a few friends, assembled an army for the purpose of attempting to regain his crown, which Abdoolghader on his side prepared to defend; for which purpose the latter marched with a large army to give Ba Demba battle and decide the affair. The latter, aware of his own inferiority in point of number, retreated; but, being pursued and overtaken by his enemies, was killed, together with one of his sons. In an affair which then took place on the banks of the Tingussoo river, his second son would have shared the same fate, had he not been protected by Abdoolghader, who considered himself secured in his possession of the crown, by the death of the father, and he has reigned unmolested to the present time.

The Foolahs, according to their own account, have had possession of Foota Jallo for about sixty years. The government is of a mixed kind, partaking more of the nature of a republic than a monarchy, and is composed of the states of Teembo, Laby, and Teembee, with their dependencies. Almamy, although he has the chief power, cannot decide upon any thing of importance to the country without the consent of those chiefs, each of whom has a voice in the cabinet.

The religion is Mahomedan, and so strict is their observance of its ceremonies that they pray regularly five times every day, and should any one be prevented by unavoidable engagements from attending to his devotions at the stated periods, he must compensate for it by repeating the whole ceremony the exact number of times he omitted it.

Their manufactures are the same as those of Bondoo, as will be described hereafter. The vegetable productions are indigo, cotton, rice, maize, yams, cassada, shalots, and pompions; and their fruits are oranges, lemons, plantains, bananas, tamarinds, and nittas, or the locust fruit; the latter is a kind of mimosa, very much resembling the tamarind tree. The flowers or blossoms are produced at the extremities of the branches, and are succeeded by pods similar to those of a garden bean, with the exception of their being from nine to twelve inches long, and one broad; each pod contains from nine to twelve black stones, resembling those of the tamarind in size and shape, but are enveloped in a fine farinaceous powder of the appearance of sublimed sulphur. Its taste is not unlike liquorice-root powder, and, when mixed with milk, affords a very palatable and nutritious diet; and although some of the men, who swallowed the stones of this fruit, were affected with sickness at stomach, bad as our situation was from the scarcity of provisions, it would have been exceedingly aggravated, had the nittas not been ripe before we left the Panjetta.

The men are of the middle stature, well-formed, very active and intelligent, and are dressed nearly in the same manner as those of Bondoo; the cap is of a different form, and most frequently made of scarlet cloth; they wear sandals, and usually carry a long cane or spear. Thus equipped they strut about, with all the air and affected dignity of men of the first consequence. They are characterised by a high degree of cunning, duplicity, self-interestedness, and avarice; to gratify which they are neither deterred by shame nor fear. This renders it extremely difficult for strangers to guard against the crafty devices they have recourse to in all their dealings of whatever kind, or to elude the rapacious advantages they are always on the alert to take of them, either by imposition or theft.

The women are good figures, have a lively and graceful air, and prominent features, much resembling the European. They are at great pains to preserve their teeth of a pearly white, by constantly rubbing them with a small twig of the tamarind tree, which is an admirable substitute for the tooth-brush. They are, like all other African females, extremely fond of amber, coral, and glass beads, which they bestow in profusion on their heads, necks, arms, waists, and ancles.

The commerce of Foota Jallon may be divided into two heads; namely, first, that in slaves, now nearly extinct, at least as far as exportation is concerned, in consequence of the constant surveillance of the British cruisers on the coast, and the unremitted exertions of the government of Sierra Leone to lead the people of that country to a more intimate connexion with the colony, and a more valuable employment of their time, in cultivating and bringing into our market there the other productions of their own and surrounding countries, which may be considered as the second head under which their commercial pursuits can be classed. The Rio Nunez and Pongas, which were formerly infested by slave dealers and their emissaries, are now freed from the odious burden of such a party, and those who still retain factories there, although they would smile at the revival of that unnatural trade, see so little prospect of its ever again being open to them, that they begin to think of other and less nefarious means of amassing wealth.

FOOTNOTES:

[5]Infidels.

CHAPTER III.

Major Gray takes the Command — Departure from Sierra Leone — Arrival at Bathurst, St. Mary’s — Occurrences there — Departure for, and Arrival at Kayaye — Description of a tribe of wandering Foolahs — Description of Kayaye, the surrounding Country, and Inhabitants — Their Amusements, &c. — Visit to Katoba — The King’s Visit to us — Arrival of Camels from Senegal — Our Guide’s proposal respecting the path — My Decision, and Reasons — Fatality among our Animals — Arrival of Mr. Partarrieau from St. Mary’s — Arrangements for Departure.

Such was the state of the expedition, when, in the month of November, 1817, I volunteered my services to conduct it. Mr. Dochard, who was second in command, had been despatched some time before, on board a transport to the Cape Verde Islands, to procure animals, and from thence proceed to Bathurst, St. Mary’s, river Gambia; but although Mr. Stokoe had packed, previous to his death, and sent forward with that officer, a part of the baggage, much yet remained at Sierra Leone in a confused state, the arranging and packing of which, together with selecting from amongst the men who composed the former expedition, such as were both willing and able to proceed on a second attempt, and equipping them, occupied so much time that it was not before the 14th of December, 1817, that we sailed, on board the colonial brig Discovery, from Sierra Leone for the Gambia.

We had been but a week at sea, when we fortunately found that the casks, which contained the water for our use, and that of eleven horses, were in so leaky a state that a few days more would have left us without a drop. This obliged us to put into the Isles des Loss, where, with the assistance of a Mr. Lee, then resident there, we soon remedied the evil, and again put to sea.

A strong north-west wind, and a heavy sea, opposed our progress for several days, and, as if all things combined to retard us in the very first stage of our proceedings, the brig sprung a leak, and nearly carried away her mainmast in a squall. In this state, with constant work at the pumps, we were kept out until the 13th of January, when we reached Cape St. Mary’s, with only one day’s half allowance of water on board. Our horses (one of which died) were reduced to the very last stage of want, having subsisted, for several days, on a little rice and biscuit dust, with a very small quantity of water.

On landing at Bathurst, St. Mary’s, I found Mr. Dochard had arrived there from the islands, where he could not procure more than ten horses and six mules, and he was in such very bad health, and apparently so ill calculated to undergo a second series of the exposures, privations, watchings, and disappointments incident to such a service, that I almost despaired of his being able to accompany me.

He had, a few days before my arrival, despatched Ensign Pattoun a second time to the islands, in order to procure if possible a few more horses.

I proceeded myself to Goree, to endeavour to obtain a few of any description at the towns on the opposite main. I so far succeeded as to purchase seven horses, and was fortunate enough to meet there fifteen camels that had been purchased at Senegal, by Governor M‘Carthy’s orders, for the use of the expedition, and had arrived there the day only before I intended leaving it.

On my return to the Gambia, I found Ensign Pattoun had arrived, having purchased eighteen horses; but as we had not yet a sufficient number, I sent Ensign Burton, of the Royal African Corps (who had volunteered to accompany the mission), up the river, to try if any could be procured there. I was, in the mean time, enabled to collect a few on the island, and having despatched Mr. Nelson on the 16th of February, and made all the necessary preparations, we left Bathurst on the 3rd of March.

On our voyage up the river, we called at Tendebar, where we were enabled to purchase three small horses. I also landed at Kawour in the Salum country. The ground for some distance in the vicinity of this town, bore the marks of cultivation, but at that season was completely destitute of verdure; the soil, which was a mixture of brown mould and light-colored sand, appeared good; a few small onions were the only vegetable I observed growing, and those were regularly watered morning and evening.

The town is a considerable one, and may contain from 500 to 800 inhabitants. Their huts are composed of cane reeds and long dry grass, and are very neat and comfortable. The natives, who are a mixture of Jaloffs and Soosoos, are a peaceable inoffensive race, and are chiefly engaged in trade, except when the approach of the rains summons them to the corn and rice grounds.

We lost one of our native soldiers in consequence of a slight cut in the hand, which caused mortification; the existence of which, and of cold spasms and rigours, deterred Mr. Dochard from performing amputation.

The country in the immediate vicinity of the river, is very low, and bears the evident marks of inundation during the rains. It is much wooded, some of which is large, and no doubt fitted for general use.

The hippopotamus and alligator are to be found in great numbers in the river, and are hunted by the natives, who make use of their flesh as food, and consider it a delicacy. The river swarms with a great variety of fish, but the natives are either unacquainted with the proper mode of taking them, or too indolent to take advantage of so valuable a supply, at least to the extent they might.

Soon after leaving Kawour, I went on shore on the right bank of the river, with the intention of walking to Yani Maroo, accompanied by Lamina, and two of my men armed. At about half a quarter of a mile from the water-edge, we came to a range of hills, running parallel with the river. On ascending them, I found they were flat on the top to a considerable distance, and covered with wood and long dry grass; they were composed of a red compact clay, light sand of the same colour, and large masses of red sand-stone. At the foot of one of the hills forming this range, I observed some small huts, in the vicinity of which was feeding a herd of black cattle, but I could not discern any people. I therefore descended to the huts, where I found an old man, the only person there. He, with much apparent apprehension for his own safety, desired me to keep off, which requisition he seemed determined to enforce, for he laid hold of his bow, and snatched up one of a few arrows that were lying at his side on the ground. By means of my interpreter, I endeavoured to explain to him his fears were without cause, and that chance only, not intention, led us to his retreat. This, however, did not convince him; he still desired us to keep off. A little tobacco, and a few beads, in exchange for which we requested some milk, induced him to think more favourably of us. It was, nevertheless, with much difficulty I convinced him of his error, and prevailed on him to go in search of his companions, who, on our approach, had ran into the woods, driving their cattle before them. In about fifteen minutes, he returned, and in a few more, the whole tribe made its appearance. The women and children, however, could not be induced to approach nearer than three hundred yards of us. Their numbers did not exceed four men, as many women, and ten or twelve children; the latter totally naked. They are of a dark copper colour, and belong to the Dhyangele tribe, the chief of which resides in a wilderness of three days’ journey, lying in latitude 14° and 15°, between the kingdoms of Joloff and Bondoo. There they always remain during the rains, at which time they find a sufficiency of pasturage and water for their cattle, but are obliged to wander in search of both after January; the banks of the rivers are their last resource. Their appearance is extremely filthy and poor. They subsist chiefly on milk, a little corn, which they obtain in exchange for butter when in the vicinity of towns, and such game as they can kill.

Their only furniture consists of a few mats to lie on, some wooden bowls and calabashes, and a few leather bags; the latter serve them as churns, and to carry water in when encamped at a distance from where it is to be found.

Their dress is very plain, being nothing more than a piece of cotton cloth, about two and a half yards long and three quarters wide, wrapped round the waist, and descending a little below the knees, with another of the same kind thrown over the shoulders. The men wear a cotton cap besmeared with grease, to which is sometimes added, by way of ornament, the end of a cow’s tail, died blue or red. Like all other pagans, they are very superstitious, and wear a great number of grigres, or charms, round their necks, arms and legs. They are inordinately fond of red cloth, which they make use of in covering those charms. Their weapons are long spears, bows and arrows, and occasionally a long gun. They are good marksmen with all these, and seldom throw away a shot; but this arises more from the difficulty they find in obtaining powder, ball, and small shot, than from any dislike to miss their mark.

W. Gray del.

WANDERING FOOLAH.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

We also visited the town of Yanimaroo. It is beautifully situated at a short distance from the river-side, on an elevated spot, thinly sprinkled with large shady trees of the mahogany kind, and interspersed with evergreens and other shrubs, and a great number of that kind of palm from which is extracted the palm wine.

The greater proportion of the inhabitants are pagans; a few, however, profess the Mahomedan religion, retaining many of their pagan superstitions. The latter are much respected, and enjoy a considerable degree of influence over their unenlightened brethren. The soil about Yanimaroo is a light yellow sand, mixed with stiff clay of the same colour, except where there are groves of palm trees, and then it is invariably a dark, rich, vegetable mould, mixed with a light red or white sand.

There are, on the banks of the river, a little above Yanimaroo, a great number of the self-consuming tree. We never saw any of them on fire, nor yet smoking, but their appearance would lead a person to suppose they had been burnt.

On our arrival at Kayaye, we landed our men, animals, and baggage, and encamped on an elevated spot between the river and the town, which are distant from each other about half a quarter of a mile.

Mr. Bellaby, a British merchant resident there, accommodated us with a large mud house, which served at the same time as quarters for the officers, and a store for some of our baggage.

Kayaye is but a very small and insignificant village, and is remarkable for nothing but its situation, and the residence of a Mulatto lady, who possesses considerable influence in the country. The town does not contain above fifty huts; its inhabitants are all either relatives to, or dependants on Madame Eliza Tigh, whose name the place takes, being called by the natives Tigh Cunda, or the town of Tigh. The people of Kayaye, and the neighbouring towns, are a mixture of Mandingoes and Sousous; the former from a country in the interior so called, and the latter from the south bank of the river. They are chiefly engaged in trade and agriculture, and are a very shrewd active race, subject to the king of Katoba, and professing the Mahomedan religion; but I believe the greater proportion of them do so, not from any religious motive, but in order to ensure to themselves that protection which the followers of Mahomet invariably meet with, wherever they go in their trading excursions. Caravans from the interior frequently stop there, on their way to the settlements on the coast, and dispose of their goods to the masters of some of the small trading vessels from St. Mary’s, or to the native merchants, who carry on at that place, and the towns lower down the river, a very considerable trade in gold, ivory, and bees’ wax; in exchange for which they receive fire-arms, powder, India-goods, coral, amber, glass beads, iron, tobacco, rum, and cutlery.

The dress of these people is far from being inelegant or inconvenient: the men wear on the head a white cotton cap, very neatly worked with different coloured silks or worsteds; a close shirt of white cotton, with short sleeves, next the skin, covers the body from the neck to the hips, and is surmounted by a very large one of the same materials, with long loose sleeves, not unlike a surplice; this descends below the knees, and is embroidered, in the same way as the cap, about the shoulders and breast. The small-clothes, which are very roomy above, descend about two inches below the knee, where it is only sufficiently large not to be tight. This part of their dress is generally blue. They wear their hair cut close, and make use of none of the grease or rancid butter of which the Joloff men are so lavish. Sandals or slippers protect their feet from the heat of the sand, and from thorns; and complete the catalogue of their wardrobe.

The dress of the women is neither so decent nor so clean. The body, from the waist upward, is almost always naked, except when enceinte, in which case a sort of short chemise, without sleeves, covers the neck and stomach. They plat their hair neatly into a profusion of small braids, but are so lavish of butter or palm oil on them and their skins (which are generally of a very fine black) that they cannot be approached without experiencing the very unpleasant effects of such anointings, rendered doubly offensive by the addition of profuse and constant perspiration.

The huts and yards of these people are extremely clean, and, although small, are comparatively comfortable. The walls of both are, for the most part, composed of split cane formed into a sort of wicker work resembling hurdles. The roofs of the former are conical, and covered with long dry grass, fastened on with a small line made from the inner bark of the monkey-bread tree. On the whole, their houses have a very neat appearance.

The amusements of these people are confined to dancing and music, which take place almost every fine evening at a late hour, in the centre of the village, where, when the moon does not afford them light, a large fire is made for that purpose.

The young of both sexes, dressed in their gayest attire, attend on these occasions; a ring is formed by them and the spectators, and the former dance in regular succession by pairs. The instrument which accompanies this dance is called a ballafo[6], and affords better music than might be expected from such rude materials; it is composed of cane and wood, in the following manner. A frame, three feet long, eighteen inches wide at one end, and nine at the other, is made of cane, split very thin, and supported at the corners, about nine inches from the ground, by four upright sticks of nearly an inch diameter; across this frame are laid twenty pieces of hard wood, diminishing in size in the same proportion progressively, from one end to the other, as the frame to which they are slightly attached with thin twine. Under each of these cross pieces, is suspended an empty gourd, of a size adapted to the tone of note required, having a hole in the part where it comes in contact with the stick, and another at the bottom; the latter is covered with a thin piece of dried sheep’s gut. It is played on with two small sticks, by a man who sits cross legged on the ground, and is accompanied by one or more small drums.

I also observed here a sort of amusement, or rather inquisitorial exhibition, called by the natives Kongcorong. It was thus: a man, covered from head to foot with small boughs of trees, made his appearance in the afternoon near the town, and gave notice to the young women and girls that he would pay them a visit after sunset. At the appointed time he entered the village, preceded by drums, and repaired to the assembly place, where all were collected to meet him with the music and singing. He commenced by saying that he came to caution the ladies to be very circumspect in their conduct towards the whites, meaning the men of the Expedition, and related some circumstances, with which he said he was acquainted, little to their credit:—but, as it was his first time, he would neither mention names, nor inflict the usual punishment, namely, flogging. He, however, would take advantage of the first opportunity which they would be imprudent enough to afford him.

All he said was repeated by the girls in a sort of song, accompanied by the music and clapping of hands. Every one who had any thing to fear from his inquisitorial authority, made him a present; and I observed that not one of the girls withheld this proof of their fear of his tongue, or of their own consciousness of guilt. He remained with them until near midnight.

W. Gray del.

FIG. I.

KONGKORONG.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

An instance of the manner in which the young men of that country obtain wives, also came under our observation. One of the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages, having placed his affections, or rather desires, on a young girl at Kayaye, made the usual present of a few colas to her mother, who, without giving her daughter any intimation of the affair, consented to his obtaining her in any way he could. Accordingly when the poor girl was employed preparing some rice for supper, she was seized by her intended husband, assisted by three or four of his companions, and carried off by force. She made much resistance, by biting, scratching, kicking, and roaring most bitterly. Many, both men and women, some of them her own relations, who witnessed the affair, only laughed at the farce, and consoled her by saying that she would soon be reconciled to her situation.

Soon after our arrival at Kayaye, we paid a visit to the chief, or, as he is there called, the king of Katoba. He resides at a town of that name distant from Kayaye about twenty miles north. The road or path to it lies over a flat uncultivated country thinly covered with brush wood and stunted trees. The soil, for the most part, is an ocre-coloured clay intermixed here and there with small fragments of ferruginous stone, which, in several places, makes its appearance above the surface in the form of large rocks. Some small eminences are entirely composed of this rock, which the natives say contains a large proportion of iron, but, from the facility the river affords them of procuring an abundant supply of that metal from the English merchants, they do not now think it worth the trouble of extracting. The blacksmiths of the country say, that it is more malleable than English iron, and better suited to all their wants, were the process of obtaining it not so difficult.

The king received us hospitably, and, on being made acquainted with the purport of our visit, promised every protection and assistance he could afford us, adding that whenever we wished to proceed on our journey, he would furnish us with a guide to Woolli.

On our way to this town, which is a walled one, of no very great extent or respectable appearance, we passed only two small villages, one of which is about a mile from Kayaye, and is solely inhabited by Mahomedan priests (bushreens).

From the very great want we were in of a sufficient number of animals, to transport our baggage, in consequence of the death of all our camels and some of our horses, since our arrival at Kayaye, and the difficulty, nay impossibility, of procuring a supply there, we had determined on leaving behind us a large proportion of it, and moving without delay; for which purpose it became necessary to open the greater number of the packages, to select the most valuable articles. This had scarcely been begun, when Mr. Partarrieau, whom I had sent from Bathurst to Senegal to purchase camels, arrived, bringing intelligence that he had despatched a moor, named Bon-ama, from that place before he had left it, with ten camels and five horses, whom I might expect to see in a few days, as he was coming by the shortest land route from Senegal, namely, through Kayor and Salum.

All preparations being made, we only waited the arrival of Bon-ama, who not making his appearance on the 15th, I began to apprehend that some accident had happened, either to himself, or the animals. The 17th, however, brought him to Kayaye, having had two of his horses killed by lions, and been obliged to leave two of the camels sick at a village about fifteen miles from us. His arrival at that moment was particularly fortunate, as it enabled us to take forward the whole of our baggage, and a good supply of rice, which we had just received from St. Mary’s.

On the 18th, the king, whose presence we had requested, in order to make him a present, arrived, accompanied by about fifty people, armed with guns and spears. He was himself mounted on a most wretched animal in the shape of a horse, and was attended by a troop of drums and singing people (Jallikeas), making a most hideous attempt at instrumental and vocal music, intended to inspire their royal master with a high idea of his own dignity.

In a few minutes we went to see him; he was seated in a small hut, surrounded by his followers, but the place was so crowded and intolerably hot (not to say any thing of the impurity of the air) from tobacco smoke, and other vapours, that we were obliged to request he would move to one of our huts. This being done, we mentioned to him our intention of leaving Kayaye in a few days, and requested that he would appoint a guide to conduct us to Medina, the capital of Woolli. He made some objections, of an irrelevant nature, but at length consented, in consideration of a present, amounting to about one hundred bars in baft, muslin, coral, amber, tobacco, scarlet cloth, and a pair of pistols. He was drunk and extremely vociferous. The interview, however, terminated amicably, and his majesty was present at a dance which the inhabitants of the village brought forward in honour of his arrival, and in order to amuse him.

We had seen several of the chiefs of Western Africa, both moors and negroes, but never saw any so wretchedly poor and unlike what he intended to represent as this man; he is intolerably fond of rum, and would be for ever drunk if he could obtain the means of being so; his last demand was for two bottles of it, which I gave him. He left us on the 19th, in a state of excessive inebriety, as were most of his followers.

Aware of the great respectability Bon-ama, in his character of Mahomedan priest, would enjoy in all the countries in the interior, and of his having before offered his services to Governor M‘Carthy, we endeavoured to prevail on him to accompany us to Sego, Tombuctoo, or further, but it was not without much difficulty and objection on his part, together with the promise of a very large reward, that he could be induced to do so. He, however, at length agreed, in consideration of a recompense of five hundred pounds British, to accompany us to Tombuctoo or Jinnê, but no sum, however large, or other advantage, he said, would induce him to go further. He made it a previous article in his agreement, to be allowed to return to Cayor, to arrange some private affairs, and promised to join us in Bondoo. We did every thing in our power to induce him to give up this point, but to no effect: it was his sine qua non. We bought a camel from him, and hired two moors, who came along with him, to conduct and have the care of those animals as far as we went.

Lamina, our Sego guide, told us, on the 20th, that it was now time he should inform us, that as he was sent by the king of Bambarra, to conduct the expedition to that country, he felt it his duty to say, that the road leading through Woolli, Bondoo, Kasson, and Fooledoo, was the only one in which he thought it safe to take us, as there were, in all those countries, people belonging to his master waiting to escort us; that he had himself received from those in Bondoo, a horse to ride, and six asses to carry his baggage. As there appeared nothing in this request but what was fair, and, as we conceived (in case of any unforeseen delay, we should be obliged to make a halt during the rains), that Bondoo, from its high situation and its vicinity to the river Senegal, would be most advantageous for that purpose, we acceded to his proposal, and were moreover induced to take this step in consequence of the very high and upright character we were taught, by Mr. Partarrieau, who had been before in that country, to entertain of Almamy Isata, the king: the result will prove how much our informant was himself deceived in his opinion of that man, and how little confidence can be placed in any information but that obtained by the most strict self observation, in all matters connected with this unfortunate country.

Our means of transport decreased daily; we had lost since the 2d, one camel, one mule, and four horses, and there was no possibility of procuring any at Kayaye; the camels left on the road by Bon-ama, had not yet come up, although we had despatched a man to bring them. Every thing, however, being ready, we fixed the 25th for our departure.

FOOTNOTES:

[6]See figure 1, [plate 9.]

CHAPTER IV.

The Expedition leaves Kayaye — Difficulty in procuring Water at Jaroomy — Arrival and Halt at Coonting — Description of that Town and surrounding Country — Civility of the Chief — Departure from Coonting — Deaths among the Animals, and difficulty of procuring Carriers — Arrival at the Wallea Creek — Attempt of some People to stop us — Pass the Creek — Cane Bridge — Attempt at Murder by one of our native Civilians, and his Desertion — Enter the Kingdom of Woolli — Arrival at Madina, the Capital — Transactions and Difficulties there — Description of the Town, and the Mumbo Jumbo Ceremony — Departure from Madina, and theft by the Natives — Arrival at Kussaye.

The first division[7] left Kayaye on the morning of the 27th, at seven o’clock, and the second and third[8] followed immediately after. I did not myself leave Kayaye until evening, in expectation of the arrival of the camels. This not taking place, I moved forward, with the part of that division which was ready, and left Mr. Partarrieau, with two loads, to await the arrival of those left behind by Bon-ama, and to follow me as soon as possible. We travelled along nearly east at the rate of two miles an hour over a flat country thinly covered with baobabs, tamarinds, rhamnus lotus, and other fruit trees, within a short distance of the river; between us and which lay a low tract of land, annually inundated, where rice is cultivated by the natives when the water retires after the periodical rains.

About nine, P.M., we reached a small village, called Jaroomy, where I found that Mr. Dochard had halted the front divisions in order to await our coming up. During this short march, one of the horses died, and another was left behind, unable to move.

Here difficulties began to present themselves; the chief of the village refused to allow water to be drawn from the wells, without receiving payment for it, to which Mr. Dochard, very prudently, would not submit, sending the animals to the river, which was distant about two miles. This convinced the fellow that he was wrong; and he came in the evening to apologize, by saying, that he was afraid the wells would be run dry by us. He was told his excuse was a bad one, and his conduct was such as would prevent us from giving him any thing.

The country, for some distance round this village, has the marks of cultivation; there were some extensive cotton and indigo plantations; and, although no rain falls at that season, they looked green and well. The soil, though sandy, appeared good, and well fitted to produce all tropical grains, vegetables, &c. in perfection.

We left Jaroomy at six o’clock on the 26th, and travelled east over a gently ascending country, beautifully wooded, until half-past seven, when we came to a small town called Jonkaconda, inhabited by Bushreens, and very prettily situated on a little hill under the shade of some few large trees, somewhat resembling the horse chestnut, except that the trunk is covered with large sharp protuberances in the shape of thorns. It produces a quantity of silky cotton, in pods of an oval shape, about five inches long and four in circumference; these burst when ripe, and contain each about half an ounce of this cotton. The natives do not make any use of it; they prefer the common cotton, from which they manufacture all their clothes. There the path turned a little to the south of east, and led us over a country similar to that already mentioned, with this difference, that the wood was rather closer.

At half after eight, we reached another small village (Lemaine), the chief of which, a good-looking young man, was very civil, and made us a present of some palm wine, in return for which we gave him three bars in amber beads, &c. He paid us a visit at our bivouac under some shady trees. He was attended by about fifteen people, preceded by a Jallikea, singing man, vociferating the praises of his master, who, although very communicative and good-humoured, did not seem to have a mean idea of himself. The river is distant from this village a mile and a half, SSW.

After a few hours’ rest to the men and animals, and of which all were much in need, particularly the horses, we moved forward at two, P.M., and reached Coonting at half after five, all much fatigued. We passed two small villages, likewise, at the foot of some hills, and distant from each other about two miles and a half. Their general appearance was extremely neat and comfortable, and the ground about them appeared well cultivated. Some large enclosures of cotton and indigo, were extremely well-looking, and shewed much regularity. The path, for the most part of the way, was extremely narrow and inconvenient, in consequence of the closeness of the wood, which is low and stunted, the soil being a mixture of dark red sand, and small iron stone gravel, large masses of which rose above the surface in all directions. The face of the country was, in general, covered with low wood, except in the vicinity of the towns, where it has been cleared, either for the purpose of cultivation or for fuel.

Coonting is a considerable town, partly surrounded with a mud wall, about six feet high. It is in three divisions, each separated from the other by a clear space of about two hundred yards, in which stand some fine large evergreen trees, in whose shade the natives spend the most part of the day, engaged in conversation, playing a game somewhat resembling draughts, at which they are very clever, and sleeping, a very general recreation in that country. Here also is held the assembly of the head men and chiefs, when any matter of importance requires their attention. Each of those divisions is governed by a head man, who is under the control of a chief, subject to the king of Katoba. The town is pleasantly situate in an extensive plain, and bears the marks of cultivation to a considerable distance, surrounded on all sides, except the SW., by gently rising hills, covered with wood. The town is plentifully supplied with water of a good quality, from wells nine fathoms deep, at the bottoms of which is a stratum of solid rock.

Here we decided on waiting the arrival of Mr. Partarrieau with the camels, as the place afforded an abundance of forage and water for the animals, and an opportunity of procuring a small quantity of rice, pistacios, cassada, and small beans, for ourselves. The chief priest of the town paid us a visit, making a present of a fowl and two bottles of milk, or, as they call it, giving us service, that is a complimentary visit, which we returned in the evening. We found him seated in a large circular mud hut, surrounded by about twenty five boys, from the age of seven to fourteen, learning to read and write Arabic. The Koran was the only book from which they were taught, and their education was generally considered completed when they could read and expound any passage in it. The most of the people there are Mahomedans.

The old gentleman received us kindly, and conducted us to the Alcaid, or chief, a venerable looking old man, who, on our informing him of the object of our travelling in his country, said that he perfectly recollected seeing Mr. Park when he last went to the east, but was extremely sorry to hear he never returned to his own country, a fate which he prayed to God might not be ours. We made him a small present, and one to the priest, for which they appeared very grateful. Two of the European and one of the native soldiers had attacks of intermittent fever this day, but were nevertheless able to come on.

Mr. Partarrieau joined us in the afternoon, bringing with him only one camel; the other having died before it reached Kayaye, he was obliged to hire men to carry that proportion of the baggage left behind, which was intended as a load for it.

We left Coonting at four o’clock on the morning of the 28th, and travelled east. Two of the horses were unable to rise from the ground this morning, and were left to their fate. At about a mile from Coonting, we entered a thicket composed of underwood and cane, which was so close that we were obliged to cut down the branches and some trees, for a considerable distance, in order to admit of the camels passing with the loads. The face of the country begins to rise here considerably, and to be diversified by hill and dale—the former high and covered with wood, and the latter apparently very fertile. The soil, too, changed from light sand to a hard yellow clay, intermixed with small quartz pebbles. For about two miles the road led us over hilly and broken ground within a few yards of the river side.

At mid-day we reached a small walled town, Kolicorri, but which had such a wretched appearance that we were deterred from halting at it; we therefore continued our march ESE. about two miles further, when we arrived at Tandicunda, a very respectable town, defended by a strong stake fence interwoven with thorny bushes, and wholly inhabited by Bushreens. Two more of the horses gave up during this march, and were left on the path in a dying state. To transport the loads of those animals we were obliged to hire carriers, a sufficient number of which we had much difficulty in procuring. Our own men were obliged to assist. The town of Pisania, which formerly stood within a short distance of Tandicunda, was then a heap of ruins, having been some years since abandoned by Mr. Amsley, in consequence of the annoyance he frequently experienced from the people of Bondoo and Woolli. Its situation was extremely beautiful, being close to the river-side, on an elevated spot shaded with large trees, and most conveniently placed for commercial purposes.

We left Tandicunda at five o’clock on the morning of the 29th, and travelled to the east, over a country beautifully diversified, to Samee, a small walled town containing about a hundred and twenty huts. The inhabitants are Sonikeas or Pagans. Dyeing with indigo is here carried on to some extent. About a quarter of a mile to the south-east, by a small creek or branch of the Gambia, its water good and plentiful, we halted, under a large tree, which afforded the most grateful shelter to all from the excessive heat of the sun. One of our moors had so severe an attack of remittent fever as to be unable to keep up; one of the native civilians was left with him.

When the intense heat of the sun had diminished in a small degree, we again moved forward to the ENE. over an open and well-cultivated country. We saw, at a short distance, on the right of our path, a Foolah encampment. Some of the women and children, the latter entirely naked, came close to the path, and stared with astonishment at our white skins, and not less so at the camels, which appeared to excite much wonder. The animals were much fatigued, and many of them in a very weak state. We arrived at Jindey, a small village situate on an eminence, within less than a quarter of a mile west from the Wallia Creek. Here we halted under some large trees south of the village, for the night, having travelled to-day about fifteen miles. We had scarcely placed the tentmills, and retired to rest, when one of our guides came from the village to say, that a number of Foolahs had just arrived there, and from some part of their conversation he had overheard, he was inclined to think they had an intention of endeavouring to steal some of our horses during the night. Had such really been their wish or not, I cannot say, but the morning arrived without any attempt of the kind being made. It was more than probable our guide only circulated such a report, in order to make his attention to our interest appear to greater advantage, and which he, naturally enough, supposed would entitle him to, or at least, induce us to give him, an adequate reward.

The chief of Wallia (a province of Katoba, but over which the king has little control) lives about five miles south of this place. As he was a person of some consequence in the country, and might be of use, we sent him our compliments, with a present of eight bars in tobacco, amber, and beads, and, having made the chief of Jindey another, we moved towards the Creek at six o’clock on the morning of the 30th, but had not proceeded one hundred yards, when the horses in front were stopped by some people, stating that they were sent by the Wallia chief, to say, that unless we would pay him his regular customs, in the same way as the vessels which ascend the river on trading voyages, we should not be allowed to proceed. We laughed at the idea of three or four men saying they would not allow us to pass, and told them we had already despatched a messenger to their master, with a present, and to which we would make an addition of four bars for themselves. This was not satisfactory enough, and they again insinuated that we should not move until the chief himself should arrive. We ordered the whole to halt, and the men to load their muskets; we asked where were those people who wished to dispute our passage? None appearing, we moved on without further molestation to the Creek, which we reached in about twenty minutes. The tide was nearly full, but still running up at the rate of about a mile per hour.

There is over this creek, which is about two hundred and sixty feet wide, four feet deep, with clay and mud bottom, a cane bridge, supported by two rows of forked stakes, on which are laid cross pieces; these are covered with small pieces of Bamboo, which, further strengthened by being interwoven with the smaller branches of the cane, affords a safe, though shaking passage for two or three people on foot. The banks of the creek are covered with a kind of mangrove, some acacias, and a great number of the mimosas. Having unloaded the animals, and led them through the water to the opposite side, the men waded across, carrying the baggage on their heads, which was completed without any accident in about an hour. From the eastern bank, where we halted to cook dinner and give the men an opportunity to wash their clothes, I had a very good view of the bridge, the village, and the surrounding country; the latter, though much parched from the total want of rain for many months, and the almost continued influence of the dry east wind, accompanied by a scorching sun, has not altogether lost its verdure. Great numbers of evergreen trees and shrubs, afford a pleasing and refreshing relief to the eye, wearied from beholding a light coloured sand reflecting the rays of a vertical sun unobstructed by clouds. The thermometer stood at 97° in the shade, open air, and at 80° in the water, which is very muddy, though sweet and good. There were fish in the creek, for I saw them rise. We do not know what species, but from the skeleton of one which had been devoured by a hawk, we concluded some of them to be catfish.

CANE BRIDGE OVER THE WALLIA CREEK.

Published by John Murray, London. April 1825.

This creek joins the Gambia about five miles from where we crossed it, and is navigable for boats to twice that distance above the bridge, where, on both sides of it, are situate towns with which an advantageous trade in all the productions of the country might be carried on.

At half after four, the object of our halt being effected, we marched for Pakeba, distant three miles and a half, where we arrived at six, and halted for the night. The whole distance from the creek to this town is well cultivated; some enclosures of cotton and indigo had a flourishing appearance. The town is a small one, containing about one hundred and fifty huts, and defended by a strong mud wall, seven feet high, and a stake fence outside. The inhabitants are Sonikeas or Pagans, and are subject to Katoba, at least nominally so; for in Africa, the further a town is removed from the capital, the less control the king has over it, and, in almost all cases, those towns are exclusively governed by their own chiefs.

Our animals were daily diminishing in number, and there had not as yet appeared any opportunity of replacing them; four horses died, or were abandoned as useless, since our departure from Tandicunda, and many more would, I feared, soon follow. We had, however, but not without much difficulty, procured a few carriers from among the natives; and some of our own native soldiers and civilians took forward that part of the baggage for which we had no other means of conveyance.

One of the men from the Wallia chief came to our bivouac in the evening, and told us that his master was extremely sorry for what had taken place in the morning, and particularly so, as his people had no orders to that effect; he had only sent them to request that we might remain at Jindey until ten o’clock in the forenoon, at which hour he intended coming to pay us his respects.

We were enabled here to purchase two bullocks, together with a small quantity of rice and corn. The former cost fourteen bars each; value about one pound sterling.

We left Pakeba on the 1st of May, at six in the morning, and travelled NE. by E. until nine, when we reached Sandoo Madina. The path good, over a sandy soil, mixed with small iron-stone gravel, thinly covered with thorny underwood and dry grass. Two more horses were abandoned at Pakeba, as useless, and one left behind on the path. Our moor continued very unwell. In addition to fever, he had a very severe pulmonic attack, and on the whole so weak, that I almost despaired of his recovery.

At three in the morning, previous to leaving Pakeba, we were alarmed by screams, apparently of some person in agony. We immediately repaired to the spot, accompanied by some of the watch. There we found the wife of Yarra Comba, one of the native civilians from Sierra Leone, weltering in her blood, having received three very severe wounds on the head from her husband, who, exasperated at her refusing to desert with him (a step, he told her, he was about to take), and fearing, we supposed, that she would give the alarm, after thus brutally attempting to seal her lips, by taking her life, made his escape; in accomplishing which he succeeded, being favoured by a dark night, and an intricately wooded country.

The wounds appeared to be all but fatal; the exterior membrane of the brain, was visible in one of them, and the other two were very deep. When every attention in the dressing, &c., had been paid, and I found that there was no hope of getting hold of the savage who inflicted them, I sent her to the chief of the town, to whom we gave ten bars for her support, until she might be able to return to Kayaye. As an inducement to make this man act kindly to her, we gave him a further sum of ten bars for himself, and offered a handsome reward for the apprehension of her husband.

About three miles before we reached this town, we observed some stones of curious form and composed of red sand-stone, in which were encrusted small silicious pebbles. They had much the appearance of broken pillars; some were standing upright, and others lying flat on the surface. From the space inside them, and its form, which was an oblong square, we are inclined to think they must, at some former period, have supported a roof. The largest of them is as four feet in circumference, and seven feet high.

Sandoo Madina is a very small walled village, inhabited by Sonikeys, and is subject to Katoba, but more immediately under the control of the Wallia chief, who is himself nominally subject to the former. This subjection is however not easily defined: a slave running away from one finds an asylum with the other, who (on both sides) does not hesitate to acknowledge his having kept him in despite of the other’s remonstrances.

At a short distance to the NW. is a small unwalled Bushreen town called Coota Cunda; the water good and plentiful, and every appearance of extensive cultivation.

We received a visit from the chief of Jambaroo, a small independent province of Jaloff Woolli, situate about fifteen miles north of this village. We bought from him a small strong horse for eighty-five bars in amber and coral, the value of which did not exceed five pounds sterling. We made him a small present.

Corporal Richmond, a native, was added to the sick list, with a severe pulmonic attack. Some of the men who have had slight attacks of intermittent fever appear to recover rapidly; on the whole, the health of the party might be then considered good. Mr. Nelson was the only one of the officers who was at all delicate; Mr. Pilkington was recovering rapidly.

Having left Sandoo Madina at four o’clock in the morning of the 2d, we had a pleasant march to the next town, Fodia Cunda, the first of Woolli, which we reached at half after nine, having passed the ruins of two towns, both destroyed by the people of Bondoo in their wars with this country. The animals travelled very badly, being too heavily loaded, and which could not be avoided, in consequence of the very rapid decrease of their numbers, and the impossibility of replenishing them; five died or were abandoned this day’s march.

We here procured a plentiful supply of milk and butter, such as it was, and more than a sufficiency of corn to give the horses, camels, &c. as much as they could eat, and which they were much in want of, not having had more than one good feed since we left Kayaye. The country about this village, although much parched, was beautifully picturesque, being thickly covered with wood, and agreeably diversified by hill and dale. There were numbers of wandering Foolahs with large herds of cattle, in the vicinity of this village: those people supply the inhabitants of the towns who keep no cattle themselves with milk and butter, in exchange for which they receive cotton cloths, glass beads, and tobacco.

From Fodia Cunda I despatched Lamina, our Sego guide, to the town of Slatee Modiba, to request him to meet us at Madina to-morrow; this man being a relative of the king’s, with whom he has considerable influence, advising him in all affairs of importance, and well known to Lamina, we considered it right to secure his interest, by sending him a small present, and holding out the promise of a suitable reward, should he act in compliance with our wishes.

We left Fodia Cunda at six, on the morning of the 3d, and travelled east, at a smart pace, over a flat country, little wooded and for the most part cultivated; the soil was of a darker colour, and contained more mould and clay than any we had seen since leaving Kayaye. We arrived at Madina at nine, and bivouacked under a large tree, about five hundred yards north of the town.

W. Gray del.

MEDINA, CAPITAL OF WOOLLI.

Published Feb. 1825. by John Murray, London.

Madina is a respectable walled town, containing about two hundred and fifty huts, and from eight hundred to a thousand inhabitants, all Sonikeas; it is the capital of the kingdom of Woolli, and the residence of the king. Outside the walls is a strong stake or palisade fence, about five feet high, which gave to the place the appearance of a large fortified redoubt. The interior of the town was beautifully shaded with large trees of the fig and palm kind, and altogether had a very good outward appearance. There are three gates to it; two in the north, and one in the east, which are shut every night. The interior of the town does not at all accord with its external appearance, being filled with small round grass, and mud huts jumbled together without any regard to order or regularity, and between which are heaps on heaps of filth of every description. The house of the king is separated from those of his subjects by a mud wall about nine feet high, and stands nearly in the centre of the town; that of his son, and some of the chief men are similarly inclosed, but the walls of the latter are not so high. Two wells situate within the wall at the east end of the town, of tolerably good water, supply the inhabitants with that necessary article in sufficient abundance. The ground, to the extent of half a mile all round the town, was cleared, and bore the marks of cultivation. A few large shady evergreen trees, scattered over this plain, relieves the otherwise fatiguing prospect of such an extent of arid surface. At a short distance to the south, lay a large Bushreen town, called Barra Cunda, which might contain from one thousand to one thousand five hundred inhabitants, and was surrounded by a slight stake fence, interwoven with thorny bushes, which is the only defence the followers of Mahomet in this country adopt. This arises from their not engaging in war, and never meeting with any other attack from an invading army than on their provisions, with which they are in general abundantly supplied, being more industrious and more abstemious than the Pagans; a large proportion of whose corn, rice, &c., goes in the purchase of inebriating liquors. The dress of the latter also is neither so good nor so cleanly as that of the former, which is, almost invariably, white or blue. The Sonikeys are careless about their dress or persons, and what with smoking, drinking, and dirt, they are the most filthy set we ever saw.

We observed hanging on a stake, outside the walls of the town, a dress composed of the bark of a tree torn into small shreds, and formed so as to cover the whole body of the person wearing it, who is a sort of bugbear, called Mumbo Jumbo, that occasionally visits all the Mandingo towns, for the purpose of keeping the married women in order. I have been told that the husband who has occasion to find fault with one of his wives, for here every man has as many as his circumstances will admit, either puts on this dress himself, or gets one of his friends to do it, and having made known his intended visit to the town, by shrieking and howling in the woods near it, arrives after sunset at the assembly place, where all the inhabitants are obliged to meet him, with music, singing, and dancing, which continues for some hours, and terminates by his seizing the unfortunate woman, and flogging her most unmercifully in presence of the whole assembly, who only laugh at this horrid performance. We have never had an opportunity of seeing this ourselves, but have heard it from so many, and with such corroborative exactness of description, that we have no doubt of its existence to a much greater extent of blind savage superstition than has been described to us.

Immediately on our arrival, we sent to apprize the king, and requested to be informed at what hour he could receive our visit. We were, however, told that he was then drunk, and could not be seen on business.

Slatee Modiba arrived, bringing us a present of a fine bullock. He also told us the same story, but said he hoped the evening would find the king in a state to receive us.

At length, about five in the afternoon, we went, accompanied by Mr. Burton, Lamina, and Sergeant Tuft; the latter served as interpreter. We found his majesty (if we may so prostitute the title), seated on a low wooden stool, outside the walls of his house, surrounded by all the great men of the town, who, with himself, did not appear to have entirely recovered from the effects of their morning’s debauchery. Having made him a small present, which it is the custom of this country to do, previous to addressing the king on our business, we told him in as few words as possible, the object we had in view in travelling through the country, and the advantages its inhabitants would derive from the existence of a friendly and direct intercourse with the English, who, should no serious difficulties present themselves, would soon make trading voyages into the interior, and furnish them with all European merchandize at a much cheaper rate than they could at present procure them. The only answer we received, was made by his friend Modiba (for he did not say a word himself), and, although expressed in many words, and in very ambiguous terms, might be construed into this, that he always thought the English were the friends of Africa, and would do every thing in his power to facilitate the attainment of their wishes.

As nothing but the common routine of a formal visit of ceremony could, consistent with their customs, take place at the first interview, even had the king been compos mentis, we were obliged to take our leave without anything more having been said as to the terms on which we might expect his protection. Modiba, however, told us he would take care that no rum should be drank by Mansa[9] in the morning, previous to our seeing him, and requested we would shew him the present we intended to give; which we promised to do, when it could be prepared.

During the night, one of the natives made an attempt to steal something from one of the tents, and would have succeeded, had not Sergeant Major Lee, observing the bale stirring, fired in the direction, but I believe without effect. This served, at least, to deter others from a similar attempt.

Having selected the present, consisting of amber, coral, bafts blue and white, silver, guns, &c., in all amounting to upwards of five hundred bars, thirty pounds sterling, and submitted them to the inspection of Modiba, who appeared to be pleased with them, we waited on the king on the morning of the 4th, and were shewn into the inner inclosure of the palace, which was, if any thing, more filthy than the rest of the town. Here we found him seated on a lion’s skin, to which were attached a number of grigris, under the shade of a miserable hovel in the shape of a balcony, outside the door of his bed-room, surrounded by four or five of his head men or ministers; and, notwithstanding Modiba’s promise to the contrary, the rum bottle had been in use, to what extent we cannot say, but he, on this occasion, favoured us with his conversation, asking several questions about our country, the Expedition, its object, &c.; all which we answered as briefly and explicitly as possible. When the present was laid before him, he condescended to smile at the amber, but on looking at the dollars and coral for some time, with an air of the greatest indifference, he said something to his own people, and told us that he would not accept of so trifling an offer from such great men, particularly as he had been told we had given more to the king of Katoba, whom he looked on as a very petty chief indeed. Modiba said much to induce him to take it, but to no effect. We therefore returned to the camp leaving him, great as was his avarice, paying more attention to the rum bottle than what had been going forward.

While we were talking to Modiba on the best means of satisfying Mansa, and at the same time those about him, the former made his appearance, coming from the town, attended by about fifty people singing and beating drums. He seated himself under a tree, at a short distance from our camp, and sent Modiba, who had gone to meet him, to let us know he came to pay his respects. When we went to him, he beckoned me to sit beside him, which I did in apparent good humour; after the usual salutations, he begged a piece of muslin to make a dress. This was complied with, when he said, he had brought a bullock for supper, but added that we did not shew ourselves inclined to think well of him, in giving him so poor a present. This, with a great deal more noisy irrelevant matter from himself and attendants, took up nearly half an hour, much to our annoyance. He ended, however, by telling us that he had left the settling of the affair to Modiba, and returned to the town.

In order that more time should not be lost here, we made an addition to the former present of forty-five bars, coral and dollars, and gave it to Modiba to present, as all we would or could give him. He was then drunk, and not to be seen.

In a short hour after this, Mansafarra, the king’s eldest son, came galloping from the town into our camp, attended by five or six people, armed with guns and spears, and, apparently in a great rage, said that he was offended at our not paying him our respects in person, and, although we might think little of him, he was, nevertheless, of as much consequence in the country as his father. We endeavoured to pacify him by appearing in good humour, and was going to give him our hands, when he rode off, in as great a hurry as he came, having first made one of his men throw down a pile of our arms, which was standing near them. He was not contented with this indifference on our part, and shortly returned on foot, attended as before. The first person he met was Private Robinson, lying on the ground. To him he gave two or three kicks, and would have fired his musket at him, had he not been prevented by some of his own people. On this occasion, we, with much difficulty, kept our temper, but as the fellow was beastly drunk, and we were aware of the serious consequences that might arise from any violence offered to one of the royal family, we overlooked the insult, and merely directed the men to stand to their arms, and take no notice of him. He did not like the appearance things bore at that moment, and went off as before.

The people of the town, seeing us pay such little attention to the insult offered by their prince, no doubt thought they might follow his example with impunity, and therefore endeavoured to run away with every thing they could lay their hands on. This was too much. We could bear it no longer, and ordered the men to load and fall in, and, as it was nearly sunset, we had the whole of the baggage removed to some distance from the tree we had been sitting under, and placed triple sentinels. While the men were employed at this, the natives stole two horses, one ass, a bullock, and a goat. The horses, ass, and goat were recovered, but the bullock we never heard of.

A strict watch during the night prevented the possibility of any attempt at theft, and on the morning of the 5th, Modiba came at an early hour, to say that the king was not satisfied at the addition made to the present, and, unless we gave him more, he would send his people to help themselves. Entreaties were to be borne with, but threats, and of this nature too, required decisive steps. We consequently directed Modeba to let the king know he might come as soon as he pleased, when we should be ready to give him the reception his appearance might merit. The bugles then sounded to arms; the animals were collected; and the men formed a hollow square round them and the baggage.

Modiba, who was more than astonished at our answer and preparations, went off without saying a word; but returned in a few minutes, to request we would give him ten dollars for himself, in part payment of two horses we had purchased from him the day before, and for which he had agreed to take an order on the Commissariat Officer at St. Mary’s, River Gambia. This we complied with, and are satisfied he gave them to Mansa. We however did not let him know, that we thought so. At length we were informed that guides would be provided for us, and we might proceed in the morning. In the evening, Mansa sent us a bullock, in place of the one which was stolen.

The guides joined us in the morning of the 6th, and all things being ready, we commenced moving from Madina, that nest of thieves; but the front division had scarcely left the ground, when an immense mob collected, in order to plunder if possible. Messrs. Dochard and Partarrieau remained with the camel division, which was to bring up the rear, and had much difficulty in keeping the natives from actually forcing some things out of our men’s hands. A small medicine-chest was purloined by one of them, who had run some distance with it before it was missed. Private Ferrier overtook and knocked the fellow down, and would have shot some others who came to his assistance, had not Mr. Dochard prevented him by laying hold of his firelock. Such a barefaced and determined set of thieves we never met.

We travelled SE. and by E. thirteen miles, to the village of Bambako. The path this day was over a hard yellow clay soil, mixed with small quartz pebbles, and much broken into deep ruts by the rains; the whole distance, to within a quarter of a mile, covered with loose brushwood and a few large trees of the acacia species.

Corporal Pickard, a European, was so ill as to be unable to walk, and private Richmond, a native soldier, was nearly as bad; they were carried forward on two of the officers’ horses. Bambako is a very miserable village indeed, not containing more than twenty huts of the poorest description: the situation of it, however, in some measure made up for its wretched appearance; it was on the summit of an elevated plain, beautifully covered with some of those large trees which bear the cotton, already mentioned, and a great number of baobabs, tamarinds, and palm trees; and it is plentifully supplied with good water, from wells twelve fathoms deep. We were able to purchase there one horse, two asses, three goats, and some corn for the animals. The horses and asses were a very welcome and necessary supply at that moment, as we had lost by death, during the day’s march, three horses.

We passed the night there, and moved forward to the SSE. at seven on the morning of the 7th. The soil and appearance of the country the same as that of the preceding day’s march. The path was not so much broken, and the animals travelled better. We reached Canopê at eleven, A.M., where we halted in order to refresh the men and animals, and to purchase, if possible, a few asses, which we were told by our guides were here in great numbers. Large prices, in amber, coral, and blue baft, induced the natives to sell us seven very good ones. We had much difficulty in procuring water here, not in consequence of any want of it at the place, but because the people would not allow us to approach the wells, alleging that it was their property, and we must pay for it as well as for the other commodities of life. Remonstrance, and an inclination to force on our part, together with the interference of our guides, at length obtained it; not, however, before it was much wanted.

We left that inhospitable village at three, P.M., the same day, and travelled in the same direction over a very finely diversified country, for two hours, when we arrived at a small village called Kussaye, or Metofodia Cunda, having passed, about two miles before it, the ruins of a very large walled town, called Maja Cunda. This was formerly the residence of Modiba, the man who assisted us at Woolli, but was destroyed and abandoned by him, in consequence of the surrounding soil not producing good crops; it is very light and sandy, and mixed with lumps of a stiff white clay, having much the appearance of pipe-clay.

The occurrences at Madina, the hurry at leaving it, and the very great want of means of conveyance which we experienced, together with the confused state of the baggage in consequence of such want, and the indisposition of some of the men, induced us to determine on halting here for a day, in order to set all things right: we therefore took up our bivouac under the shade of some large trees outside the town, the chief of which was extremely kind and attentive to all our wants, inasmuch as his circumstances would admit.

FOOTNOTES:

[7]Having twenty-two animals’ loads.

[8]With nineteen each.

[9]Title of the kings of Woolli.

CHAPTER V.

Departure from Kussaye — Pass through the Simbani Woods — Loss of Camels — Ruins of Muntobe — Leave Muntobe — Arrive at Sansanding — Halt there — Our Woolli guides leave us — Discharge of Corporal Harrop — Arrival at Sabee, the first Town of Bondoo — Loss of Animals — Opposition on the part of our Guides to our moving thence — Arrival at Loonchea — Death of the Camels — Supply of provisions from Almamy — Mr. Dochard sent in advance with a present to Almamy — Departure from Loonchea — Arrival at Dachadoonga — Difficulty and delay in carrying forward the Baggage — Description of the Red Water, and its use — Arrival at Goodeerri — Mr. Dochard returns from the Capital — Arrival of Almamy’s eldest Son — Transactions with Almamy and difficulty in arranging matters with him — Departure from Goodeerri, and arrival at Boolibany, the Capital of Bondoo.

Having put the baggage in order, and fed the animals well on pistacio tops and corn, since our arrival here, we moved forward at six o’clock on the morning of the 9th, at a slow rate to the ENE., over a much wooded country, until noon, when we halted at the ruins of a town called Bantanto, in the Simbani woods, where the well, though very deep, thirteen fathoms, was still in repair, and supplied us with great plenty of water, but of a bad taste and smell, occasioned by its not being much used. Mr. Nelson, Corporal Pickard, and Privates Nicholson and Richmond had attacks of fever since the evening of the 7th; with these exceptions, the party continued to enjoy good health. We could not say as much for our animals: three horses died since our arrival at Metafodia Cunda, and more than one half of the remaining ones were unable to carry their loads, for the transport of which it was found impossible to procure a sufficient number of carriers from among the natives: some of our own African soldiers, however, very cheerfully supplied their places, and we managed, in one way or other, to take all forward, but not without considerable trouble and fatigue. The many men we were obliged to employ as carriers, left the animals without a sufficient number to guide them and keep their loads from falling off, an occurrence which took place at every twenty yards with some one or other of them. The asses we had procured on the path were very good, but whether we did not understand the proper way of loading them, or that our bales, from being nearly round, were ill calculated to sit steady on their round backs, we could not determine; it appeared, however, something was wrong, the consequence of which was much trouble and delay.

We moved from Bantanto at six o’clock on the morning of the 10th, but one of our camels having been either stolen, or strayed from the place where they had been feeding, I remained behind with that division until four, P.M., up to which time a fruitless search had been made for it in all directions. I then went forward alone, leaving Mr. Partarrieau to wait until the following morning, in hopes of recovering it, as it was a loss we could but badly afford at that moment.

I joined the front at the ruins of Montobe, at nine o’clock. The situation of this town, which must have been a very large one, is beautiful: it was in two parts, that where we halted being the smallest, and built on a hill shaded with fine large trees, the other is in the centre of an extensive plain, bearing the marks of cultivation, surrounded on all sides, at the distance of nearly a quarter of a mile, by woods; both are plentifully supplied with water, from wells only three or four feet deep, but which, in consequence of being neglected, had fallen in so much that we were obliged to clear them out before a sufficient quantity of water could be obtained. The soil appeared to be better than any I had before seen; it was composed of dark-brown mould, intermixed with white sand and sand-stone. The walls and many of the houses were both strongly and well built with yellow clay, raised from about four feet below the surface, and intermixed with cut straw or withered grass and cow-dung.

It was destroyed about twelve months before by the people of Bondoo, in one of their plundering excursions, and many of its inhabitants were either killed or made prisoners (slaves), a fate but too common in this country, where the strongest party always finds an excuse for making war on the weaker, not unfrequently carrying off whole towns of miserable inoffensive beings, without either any previous intimation of their hostile intentions, or indeed any cause given by those wretched objects of their avaricious encroachments. On all such occasions, the only object in view is the attainment of money, as they call it, and in this they succeed by selling their unfortunate fellow-creatures, and, what is still more unnatural, their compatriots, to slave-dealers.

A multitude of ideas, bringing with them the conviction of how much Englishmen, and indeed all civilized nations, are favoured by Divine Providence, in enjoying freedom and security against such unwarranted and barbarous practices, rushed on my mind, as we surveyed the silent and awful remains of some human bodies which lay outside the walls of this once respectable and no doubt happy town, the inhabitants of which were torn by unrelenting savages from that native spot, so dear to all mankind. Even the strongest ties of nature riven asunder, and all this to gratify the brutal desires of some neighbouring tyrant, or to enrich a set of savages, who are daily exposed to a similar fate themselves, at least as long as they can find people ready to purchase their unnatural booty.

Mr. Partarrieau not having come up, we left Muntobe at six o’clock on the morning of the 11th, and travelled slowly to the east until noon, when we reached Sansanding, a small town, the last of the kingdom of Woolli, beautifully situated on an eminence surrounded by high grounds, through the valleys of which winds a branch of the Gambia, now nearly dry; its banks are covered with cane, acacias, and mimosas, which afforded us an agreeable shelter from the intense heat of the sun. Here we decided on halting one day, in order to rest the animals, particularly the camels, which were become very weak for the last two days, owing to an insufficiency, indeed a scarcity, of that species of food on which they are used to feed. One gave up on the path, and died in a few hours, which the moors said resulted from having eaten some poisonous weed in which that country abounds. The men also wanted the opportunity of washing their linen, which this place afforded. We eagerly took advantage of it as a great distance of uninhabited country (which from a want of water it was necessary to get over as quick as possible) lay between us and the frontier town of Bondoo. Private Pickard, too, was so ill as to be unable to ride, and was left on the path, under the shade of a tree, until the afternoon, when we sent eight men with a hammock to bring him up. He had, however, before they reached him, recovered sufficiently to come forward on Mr. Partarrieau’s horse. The camel lost at Bantanto was stolen by one of the king of Woolli’s people, and was traced as far back as Kussaye by our men who went in search of it: the thief, however, effected his escape with his prize, leaving Mr. Partarrieau with only one camel to bring up the two loads. The asses, although heavily loaded, travelled well, and were, if properly managed, better adapted to this service than either horses or camels.

Our guide refused to accompany us beyond this town, giving, as a reason, his fear of being detained in Bondoo, should he enter that country. I was sorry for it, as the fellow really was very accommodating and attentive; but no entreaties could induce him to go on. I believe he was afraid that if we got him into one of the towns in Bondoo, he would be detained until our camel should be returned. In this he was deceived; for although such a step had been talked of by the officers as likely to have a good effect, we never had the least intention of doing so. I therefore dismissed him with a present of twenty-two bars.

We here discharged Corporal Harrop, a native of Woolli, who had been sold as a slave, when very young, and liberated by some of the British cruizers on the coast. He met his mother at Medina, and expressed a wish to remain there, a refusal to comply with which we were aware would be useless, as he had it in his power to desert, and thereby deprive us of the opportunity, which was thus offered, of acting in a manner likely to convince the people of that part of the interior, that our intentions towards them were liberal and humane. The man himself seemed very thankful, and said he would never forget the English, to whose settlements on the Gambia he would return, in order to lay out the money we had then given him as pay and allowance up to that date. He took a cordial farewel of all his companions, and returned to Medina with the guide, to glad the heart of an aged mother, who no doubt looked on her son as one risen from the dead.

We tasted some drink made from honey and millet, somewhat like mead; but from its acidity, acquired by fermentation, and the non use of bitters in its composition, it had a very unpleasant effect on the stomach.

Having purchased here six asses, we started at six o’clock in the forenoon of the 13th, and entered the wilderness, through which we travelled at a smart pace to the east until near mid-day, when we came to a watering place in an open space in the woods, which bore evident marks of inundation during the rains, and was said to be the resort of large herds of elephants, which come thither in search of water. This was evidently the case, as their foot-tracks were visible in all directions; indeed, one of our men, who had gone some distance from the path, said he had seen two of them.

A town belonging to Woolli formerly stood here; but little or no proof of its having ever existed now remained. We however took advantage of the only one, namely, the shade of the large trees which are in or near all the towns we have seen in Africa. It is called Sabee Looroo.

As the distance from this last place to the frontier of Bondoo was destitute of water, and too great to attempt marching it in the heat of the day, without a plentiful supply of that necessary article, we moved forward at six in the evening, having filled all our soofroos[10], and marched very expeditiously in an east and by north direction, through wood, until half after ten, when we were obliged to halt, in consequence of its being very dark, and many of the animals being much fatigued and considerably in the rear. Four horses were left in a dying state, and Mr. Pilkington and four men remained with their loads, until asses could be sent to bring them up: they did not arrive at our bivouac until day-light the following morning. We lost six horses during that march, and were likely to lose more every day: our provisions, too, were becoming scarce; but the prospect of being able to replenish all our wants in Bondoo, did not allow things to appear as bad as they really were.

We reached Sabee at seven on the morning of the 14th, and took up our position on an elevated spot to the NE. and distant about half a quarter of a mile from the town, which is a very large one, walled, and situated in an extensive plain, gently rising to the ESE., in which direction it is bounded by mountains: through it runs a small watercourse, now nearly dry, and which the natives call the Neerico.

The inhabitants of this town are all Mahomedans, who are Surrawoollies, and came originally from Kajaga or Galam: they appeared a mild inoffensive race, and were not only better clothed, but cleaner in their persons than the people of Woolli. Their provisions, also, were in greater plenty. We purchased from them three asses, three small bullocks, and a goat, together with some fowls, milk, butter, and eggs. Latitude of Sabee, by meridian altitude, sun’s lower limb, 14° 10′ 58″. Thermometer in shade 100°.

They cultivate, on the banks of the Neerico, in moist places, a sort of tobacco, which is of a small growth and a pale green colour, bearing a yellow blossom: it is manufactured into snuff, in which state alone that sort is used. They also cultivate a larger kind, more resembling the American tobacco in size and colour: this bears a white blossom, and when dried is used in smoking. These, with millet, maize, two other varieties of corn, rice, cotton, indigo, and a few small onions and pompions, are the productions I noticed here, and for which the ground appeared well adapted.

When we were about moving on the morning of the 15th, Masiri Cabba, a man who had come from Bondoo to Lamina, and joined us at Kayaye, came to say that a messenger had just arrived from Almamy, to direct that we should not advance further into his country, until we had sent a person to him. As we conceived this to be all a plan between Masiri Cabba and Lamina, for we saw them talking together a few minutes before, we paid no attention to it, and moved on, at half after six, to the south of east, over a fine open country, much cultivated, and more diversified by hill and dale than we had before met with: we reached a large straggling village, Jumjoury, situate on a rising ground, without any defence whatever. There appeared to be large quantities of cotton grown here, and the plantations looked in fine order. The chief here made us a present of a goat and some cous cous, in return for which he received double their value: indeed, taking those presents is a bad plan, but it would be wrong to insult those people, and they would certainly regard a refusal of any thing offered by them, only in such a point of view. We purchased here two fine sheep, five goats, and some corn.

Having left Jumjoury at six, on the morning of the 16th, and travelled east over a fine, open, and, for the most part, well cultivated country, to Deedey, a small village, which we passed, and arrived at Loonchea, lying ESE. from the former. The camels travelled badly this day; one died shortly after our arrival, and the remainder looked very sickly. We halted under some large trees on the side of a considerable gully or ravine, having a mud bottom, at that time dried up, but which, during the rains, was the bed and course of a torrent running to the SSW.

The supply of rice we brought from Kayaye was here exhausted, with the exception of a few pints, and we had not as yet been able to procure a sufficiency of either cous cous or meal to make a full allowance, for two days. The only provisions we could find here was a little milk and some fowls.

One of the camels, having every appearance of approaching death, was killed, and the meat made use of by our men. We tasted it, and found it as good as any beef we could procure. This gave a sufficiency for the day.

The chief of the town called on us in the afternoon, and told us that he had received directions from Almamy to provide us with some corn, which he was ready to deliver; but, as it was not in a state to be made use of, we requested him to have it converted into cous cous and meal, which he undertook to have done. The necessity we were under of waiting for this supply, and the loss of three of our camels by death, since our arrival here, obliged us to make a halt. I had also determined on sending Mr. Dochard from this place to the capital, in order to see Almamy, and arrange with him for our passage through his country, and his protection and assistance while in it.

I accordingly despatched him on the morning of the 18th, accompanied by Masiri Cabba Dharra (one of the king of Sego’s men), and four of our own people. He took with him some large amber as a present for the king.

Having received from the master of the town a quantity of cous cous and meal, sufficient for six days, and divided the loads of the three camels that died here among the remaining ones and the other animals, we moved forward at five in the afternoon to the ENE. over a flat country much intersected by the dry beds of torrents, the banks of which are covered with acacias and mimosas: one of them was very deep, and so difficult to pass, that most of the asses fell and threw their loads, which delayed us some time. One of the camels died on the path; this also delayed us considerably, and we did not reach Gongally until near midnight, all very much fatigued. In the course of the forenoon of the 19th, I purchased two asses, being all that I could induce the inhabitants of this town to part with, although they had many more, and the prices I offered were large. I was therefore obliged to hire some more carriers; a most troublesome mode of transport, for it required a good look-out to prevent those fellows from running away with their loads. We left Gongally at four in the afternoon, and arrived at Dachadoonga, after a very fatiguing march of three hours and a half, over a much broken country covered with wood. The chief of this town, which is a small one, is married to one of Almamy’s daughters.

The few remaining horses, and the camels, were become so weak as to be unable to carry, and we had not yet been able to purchase a sufficient number of asses for the whole of the baggage; I therefore sent Mr. Burton forward to Goodeerie, on the 20th, with as much of it as all the asses would carry, and directed him to send them back next morning to bring forward the remainder, but from some mistake of their guides, or from having straggled too much, they took different paths, which led them all (with the exception of two or three) much out of their way, and it was not until eight o’clock in the afternoon of the 21st, after despatching Lamina to conduct them into the right path, that the asses returned. Having purchased three very good asses here, we left it at seven o’clock on the morning of the 22d, and arrived at Ganado, another small village, at eleven. Messrs. Nelson and Pilkington had gone on to Goodeerie, when, not finding any of the party, they returned to Ganado, where we passed the night, and lost four horses and (six) all our sheep, in consequence of their having eaten the leaves of a tree (called Talee, by the natives) which is common throughout this country. It is a strong poison, and has a very sweet taste. The pagan natives of some parts of Africa, make use of an infusion of the bark of this tree to ascertain whether a person among them, suspected of witchcraft, be guilty or not. The accused is obliged to drink a quantity of this liquor, and which, according to its strength, sooner or later produces nausea, vomiting, and pain in the stomach and abdomen, and not unfrequently terminates in the death of the person; in which case he is considered to have been guilty: but should the person recover, either in consequence of the weakness of the dose (sometimes arising from a large bribe administered to the person who made it), or a great strength of constitution and timely antidotes, he is declared innocent. This horrid method is seldom practised by the Mahomedan natives of Africa.

On the morning of the 23d, I again sent forward Mr. Burton (being the only officer now with me, able to do duty) to Goodeerie, with all the asses, loaded, and directions to send them back to me in the evening. He left us at four o’clock, and the asses returned at nine the same afternoon. The country about this town is really beautifully diversified with hill and dale, both covered with wood, some of which is very large. At a short distance to the SE. is the dry bed of a stream which, during the rains, runs to the SW. and joins the Gambia. The inhabitants here had commenced preparing their corn and rice grounds, in consequence of the very great appearance of approaching rain for the last two or three days, during which we had some thunder and lightning, accompanied with a perfect calm and intense heat of the sun and atmosphere.

Little trouble is indeed necessary in this country for the purpose of cultivation; the ground is merely cleared of the old corn stalks, and such weeds and young wood as have sprung up during the dry weather; all which are burnt, and the ashes strewed on the surface. Small holes are then made in the ground, distant from each other about a foot or eighteen inches, and two or three grains of corn dropped into each, which is filled by pushing a portion of the earth and the ashes before mentioned into it. In this state it remains, until it arrives at about two feet above the surface, when the ground between is hoed up and cleared of weeds, a process which takes place as often as the growth of the weeds renders it necessary, and which, in this country, where vegetation is so rapidly going on during the rains, grow apace.

We left Ganado at seven o’clock on the morning of the 24th, passed two small villages, situated in an open and well cultivated country, and reached Goodeerie at noon, having met an immense host of black monkeys, who, on our approach, set up a hideous barking noise, and scampered into the woods. Some of them were as large as a mastiff dog.

Goodeerie is a small straggling village, inhabited by Surrawoollies and Foulahs. Masiri Cabba, who is chief of it, accommodated us with a sufficient number of huts to shelter both the men and baggage from rain, which was fast approaching. As I feared it was likely we should have to remain a few days here, in order to the arrangement of matters with Almamy, I cheerfully accepted his offer, and now, for the first time since our leaving Kayaye, we entered and took up quarters inside a town.

I was here informed that Almamy was not at the capital when Mr. Dochard went there, and that it was probable he might have to wait there some time before he could see him, as he was absent on some business connected with the war between him and the people of Galam.

Mr. Dochard, however, arrived on the 21st, without having seen Almamy. He was accompanied by Almady Gay (one of Almamy’s nephews), who was sent to procure for us a supply of bullocks and corn. Almamy sent Mr. Dochard word that he was extremely glad to hear of our arrival in his country, and would give us every assistance and protection in his power as far as Foolidoo, to which country we should be accompanied by one of his chiefs, who would be a sufficient safeguard to us. He further requested that we would remain where we were until he could come to see us, which should be in a very few days. The prospect of being thus delayed even for a few days, as I then thought, was irksome in the extreme, as the rains were fast approaching, and, in the space of another month, travelling would become, if not wholly impossible, at least very difficult and dangerous. But so it was, that attempting to move through this country without having first arranged matters with Almamy, would have been madness. We were therefore obliged to submit with patience.

Since our arrival here, we were beset by a multitude of beggars of all descriptions. Princes and their wives without number, came to make to us trifling presents, with the hope of receiving in return double their value, and their attendants were not less troublesome. Goulahs, or singing people, who in Africa always flock around those who have any thing to give, no doubt thought this a good opportunity to turn to good account their abilities in music, and we were continually annoyed by their horrid noise. Dozens of them would, at the same moment, set up a sort of roaring extempore song in our praise, accompanied by drums and a sort of guitar, and we found it impossible to get rid of them by any other means than giving something. They were not, however, to be put off with a trifle. People who lived by that sort of gain, and not unfrequently received from their own chiefs presents to the amount of several slaves, were not to be put off with trifles, particularly by persons with (apparently to them) so much riches as we had. The consequence was, we were in a continual state of uproar with those wretches. Never did I find my patience so much tired as on those occasions.

On the 31st a man arrived from Boolibany, to say that Almamy would be at Goodeerie on the following day, but it was not until the 5th of June that we heard any thing more of him. During this time we were plagued out of our lives by a host of his nephews, nieces, cousins, &c. all begging.

On the 5th, Saada, Almamy’s eldest son, accompanied by two of his majesty’s ministers and three other grandees of the country, came to announce his father’s arrival at a small town of the same name as this, distant about five miles east. They made some objections to call on me first, and I would have waved all ceremony in favour of the expediting in the least our business; but Lamina said it was their place to call on me: they were the bearers of a message from Almamy, and to deliver it they must come to me, and not I to them. This they did, and entered on the business with all the indifference and hauteur imaginable. Saada himself would not uncover his mouth or nose, which he had closely wrapped up in a part of his turban which hung down, for fear he might inhale the air breathed by an infidel. Many words, expressed in a strangely slow and authoritative manner, went to say that Almamy had arrived, and would see me whenever I wished to call upon him, or would come himself to see me if I preferred it. The former I adopted, as I was aware that his presence here would draw around us a set of beggars, whose importunities would be insupportable, and therefore decided on going, without delay, to see him. Messrs. Dochard and Partarrieau accompanied me. Lamina, Masiri Cabba, and one of my own men to act as interpreter, composed the whole of our attendants.

On our arrival at the village, we had to wait nearly half an hour before we could obtain an interview. After the usual compliments of salutation, &c., I explained to him, by means of my interpreter, in as few words as possible, the object we had in view in travelling through his country, and requested that we might be detained as short a time as possible. He said that we might depend on his doing all in his power to forward our views, and that the time of our stay chiefly depended on ourselves. By this he meant to say, that if we paid him handsomely, he would allow us to pass. He said much about the trifling nature of the present I sent him by Mr. Dochard, insinuating that it was scarcely fit for one of his Goulas.

We took the hint and requested that people might be sent to receive the present I intended for him. These were soon nominated, and with them and Saada, who was sent to remain with us (as Almamy said, to see we were well treated, but, we believe, as a spy on our actions), we returned to our quarters.

Having laid out a considerable present, amounting to more than ten times that given to the king of Woolli, we showed it to the persons sent for that purpose, on the morning of the 6th, and made Saada a very handsome present indeed, for which he appeared very thankful, but said that we should first settle with his father. We were asked if what we had laid before them was intended merely as service (as they call it), meaning thereby a present or douceur, or as all we intended to give him; and we answered that we intended it as the full amount of present. To which they replied, they were only directed to receive service, that was then shewn, and objected to, as too small. After much conversation on both sides, without being able to arrange with those fellows, we determined on again going to Almamy, to endeavour to settle with him personally. In this, however, we were deceived; he was, if possible, more difficult to please than his ministers, and told us, that as we did not choose to act in compliance with their wishes, he should not wait where he was any longer, but return to his house, where we might come to see him when we thought proper to act consistently with, what he considered, our duty, namely, the increasing of the present; that as all the surrounding kings were averse to our going to the east, and even his own chiefs did not like it, he was taking a great responsibility on himself in allowing us to do so. This, and much more of the same nature, too tedious to mention, closed the interview. We therefore, to avoid more delay, determined on giving those insatiable rascals as much as we could afford, and thereby, if possible, get rid of them. The rains had already commenced, and no time was to be lost, which could, in any way, consistently with the future safety of the expedition, be avoided.

Having selected an enormous present, we despatched Mr. Partarrieau to lay it before his majesty, and it was not until the 9th that he returned, having, in some measure, satisfied the avaricious appetite of the great man, who, however, still said much about receiving six bottles of gunpowder and a musket for each ass load; and insinuated that he had been informed we had loads composed entirely of gold and silver. Fresh demands were continually made, and we were not able, before the 13th, finally to settle with him. This was done by our giving him an order on the Gambia for one hundred and twenty bottles of gunpowder, twenty common guns and a blunderbuss.

He came to see us in a friendly way, as he said, on the 14th, accompanied by a host of ministers, chiefs, &c., who all expected no doubt to receive something. On this occasion he appeared to be perfectly satisfied with what had been given him and his followers, and promised we should have a guide wherever we wished to move, and in whatever direction we pleased. This, however, we could not obtain until the 17th, and then he would not listen to our pursuing any route but that through Kasson, the chief of which country was his friend, which we knew to be the case, but we feared he was only too much so, and ready to put in execution any plan Almamy might devise to annoy and delay us, and ultimately frustrate the object we had in view.

Notwithstanding Almamy’s having sent his nephew to procure supplies for us, since our arrival at Goodeerie we had been very scantily supplied with provisions, although large prices were offered, and men sent in all directions to collect corn, rice, or any kind of food that could be procured.