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THE OLD AND THE NEW PERU

A STORY OF THE ANCIENT INHERITANCE AND THE MODERN GROWTH AND ENTERPRISE OF A GREAT NATION

Copyright 1908 by George Barrie & Sons
HIS EXCELLENCY Dr. JOSÉ PARDO
PRESIDENT
OF THE PERUVIAN REPUBLIC

THE OLD AND THE NEW PERU
A STORY OF THE ANCIENT INHERITANCE AND THE MODERN GROWTH AND ENTERPRISE OF A GREAT NATION

BY

MARIE ROBINSON WRIGHT

MEMBER OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF AMERICA, GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF BRAZIL, HISTORICAL AND SCIENTIFIC INSTITUTE OF SÃO PAULO, GEOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY OF LA PAZ

AUTHOR OF

PICTURESQUE MEXICO; THE NEW BRAZIL; THE REPUBLIC OF CHILE; BOLIVIA, ETC.

PHILADELPHIA: PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY

GEORGE BARRIE & SONS

LONDON: C. D. CAZENOVE & SON, 26 HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, W. C.

PARIS: 19 RUE SCRIBE

COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY GEORGE BARRIE & SONS

TO THE NOBLE SON OF AN ILLUSTRIOUS SIRE, A PATRIOT WITHOUT REPROACH, A STATESMAN OF GENIUS

His Excellency Dr. José Pardo

PRESIDENT OF PERU

I Dedicate The Old and The New Peru

WITH SENTIMENTS OF ADMIRATION AND ESTEEM

THE AUTHOR

CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

INTRODUCTION

Universally known as a land of untold antiquity, of fascinating romance and marvellous traditions, Peru may be considered, from the standpoint of history, the most interesting of all the South American countries. The revelations of scientific research are daily adding to the record of its glory in the remote past, when the Incas and their predecessors ruled with theocratic sway over a large part of the continent and lived in barbaric splendor at Cuzco, at Chan-Chan, or at some other of the great pre-Columbian capitals, the ruins of which to-day excite the admiration of archæologists and the enthusiasm of sightseers. The literature of the country, also, is constantly revealing new phases of the national life as it existed in ancient times, and especially in the more recent period of the Spanish viceroyalty. Unlimited wealth, easily acquired through the labor of the conquered race in the rich mines of the sierra during colonial days, led to the greatest extravagance, though at the same time it provided ample means for travel and study, the benefits of which became apparent in the fine culture of the people—a culture which has left its impress on succeeding generations of Peruvians, giving them the reputation they enjoy to-day of being essentially a gentle and polished nation.

But, although scientific investigation and literary skill have added much within recent years to what was already more or less generally known about Peru, and the land of the Incas and the viceroys has been made a more charming subject than ever before as regards its antiquity and romance, yet the Peru of to-day, the real Peru, has received comparatively little attention from writers and travellers, and is still almost an unknown country to the average reader. The purpose of the present volume is to present a passing glimpse of the Old Peru—the whole story of which can only be told in many volumes—and to give a faithful description of the progress and development that are evident in every feature of the national life as reflected in the social, political, industrial, and commercial institutions of the New Peru. The prosperous future of Peru is assured by the patriotism, energy, and enterprise that are apparent in every feature of the national life, and it is certain that the present century will see the wealth and greatness of the country increased beyond anything dreamed of in the days of the Incas and the viceroys. The spirit that won the national independence and successfully established republican institutions lives to-day, and is working for the ascendancy of the noblest ideals of the race.

In the preparation of this work, I found that the knowledge I had previously gained through close association with the people of Latin America during more than fifteen years’ journeying in these countries was of the greatest advantage. Travelling in Peru was more like visiting among friends than studying the manners and customs of a foreign people, and the uniform kindness and hospitality everywhere shown me made my experience in this beautiful land one of constant pleasure and of enduring memory. I sincerely appreciate the great assistance rendered me in securing information from government sources, from the public libraries and from many kind friends in every part of Peru, and I take this opportunity of expressing my thanks, from my heart. It is impossible to live in Peru without learning to love the country and its people, and while I have tried to allow no partiality to influence my judgment in writing this book, I cannot do otherwise than present to the reader what I found most interesting in my own study of the Old and the New Peru.

Marie Robinson Wright.

Philadelphia, September 20, 1908.

THE OLD AND THE NEW PERU

CHAPTER I
ANCIENT PERU—PRE-INCAIC MONUMENTS

GIRDLE FOUND IN THE CEMETERY OF PACHACÁMAC.

The historian of the Conquerors who described the newly discovered Peru as “the Ophir of the Occident” gave it a name which modern research proves to have been singularly appropriate. Not only in wealth, but in antiquity, this interesting country is comparable to the fabled land of the East from which the emissaries of King Solomon brought so many luxuries to please the taste of their royal master. There are eminent writers and students of the records of ancient times who are of the opinion that the famous Ophir of the Bible was no other than ancient Peru, and that the Phœnicians—those intrepid navigators of past ages—visited its shores and were the founders of its earliest civilization.

But speculation as to the origin of the ancient Peruvians covers such an extensive field that almost every writer on the subject has a distinct opinion; and every nation of the Orient has been supposed, by one authority or another, to have laid the foundation of Peruvian culture. The most popular theory gives to China the credit of introducing the earliest civilization on the American continent; and in support of this belief many parallels are drawn between the Mongolians and the primitive races of the New World in their traditions, customs, and, particularly, the similarity of their features. In some parts of the coast district of Peru, the indigenes do not speak Quichua, as do the descendants of the Incas’ people, but have a language which is said to be easily understood by the Chinese; and there is, apparently, a close analogy between the ancient creeds of the coast Indians and Chinese worship. According to several authorities, the traditional heroes of Peruvian and Mexican civilization were Buddhist priests. In this connection it is worthy of mention that some of the huacas which have been taken from ancient cemeteries on the coast, bear a marked resemblance to the well-known idols of Buddhist worship. The name huaca is given to all consecrated relics in these ancient burials, including the corpse and its wrappings, as well as the innumerable articles of household and personal use, ornaments and food, interred therewith. The custom of placing maize and other edibles in the grave, and (as has been found in some cases) of putting a coin in the mouth of the deceased, affords proof that these ancients believed in a future life. Most of the interments were made in huge mounds, called huacas, built of sun-dried bricks, or, in the earliest periods, of round balls of mud.

SOUTHWESTERN PART OF PACHACÁMAC. VIEWED FROM THE NORTH.

From whatever source Peru derived its earliest culture, everything indicates that at some period, probably at various times during the early ages, immigrants arrived in the country from Asiatic shores. The most eminent authorities, among them the Peruvian scholars Dr. Pablo Patron, Dr. Larrabure y Unanue, and others who have made a scientific study of the antiquity of their country, agree in the belief that there were several early immigrations to Peru from China and Japan. A few even accept the theory that the origin of the advanced races who first peopled the ancient world of the West is to be traced to a lost “Atlantis” and a submerged “Lemuria,” supposed to have been great continents in a past age, whose inhabitants, rivalling the ancient Egyptians in culture, lived in close communication with America, and gave it the basis of its earliest civilization. Conservative scholars are disposed to give little attention to purely speculative theories, and prefer to seek the solution of the problem by the most practical methods.

It is to the honor of Peru that the government, recognizing the importance of exploring its great treasure-store of antiquities in the interest of modern knowledge, is directing a systematic effort to penetrate the veil of mystery which envelopes the remote past of the country and its people. Dr. Max Uhle, an eminent authority on Peruvian archæology, is now occupied in the work of excavating and classifying Peruvian antiquities in accordance with modern scientific methods. The facts so far accumulated from reliable archæological data point to an antiquity of at least three thousand years, and may indicate a much more remote period of culture.

ENTRANCE TO THE PRINCIPAL PALACE OF PACHACÁMAC.

Long ages before the New World was discovered by Europeans, and centuries before the Incas established their wonderful empire, Peru was the home of a mighty race, or of successive races, whose dominion extended at some time over a great part of tropical America. The records of their advancement still exist in the stupendous ruins of their sacred temples and in the objects of art and evidences of culture found in their burial mounds.

Like the various nations of the Orient, these ancients of the New World had their ambitious struggles for supremacy one against another, their periods of great prosperity and power,—sometimes arriving at the height of despotic rule over all contemporaries,—and their time of decline before the ascendancy of a more potent rival. The record of changes wrought in successive periods, and of influences resulting from communication between the inhabitants of widely separated regions, is written in their monuments and in the huacas of their cemeteries, and furnishes the key to the chronology of prehistoric Peru, possibly to all American antiquity.

THE EASTERN STREET OF PACHACÁMAC.

Interesting ruins abound in every part of Peru, from the environs of the capital to the most remote districts of the frontier. Within a few hours’ ride of Lima are situated the ancient necropolis of Ancón and the temple of Pachacámac, where recent excavations have brought to light many interesting prehistoric relics. In no other land do the same conditions exist as in Peru, where the archæologist has advantages in the pursuit of his investigations which the countries of the ancient Egyptians, Babylonians, and Greeks do not afford. Here it is possible to study, at first hand, many of the customs that prevailed long before the advent of the Spaniards, as they are still practised in the sierra, where the same feast days have been observed from time immemorial, the same methods of spinning and weaving are followed to-day as in prehistoric ages, the picturesque and brilliantly colored costumes of their ancestors are yet in vogue among the indigenes, and even a few of the wonderful dyes, which excel in permanence those of the best European markets, are made to-day by these children of an ancient race, as they were by their forefathers in centuries past.

The most ancient civilization in Peru of which traces have been found up to the present time was developed in the coast region, around Nasca and Ica in the southern district and near Trujillo in the north; and the traveller whose interest in antiquities induces him to pay a visit to this country can see some of the most remarkable ruins on the American continent without the inconvenience of making a long and fatiguing overland journey, as the ocean steamers of the South Pacific call at ports in the immediate neighborhood of extensive ruins of prehistoric cities. Along the coast may also be seen shell mounds and other fragments of a primitive age, showing that in a very remote period the inhabitants subsisted almost entirely on sea food; though nothing has been found to indicate that these people were in any way related to the races that attained, at a later date, such a high degree of culture as that represented in the monuments, potteries, and particularly in the textiles, of Nasca, Pachacámac, and Trujillo. The textiles of ancient Peru are marvellous in quality, design, and coloring, and are the especial delight and admiration of the archæologist.

TERRACES OF THE SOUTHEAST FRONT OF PACHACÁMAC, WITH CEMETERY OF SACRIFICED WOMEN.

A VIEW OF THE SUN TEMPLE OF PACHACÁMAC, SHOWING NICHED WALLS.

Pachacámac, situated about twenty-five miles south of Lima, in the valley of Lurin, overlooking the sea, is, in some respects, the most interesting prehistoric monument of Peru. Nearly all travellers who visit Lima spend a day among these crumbling walls and burial mounds. The first part of the journey to Pachacámac lies across the Rimac valley, which is itself famous in ancient legends as the site of a wonderful temple dedicated to the oracle “Rimac,” the name signifying “one who speaks.” The remains of this great edifice—once almost as celebrated for splendor and riches as that of Pachacámac—are still to be seen just outside of Lima. Between the valleys of Rimac and Lurin, a desert waste of sand extends, known as the Tablada de Lurin; it is a welcome relief when this part of the ride is over and the green meadows of Lurin appear in view, though even the desert has its unspeakable charm. Several hills rise two or three hundred feet above the level of the desert, and among these hills the ancient city of Pachacámac was located. The area within the outer walls that enclose the ruins measures nearly three miles in length by two in breadth, the chief interest being centred in the space occupied by the walls of the temple erected to the god Pachacámac. It was while excavating in these ruins a few years ago that Dr. Uhle made the discoveries which laid the foundation for a new classification of Peruvian antiquities, in accordance with the evidences of successive periods of culture. Previous to that time, all the objects taken from Peruvian cemeteries and placed on exhibition in the museums of Europe and North America, were arranged in a manner to give the impression that they represented various phases of one continuous period of culture. Carved monoliths, mummies, and vessels of gold, silver, and pottery, were disposed of with no more definite clue to their origin than was afforded by a statement of the locality from which they had been taken and the circumstances and date of their excavation. A scientific exploration of the ruins of Pachacámac has revealed the fact that its great temple outlasted several successive ages of culture, and that its other edifices were constructed at later periods, the Incas having built a Temple of the Sun and a convent for the Virgins of the Sun close to the ancient shrine of Pachacámac, whose name signifies “The Creator of the World.” The temple of the “Creator God” has undergone many changes. Excavations show that the original edifice was destroyed long centuries ago, whether by earthquake or in a mighty conflict with a rival people is not known, and that a cemetery at its base was buried in the débris. A larger temple was afterward erected on the same site, immediately over the earlier edifice, the terraces of the later structure covering the débris under which the older cemetery was located. The burial place of the larger temple, as well as that of the original building, was found to be filled with graves, the worshippers of Pachacámac having come to this shrine as the Mohammedans flocked to Mecca centuries later, feeling that they had gained the greatest of all blessings if they could but be buried within the sacred city. It is estimated that thirty thousand of the faithful were interred in the cemetery of Pachacámac. An examination of the huacas found in the various strata of these ruins shows the influence of five separate periods on the culture of this region, and has enabled the archæologist to determine the antiquity of Pachacámac relative to that of other ancient ruins, such as those of Tiahuanaco in Bolivia and the more recent edifices of Incaic origin. It is regarded as certain that the oldest temple of Pachacámac represents an earlier period than does Tiahuanaco, though the latter antedates by many centuries the monuments of Inca civilization. The art displayed in the shape and design of some of the vessels taken from the cemetery of Pachacámac bears a resemblance, in the earlier period, to that seen in the huacas of Tiahuanaco, and, in its latest expression, to the art of the Incaic civilization; this would seem to indicate that at least three successive cultures dominated the whole of ancient Peru, with long periods of transition intervening, when the country was divided and governed by numerous races of more or less advanced culture.

RUINS OF THE CONVENT, PACHACÁMAC.

HUACAS FROM THE GRAVES OF PACHACÁMAC.

PRE-INCAIC POTTERY FROM PACHACÁMAC.

Why did the ancient Peruvians choose, as the site of one of their greatest temples, a strip of arid plain, when a vast region lay before them, presenting every variety of blessing which a bountiful Nature and beneficent Providence could bestow upon a favored land? This question is suggested not only as one contemplates the ruins of Pachacámac, but also in the presence of the temple and monoliths of Tiahuanaco. Was it that fear was the directing impulse, and a desire to propitiate an evil deity was stronger than the inspiration to adore a beneficent and beloved creator? In a land of snow-capped mountains, unfathomable cañons, and varied climate, where stupendous evidences of an omnipotent power were constantly present to impress the imagination of a primitive people, and the changes wrought by Nature were sometimes sudden and disastrous, as in the case of earthquakes and tidal waves, it is not strange that, as is seen in India, where similar conditions prevailed, the dawning intelligence of a primitive race was apparently dominated by fear rather than love in the exercise of its religion. An explanation of the choice of locality for the temple of Pachacámac is afforded by the following legend, the origin of which is said to be very ancient. The distinguished author of the archæological treatise Pachacámac relates the story: “In the beginning of the world there was no food for a man and a woman whom the god Pachacámac had created. The man starved, but the woman survived. One day, as she was searching among the thorn bushes for roots with which to stay her hunger, she lifted up her eyes to the sun and with tears and lamentation cried: ‘Beloved Creator of all things! Why hast thou brought me into the light of this world if I am to die of hunger and want? Oh, that thou hadst not created me out of nothing, or hadst suffered me to die immediately on entering the world, instead of leaving me alone in it without children to succeed me, poor, cast down, and sorrowful! Why, O Sun, having created us, why wilt thou let us perish? And if thou art the Giver of Light, why art thou so niggardly as to refuse me my nourishment? Thou hast no pity and heedst not the sorrow of those whom thou hast created only to their misery. Cause heaven to slay me with lightning or earth to swallow me, or give me food, for thou, Almighty One, hast made me!’ The sun, touched with pity, descended to her and bade her give up her fears and hope for comfort, for she would soon be delivered from the cause of her trouble. One day, while she was wearily searching for roots, she became impregnated with his rays and bore a son after four days. But Pachacámac, who was the son of the Sun, was angry with the woman for having worshipped his father and for having borne him a son in defiance of himself; he seized the newborn demigod and cut him to pieces. In order, however, that the woman should not suffer for lack of food, he sowed the dismembered parts of the boy, and the harvest was a bountiful one; from the teeth grew corn; from the ribs and bones sprang the yucca and other roots; from the flesh appeared vegetables and fruits. Since that time, men have known no more want, and they owe this abundance of food to Pachacámac. But the mother mourned for her child and appealed again to the Sun. Again the Sun was moved to pity and he commanded her to bring him the umbilical cord of the murdered child; into it he put life, and gave her another son, whom she called Wichama, who grew strong and powerful and, when a young man, set out to travel like his father, the Sun. But as soon as Wichama left his mother, Pachacámac slew her and caused the birds to devour her, all but the hair and bones, which he concealed near the shore. Then Pachacámac created men and women who were to take possession of the earth, and he set up Curacas and Caciques to rule over them. But when Wichama, returning, found that his mother had been slain, he was in a terrible rage, and commanded her bones to be brought to him; these he joined together and he brought her back to life. The two then planned revenge against Pachacámac, who, rather than struggle with his second brother, threw himself into the sea from the spot where his temple now stands. When Wichama saw his enemy escape from him, he was in a fury of rage and with the breath of his nostrils he set fire to the air and scorched the fields. He accused the inhabitants of having aided Pachacámac and besought his father to turn them to stone. His request was granted, but both the Sun and Wichama repented of this terrible deed, and caused the petrified Curacas and Caciques to be set up and worshipped, some on the shore and others in the sea, where they still stand as rocks and reefs.” The same authority interprets the story as a myth of the Seasons, describing the phenomena of nature, as annually repeated in the climate of the coast land. The description of climatic conditions shows, as the most characteristic feature, the annually repeated struggle of the vegetation of the valley, which depends entirely on artificial irrigation, against the scorching heat of the sun. The former is personified in the god Pachacámac. The Sun, with whom Pachacámac carries on his struggle, represents the solar year; the first solar son, whom Pachacámac kills, represents possibly the spring sun before the rising of the highland rivers, when the season of fruitfulness begins; the scattering of the teeth and bones of the murdered son produces the fertility of the soil. The woman who bears a son to the Sun god is the year; from a needy but toil-free life in the wilderness, Pachacámac leads her to a life of care and toil, such as cultivation of the fields requires; still grieving over the death of her first son, she is given Wichama, the autumn and winter Sun, with whom Pachacámac enters into a struggle. The woman grows old as does the year; Pachacámac kills her—as the year ends with the harvest. After the ingathering of the harvest and the autumnal decrease of the rivers, Pachacámac is unable to resume the struggle; his flight into the ocean to escape Wichama corresponds to the protecting cover of dense fogs which every winter overspread the parched fields. The Sun hero wreaks his vengeance on the fields of the fog region which even in winter are exposed to the arid sun.

CURIOUS SYMBOLS OF PACHACÁMAC WORSHIP.

FAÇADE OF THE PALACE OF CHAN-CHAN, NEAR TRUJILLO.

Mythical legends are related of three principal deities that were worshipped by the ancient Peruvians. Of these, an important place is given to the great god Con, who, according to tradition, was invisible, possessing “no bones, nerves, or extremities,” and who “travelled with the swiftness of spirits.” He levelled the sierras, filled up the cañons, and covered the earth with fruits and everything necessary for the sustenance of men and women, so that they might enjoy abundance. But, unappreciative of their blessings, the people of the coast gave themselves up to all manner of evil and forgot their benefactor. Con, indignant over their corruption, transformed them into black cats and other ill-favored animals, denied them the blessing of rain, and changed their happy and fruitful land into an arid desert. According to the same legend, Pachacámac, restored fertility to the earth and created a new race of men, the ancestors of the present Indians. Besides Con and Pachacámac, there was also the mighty Viracocha, the god of the deluge, who rose from the waters of Lake Titicaca, made the heavens and the earth, and, before creating the light of day, peopled the earth with its first inhabitants. These were afterward changed to stone because of their disobedience; but in order that the darkness should disappear and Peru be peopled, Viracocha appeared again—this time with followers—and created the sun and the stars and formed models of the future Peruvians; the images, representing men, women, and children, he distributed throughout the different provinces. He then sent his followers to the different regions to animate these models, which was done by the invocation, “Arise and people this earth, which is barren and solitary! Thus commands Viracocha, who is the creator of the world!” In response to these words the images became possessed of life and appeared on the mountains, in the valleys, beside the rivers, everywhere. A few beings, created to fulfil a special destiny, were animated by Viracocha himself, and as soon as they recognized their creator, they erected a temple of worship in his honor. The Spanish historian, Sebastian Lorente, who relates the legends of Con, Pachacámac, and Viracocha in his interesting and valuable work on Peru, impressed by the evident relation existing between the three great deities, infers that in ancient Peru there were three principal centres of population and culture,—the coast, the sierra, and the Titicaca plateau. These centres did not arrive at the height of their power contemporaneously, nor were they necessarily related to one another, though the influence of each one is seen, in some degree, in the development of all three. A distinct, and undoubtedly a very ancient, architecture prevails in the temples, palaces, and pyramids of the coast, unidentified either with that of the interior valleys or of the high plateau. The magnificent ruins of Chimu culture, as seen in the great walls of Chan-Chan, which measure from twenty to thirty feet in height, and show wonderful designs and stucco work on their surface, as well as the monuments of an earlier people, as seen at Huaca del Sol, near Moche, and the temple Pachacámac, are of a different character from the edifices of Huánuco Viejo in the sierra, of Sacsahuaman at Cuzco, and of the pillars and round tower (Pelasgian style) in Puno; while these latter ruins bear little relation in construction to the cyclopean edifices of Tiahuanaco, in Bolivia, the centre of what is sometimes called the Aymará culture.

CARVED TERRACES OF THE PALACE OF CHAN-CHAN.

ANIMAL CARVINGS ON THE WALLS OF CHAN-CHAN.

Aside from their scientific importance, the antiquities of Peru are interesting to travellers because they have many features that appeal to one’s imagination and love of mystery. They lie out of the beaten track of the sightseer, who journeys annually, guide-book in hand, to gaze on the ruins of their Egyptian and Pelasgian contemporaries in the Old World. But they possess the greater fascination of the unsolved problem, made doubly attractive by apparently innumerable “clues,” which stimulate the imagination and tempt one to construct independent theories as to their origin and antiquity. Karnak and the Pyramids may be no more ancient than Nasca; certainly the Sphinx is not nearly so great an enigma as are the huacas of Trujillo and Ancón cemeteries; and there is nothing in Oriental antiquities that quite resembles the mummies taken out of one of these mysterious burial mounds.

RUINS OF CHAN-CHAN.

The method of preparing the ancient Peruvian corpse for burial was unique, though it cannot be couriered artistic, as, at first sight, the huaca looks like a large sack well filled and bound around with a network of ropes. The process of unwrapping, which is a long one, reveals the corpse in a sitting posture, with the arms clasping the knees and the head bent over. Sometimes the swathings are of finely woven vicuña cloth, and ornaments of gold and silver are hung on the corpse, beautiful and costly vases and various other articles of value being placed beside it. From a study of these articles it has been possible to learn, to some extent, what the mode of life was among these ancient people, and many of the huacas have furnished data of the greatest importance. Fine textiles, woven in curious designs, are found in most of the cemeteries; but in those of greatest antiquity no textiles appear, and this fact affords a clue to their great age also, as buried textiles have been found to outlast periods of fifteen hundred years. The nitrous nature of the soil in which these burials have taken place accounts for the wonderful preservation of the mummies, which are really desiccated corpses. The burial of the poor was a simple ceremony and in some cases consisted merely in depositing the corpse in a grave in the sand; though, always, the treasures of the departed were placed beside them, and it is not unusual to find tools, household utensils, and articles of personal adornment scattered over the arid fields. The great plain of Chimu, near Trujillo, which covers a territory twelve miles long by six miles broad on the northern bank of the Moche River, and which was so rich in buried treasure when the Spaniards first began to plunder its temple, palaces, and burial ground, that the king’s fifth of the gold taken out amounted, in 1576, to ten thousand ounces, is literally strewn with human skulls, pieces of pottery, and other huacas. The cemetery of Ancón has apparently inexhaustible treasures, and excursion parties seldom return to Lima after a visit to its graves without bringing trophies of their outing in the form of prehistoric relics.

MORTUARY CLOTH WITH SYMBOLIC EMBLEMS.

The contemplation of the ancient ruins of Peru stirs the imagination and brings before the mental vision pictures of these people of a forgotten past, with many fanciful ideas of their appearance and their origin, of the lives they led, the religion they practised, and the predominating social features of their civilization. Were they “a white and bearded race” as some of the legends tell? Or did the natives emerge out of barbarism and advance in culture, at first, unaided by outside influences? Were the conditions in ancient Peru as favorable for the evolution of human culture as those of ancient India and Egypt? One would like to know, in reference to the ancient edifices, whose crumbling ruins are still wonderful after the lapse of ages, who built them, and what the elaborate picture writings on their walls mean to tell us. It is said that the pre-Incaic people used hieroglyphics, but that the knowledge of this art was lost or prohibited by the Incas. Their civilization also gives evidence, in the ornamented pottery, the carvings of intricate design, and the fine workmanship of their gold and silver vessels, that its art surpassed, in technique and imagination, the productions of later prehistoric periods. In the earliest ages two closely related civilizations existed in the coast region of Peru, one of them centred around Trujillo and the other in the vicinity of Nasca and Ica, and, fine as they were, there is nothing similar to them in later cultures. The southern form is especially notable for the perfection of shape and decoration of its pottery, the freedom and breadth of its style; while the northern form is more distinguished by the harmony and greatness of its development. Gold, silver, and copper abounded and were wrought into manifold shapes; gold was cast and chased, soldered with copper and silver, or used as plating over copper and inlaid with turquoises; mosaic was also known. This culture was followed by that of the Tiahuanaco, which in the course of centuries declined and was forgotten, until the appearance of the Incas, who became the heirs of all the cultures which had preceded theirs in Peru.

FOUND IN THE BURIAL PLACE OF PACHACÁMAC.

OLLANTAYTAMBO. ONCE THE FAVORITE RESIDENCE OF THE INCAS.

CHAPTER II
THE RISE OF THE CUZCO DYNASTY

AN INCAIC DOORWAY.

Throughout the annals of history there is found no parallel to the extraordinary character and development of the great empire of the Incas, whose glory and splendor attained such supremacy and shone with such lustre, under a benign though despotic sovereignty, as to eclipse all earlier culture in pre-Columbian America. Whatever may have been the heritage which the Children of the Sun received from their predecessors, they carefully avoided giving it any importance in their records. The Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, who wrote the history of his people more than half a century after the Conquest, says that this rich and mighty monarchy was founded in the midst of barbarism and degradation and developed in all its magnificence through the divine direction of noble princes, who derived their power from heaven alone, and who were both the spiritual and the temporal rulers of the people, by right of their celestial origin.

A romantic charm envelopes the fame of the Incas and their brilliant court, their spectacular religion with its temples prodigally ornamented with gold and silver, and, above all, their own royal personality, so impressive in the dignity and sanctity of heaven-born greatness. One must even confess to resentment when meddlesome scholars seek to take away any of the prestige of these picturesque Conquerors of the Andes in favor of an earlier race, or of successive races, whose identity is lost in a mist of fable and legend, and who can present no such fascinating pageant to our imagination as do the heroes of Cuzco, with their mythical genealogy, the fame of their refined theocracy, and the prowess of their splendid legions. After all, it has not yet been proved that the lords of Cuzco were not of the same race and origin as the authors of the most ancient civilization of Peru, and, even, of all America. Scholars who have studied the language, customs, and monuments of the ancient Peruvians, find what is evidently a parent influence making itself felt through all the changing conditions of successive periods, and in spite of seemingly foreign and unrelated cultures that have appeared in various localities during the course of the ages. The two languages which are most generally spoken by the Indians throughout the territory formerly included in the Incas’ dominion—the Aymará and the Quichua—are apparently derived from a common stock. May it not be true that the people who spoke these languages, and to whom are credited the monuments of Tiahuanaco and Cuzco, were the heirs of a common ancestry, and that their progenitors were the authors of the earliest culture in Peru?

Out of the confusion of many legends that are related by the Indians to account for the origin of the Incas’ empire, the one which is best known, and most generally approved, because of the poetic beauty of the conception, tells us that the Sun, the creator of mankind, through compassion for the deplorable degradation of the world, sent two of his children, Manco-Ccapac and Mama Ocllo, to regenerate humanity and to teach the arts of civilized life. The celestial pair, who were not only brother and sister, but husband and wife, appeared first on an island in the midst of Lake Titicaca, and from this point they set forth on their benevolent mission. Lake Titicaca is supposed to have been chosen as the place of departure because, since it was the first to receive the rays of the sun when Viracocha dispersed the darkness, it was fitting that the first messengers of the light of civilization should also appear on its sacred island. They carried a rod of gold about two feet long and of the thickness of a man’s finger, having received from their father, the Sun, instructions to establish themselves in the place where the rod should sink into the earth at the first stroke. In the cerro of Huanacaure the golden rod was buried out of sight as soon as it struck the soil, and here was founded the great empire of the Incas,—“Inca” meaning “lord,”—which was to flourish and extend its dominion from the northern border of the present republic of Ecuador to the south of Chile and from the Pacific Ocean to the eastern valleys of the Andean chain, covering a territory of more than a million square miles, and giving protection to at least ten million faithful and industrious subjects, obedient to the Inca’s laws.

TERRACE OF THE INCA’S PALACE, OLLANTAYTAMBO.

According to a tradition, which Sebastian Lorente gives us, Manco-Ccapac was the son of a curaca, or chief, of Pacaritambo, in the Apurimac valley, a youth so beautiful that he was called “the son of the Sun.” He was left an orphan at an early age, and the fortune-tellers easily persuaded him that he was of celestial origin. At eighteen or twenty years of age the boy entered on his great mission. A humble orator, he erected an altar to Huanacaure, the principal idol of his forefathers, which the Incas never after failed to invoke in time of danger. With a few followers he established his dominion, attracting some by promises and forcing others by threats, while he fascinated the masses by his magnificent personality. He wore a tunic embroidered in silver, on his breast glistened a disk of gold, jewels adorned his arms, and gorgeous plumes formed his headdress. By various means he succeeded in gaining command over his compatriots, who served his ambition and obeyed his laws. There is something reasonable and matter-of-fact about this tradition which inclines one to think that it may have foundation in truth. It is seen that Manco-Ccapac worshipped the principal idol of his forefathers, which shows that his plan was to incorporate in the new religion the most venerated beliefs of the people, and not to antagonize them by an iconoclastic policy; he set up his government in Cuzco, where the inhabitants were by nature docile and easily disciplined; he appeared at the psychological moment when Peru was ready for a new cult and a new system of laws; and, also, he was dowered with extraordinary gifts, looked like a king, and was thoroughly acquainted with the character of his people. There can be no doubt that Manco-Ccapac was a native of the country, whether he came originally from the Titicaca plateau and was of Aymará descent, as some authorities claim, or had his birthplace in the valley of the Apurimac and spoke the language of the Quichuas, the people “of the green valleys” as the word Quichua signifies. It is said that the Incas themselves spoke neither Aymará nor Quichua, but a language unknown to the people and not allowed to be spoken by anyone but royalty.

WALL OF THE PALACE OF ONE OF THE INCAS, CUZCO.

The dynasty founded by Manco-Ccapac at Cuzco is generally believed to have dated from the twelfth century. All the genealogies furnished by historians are more or less incomplete, limiting to thirteen or fourteen, at most, the number of monarchs who reigned during that long period of four hundred years. The list of Incas given by Garcilaso de la Vega, and regarded as the most reliable, contains the names of thirteen Princes of the Sun. Most of the authorities of importance name Manco-Ccapac as the founder of the Empire of the Incas, with Mama Ocllo as Coya, or Empress; though opinion is greatly divided as to their origin and the date of their imperial accession. One well-known historian of the Conquest, Montesinos, places the period of the first appearance of this royal line in the sixth century after the Deluge. It is related that, during that remote age, there arrived in Cuzco a family of four couples who civilized this region. The eldest of the four brothers, having gained possession of the territory, divided it into four portions, or suyos, from which it took the name of Tahuantinsuyo, “the kingdom of the four regions.” The territory to the south was called Collasuyo, to the west Cuntisuyo, to the north Chinchasuyo, and to the east Antisuyo. The youngest brother afterward secured command of the kingdom and became the first of a line of princes who governed Peru up to the time of the Spanish Conquest. The most interesting feature of this tradition is the division of the rule of these monarchs into three great dynasties, of which the first was that of the Pirhuas (from pyru, meaning “fire,” apparently indicating that they were fire-worshippers), the second, that of the Amauttas, or wise men, and the third the Inca dynasty. The first of the Pirhuas founded the city of Cuzco in the name of Viracocha, “the Supreme Being,” and one of his successors built a great temple in Cuzco (perhaps Sacsahuaman, which is believed to antedate the Inca period), while another ruler of the same royal line is credited with having reformed the calendar, built public roads and established severe rules in religion. One of these kings, the record says, “died while repressing an invasion of depraved people from the plains.” The Amauttas made many wise laws, reformed the calendar and the religion of Viracocha, organized the military forces of the kingdom and repelled the Chimus of the plains. During the reign of the last of the Amauttas, we are told, “was fulfilled the fourth sun of the Amauttas, and there took place a great invasion of ferocious tribes who attacked the kingdom in different parts, obliging the sovereigns of Cuzco to flee to the grottos of Tamputoko for four hundred years, during which they lost their literature and a great part of the Amautta culture; the advent of the Incaic dynasty restored the power of the royal line, and made Cuzco again the centre of a great and beneficent civilization.” In the light of modern research, which is continually causing a revision of former ideas regarding the origin and antiquity of the Peruvian empire, the story of the three dynasties appears to be more than “the mere fable” which it has been designated by some modern writers on the subject. It particularly appeals to one as a solution of the problem of the Incas’ origin, since every feature of Incaic civilization proves it to be of native character, even though the predecessors of the “third dynasty” may have arrived from foreign shores.

RUINS OF THE PALACE OF MANCO-CCAPAC, CUZCO.

Manco-Ccapac, or, as his name would be written in English, Manco the Great, occupies a position in among the heroes of the world’s history not inferior to the exalted pedestal on which we have placed the founders of empires in the Old World. He possessed the same rare gifts of bold judgment and fearless initiative which belonged to Alexander the Great, to Charlemagne, and to other sovereigns who have been “Great” because they have known both the strength and the weakness of their people, and by conciliating the one and dominating the other, have made themselves masters and leaders of mankind. Had Manco-Ccapac not thoroughly understood the conditions existing at the time when he entered on his mission, and had he not possessed judgment, tact, and the dominant qualities of leadership to enable him to win a host of followers, even his upright character and his humanitarian purpose would not have proved sufficient to ensure the wonderful success which he achieved in founding an empire more extensive than ancient Rome, and as rich as the fabled monarchies of the Orient. Throughout the Inca’s realm the principles of honesty, industry, and justice were inculcated in every subject from his cradle, the moral duties of a good Peruvian being embodied in the Quichua motto of the nation: Ama sua, Ama aqquella, Ama llula, which translated literally means, “Not a thief, Not idle, Not a cheat.” It is a form of salutation among the Indians of Cuzco to this day, the response being Ccampas Ginallattac! “The same to you!”

The record of historical events, as they occurred throughout the long reign of the Inca dynasty, was preserved only by a system of quipus, or knotted cords, the art of writing being unknown to the Incas, or, according to some authorities, prohibited by law. Only the Quipucamayos, the authorized guardians of the quipus, were able to decipher them. This career was considered one of great honor, and instruction therein was given in all the provinces, under the direction of the Amauttas, the Savants of the empire. The chief archives of the state were preserved in Cuzco, where an immense collection of quipus was found by the invading Spaniards, who destroyed the greater part of them, without having them interpreted. As a consequence, the information secured by the historians of the Conquest and by writers of later date, relative to the genealogy and history of the Incas is necessarily incomplete and, no doubt, inaccurate; though the descriptions of the appearance, laws, customs, and national development of the people of Tahuantinsuyo may be considered as generally faithful and reliable.

According to the genealogy given by Garcilaso de la Vega, the first Inca, Manco-Ccapac, was succeeded by Sinchi Rocca, a peaceful and prudent ruler, who is said to have taken the first census of his kingdom, and is credited by some authorities with having made the division of the empire into the four regions previously named; though, according to Cieza de Leon, one of the most reliable authors, these names were applied to four great highways which extended from Cuzco to the extreme limits of the empire, northward, eastward, southward, and westward. In any case, the Incas built broad and level roads, from six to eight feet wide, and in the mountain regions, where they skirted the steep slopes of the Andean range, they were prevented from wearing away by the construction of stone embankments; on the plains, the highway was indicated, as in many countries at the present day, by guide posts at intervals along its course. Also, tambos, or inns, were built at the distance of a day’s journey apart, and here the traveller could always find shelter for the night. The third Inca, Lloque Yupanqui, conquered the Canas, a powerful people of Ayaviri and Pucará, after a struggle which depopulated their settlements, and forced the emperor to introduce mitimaes, or colonists, to replace them. He also subjugated the Collas of the present department of Puno.

NICHE IN THE FAÇADE OF THE PALACE OF MANCO-CCAPAC.

It was during the reign of the fourth Inca, Maita-Ccapac, that the power and genius of the imperial monarchs began to extend its influence as never before, and greater pomp and magnificence than had previously been known attended the coronation and other ceremonials honored by the sacred and royal presence of the Inca.

Following the course of training required of every heir to the Inca throne, Maita-Ccapac had, when a youth, passed through the Huaracu, a ceremonial of the greatest importance, and one in which all the young Inca nobles of his own age—the title of Inca being borne by every descendant of Manco-Ccapac through the male line—participated, after having been trained in the same military exercises as the royal prince. A description of the Huaracu is interesting as showing that these people had an institution not unlike that of mediæval chivalry in Europe: From his earliest years, the hereditary prince was given into the care of the Amauttas, to be taught science and religion, especially the latter, as the Inca was the highest spiritual authority on earth; great attention was also paid to the military training, as it was desirable that, not only in wisdom but in military skill, the prince should excel all contemporaries. At sixteen years of age, the young heir, Maita-Ccapac, and his companions, following the sacred custom of their race, were submitted to a public test, supervised and directed by elderly and distinguished Inca nobles, which included trials of ability in athletics such as wrestling, jumping, running, besides sham battles, which were held as a trial of valor, and were so severe that many of the youths were wounded and a few killed. The royal prince had not shown the least fear nor evidence of fatigue, though put to the very limit of endurance; “for,” he said, “if I am afraid of the shadow of a combat, how shall I be able to meet the enemy in real warfare?” These exercises lasted for thirty days, during which the prince slept on the ground, went barefooted and dressed simply, thus showing his sympathy with the poorest of his future subjects. The tests concluded, the order of knighthood was conferred by the Inca emperor, father of Maita-Ccapac, all the young nobles who had taken part in the exercises kneeling with the royal heir, one after another, while the emperor pierced their ears with the yauri, a kind of gold needle made for the purpose, which remained in the ears until the hole was large enough to permit the insertion of the earrings peculiar to the Incas; these were not hung from the ears but were placed in the pierced opening, and replaced from time to time by rings of larger circumference, until, as in the case of Maita-Ccapac, the cartilage of the lobe was so stretched that it touched the shoulder. After this ceremony the greatest of the Inca nobles placed on the feet of the royal heir the sandals of his particular order; a scarf of similar significance to the toga virilis of the Romans was wound around his waist, and his head was adorned with a wreath of flowers,—to indicate that clemency and goodness should adorn the character of the valiant warrior,—while evergreen, intertwined with the flowers, symbolized the eternal endurance of such virtues. A fillet of finest vicuña wool was bound around his head, and a yellow masca paicha, a kind of fringe, also woven of vicuña wool, was added to this headdress, falling over the brows. The yellow masca paicha was the peculiar insignia of the heir-apparent. As soon as this ceremony was concluded, all the Inca nobles knelt before the prince and rendered him homage as their sovereign. From this time, he was entitled to take his seat among the advisers of his father, so that he might be initiated into the art of governing and become familiar with politics and administration. Being recognized as of age, and the heir to the throne, he was given command of his father’s armies and was entitled to display the royal standard of the rainbow in his military campaigns.

The coronation of Maita-Ccapac was the occasion of grand pageants, continued fiestas, and a brilliant display of royal magnificence. We are told that he “was crowned with a blue masca paicha and wore a tunic of white and green, dotted with crimson butterflies.” His royal robe was made of finest vicuña wool and was ornamented with gold and precious stones. The headdress of all Inca emperors was particularly distinguished by two feathers which were placed upright in the front of the encircling llautu, or fillet; these feathers were plucked from the wing of the sacred bird Cori-quenca, a species of gull, black and white in color, one feather being taken from the right wing of the male and the other from the left wing of the female, to adorn the royal crown. These birds may still be seen in the vicinity of Lake Vilcanota, near Cuzco.

INCA FOUNTAIN AT CUZCO.

An invincible warrior, Maita-Ccapac extended the power of the empire to the remote borders of Collasuyo (now Bolivia) and beyond the Apurimac to Arequipa and Moquegua. His name is connected with one of the most notable works achieved in the history of the mediæval world, as he is said to have been the author of the method and plans used, by his command, in the construction of the first suspension bridge ever built. Over this bridge, which was swung across the Apurimac River, he passed with an army of twelve thousand men, making an easy conquest of the enemy, who were struck with awe in the presence of such a wonderful feat. A second bridge, built by one of the successors of Maita-Ccapac, is still to be seen near the site of the original construction. Many of the andenes, of which traces are to be observed to-day in various parts of the country, were also constructed during the reign of Maita-Ccapac, though the origin of these terraced farms on the mountain side is placed by some authorities back in pre-Incaic times. The andenes were so named from Anti, a province east of Cuzco, and were formed by building stone walls on the mountain sides, at short distances one above the other from the base to the summit, and filling the enclosed space with fertile soil, some of it being mixed with guano from the Chincha Islands, as the Incas knew the fertilizing value of this deposit and made general use of it in their agriculture. A tradition of the time of the fourth Inca relates that the loyal subjects in one of the provinces built a grand palace of copper in which to entertain Maita-Ccapac and his Coya when they visited that part of the kingdom; and, though this story is no doubt a fable, yet it is certain that mining made great progress during this reign. It is marvellous that, with only the primitive means at their command, without iron, powder, or machinery, these people extracted gold both from quartz and placer mines, and obtained silver, tin, and copper as well. The metal was smelted in small furnaces and then emptied into moulds; the beautiful ornaments which were made for the adornment of the temples and palaces and for the Inca’s wear, afford a proof of the remarkable ingenuity of these primitive artifices. The successor of Maita-Ccapac, Inca-Ccapac Yupanqui, “the Avaricious,” did not achieve great fame, though he spent the greater part of his reign in subduing turbulent subjects in various parts of the kingdom. He was a miser, and ordered that all who died should be interred with their gold and jewels, his object being to secure this treasure later for the royal coffers.

RUINS AT OLLANTAYTAMBO.

Inca Rocca, the sixth monarch of the royal house of Cuzco, was one of its greatest warriors and most renowned statesmen. The fame of his conquests spread to the most remote regions, and the wisdom of his administration was no less widely known and admired. Everywhere great palaces were reared to display the grandeur of his imperial house, and it was decreed that, at his death, all the vast treasures collected for their adornment should be used to ornament his tomb and for the service of his family; his successors followed his example, and the brilliancy of the Inca’s court increased with each subsequent reign. He founded schools for the education of the nobility under the direction of the Amauttas, though the children of the common people were not admitted, because, according to his view, it was enough for them to learn the trade of their fathers. He was, however, very solicitous for the welfare and protection of all his subjects, and made strict laws that punished with death homicides, incendiaries, and thieves.

STONE WALLS OF THE PALACE OF OLLANTA, OLLANTAYTAMBO.

When the sceptre passed from Inca Rocca to Yahuar Huaccac, whose name signifies “he who weeps blood,” the great fiestas that were held to celebrate his coronation gave little premonition of the sad ending that was to befall this unhappy monarch, who was deposed and died alone in the desert, some say, at the hand of an assassin. The coronation ceremony was as brilliant and imposing as that of his illustrious father had been, the young king wearing “a black tunic and a blue manta dotted with lizards, with a white masca paicha and plumage of gold.” It is said that the cause of his “weeping blood” was the arrogant, self-willed, and quarrelsome disposition of the heir-apparent, and the impossibility of holding him under restraint. At last, his patience exhausted, the emperor banished his unmanageable son from court and condemned him, under penalty of death if he disobeyed, to spend the remainder of his life among the shepherds on the hills of Chitapampa, a league away from Cuzco. Three years the young prince passed in herding sheep, and, as subsequent events proved, in learning other things besides. At the end of that time he braved his father’s sentence of death and returned to the royal palace, where, upon being received by the Inca, he related a remarkable story of a vision that had appeared to him while he was tending his flocks—a vision of a majestic personage, clad in a tunic that reached the ground, and wearing a long beard—and thus spoke to him: “I am the god Viracocha, who created man and all that is on the earth; yet you hold me in no more veneration than the sun, the lightning, and other works of my hands. I come to notify you that the tribes of Chinchasuyo are gathering a great army to advance against the holy city. Announce it to your father, by my order, so that he may be warned in time to repel the invaders. For yourself, never fear; in whatever adversity I will be with you and will give you the help you need.” The emperor discredited the prince’s story and made no preparations for war; but the son was soon informed through various channels that an army of thirty thousand men was marching toward Cuzco; and, as the royal legions were scattered—it being the custom among the Incas, as among the Romans, to dismiss their soldiers after a campaign and to keep no large standing army—the banished prince took matters into his own hands, and, as his father fled from the capital, he entered it, gathered a large military force by the power of his eloquence and the indomitable spirit of a born warrior, and went forth to meet the enemy. After a prolonged and sanguinary struggle the invaders were driven back, and the victor entered Cuzco in triumph, amidst the acclaims of a grateful people. He was immediately crowned Inca Emperor, with the name of Viracocha.

RUINS OF THE TEMPLE OF THE INCA VIRACOCHA, NEAR CUZCO.

SEATS FROM WHICH THE INCA AND HIS SUITE VIEWED THE SACRIFICES.

It is related of Viracocha that, upon his return from the battlefield, he sent three messages; the first to the Temple of the Sun and its priests, commanding that sacrifices be offered in thanks; the second to the Mamaconas, or abbesses, in the convent of the vestal virgins; and the third to his father. The Incas never forgot the obligations of their dual sovereignty, and in proportion as their earthly power was extended and increased, the evidences of their spiritual glory became more impressive, and might be seen in the greater riches of the temple, the increased splendor of the annual feasts, and the higher interpretation given to their religion. The priests in the various provinces numbered more than the imperial army, four thousand being engaged in the service of the temple in Cuzco alone. The high priest who stood at the head of the order held his divine office for life and was a near relative of the Inca, as were his colleagues in charge of the various temples throughout the provinces, the rest of the priesthood being chosen from among the curacas, who were chiefs of conquered territories, and formed one of the three orders of nobility. The highest nobility of the realm was represented in the princes and princesses of the blood royal, either children of the Coya, the queen-mother, or of the numerous wives in the royal seraglio; next in rank were the Incas “by privilege,” who were descended from the companions and followers of Manco-Ccapac, and who, in dignities and dress, were hardly to be distinguished from the royal family; and finally, the rank of the Curacas, which depended greatly upon the importance of the territory over which they had ruled before its conquest by the Inca; though in every case the Curacas held a position of authority, their number increasing in proportion to the extension of the Inca’s empire. The Incas were obliged to grant especial privileges to the Curacas, as otherwise they could not have held in obedience the conquered people, who regarded these chiefs with great reverence.

THE RODADERO, CUZCO, SITE CHOSEN FOR RUNNING CONTESTS OF THE HUARACU.

It was also in accordance with religious sentiment that the second message of Viracocha should have been directed to the Mamaconas, who were the guardians of the vestal virgins, and were appointed to this office after they had themselves grown old in watching over the sacred fire that burned forever on the altar. Not only did the Virgins of the Sun watch over the sacred fire, but they wove all the beautiful garments of vicuña wool used in the apparel of the Inca and his family, they worked the exquisite embroideries that adorned the hangings of the temple, and they were indispensable in the preparation of the magnificent feasts that celebrated the Inca’s triumphs; probably it was this last fact which led Viracocha to send his second message to the Mamaconas; for the splendors of the festivities held in honor of his triumph over the enemy and his coronation as Inca Emperor eclipsed all previous celebrations, not only in the capital but throughout the empire. The message from Viracocha to his royal father could hardly have afforded unalloyed satisfaction, since it evidently conveyed the intention of the victor to possess the spoils, in the form of the imperial llautu, and to occupy the throne which his energy and courage had successfully guarded, when the cowardly flight of Yahuar Huaccac exposed it to destruction.

In the first year of his eventful reign, Viracocha ordered the construction of the sumptuous temple of which the majestic ruins are still to be seen twenty miles south of Cuzco. The walls of the temple were erected on an elevated base, which was built with five andenes, or steps, leading up to it from the level of the plain, and the temple covered an area one hundred and twenty feet long by twenty-five feet wide, the wall being built of hewn stone from the ground up to half its height, and of adobe for the remainder. The edifice had eight lofty doors and as many windows, and on one side stood an altar with a statue of the deity Viracocha, representing him, as he appeared to the prince during his banishment, “with a flowing beard.” It is believed by many writers that this temple, which shows a different architecture from that of all other Incaic edifices, was constructed before the advent of Manco-Ccapac by the Canas (whom the third Inca subjugated at great cost), and that Viracocha did no more than to restore and embellish it.

Viracocha took advantage of all means to extend and increase the power of his monarchy, and, in addition to the famous temple “Viracocha,” he ordered the construction of many others, as well as of new palaces and gardens in various parts of the empire. He made journeys to all the conquered provinces, and while in Collasuyo, at the head of an army of thirty thousand men, he received ambassadors from Charcas, who came to render homage to so great a prince; it is said that from these emissaries the Incas first received information about a country to the south, called “Chile,” which was destined later to be added to the territories in vassalage to the emperors of Cuzco. During Viracocha’s reign, eleven provinces were added to the empire.

One of the greatest engineering feats accomplished under the civilization of the Incas, was the construction, by Viracocha’s order, of an extensive irrigating canal, twelve feet in depth and nearly four hundred miles long, which, crossing the present departments of Huancavelica and Ayacucho, watered the plains of Castrovireina and Cangallo, making them green and flourishing pasture lands. This enterprise is the more remarkable when the nature of the country is considered, as the work was carried on at an altitude of from twelve to sixteen thousand feet above sea level, and in the face of such obstacles as gigantic rocks that had to be removed without blasting machinery or iron implements, great ravines to be bridged and mountain torrents to be harnessed and utilized. The hydraulic works constructed by the Incas are the wonder and admiration of all who have seen the evidences of their extent and perfection that remain to this day in the sierra and the coast region. Natural lakes at the head of the coast valleys were in many instances enlarged, and immense dams and aqueducts were built to conduct to the irrigating canals the water which descended from the mountain summits to the barren coast land.

At the death of Viracocha the sceptre passed to his eldest son, who, however, was too dull and weak, the records say, to rule over an empire composed of so many elements that had not as yet become settled and consolidated into a united people. It required a strong hand and clear judgment to direct the affairs of state so that rebellion should not overturn the rapidly growing power of the Incas, and that successful insurrection might not lessen the prestige of a monarchy that claimed celestial origin. The second son of Viracocha, Pachacutec, was the opposite of his brother in character, and possessed all the requirements of a monarch which the other lacked. He was elevated to the throne on his brother’s death, about the middle of the fourteenth century, and began his reign by cementing the bonds that held the various tributary provinces loyal to the sovereignty of Cuzco, and by making new conquests, in which the military genius of his son, the heir-apparent, was displayed in deeds as valorous and noble as those performed by his illustrious father.

FOREIGN TOURISTS AT OLLANTAYTAMBO.

INCA OBSERVATORY, INTI-HUATANA, AT PISAC, NEAR CUZCO.

CHAPTER III
THE VAST EMPIRE OF THE INCAS

CORNER-STONE OF AN ANCIENT FORTRESS, CUZCO.

Although Viracocha was one of the greatest monarchs of Cuzco, it was his son who brought the Inca dynasty to such a high degree of prestige and power that the great empire gained unprecedented wealth and territory. Pachacutec has been called the second Manco-Ccapac, and his name signifies “he who creates the world anew,” showing what an exalted place he occupied among the Inca emperors in the annals of his country. He was an accomplished diplomatist as well as a skilful warrior, a statesman of far-seeing judgment, and a philosopher. It was as a diplomatist that he gained the coöperation and loyal service of the curacas of newly conquered provinces, and by his skill as a warrior that his armies were so well organized and disciplined as to win victories in all the campaigns which the heir-apparent led against the tribes of the coast, carrying his conquests from Pisco, Nasca, Ica, and Pachacámac to the realm of the hitherto much dreaded and altogether invincible Grand Chimu. The name of the young prince, Tupac-Yupanqui, is particularly associated with the conquest of Cajamarca; and the return of the hero to Cuzco at the close of that campaign was made the occasion of a national celebration throughout the empire.

It must have been an imposing and magnificent spectacle when the Emperor Pachacutec met the victorious prince outside of the capital on his return from Cajamarca, and entered the city with the royal heir, the latter “borne in a gold litter on the shoulders of conquered chiefs and preceded by troops of newly gained vassals, who sang the glories of the prince, with the triumphant ‘Haylli!’ to thrill the heart of the multitude and carry them beyond bounds as they caught its victorious note.” The pathway of the prince was covered with flowers, and crossed at short intervals by triumphal arches. The curacas marched at the head of processions from the different provinces, each in their local costumes, dancing and singing songs of victory; these were followed by the legions of the army, who filled the air with cheers for their general. The nobility came next in line, splendid in court dress and brilliant ornaments; and, lastly, the royal litter of the emperor side by side with that of the prince, gave to the pageant its culminating glory. The procession wound its way through the streets to the Temple of the Sun, where, with impressive ceremonies, thanks were rendered to the deity whose protection they believed had won the great victory.

The Inca’s armies entered the valleys of Pachacámac, Rimac, and Chancay late in the fourteenth century, and effected the allegiance of all that territory with little resistance; though it was an alliance rather than a conquest which the monarch of Cuzco proposed to the powerful ruler of the Yungas, as the people of that region were called. According to their treaty, the lord of Pachacámac was to keep his dominions, though under the authority of the imperial government; and the religion of Pachacámac was to be protected, on condition that the people also worshipped the Sun. It was after this alliance that the Temple of the Sun and the Convent of the Vestal Virgins were erected near the ancient edifice dedicated to the Creator. Later, the chiefs of this part of the coast region united their forces with the armies of Cuzco and marched against the Grand Chimu, glad to render assistance in an effort to crush their common enemy. The trained legions of Cuzco suffered greatly at first, on account of the intense heat, and their general was forced to send to his father for reinforcements; the resistance was stronger and more resolute than that of any enemy the Incas had hitherto encountered; but repeated reinforcements arrived, and the archers, lancers, and catapult regiments made havoc in the Chimu’s dominions, which was intensified when the enemy turned the course of the rivers that flowed from the sierra, to drain their plantations, and famine added to the horrors of combat. Capitulations were made, the Inca permitting the Grand Chimu to govern his dominions, as had been done in the treaty of Pachacámac, and exacting only that the people should render homage to the Inca and worship the Sun. A general edict was issued by Pachacutec at this time which proved one of the most powerful agencies in the consolidation of his great empire; it was decreed that all vassals of the realm should learn Quichua, and teachers were appointed in every province to see that the language was taught and used throughout the country. All government officials were obliged to know the national idiom and no one was permitted to occupy a place of authority or to have dignities or seignory conferred upon him if he could not speak it. Every soldier of the army, which grew to number two hundred thousand men, spoke this language.

ANCIENT STREET OF CUZCO, SHOWING INCAIC WALLS.

During the reign of Pachacutec, the government of the empire was established on a firmer basis than ever, and legislation, though in reality only an expression of the supreme will of the Inca (there was no word for “law,” which was rendered apupsimi, “the word of the chief”), made clear to every subject what his duties were to his sovereign and to the state. The Inca Pachacutec ordered that all children over five years of age should have some employment appropriate to their age and their father’s profession. The blind, mute, and lame were given light work, and even the most ignorant and weak-minded were employed, as a safeguard against laziness. On the other hand, he set aside three days in each month for fiestas, and harvest time was a season of general rejoicing. The lands of the empire were all owned by the Inca and agriculture was the chief occupation of his subjects; the Inca himself turned the first furrow every year, with a golden plough. The products of the harvest were divided into three parts; first, the Inca’s share was set aside to sustain the splendor of the throne and tomeet public necessities; then the share for the Sun was devoted to the needs of the church, the priests and all who served in the temples; and finally the communities received their share, out of which each tiller of the soil was provided with what he needed. Private property did not exist, and no one had any individual rights whatever; on the other hand, every subject was given food and clothing and a house in which to live, though only as the Inca’s dependent ward, who could never hope to outgrow his “minority.” It is not surprising that patience and obedience became the predominating virtues of the race! The system of administration, which made it possible for the Inca to maintain his absolute authority over such a vast territory and population is explained partly in the frequent transporting of mitimaes, or colonists, from their native province to another, which prevented concerted plans for revolt, and partly in the division of the population into decades, or groups of ten, five of these groups constituting a body of fifty, two of these bodies making a centenary, and so on, the whole empire being governed in provinces of ten thousand inhabitants; each of the subdivisions had an officer in authority who was answerable to the chief officer of the larger group of which his division formed a part, until the supreme authority was reached. As may be supposed, the larger divisions were under the direction and control of the nobles, the provinces of ten thousand being governed by the Inca nobility, who had command over the curacas and other territorial officers of his district.

The subjects of the Inca could not even choose their life partners; matrimony was obligatory and, as its results affected the well-being of the state, the Inca maintained the right to govern in this as in all other matters. In the royal family, the ceremony was performed by the emperor himself, though in marriages of lesser importance his officers discharged this formality, appointing a day for a general ceremony, when all the young men of from twenty to twenty-five and girls of from eighteen to twenty presented themselves in a row, the men in front; after the wedding, the young people took possession of the houses which their community was obliged to build for them, the furniture being supplied by their family. No one could marry outside of his or her parcialidad, or township, and, as it was obligatory to wear the dress of one’s forefathers and not to move from any town to another without leave from the authorities, it may readily be understood that the costumes worn in the various sections of Peru were as distinctive of class and locality as is the Scotch tartan. The custom still remains in the sierra, and the effect is most picturesque.

PRINCIPAL HALL OF THE INCA OBSERVATORY. INTI-HUATANA.

Throughout the long reign of sixty years which is given by the historians to Pachacutec, his sagacity and benevolence were seen in every branch of his administration. He died at the age of eighty years, and left the throne to Tupac-Yupanqui, the tenth emperor of Cuzco, who made the conquest of Chile as far south as the Maule River, and spent three years visiting his kingdom. The royal progress was of the most magnificent description; the litter of the great monarch was resplendant with gold and precious jewels, displaying in its adornment the sacred symbols of sun worship, as it was borne on the shoulders of the Inca’s proudest nobles. With a gorgeous retinue the great lord of Cuzco proceeded along the highway, which was lined throughout the route by adoring subjects, who strewed the pathway of their deity-king with flowers and sang songs in his praise; when the transcendent glory of the Son of the Sun was revealed to them for a brief moment, as the curtains of the litter were raised and the royal countenance became visible, their acclamations were joyous and fervent beyond words. According to Sarmiento, one of the early historians, the royal guard and retinue that accompanied the Incas always made a splendid spectacle. Close to the litter of the emperor, and forming a brilliant and impenetrable guard, were his majesty’s halberdiers and archers on each side, five thousand soldiers in front, with catapults (weapons used with unfailing effect by the armies of Cuzco), and as many lancers with their captains behind, while heralds hurried back and forth, clearing the way and announcing the approach of the mighty lord. The people were glad to see their monarch, not only to witness the glory and splendor in which he appeared, but also because it was the royal custom, observed by Manco-Ccapac and all his successors, for the Inca to take this opportunity of hearing his people’s grievances and regulating matters referred to his decision by the provincial tribunals. Wherever he halted grand fiestas were celebrated in his honor; and so well stocked with provisions were the royal tambos, that all the Inca’s suite, as well as his troops, could be served with their accustomed food and all comforts. The Inca was kept in constant communication with Cuzco—no matter how far away from the capital his travels might lead him—by his chasquis, or postboys. On all the principal roads leading from Cuzco post offices were established, not like the modern repositories of letters, but small huts, in which a number of chasquis were stationed to receive and carry forward messages of the government. These posts were only a few miles apart, and the chasquis, who were chosen for their fleetness as runners as well as for their fidelity, were relieved by a perfect system of relays, so that it was possible for messages to be carried fifty leagues in a day. The chasquis were of great value in times of war, as may readily be seen, and they were also pressed into the domestic service of the royal palace, being employed to bring fruits, game, and (we are seriously informed by the historian) even fish, from the tropical coast region, for the imperial table.

SHOWING THE TWELVE-ANGLE STONE, RUINS AT CUZCO.

Tupac-Yupanqui is named by some authorities as the successor of Inca Yupanqui, to whom they give all the glory of the long and brilliant reign which others credit to Tupac-Yupanqui. On the other hand, many historians say that Inca Yupanqui’s reign was brief and uneventful, except for his campaigns, undertaken to subdue the Mojos of the region of the Beni and the Chiriguanas of the Bolivian Chaco. He failed in both enterprises and then turned his armies toward Quito, though with little better success. Tupac-Yupanqui had a young son, however, who was destined to bring the power and prestige of the Children of the Sun to the very zenith of glory. This prince, whose name was Huayna-Ccapac, took command of the imperial forces in the later years of his father’s life and marched against the king of Quito, whom he defeated, gaining possession of his kingdom. Alas, the conquest of Quito, the most brilliant victory yet won by the Children of the Sun, proved to be “the beginning of the end,” the source of the disunion of the great Inca empire, a calamity which contributed in an important degree to make it possible for a small group of invaders to accomplish the downfall of one of the most powerful monarchies that ever developed among a primitive people!

THE INCA’S BATH, OLLANTAYTAMBO.

The historical records of the reign of Huayna-Ccapac are generally regarded as reliable, since he died only a few years before the arrival of the Spaniards, and the events of his government were still fresh in the minds of his people. Not only did this monarch add to the number of magnificent temples and palaces erected throughout the empire, but he built a new highway from Cuzco to Quito and completed the great road from the capital to Chile. The famous tradition of Ollantaytambo is said to have its origin in the rebellion of one of the nobles of the court of Huayna-Ccapac, named Ollanta, who resisted the power of the Inca in his stronghold until finally conquered by the superior strength of the emperor’s forces. The ruins of Ollantaytambo, forty miles north of Cuzco, are among the most imposing in Peru, though according to some archæologists the edifice was built in pre-Incaic times, and was only restored and embellished by the Incas. The same is said of nearly all the great temples, except Coricancha, the Temple of the Sun, in Cuzco, and a few others, though it is not certain in whose reign Coricancha was built; probably the work of construction extended over several reigns. Huayna-Ccapac is said to have had a strong leaning toward philosophy, and, like some of his predecessors, he gave numerous proverbs and mottoes to his people, which the early historians were able to get from the quipucamayos. He was the first to declare that he believed in the existence of a higher power than the Sun, and the reason he gave for this disloyalty to the deity of the Incas is very interesting. It is related that he first gave expression to his new creed during a visit to his subjects of Collasuyo. He had gone with his court to spend some time on the sacred island of the Sun in Lake Titicaca, where he is said to have devoted much attention to plans of reform, in religion, industries, and other features of administration. From this point he had visited the monuments of Tiahuanaco, and was celebrating the great annual feast of Raymi at Chuquiapu (La Paz, Bolivia). His uncle, the chief priest of the temple, observed that the Inca spent much time gazing at the sun, and said to him, “Thou knowest, Inca, that it is not permitted to look so freely at our father, the Sun, and thou art causing a grand scandal in the court and among all thy subjects assembled to worship our supreme lord.” In return, the emperor asked: “Is there anyone in the empire who could oblige me to make a long journey? Is there anyone who would dare to disobey me if I ordered him to journey to Chile?” “No,” was the answer of the priest; “No one would dare to give orders to his sovereign, nor to disobey him.” “Then I tell you,” replied the Inca, “that our father, the Sun, has a ruler greater and more powerful than himself; for the sun never rests on the journey which he makes every day, and the supreme lord no doubt does things leisurely and halts when it pleases him, even though he has no need of repose.”

The feast of Raymi was the most brilliant and popular of all the national celebrations. It usually took place at Cuzco, as the permanent residence of the Inca was in that city, and was held at the period of the summer solstice, which, south of the equator, occurs in December. Three other fiestas of especial importance were held during the year to celebrate the solstices of June, March, and September, though none of these equalled in elaborate ceremony and display the “Ccapac-Raymi.” For three days previous to the 21st of December there was a general fast, and on the morning of that day the Inca, in company with his family and the nobles of his court, attired in gala dress and wearing their most gorgeous adornments, awaited the appearance of the rising sun. A multitude filled the plaza, presenting in the variety of their dress and ornaments,—as they represented the different tribes gathered under the standard of the rainbow in many campaigns,—the aspect of an assembly gathered from the four corners of the globe. As the sun rose, smiling on the sacred city in benediction, the crowd broke forth in a shout of praise and thanksgiving; while joyous songs and the melody of music from a thousand curious instruments throbbed on the air. Dr. Lorente in describing this feast says: “The Inca, filling two glasses with chicha, (a fermented liquor of maize, the popular drink of the Indians in the sierra to-day as it was hundreds of years ago,) offered them to his divine father, the Sun, and then poured the contents of the glass he held in his right hand into a golden receptacle, which by a secret channel flowed into the Temple of the Sun. The contents of the other glass were first sipped by the Inca, who passed it to his nobles that they might do the same.” After this libation, all repaired to the temple, which they entered barefooted, the multitude being required to remove their sandals two hundred steps from the sacred portal, which they might not enter. After the Inca’s invocation to the Sun, the procession made its way to the plaza where the sacrificial offerings of llamas were made and the feasting began in all its intensity. It lasted for a week, during which the chicha jars—huge earthenware vessels—were increased and refilled constantly, and dancing was kept up day and night without ceasing. The feast of the harvest, held the 21st of March, was regarded with great reverence, as it was then the fire was drawn from the Sun’s rays to light the sacred flame for the altar; the rays were focussed on a metallic mirror which the Inca wore in a bracelet on his right arm, and by this means a small piece of cotton was ignited, the fire being then guarded by the Virgins of the Sun until the feast of the ensuing year.

THE HOUSE OF THE SERPENTS, CUZCO.

Under the influence of a common religion, a common language, and a common government the consolidation of the great Inca empire was effected, and it must be conceded that the benevolent character of the despotism which its sovereigns exercised was the saving feature of a system which must seem, to the freedom-loving spirit of the twentieth century, the worst species of barbarism. Yet for a primitive people, who shall say that the government of Cuzco did not accomplish more toward civilizing them than a less autocratic but more oppressive system would have done? In the course of time, might not Inca philosophers, such as Pachacutec and Huayna-Ccapac, more advanced in their ideas by social evolution, gradually extend more privileges to their subjects and lift them up to a higher level? The empire had apparently reached its farthest boundaries with the conquests of Chile and Quito, and the period of insurrection and insubordination had passed, as a result of wise measures taken to bind all the Inca’s subjects together in a common interest, through the practice of a common religion and the exclusive use of a common language. It was the most promising moment in the development of the race.

The story of Huayna-Ccapac’s fear and foreboding when the news was carried to him in his palace on the island of Lake Titicaca that “white and bearded men” had been seen in the region of the coast, and of his retirement to Quito to pass the remainder of his days in the society of his favorite Pacha, the mother of Atahuallpa, is well known. Unfortunately, the poetical romance of Atahuallpa’s birth in the conquered city of his mother’s people, and of his winning the proud heart of his father, so that the rightful heir to the throne of Cuzco was relegated to a second place in the Inca’s affections, has been pronounced a fable; because Atahuallpa was twelve years old when Huayna-Ccapac conquered Quito. But, on the other hand, there is no proof that Huayna-Ccapac did not invade Quito previous to its conquest. At any rate, the story is bien trouvée. The question of disposing of his empire vexed the great Inca, who wished to provide well for his favorite son, but was bound to recognize the exalted rights of the Coya’s heir, Huascar, at whose birth the national rejoicings had been greater than on the natal day of any other prince of Cuzco. The legend of Huascar’s golden chain, which was long enough to encircle the plaza of Cuzco three times, is still repeated, and expeditions still seek it in the various places where it is said to have been concealed on the approach of the Spaniards. Finally the throne of Cuzco was given to Huascar, and that of Quito to Atahuallpa. Neither was satisfied, and their quarrels and combats resulted in dividing the empire under rival powers at the supreme moment when unity was its only hope for salvation.

DOORWAY OF THE OBSERVATORY, INTI-HUATANA.

THE INCA’S THRONE, OVERLOOKING THE CITY OF CUZCO.

CHAPTER IV
THE SPANISH DISCOVERY AND INVASION UNDER PIZARRO

ANCIENT STREET OF CUZCO.

While the empire of the Incas was approaching the zenith of its greatness in America, Spain was extending the power and prestige of the House of Austria throughout Europe under the sovereignty of the Emperor Charles V. And the proud dynasty of the Hapsburgs, whose double-headed eagle was destined to obscure the Sun of Tahuantinsuyo and to efface the sacred Rainbow in its shadow, did not represent a more exalted royalty in the Old World than did that of Manco-Ccapac in the New. There are even some points of resemblance between the two monarchies, so remotely separated in origin and traditions. In Peru, as in Spain, the army and the Church were the only occupations worthy of the nobility; in both countries, wars of conquest were fought in the name of religion, with the emblem of salvation in one hand and that of destruction in the other,—the Inca with the golden disk and the catapult, the Spaniard with the Cross and the sword; and both led their armies against the infidel with the determination to destroy his idols and to establish the true worship.

However much we may condemn the method of the Spanish conquerors, their mission was not altogether mercenary in its purpose. It is not strange that the yellow metal dimmed their consciences when it blazed before their eyes on the temples of Mexico and Peru; yet, even then, as Prescott says: “In the motives of action, meaner influences were strangely mingled with the loftier, the temporal with the spiritual.” The hardy and romantic adventurers who followed in the wake of Columbus were not merely sordid gold hunters; they were the descendants of soldiers who had for centuries fought in the holy wars of the Cross against the Crescent, and in their veins flowed the blood of the knight-errant and the crusader. Gold they sought with eagerness and without scruple; but they wanted glory almost as much as they wanted gold, and in the pursuit of both, they carried aloft the banner of the Church, and sought the blessing of its ministers. As soon as a newly discovered land was taken possession of in the name of the King of Spain, the Cross was elevated in token of the triumph of Christianity. Columbus erected the Cross in Hispaniola, and Cortés followed up his victory over the Aztecs with their forcible conversion to the true faith. In Peru, a less pious discoverer than Columbus and a more ruthless invader than Cortés employed the sacred office of the priest to aid him in accomplishing an act of treachery so odious that it dims the glory of his conquest and places him below the standard even of mediæval adventurers.

Francisco Pizarro, a native of Trujillo in Spain, began life under all the disadvantages which are the lot of the illegitimate child, but which, in many instances, school him in a discipline so rigorous that as he grows to manhood he becomes thoroughly inured to hardship and is able to dominate the greatest misfortune and to achieve success in the face of the most discouraging obstacles. Such a discipline is hardly likely to develop the softer virtues; and, as the young Pizarro received no care,—either from his father, who was a distinguished colonel under El Gran Capitan, or from his mother, a humble peasant,—as he was never taught to read or to write, and spent his boyhood tending swine, it is not difficult to imagine what extraordinary influences must have moulded his character, and transformed the swineherd of Trujillo into the fearless soldier of fortune, known to history as the cruel, rapacious, and perfidious, though consummately daring, Conqueror of Peru.

The first news of Pizarro as an adventurer in the New World is found in the record of a disastrous expedition fitted out at Hispaniola for the purpose of colonization; a few years later he is heard from in connection with the more successful undertaking led by Balboa, with whom Pizarro crossed the Isthmus of Panamá, when that celebrated adventurer discovered the Pacific Ocean. Up to that time, Pizarro, who was then fifty years of age, had won neither gold nor glory as a reward for his ambition. In 1522, an expedition, which had been sent southward by the governor of Panamá, returned with wonderful stories of the wealth and grandeur of a kingdom that was supposed to lie behind the great range of the Andes. Pizarro became interested and communicated his enthusiasm to Diego de Almagro, an adventurer like himself, a native of Castile, and a foundling. These two enterprising explorers were joined by a third, named Hernando de Luque, a priest, who furnished most of the funds for the expedition which it was agreed they would undertake, to search for the land of treasure. After great reverses and his desertion by many famished followers on the barren Island of Gallo, Pizarro reached Tumbes, on the southern shore of the Gulf of Guayaquil, where he found a populous settlement, rich in temples and palaces ornamented with gold and silver, and inhabited by a kind and hospitable people. The natives told the Spaniards that a great and powerful prince ruled over all this country, whose capital lay behind the mountains and was a city of far greater wealth and splendor than anything they had yet seen. Could any news be more welcome to the little band of adventurers in search of this very treasure? After cruising southward past the present city of Trujillo, at which they also disembarked for a short stay, and finding everywhere proofs that they had reached the shores of an opulent kingdom, the expedition turned northward again toward Panamá; for Pizarro realized that it would be impossible to attempt the conquest of such a country with a mere dozen of followers. On their way, they called again at Tumbes, where a native boy, named Felipillo, was taken on board to accompany Pizarro to Panamá, so that he might learn the Spanish language and serve as interpreter when the discoverers should return to his country to conquer it.

RUINS OF AN INCA’S PALACE.

THE ANDENES, OR ARTIFICIAL TERRACES, CULTIVATED UNDER THE INCAS.

When Pizarro arrived in Panamá, he found the governor not at all disposed to help him; but, with the aid of his faithful comrades, Almagro and Father Luque, he was provided with funds to go to Spain and plead his cause with the king, it being understood that if he succeeded in getting the royal authorization and protection, he would secure the office of Adelantado for Almagro and that of Bishop of Tumbes for Father Luque. Pizarro was well received at the Court of Spain, where Cortés had recently arrived to present the empire of Mexico to his royal master. The Council of the Indies, which had charge of all matters relating to Spain’s possessions in the New World, gave him a grant authorizing him to make discoveries and conquests in Peru for two hundred leagues southward from the river Santiago, near the northern border of the present republic of Ecuador. Pizarro received the rank and titles of Governor and Captain-general of the province, and the offices of Adelantado and Chief Magistrate for life with a large salary; he was also made a Knight of Santiago and was given permission to use his father’s coat-of-arms with symbols of his own conquest added. Upon his return to Panamá, he tried to explain to Almagro the reason why he had accepted all the high offices for himself, but his comrade found it hard to forgive what he considered an injury done to him by a friend he had trusted, and an estrangement followed, which was never overcome, especially as Pizarro’s brothers, Hernando and Gonzalo, who accompanied him back from Spain, did everything to widen the breach.

SEATS CUT IN SOLID STONE, AT KENKO, NEAR CUZCO.

In January, 1531, Pizarro and his followers embarked again for Peru. Before leaving Panamá, the banners of the company and the royal standard of Spain were consecrated in the Cathedral, mass was performed, and the sacrament was administered to every soldier. The expedition consisted of only two hundred men and twenty-seven horses, a small force for so ambitious an undertaking; but the courageous adventurer had come to believe so thoroughly in the destiny which held in store for him the glory of conquering that great kingdom, of whose extent and riches he had already been permitted the first glimpse, that no power on earth could have discouraged him in his enterprise; he was full of eager enthusiasm when his ships sailed out of the harbor, bound for Tumbes, which he considered the gateway to the Peruvian empire. On his way, he made brief landings at various points, including the island of Puná in the Guayaquil River, a few leagues north of the port of Tumbes on the southern shore of the Gulf of Guayaquil. At Puná the soldiers of Spain won a hard-fought battle over the fierce natives, during which, the Spanish chronicler says: “St. Michael was seen to vanquish Satan in mid-air.” Here the expedition awaited reinforcements, which soon afterward arrived in two ships commanded by Hernando de Soto, and consisted of a hundred volunteers as well as a number of cavalry horses; with this added force, Pizarro proceeded southward to Tumbes, though he found that recently flourishing city entirely depopulated and demolished—by their enemies of Puná it was said—and he was obliged to look for another site for his colony. He sent De Soto with troops to explore the foothills of the Andes while he himself marched southward along the plain for about thirty leagues, until he came to a rich valley watered by several streams, which offered such advantages for settlement that he sent for his troops to come on from Tumbes; here he founded the first Spanish colony in Peru, calling it San Miguel in honor of his victory at Puná; the settlement was removed later to the banks of the Piura River, where the foundation of the present flourishing city of Piura took place. During his march, Pizarro had passed thriving Indian settlements, had been hospitably entertained by the natives and had learned that the great ruler, in whose dominions he was travelling, was at that moment only ten days’ journey from Piura. He was told the story of the quarrel between Atahuallpa and Huascar and was informed that Atahuallpa’s army had successfully invaded Cuzco and taken Huascar prisoner; on that very day the victorious Inca was celebrating his triumph in his camp at Cajamarca, whither he had gone to take the baths. From the same source, Pizarro learned that the vanquished brother had been imprisoned at Jauja, where one of the strongest fortresses of the country was located. All this information was welcome to the Spanish invader, who saw that the disunion of the empire was a condition greatly in his favor in the proposed conquest; but he hoped, with all his heart, that reinforcements would come from Panamá, as his army appeared ridiculously small to attempt the subjugation of a rich and powerful monarch, whose bodyguard was composed of the best and bravest of his warriors, and numbered thousands. It is well said by the author of The Conquest of Peru that “if Pizarro had stopped to calculate chances, he must inevitably have failed, as the odds were too great to be combated reason.” But sober reason is very apt to lack the element of faith, which is so powerful an agency in the conquest of empires—whether national, social, or personal. Pizarro believed that he was destined by heaven to accomplish this seemingly impossible task, and he adopted ways and means which cautious reason would have condemned, in view of the almost certain and disastrous consequences. Probably he was inspired by Cortés’s capture of Montezuma when he planned his attack on Atahuallpa; but, to one of his spirit and temperament, the means to the end could hardly have failed, even without the Mexican Conqueror’s example, which, by the way, he did not worthily imitate, as Cortés would have scorned to use the unsoldierly tactics that Pizarro employed in the capture and subsequent murder of the Inca.

ANCIENT BRIDGE OF SANTA TERESA, CUZCO.

The prospect of getting reinforcements from Panamá appeared less and less hopeful as the months passed, until finally Pizarro decided to start on his daring enterprise with only the limited force then at his command. Leaving fifty soldiers to guard the colony, he set out with one hundred and eighty men, including sixty-seven cavalry troops, to attempt a conquest which a more cautious commander would have undertaken only at the head of a large army.

After journeying for several days without coming within sight of Cajamarca, Pizarro sent Hernando de Soto to reconnoitre, and, a week later, was delighted to see his comrade approaching the camp in company with a personage of evident rank, who was attended by a considerable retinue, and whom De Soto presented as an ambassador from the Inca Atahuallpa. This distinguished messenger had come with his royal master’s greeting to the strangers, and an invitation for them to visit the Emperor’s camp at Cajamarca. Pizarro, through his interpreter, Felipillo, made known to the ambassador his appreciation of the Inca’s fine courtesy; at the same time, he gave strict orders that as long as the ambassador remained in the Spanish camp he was to be treated with all the respect due to the representative of a great and powerful sovereign. When the Peruvian departed, he was charged to convey the compliments of Pizarro to his royal master and to tell him that the Spaniards were the subjects of a powerful prince, who ruled beyond the sea; that they had heard of Atahuallpa’s prowess and had come to pay their respects to His Majesty and to offer the service of their army against the Inca’s enemies; and that they would wait upon the great monarch with the least possible delay.

Having dismissed the Inca’s messenger, Pizarro resumed his march, choosing the route which he had been advised to take in order to reach Cajamarca as soon as possible. Embassies from the Inca continued to arrive with presents of gold, silver and rich vicuña cloths, the Spaniards sending in return ornaments of glass and other articles brought from Europe for the purpose. As they ascended the slopes of the great Andes, they observed that, instead of buildings of sun-dried bricks, such as were seen in the coast valleys, the temples and palaces were constructed of huge stones, taken from the solid rock, and so wonderfully adjusted that not a knife blade could be inserted between them, though no mortar was used in setting them.

In order to reach Cajamarca, it was necessary for Pizarro and his men to cross the cumbre, or summit of the great Andean range, that rose before them like an impassable barrier. They had to march through treacherous defiles, where a mere handful of men in ambush could destroy a whole army, and the experience was one to be remembered long afterward; the sudden appearance of a huge fortress high up on the mountain side, strong enough to defy a regiment and large enough to shelter an army—the precipices that yawned in front of them at every turn—the intense cold and rarity of the atmosphere in the high altitude—were sources of constant fear and discomfort. But the Inca permitted the invaders to advance without opposition; indeed, he continued to send embassies to them every time they encamped on the way. Was it an exaggerated idea of their exalted origin and power, or absolute confidence in his own strength, or because the very audacity of Pizarro was incredible, that Atahuallpa permitted the Spaniards to advance on his encampment, when a small force could have prevented their crossing the cumbre? Perhaps Atahuallpa yielded to curiosity and permitted the Spaniard to visit his royal stronghold in order that he and his nobles might study the rara avis, intending to capture the invaders later, by surrounding them with his legions. The conquerors afterward expressed the opinion that the Inca probably wished to find out all about them, to have them explain the use of their weapons, etc., so that he might profit the more by their capture. One authority says: “Atahuallpa was very wise and discreet, and, although without enlightenment, yet a friend of knowledge, and possessing a subtle mind.”

AN INCAIC STREET, CUZCO.

One of the severest tests of the courage of Pizarro came when he led his little band out of the last defile of the mountains and saw, from the eminence on which they stood, the beautiful valley of Cajamarca spread before his gaze, radiant in the flush of summer time, with broad fields showing the fruits of industrious husbandry, a prosperous little city nestling just below, and farther away, at the other side of the valley, on the sloping hillsides, the encampment of the Inca, apparently sheltering a mighty host. A member of that bold little company naïvely relates: “With a courageous countenance, after having thoroughly surveyed the scene, we descended to the valley, and entered Cajamarca.” One can easily imagine that behind the “courageous countenance” there was much sinking of the heart, as the invaders made their way down the mountain side! While they were descending, the sky became overcast, and the sunlit valley took on a gloomy aspect. Ominous clouds obscured the surrounding summits, which a few hours before had glistened like steel-armored sentinels under the rays of the sun. It was as if the breath of an unholy ambition had already poisoned the air and the approaching spectre of crime had thrown its awful shadow across the place of tragedy.

Pizarro and his band entered Cajamarca on the afternoon of November 15, 1532. They found themselves in a city of considerable size, apparently the home of about ten thousand people, though, as the Spaniards rode through its streets, no one came out to welcome them, and they discovered that it had been entirely deserted by the inhabitants, “in order to give better accommodation to the distinguished visitors of the Inca,” as his messengers explained.

Impatient to know the nature of the reception he might expect from Atahuallpa, Pizarro had no sooner entered Cajamarca than he sent Hernando de Soto and his brother, Hernando Pizarro, to salute the Inca and to invite him to dine on the following day, at the same time begging that his majesty would let them know where they were to make their headquarters. The Spanish envoys were accompanied by a bodyguard of cavalry and made their appearance at the Inca’s camp in a sumptuous manner, dressed in splendid armor and carrying themselves with the arrogance and grace characteristic of the Castilian. They found the sovereign in the courtyard of his royal quarters, where he received them with such absence of demonstration that they were disconcerted and at a loss to understand his extraordinary attitude. They rode up slowly until within a few feet of the Inca, when, after making a respectful salute, Hernando Pizarro repeated his brother’s message. Atahuallpa heard it without giving the least sign of interest, without even a change of expression; the only response came from one of his nobles, in the single word “Ari,” which signified “It is well.” It was an embarrassing moment and left Pizarro’s ambassadors totally ignorant of the Inca’s intentions; but Hernando Pizarro was not of a disposition to accept such a situation as final, and he again addressed the Indian sovereign, requesting him to speak to them himself, explaining that he was Pizarro’s brother and had come to learn from the Inca’s own lips what was his royal pleasure. At this, Atahuallpa deigned to answer, with a smile, that he was keeping a fast, which would end the following morning, when he would be pleased to visit Pizarro; that, in the meantime, his guests were to occupy the royal tambo, or inn, in the great square of the city, “except the Hall of the Serpent, in the midst,” which he reserved for his own use.

During their interview with Atahuallpa, the Spaniards had an excellent opportunity to observe the Inca, who was seated on a cushion in the midst of his nobles and the princesses of the royal household. The monarch, who was thirty years of age, was of grave and kingly bearing, and had handsome, well-cut features; he wore a simpler costume than his courtiers, who were gorgeous in gayly ornamented attire; his crown was the crimson masca paicha, which he had assumed with the sovereignty of Cuzco, after his brother Huascar’s defeat. The appearance of the Inca, his splendid court, his troops numbering fifty thousand men, the evidences of great wealth, seen even in the large golden vessels from which the Spaniards were invited to drink the chicha offered by Atahuallpa’s order—everything impressed Pizarro’s envoys with the hopelessness of their scheme of conquest, and they returned to their chief with gloomy faces.

But Pizarro refused to see, think or hear of anything but success, and he trampled down every rising fear by the sheer force of his own confidence and determination; that very night he unfolded his bold plan of action—to make a sudden attack and seize the Inca in the midst of his troops. Once in possession of the monarch, Pizarro knew that he could dictate his own terms, for he had not been slow to recognize the sacred character of the worship rendered by the Indians to their emperor of celestial origin. Perhaps he had even calculated on the paralyzing effect such an audacious and sacrilegious act as the seizure of the Inca would have on a people completely held under the spell of their sovereign’s great and transcendent glory. But it is hardly to be supposed that he could have foreseen their utter prostration in the face of the calamity he was preparing to visit upon them!

ENTRANCE TO AN INCAIC HOUSE.

THE DEATH OF ATAHUALLPA. FROM A PAINTING BY THE PERUVIAN ARTIST LUIS MONTERO.

CHAPTER V
THE CONQUEST OF PERU

COAT-OF-ARMS OF PIZARRO GRANTED BY CHARLES V. IN HONOR OF THE DISCOVERY OF PERU.

The Conquest of Peru was not undertaken without a solemn appeal to heaven, a ceremony which formed the prelude to all enterprises in those days, of whatever character or purpose. Mass was performed by the ecclesiastic, Vicente de Valverde, a Dominican friar, who had accompanied the expedition, and whose share in the events of the memorable day upon which they were now entering is only to be excused on the score of over-passionate zeal. During the religious service, the priest and his assistants invoked the divine aid in behalf of the soldiers of the Cross who were fighting to establish the Christian faith; and Exsurge, Domine was chanted with all the enthusiasm that the most devoted band of Crusaders would have shown on the eve of a battle with the Moors; the heritage of blood is strong, and in the exaltation of that moment, it is certain that the baser motives of the premeditated onslaught were submerged under a tide of religious emotions. But it is doubtful whether Pizarro allowed the religious side of the campaign to occupy his mind any further than was required by the temperament and spirit of his followers; he knew his men, and governed them through their strongest impulses, which he could control only by apparent sympathy.

Nothing was left undone in the preparations for capturing the Inca. Cavalry and infantry were stationed in great halls or barracks that opened on to the plaza through wide doors, which were to remain closed until a given signal. The confusing effect of a sudden surprise and unaccustomed sights and sounds had been carefully studied by Pizarro, who had two small pieces of ordnance placed in the fortress, and all the horses adorned with bells on their breastplates. It was understood that on the firing of the first gun, the whole army should rush into the plaza with their battle-cry: “Santiago, and at them!” and, after overpowering and killing the Inca’s guard, they were to capture the emperor himself and carry him to Pizarro’s quarters.

As if to further the treacherous plan of Pizarro, the Inca sent his ambassador to say that he would leave the greater part of his army behind and would enter Cajamarca without arms. A little before sunset the royal procession began to enter the gates of the city. First came the army of menials who were employed to clear the pathway of all obstacles, as was always done in the royal progresses which the Inca was accustomed to make throughout his kingdom; following these came the heralds announcing the approach of their sovereign, the nobles and princes of the blood royal, and lastly the Inca, surrounded by his bodyguard and a few of his soldiers, all unarmed. The royal palanquin was lined with the rich plumes of tropical birds and studded with plates of gold and silver; the monarch, seated on a throne of solid gold, was magnificently attired, and wore a collar of very large and brilliant emeralds.

As the great procession entered the plaza of Cajamarca and divided into two ranks to allow the royal retinue to pass between, the Inca observed that not a Spaniard was to be seen, and inquired what had become of them. At this moment Father Valverde stepped into the square, with a crucifix in one hand and a Bible in the other, and approaching the Inca, told him that he was there by order of his commander to expound to him the true faith, for which purpose the Spaniards had come to his country. He then explained to Atahuallpa the basis of the Christian faith, the doctrine of the Trinity, and the origin of the Roman Catholic hierarchy, telling him that the pope had given the Spanish sovereign the right to conquer and convert the natives of the western hemisphere, and that Pizarro had arrived to carry out this mission; he concluded by beseeching the Inca to embrace Christianity and acknowledge himself a vassal of the Emperor Charles V., who would, in that case, aid and protect him. Atahuallpa listened to Valverde’s harangue as interpreted by Felipillo, at first showing only curiosity, then scorn and, finally, fierce indignation, as the import of its meaning dawned upon him. His brow darkened with anger when he learned that he was asked to become the vassal of another, and he exclaimed: “I am the greatest prince on earth, and will be vassal to none; as for the Pope of whom you speak, he cannot give away countries which do not belong to him; and as your God was put to death by the human beings he created, I will not have him in exchange for mine, who lives there in the heavens and watches over his children! Where did you learn these things?” Valverde handed him the Bible, which the monarch looked at as nothing to be admired, either in material or appearance; he threw it on the ground in disgust, and told the priest to inform his companions that they would be called to account for all the evil they had done in his dominions.

The Inca was about to give a royal command to his messengers, when Valverde, scandalized by the heathen’s contempt for the sacred volume, and realizing that the effort to convert Atahuallpa had resulted only in incensing the Inca so that the lives of the Spaniards were in imminent danger, called out to Pizarro to “waste no more breath on the heathen reprobate,” exclaiming with all the fervor of the frenzied fanatic: Salid á él—que yo os absuelvo! “Take him,—I absolve you all!”

FRANCISCO PIZARRO, CONQUEROR OF PERU AND FOUNDER OF LIMA.

Valverde thus gave the first signal of attack; Pizarro then waved a white kerchief and the gun boomed its fateful command from the fortress. In an instant the Spaniards poured into the plaza, yelling their battle-cry, while the guns kept up a deafening noise; the horses plunged into the terror-stricken ranks of the Inca’s attendants, trampling hundreds under their iron hoofs; both infantry and cavalry wrought havoc with their swords, and the plaza—a few minutes before brilliant with the splendor and gaiety of a royal train, come to honor the stranger and accept his proffered hospitality—became a scene of carnage and death, a horrible spectacle, though welcome enough to the treacherous host, whose invitation had been given with this very object in view.

It is not strange that panic seized the followers of Atahuallpa when the Spaniards made their murderous onslaught, unaccustomed as the Indians were to the sound and smoke of the cannon, the sight of rearing, prancing steeds, and the glitter of the long, sharp swords, which the bearded “palefaces” used with such deadly effect. The Inca’s nobles pressed closely around the royal litter, sheltering their beloved sovereign until cut down by the assailants, when their places were immediately filled by others. His faithful attendants sought to force back the cavaliers by clinging to their saddles and trying to unhorse them, never loosening their grip until the cruel blade of the Spaniard put an end to their pitiful efforts. So persistently did the brave nobles interpose themselves between the enemy and the sacred person of their sovereign that it seemed impossible for Pizarro’s men to secure their prize; and some of his officers would have taken the Inca’s life to prevent his eluding them, had it not been for Pizarro’s command, “Let no one harm the Inca on peril of his life!” Finally, as the fierce struggle closed in around the royal palanquin, and one after another of those who bore it aloft was slain, it was overturned, the monarch being saved from a fall by Pizarro, who caught him in his arms.

What irony of fate! The stranger whom Atahuallpa had permitted to come to the very threshold of his royal palace, without offering any hindrance; who had declared his mission to be one of peace, and had offered the service of his arms against the royal enemies; who had invited the Inca to eat at his table, a courtesy to which the monarch responded in a truly royal spirit by presenting himself unarmed to accept the hospitality;—this stranger had first insulted him through the mouth of his priest; had then attacked the invited guest, who was entirely defenceless; had turned all the force of unfamiliar arms against a panic-stricken multitude and needlessly butchered them; and, finally, had made the monarch his prisoner by catching him in his arms, as a Spaniard’s sword pierced the heart of the monarch’s last faithful protector!

The sequel to the Inca’s capture is well known. Apparently, the unfortunate victim did not at first comprehend what had passed, and it is related by one of the conquerors that, when conveyed to the royal tambo, where he dined with Pizarro the evening of the tragedy, according to his promise, the prisoner even congratulated his captor on the cleverness with which his royal person had been seized in the midst of his troops. That the disappearance of their sovereign within the Spanish quarters should have sufficed to effect the conquest of his empire, is easily explained in the very nature of his authority, which was so absolute that it governed the spirit as well as the mind and person of every creature in his realm. The Inca a prisoner? It was as if Deity had condescended to permit his omnipotence to be dominated; but how, then, could the puny effort of mere mortals avail, where the Son of the Sun himself had not resisted? When his soldiers learned that their leader no longer commanded them, the effect of such an incomprehensible, incredible, and to them, impossible, situation overwhelmed them with awe for the white man, whom they looked upon as superhuman and invincible.

The great majority of the royal army was still on the march from Cuzco at the time of Atahuallpa’s capture; and not only was there no immediate possibility of his rescue, but there was great fear in the Inca’s mind lest his half-brother, Huascar, should escape from prison and ascend the throne of Cuzco. He felt the necessity of obtaining his freedom at all costs and as speedily as possible. The astute monarch had not been slow to observe that the sight of gold produced a marvellous effect on the Spaniards, whose eyes glistened with greed when some of their party, sent to pillage the royal encampment, returned with gold and silver plate, and precious ornaments taken from the bodies of the nobles who had perished in the massacre.

The Inca took the first opportunity to appeal to Pizarro’s ruling passion by promising the Conqueror that if he would give him his freedom the Spaniards should have all the gold they wanted. Standing up in his prison and marking a place on the wall as high as he could reach, he said that he would fill the room up to that height with gold, and the adjoining room he would fill twice with silver as the price of his ransom. The brother of the Conqueror relates in his memoirs that the apartment to be filled with gold was thirty-five feet long by eighteen feet wide! Pizarro accepted Atahuallpa’s offer, though there is nothing to indicate that he held himself in any way bound to fulfil his part of the contract. Perfidious to the last degree in every relation of his life, it is not strange that he should have shown toward a captive and a heathen the same disregard for his word as appeared in his dealings with his best friends. Meantime he set to work assiduously, with the help of Father Valverde, to prove to Atahuallpa that the faith of the Spaniards was the only true faith; and his unanswerable argument was that the Spaniards’ God had brought victory to his children, while the Inca’s deity had deserted his own in their hour of need;—which the Inca found it impossible to deny.

GENEALOGY OF FRANCISCO PIZARRO, CONQUEROR OF PERU.

While the Inca’s couriers were collecting the royal treasure from the temples and palaces of Tahuantinsuyo and despatching it from the four quarters of the empire to Cajamarca, the imprisoned monarch continued to live in the Spanish quarters, free to go about in the apartments that had been reserved for his use, and treated with the respect due to his rank, though always under strict surveillance. He was allowed the society of his wives, and could receive visits from his nobles who came daily to bring presents and to offer condolence. Through these messengers he learned that Huascar was plotting to escape from captivity and secure the throne, and that he had sent word to the Spaniards promising to raise a greater ransom than Atahuallpa could obtain, who had never been in Cuzco and knew nothing of its wealth. These reports both angered and alarmed the Inca, who knew very well that his half-brother’s claim to the throne would meet with a powerful support among his former subjects if Huascar should gain his freedom, and that such an event would of itself suffice to convince the whole nation that Huascar was favored by their deity, and that Atahuallpa’s captivity was the just punishment of a usurper. This condition of affairs was eminently satisfactory to Pizarro, who saw that whichever sovereign he chose to support must be in reality his vassal, and that between the two he was likely to collect into his coffers all the treasures of Peru.

Although the historians of the Conquest generally agree that Huascar met a violent death by the secret orders of his brother, the chroniclers of that time were, as a rule, not impartial in their statements, and it is known only that Huascar was assassinated,—by whose order is not certain. Pizarro was enraged when he heard of Huascar’s death and immediately charged Atahuallpa with the crime. A stronger guard was placed to watch the Inca’s apartments and he was under constant suspicion. Pizarro held him responsible also for delays in the arrival of the royal treasure, until the Inca, to prove his good faith, offered to provide safe-conduct to any officers the Spaniards might send to superintend its collection and transport. Emissaries of Pizarro were despatched to Pachacámac and Cuzco, which Atahuallpa indicated as the chief repositories of wealth, though the messenger found Pachacámac already dismantled of its treasures when he arrived; what became of its gold has never been learned. The soldiers commissioned to collect the treasures of Cuzco returned with marvellous stories of its wealth and magnificence. They found the Temple of the Sun “literally covered with plates of gold,” which they stripped from its sacred walls in such a frenzy of avarice that the natives were disgusted beyond measure. The historian Herrera says they secured seven hundred gold plates, ten or twelve inches in diameter, besides other rich ornaments, though they did not accomplish their mission so successfully as they would have done had they been less brutal and rapacious in their conduct.

Pizarro would have liked to go on to Cuzco himself and secure possession of the Imperial capital; but, as the reinforcements that Almagro was to bring from Panamá had not arrived, he feared to undertake such a journey, protected only by a small force, especially as the safe-keeping of the Inca would require a powerful guard when passing through the heart of his populous dominions. While the emissaries were on their way to get the Inca’s treasure, Almagro reached Cajamarca with one hundred and fifty men and fifty horses, besides plenty of ammunition; and Pizarro at once began to lay his plans for the proposed march to Cuzco. Meanwhile the pile of gold was rapidly increasing, and though it did not reach the promised height, it amounted, in all, to more than fifteen million dollars in value, and was the largest ransom that had ever been paid by a sovereign captive. In spite of the impatience of his jailers, Atahuallpa had accomplished wonders in the prompt collection of such a vast treasure, brought from long distances, over mountains and across rivers, by the most primitive method of transport. He was beginning to feel very happy in his fancied security, and looked forward to completing his ransom without the slightest difficulty, when events occurred, or were reported to have occurred, which gave Pizarro an excuse to claim the ransom without releasing his prisoner,—indeed, while condemning him to a cruel death.

As the magnificent treasure of gold and silver grew before the eyes of the Conquerors, their avarice became too strong to be controlled by any sentiment of justice or consideration, and they refused to wait longer for a division of the spoils; they urged many reasons why the gold should be melted down and divided without further delay, and at last Pizarro gave the necessary orders. It was agreed that some rare and beautiful vases, utensils of the temples, ornaments, and curious imitations of plants and animals, should be sent, intact, as part of the royal fifth, to the Spanish sovereign. When the division of the prize was made, Pizarro kept the Inca’s gold throne, and became the possessor of nearly a million dollars as his share of the treasure. His brother received one-fourth of this amount and Hernando de Soto much less.

CAJAMARCA, WHERE ATAHUALLPA WAS SEIZED AND EXECUTED BY PIZARRO’S ORDER.

When the Inca saw that the price of his ransom had been seized and divided among his captors he very naturally demanded his freedom. But Pizarro placed expediency far above justice, and he had no intention of releasing the captive. On the other hand, he was anxious to get on to Cuzco. He did not want to be burdened with the care of the royal prisoner, if it could be avoided. What was to be done? To one of Pizarro’s character, the end in view was of so much greater importance than the means by which he gained it, that it is not likely he would have found difficulty in securing a pretext for the execution of Atahuallpa, if necessary. But, again good fortune brought to his hand the weapon for his destructive purpose, in the form of rumors to the effect that the friends of Atahuallpa were planning an attack on the Spaniards, and that a large force was encamped only a hundred miles from the city, ready to march on them, seize their gold and carry off the Inca. The unfortunate prisoner was at once charged with being the author of the plot, which probably originated in Pizarro’s own fertile brain. There was a vehement demand for his execution. Pizarro appeared unwilling to take such extreme measures and sent Hernando de Soto—Atahuallpa’s best friend in the camp—at the head of an expedition to find out the truth about the rumored uprising. While De Soto was absent, Pizarro “consented to listen to the importunities of his soldiers,” held a trial in which the Inca was proved guilty of having usurped the throne; of assassinating his brother; of fraud, idolatry, polygamy, and, finally, of attempting to excite an insurrection against the Spaniards. He was condemned to be burnt to death that very night in the plaza; but, in case that he embraced the Christian religion and was baptized, his sentence would be commuted to death by strangulation.

The annals of crime furnish no more odious example of heartless cruelty than is shown in Pizarro’s treatment of the Inca sovereign. Not in a single instance did the Conqueror keep faith with the Indian emperor, whom he seized by fraud, persecuted on the flimsiest pretexts, and murdered without a shred of evidence against the condemned. Is it any wonder that when the news of the verdict was conveyed to Atahuallpa he was overwhelmed by the horror of it, and exclaimed: “What have I done that I should meet with such a fate?” It is said that Pizarro was visibly affected when the doomed prince turned to him, and said: “And from your hands, too—you, who have met with friendship and kindness from my people, with whom I have shared my treasures, who have received nothing but benefits from my hands!” But however Pizarro may have been affected, he did not allow any softer impulse to sway him from inflicting death by the garrote on the innocent victim of his ambition.

Two hours after sunset on the 29th of August, 1533, the emperor of the Incas was led out, chained hand and foot, into the plaza which he had entered a few months before as the proud and powerful representative of a noble dynasty. And the mighty change had been wrought entirely through his too friendly protection of a band of invaders, his too princely welcome to a treacherous chief, and his too lavish gifts to an unscrupulous enemy. The ceremony of baptism was performed by Father Valverde, as the Inca had consented to embrace Christianity rather than be burned at the stake. It is related that Atahuallpa implored Pizarro to take compassion on his young children and protect them, after which he resigned himself to his fate and met death without giving a sign. The official obsequies were performed the following day, Father Valverde reading the service of the dead, while Pizarro and the principal cavaliers attended in deep mourning.

The execution of Atahuallpa did not take place any too soon, so far as Pizarro’s designs were concerned, for Hernando de Soto returned to Cajamarca a couple of days later with the news that the whole story of an uprising was a canard and Atahuallpa was innocent! Great was the sorrow and indignation of De Soto to learn that the Inca had been executed; for this brave cavalier was a friend of the unhappy monarch and had shielded him on more than one occasion when the fierce temper of the soldiers threatened him with harm. Pizarro quailed before the noble spirit of his braver and better comrade, and sought to throw the blame on Valverde, who in turn repudiated all share of responsibility in the shameful business, saying he had acted only as Pizarro’s chaplain. It was evident that no one cared to father the fraud by which, under the name of justice, the Inca’s death had been accomplished.

PIZARRO ON THE ISLAND OF GALLO. FROM A PAINTING BY JUAN O. LEPIANI.

The execution of Atahuallpa completed the Conquest of Peru. The sovereignty of the Inca emperor had been too absolute for its own well-being, and in the hour of peril, the humble subjects, who had responded with such perfect obedience to the will of an autocrat, were powerless to move without his guiding finger, possessing in themselves neither initiative nor self-reliance, qualities that thrive only in the free air of independence, under the sunlight of hope. That the despotism of the Incas was a mighty power, exercised with genius and worthiness, cannot be denied; industry was the basis of its greatness, and protection the keynote to its prosperity; every subject of the Children of the Sun must earn his bread by honest labor, though he was always sure of being fed. But the very fact that such a despotism could be annihilated by a mere handful of adventurers, and that, within the space of a few months, its institutions could fall to pieces and its people be made slaves to this band of invaders whom they outnumbered by millions, proves that it was not a system strong enough to hold its own in the progress of nations. One cannot help regretting, however, that such a flourishing empire was not permitted to fulfil its own destiny; perhaps it might have developed, through the refining influence of the national ideals, from an absolute theocracy to a more liberal form of government.

With the overthrow of the Incas, the land that had bloomed perennially with the fruits of husbandry became a scene of anarchy and a neglected waste; the highroads, instead of presenting a pleasant spectacle in groups of contented farm laborers, on their way to fulfil the daily tasks that were to bring them both bodily and spiritual reward, were thronged with heavy-hearted, over-worked, and poorly fed slaves.

AUTOGRAPHS OF THE FIRST OFFICIALS WHO GOVERNED LIMA WITH PIZARRO.

As soon as the obstacle of Atahuallpa’s presence was removed, Pizarro and his followers set out for Cuzco, marking their progress by the demolition of Inca temples along the route, the seizure of treasure, and all the outrages which an unrestrained soldiery of brutal instincts will commit under such circumstances. Everywhere the emblems of the Sun worship were replaced by images of the Virgin and Child, and the few efforts at resistance that were made by the terror-stricken natives were easily overcome by the soldiers of the Cross. An uprising of some importance took place near Jauja, under the command of the Inca’s favorite general, but it was quelled and the leader burned at the stake. A brother of Huascar, the Inca Manco, sought an interview with the Spaniards and put forth his claims to the throne of his fathers, asking Pizarro’s protection. As it did not in any way interfere with Pizarro’s plans, but rather promised to further them, the Conqueror caused Manco to be crowned at Cuzco, the ceremony being more like an acknowledgment of vassalage to Spain than the coronation of a royal heir of the Inca dynasty. However, the outward semblance of royalty counted for much among the Inca’s subjects, who, at that time, no doubt had very confused ideas as to Pizarro’s place in the government, and were contented as long as the crimson masca paicha adorned the brow of an Inca prince. By this politic proceeding, the governor, as Pizarro was now called, was able to begin the colonization of the country, though only after all the temples, palaces, fortresses, and tombs of the holy city had been stripped of their last treasures,—the amount secured being even greater than the ransom of Atahuallpa,—was it possible to establish the institutions of peaceful government.

Leaving Cuzco to be ruled by one of his brothers, Pizarro set out for the coast to learn the intentions of a newly arrived adventurer, Pedro de Alvarado, who had been with Cortés in Mexico, and had come to seek a fresh field for his military prowess in Peru, having heard of the Conquest and of the enormous booty secured by the discoverers. Pizarro met Alvarado at Pachacámac, where they came to a friendly understanding, and spent some time together in social entertainment, after which Alvarado departed for Guatemala, and Pizarro, who had long realized that Cuzco was too inaccessible to be a satisfactory metropolis for the new colonial empire, began to plan for the foundation of a suitable capital on the coast. He concluded that the neighboring valley of Rimac offered desirable advantages, and here the site was chosen on the 6th of January, 1535, the new capital being named the City of the Kings in honor of the festival of Twelfth Night. The popular name, however, has always been Lima, a corruption of the Indian “Rimac.” The founding of the city did not take place until two weeks after the selection of the site.

The foundation of Lima marks the closing period in the history of the Conquest, a period in which that remarkable drama of warring ambition reached a final scene in keeping with the tragic story. When the royal fifth of the enormous treasure taken from the Inca’s dominions arrived at the court of Spain, the whole country went mad with excitement over such a mountain of gold. Charles was overcome with delight and manifested his appreciation of the great service rendered by Pizarro, Almagro and Valverde, by giving to the first the title of Marquis with seventy leagues more of territory southward; to Almagro two hundred leagues, beginning at the southern boundary of Pizarro’s dominions; and to Father Valverde the bishopric of Cuzco. Father Luque had died at Panamá, after warning Almagro to be on his guard in his dealings with Pizarro, whom the honest priest distrusted from the first. Following his advice, and profiting by his own previous experience, Almagro had sent his personal representative to Spain with Hernando Pizarro, when that cavalier was commissioned to carry the royal fifth to the king. The Conqueror and his marshal, as Almagro was called, no sooner received news of the division of their possessions than they began to quarrel over the limits. Almagro claimed Cuzco in his province of New Toledo, while Pizarro insisted that the Inca capital belonged to his dominion, which was called New Castile. Pizarro went to Cuzco, met Almagro and persuaded him to allow the matter to rest until Hernando should arrive from Panamá with the documents; the two embraced and swore undying loyalty to each other, after which Almagro set out to conquer Chile, while Pizarro returned to the task which gave him more pleasure than any other, the building of the new capital of Peru. He also founded the city of Trujillo, naming it after his birthplace in Spain.

A DESCENDANT OF THE CONQUERED INCA.

Meantime the young Inca Manco had been laying plans for revolt, goaded to desperation by the insults which he and his people suffered from the Spaniards. Not only were the temples robbed, the practice of his religion being forbidden, but gross treatment was shown to the priests and all manner of outrages were committed. The women of the convents were turned into the streets to become the prey of a vicious soldiery. Twice the Inca made his escape, and the second time he succeeded in collecting a large army, but their arrows and sling-stones made little impression on the Spanish coat of mail, and only their copper-tipped lances and battle-axes of the same material served in the fight; these weapons they used so dexterously that the enemy was forced to retreat to Cuzco, which the Indians promptly surrounded and set on fire, preferring to burn their holy city to the ground to seeing it in possession of the hated conquerors. Their revolt was so determined and persistent that Pizarro became alarmed and sent reinforcements and supplies to his countrymen, who were in dire straits for several weeks, shut up in the half-demolished city, while the Indians held possession of the fortress of Sacsahuaman and all the mountain passes around. Manco himself occupied the fortress of Ollantaytambo, which the Spaniards attacked unsuccessfully, being forced to retreat to Cuzco without effecting his capture. Although the Spanish arms finally prevailed and the Inca’s forces were scattered, this proud and heroic prince continued to harass the usurpers of his kingdom for years, so that his name was held in terror by the colonists, until he was at last assassinated by a party of Spaniards to whom he had given shelter in his camp.

Almagro’s expedition to Chile having proved a failure, the adventurer returned to establish his claim to Cuzco. He was met by Pizarro’s brother, Hernando, his old enemy, and was defeated near Cuzco, imprisoned and put to death by the Conqueror’s orders. To his son he bequeathed the province of New Toledo. But Pizarro saw in the death of his old comrade an opportunity to unite the two provinces under one government, and he refused to recognize the claim of the younger Almagro, which so incensed the veteran followers of Pizarro’s latest victim that they swore a terrible vengeance on the usurping governor. Driven to desperation by the apparent hopelessness of their cause, and eager to avenge the death of their beloved leader—for Almagro had been the idol of his soldiers, whose devotion he held by unfailing kindness and generosity—“those of Chile,” as they were contemptuously called by Pizarro’s men, were ready to commit any crime that would rid them of the domination of the hated Conqueror. Under the leadership of Juan de Rada, who, on the death of the senior Almagro, constituted himself the guardian and champion of the son, affectionately known among Almagro’s men as El Mozo, the conspirators laid their plans against the life of the governor with consummate skill and daring. Pizarro was warned of their purpose, which had been revealed in the confessional; but he paid no heed to danger, and was entertaining a number of friends at breakfast when the fatal hour arrived.

Whatever may be said of Pizarro’s character, he was no coward, and when the assassins rushed into his house with the shout “Long live the King! Death to the tyrant!” they were met by the Conqueror, who, not having time to buckle on his armor, threw his capa, or cloak, over his shoulder and faced his enemies, sword in hand. After a brave resistance, he sank down with a fatal wound in the throat. Wetting his finger in his own blood, he traced a cross on the floor, and was bending to kiss the sacred symbol, when the coup de grâce put an end to his life. Thus, in the last moment, the heart of the Crusader triumphed over the instincts of the gold-seeker!

The burial of Pizarro was attended by none of the pomp and ceremony usually observed in the obsequies of a great hero; on the contrary, the interment was hasty and stealthy, performed in fear and trembling lest it should be interrupted and the corpse dragged to the market place. Not until more than half a century later were the bones of the discoverer and conqueror of Peru removed to their present resting place in the Cathedral of Lima. With the death of Francisco Pizarro the period of the Conquest ends, as the pretensions of the younger Almagro, who caused himself to be proclaimed Governor and Captain-General of Peru after the assassination of the Conqueror, were not recognized by the King of Spain, who sent Vaca de Castro to coöperate with Pizarro in establishing peace in Peru, with authorization to take the reins of government in his own hands in case of Pizarro’s death. As soon as Vaca de Castro arrived, he assumed the position of governor and captain-general, and, gathering under his command the soldiers who remained loyal to the king, he at once marched against Almagro, whom he defeated on the plains of Chupas, near Ayacucho, in September, 1542. Almagro escaped from the battlefield and fled to Cuzco, where he was taken prisoner and, by the governor’s order, was beheaded. About the same time, Bishop Valverde was assassinated by the Indians of Puná while on his way to Panamá. Thus the leading spirits in the invasion and conquest of Peru met with a violent death; Hernando Pizarro languished in a Spanish prison for twenty years, and Hernando de Soto died in the wilds of the Mississippi forests.

COAT-OF-ARMS GRANTED PIZARRO BY CHARLES V. AFTER THE CONQUEST OF CUZCO.

FAÇADE OF SAN AGUSTIN CHURCH, LIMA, SHOWING ELABORATE CARVING OF COLONIAL DAYS.

CHAPTER VI
THE REIGN OF THE VICEROYS

THE FIRST COAT-OF-ARMS BESTOWED ON LIMA BY CHARLES V.

After the Conquest, all the Spanish dominions in the New World were divided under two governments, one of which was subject to the Viceroy of Mexico and the other to the Viceroy of Peru. As representatives of His Catholic Majesty, and directly appointed by him, the viceroys were chosen from the noblest families of Spain, especially distinguished for their services to the Church and the army. These proud grandees established their court in the colonial capitals on a scale of magnificence hardly excelled by that of their royal master; and the City of the Kings grew even to rival Madrid in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as a metropolis of Spanish fashion and culture.

But the period immediately following the Conquest gave little promise of peace and prosperity for the colony of Peru. Revolution and anarchy prevailed even after the ignoble strife between the Pizarros and the Almagros was ended by the tragic death of the Conqueror and the execution of the younger Almagro. The firm authority of Governor Vaca de Castro sufficed to maintain order and tranquillity as long as he remained in the country, but with the arrival of his successor, the first viceroy, a storm of revolt broke over the colony with such tumultuous force that it threatened to overthrow permanently the authority of the Spanish king in his richest and most valued possession.

Blasco Nuñez de Vela, the first viceroy of Peru, who was appointed to succeed Vaca de Castro in 1544, is described as a brave, honorable, and devout man, but arrogant and imperious, utterly incapable of understanding and dealing with the turbulent spirit of the adventurers, in whom ambition, avarice, and jealousy were the ruling passions, fostered by the peculiar circumstances which had governed Peru ever since the capture of Atahuallpa. It was especially unfortunate that a man of the temperament and prejudices of the new viceroy should have been chosen to effect a change in existing conditions, requiring the most judicious and delicate management.

The harsh treatment to which the Indians were subjected under the Conquerors was brought to the attention of the King of Spain by a Dominican friar, Las Casas,—whose benevolent labors gained for him the title of “Protector of the Indians,”—in a remarkable document, containing such an appalling record of the wickedness practised against these helpless wards of the Crown that the king, deeply impressed, called a council to devise means of ameliorating their condition. As a result, the Viceroy Blasco Nuñez de Vela was the bearer of strict orders from Spain to abolish the system of encomiendas, by which the Indians had been made ostensibly the protégés but really the slaves of the Conquerors, not only their lands but their persons being appropriated as the legitimate spoils of victory. It is true that, under the Incas, the people had possessed no freedom, but they had been given no tasks too heavy for their strength and they had been kindly treated and well provided with food and clothing; under their new masters they were both abused and neglected. The granaries which formerly were well filled after every harvest were allowed to become empty, because tillage was abandoned for the more profitable labor in the mines; and the llamas, whose wool furnished the Indian with clothing, were slaughtered so recklessly that, within four years, more of these animals perished than in four centuries under the Incas.

According to the royal decree, the viceroy was to declare the Indians vassals of the Crown, though the present encomenderos, or owners, were to retain their privileges, except in the case of public functionaries, ecclesiastics, religious corporations, all who, by cruelty and neglect, had shown themselves unworthy of the privilege, and all who were implicated in the crimes resulting from the quarrel between Pizarro and Almagro. On the death of the present proprietors, their Indians reverted to the Crown. The viceroy, although representing the supreme authority, was accompanied by a Real Audiencia consisting of four oidores, or judges, clothed with extensive powers both civil and criminal, the viceroy being president of their council. At the same time the Real Audiencia of Charcas was appointed to have jurisdiction in Alto Peru and its dependencies. It was largely owing to the differences which arose between Blasco Nuñez de Vela and the Real Audiencia of Lima that his mission was a failure.

The order abolishing encomiendas was received with demonstrations of discontent throughout the colony. Few of the Conquerors could hope to retain their Indians under the new law, and they were furious at what they considered an effort to despoil them of the fruits of their hard-earned victory. In the streets, plazas, and churches, indignant crowds gathered to protest against the decree, news of which reached Peru some months before the viceroy’s arrival. The governor, Vaca de Castro, succeeded in calming the turbulent leaders by explaining that it would be the wisest course to petition the Crown asking for the repeal of the law, and then patiently to await the arrival of the viceroy, who might be prevailed upon to delay action until the answer to their petition should be received from Spain. Vaca de Castro was not slow to recognize that the most powerful friend of the malcontents was Gonzalo Pizarro, at that time engaged in exploiting rich silver mines in Charcas (now Bolivia), to whom they had already appealed for protection; and in a diplomatic letter, he cautioned Pizarro not to be drawn into the revolt. By his judicious policy, public order was maintained and preparations were made to welcome the viceroy with the imposing ceremony due to the highest representative of His Catholic Majesty.

LIMA RESIDENCE OF THE MARQUIS OF TORRE-TAGLE DURING THE VICEREGAL PERIOD, SHOWING “MIRADORES,” OR BALCONIES.

The innate love of pomp and etiquette, characteristic of the Latin race, was displayed in all its attractiveness on such occasions as the reception of a viceroy; and during the entire period of colonial rule the arrival of these dignitaries was marked by grand festivities. Blasco Nuñez de Vela entered Lima in magnificent state, under a canopy of crimson velvet, richly embroidered with the arms of Spain, and supported on poles of solid silver, which were carried by officials of the municipality, dressed in crimson satin robes that sparkled with jewels. The brilliant procession was met three leagues from the capital by the Bishop of Cuzco, Vaca de Castro, and the principal cavaliers of Lima, and on crossing the Rimac River was joined by the Bishop of Quito, the ecclesiastical council and remaining clergy, while at the entrance to the city the municipal corporation awaited the illustrious guest. An imposing pageant was presented as the viceroy, preceded by a cavalier in full armor bearing the mace of authority, and attended by a handsome retinue, passed under the triumphal arch at the city gates and proceeded to the Cathedral, along streets strewn with flowers, while the church bells chimed a joyous welcome and bands of music made a gay accompaniment. At the Cathedral Te Deum was sung, after which the procession moved on to the Palace, where the new viceroy took the oath of office. He inspired confidence by announcing that he would await the arrival of the Oidores and the installation of the Real Audiencia before proceeding with the question of the new ordinance.

When the Oidores entered Lima bearing the royal seal, the city was again the scene of a grand and imposing display. By order of the king, the royal seal was received with as much ceremony as attended a visit of his majesty to the cities of his kingdom. It was placed in a box covered with cloth of gold, and was borne by a magnificent charger, richly caparisoned and led by one of the city aldermen in gala dress, while four other officials in robes of crimson velvet carried above the royal insignia the canopy of state embroidered with the arms of Spain.

The Real Audiencia was duly installed, and everything went well in the beginning under the newly established authority, the council having decided to suspend the ordinance against encomiendas until word should arrive from Spain in answer to the petition for its repeal; except that immediate enforcement was made in the case of public functionaries. But, unfortunately, the viceroy and the Real Audiencia did not long agree on the policy of government, and their quarrels weakened the prestige of the colonial authority at a time when all its strength was needed to cope with the disaffected soldiers of the Conquest, who bitterly resented the way in which they were thrust aside, now that their services were no longer of prime necessity to the Crown. Gonzalo Pizarro saw that he was to have no share in the dignities and honors of the colonial government, and he took advantage of the quarrel between the viceroy and the Real Audiencia to raise a large army and march on Lima, the oidores treacherously aiding him; the viceroy escaped to Tumbes and marched to Quito, whither Pizarro followed, engaging the royal army in a fierce battle near that city, during which the sovereign’s representative was defeated and slain. The victor was then lord of Peru, and more independent of the royal authority than his illustrious brother, the Conqueror himself, had ever been; he could raise a powerful army, could control a large squadron, had at his disposal a million dollars annually, and his friends guarded the national ports of entry. He was acclaimed the liberator of Peru and made a grand triumphal march into the capital, amid the vivas of the multitude, the chime of church bells, and the strains of martial music. His companions would have crowned him king; but whether Pizarro vacillated because he knew too well the fickle character of his enthusiastic supporters, or whether the moment did not seem opportune for such a step, he never assumed the purple robes of royalty, though his authority was as absolute as that of a king.

DOORWAY OF A COLONIAL PALACE IN CUZCO. PERIOD FOLLOWING THE CONQUEST.

When the tidings reached Spain that the viceroy had been killed on the battlefield and that Gonzalo Pizarro reigned supreme in the colony, it caused the greatest consternation. A policy of conciliation was at once adopted, the law abolishing encomiendas was revoked, and a priest, Pedro Gasca, was appointed, not as viceroy, but as president of the Audiencia, with full power to represent the interests of the Crown in this difficult situation. Though an ecclesiastic, he was a brave soldier, added to which, he possessed a wonderful knowledge of human nature. By his tact he won many of Pizarro’s followers as soon as he landed at Tumbes, where he appeared clothed in the simple garb of a priest, with a breviary in his hand and the king’s pardon for all who would help him to establish peace in the country. His ranks were rapidly filled with deserters from Pizarro’s army as he marched across the mountains to meet the enemy, whom he encountered at Sacsahuaman, near Cuzco, and defeated. Pizarro was taken prisoner and executed. Gasca and his army then marched on to Lima, where the victor was received with even greater welcome and rejoicing than had greeted the victorious Pizarro. But it was not until some years later that the civil wars of the Conquerors finally came to an end. When Gasca returned to Spain, the second viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, who had previously held the same high office in Mexico, was appointed to take charge of affairs in Peru. He died the following year and the government passed into the hands of the Real Audiencia, until, in 1555, the third viceroy was named, Don Andres Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis de Cañete, under whose judicious and energetic rule the country was pacified and the authority of the Crown of Spain securely established. During the administration of this able statesman the son of the Inca Manco, whose following was great in the sierra and around Cuzco, made a formal abdication in favor of the King of Spain, receiving in return an annuity of twenty thousand ducats and other grants. It is related that when the Inca went to Lima to take the oath of allegiance he was carried from Cuzco to the capital in a litter, borne on the shoulders of his faithful subjects, and that he received the homage of his people wherever he stopped along the route; but the poverty of his own state and the empty-handed greeting of his unhappy compatriots made his progress a via dolorosa of poignant significance. He survived the ordeal only three years, which he passed in melancholy seclusion. The successor of the Marquis de Cañete, the Count de Nieva, occupied the viceregal office for only a short time; he was assassinated by order of a jealous husband. His post was taken by an ecclesiastic, Lope Garcia de Castro, who, as President of the Real Audiencia, continued the work of organizing the various political institutions of the colony. Peru was divided into provinces governed by corregidores; the towns peopled by Spaniards had cabildos, or municipal councils, with alcaldes, or mayors, and aldermen; the Indians were governed through their caciques, whose authority was, and still is, recognized by the central government.

One of the most illustrious of the viceroys, Don Francisco de Toledo, son of the Count of Oropesa, ruled Peru from 1567 to 1580, and his rigorous though well-ordered government marked a new epoch in the history of the colony. He began his administration by making a grand tour of all the provinces, during which he informed himself as to the needs of the people and the laws required for their well-being. Accompanied by the priests Ondegardo and Acosta, both of whom became celebrated afterward as historians of the Conquest, and having in his suite an oidor and several eminent personages of his court, the great viceroy made an imposing progress, being received everywhere with a welcome fit for a king. Though autocratic in his methods, he was eminently successful in reforming the political organization of the country; the corregidores, alcaldes, municipal police, in fact, every employee of the government, received positive instructions as to the duties of his office. He abolished encomiendas and obliged the Indians to live in communities, in each of which a church was built and priests were appointed to give the inhabitants religious instruction. Hundreds of these communities or reducciones were founded by the viceroy’s order, and built up with adobe houses, straight, though narrow, streets, cabildos, jails, hospitals, and a tract of land to be held as community property and worked on shares. The viceroy also established a regular system for the labor by mita, or rotation, required of the Indians, as well as for the tribute they were obliged to pay from the age of eighteen to fifty; more than twelve thousand mitayos, as the rotation laborers were called, were consigned to the silver mines of Potosi, then at the height of their production, and three thousand to the mines of quicksilver in Huancavelica, recently discovered. The Crown granted ownership of the mines to any Spaniards who would guarantee to work them and to deliver to the king one-fifth of all the ores extracted, and the mita was established in order to supply the necessary labor to work the mines; but so cruel was the oppression of the unhappy mitayos that, it is said, only a tenth of them ever returned to their homes, the rest dying a miserable death under the heavy tasks inflicted on them by greedy and inhuman masters. The viceroys were charged, on the one hand, to protect the Indians, and on the other to increase by all means the royal fifth from the mines; their office was no sinecure.

CHURCH OF THE COMPAÑIA, AREQUIPA, SHOWING EXQUISITE HAND CARVING.

Not only did the Viceroy Toledo make laws to improve the Indian’s condition as far as was consistent with his duty to increase the “King’s fifth” to the utmost extent, but he also introduced reforms for the benefit of the Spanish colonists, establishing new schools, hospitals and other institutions. Social life began to show more distinctive features in the colonial capital than had been possible during the turbulent period immediately following the Conquest; the viceroy and ecclesiastics entertained with sumptuous festivals, and luxurious tastes and habits appeared among the nobility.

But the zeal of the viceroy went farther than the royal mandate intended, and over-reached itself in the execution of an Inca chief, who had assumed the masca paicha on the death of Inca Manco’s son, and who, according to the viceroy, constantly stimulated among the Indians a spirit of revolt, which might break out in open insurrection at any moment. The Inca had refused to consider any offer as the price of his claim to royalty, and the viceroy ordered him to be seized and put to death, in spite of the intercession of the bishop, the municipal council and other notable authorities of Cuzco. When Toledo returned to Spain, expecting the thanks of his sovereign for the services he had rendered the Crown in twelve years of arduous labor under the most adverse conditions, Philip II. greeted the aged cavalier coldly and requested him to withdraw from court, saying, “I did not send you to Peru to kill Kings, but to serve Kings.” Yet the Viceroy Toledo has been called the Solon of Peru, for the wisdom displayed in his government. During his administration, the colony made wonderful progress in wealth and culture, and the “royal fifth” was greater than it had ever been before. The Spanish monarchs apparently did not esteem very highly the sacrifices made by their discoverers, conquerors and pioneers of authority, who contributed to the sovereign possessions so handsomely, by the annexation of a continent, the gift of a houseful of gold, and the collection of “royal fifths” large enough to pay for building the Invincible Armada!

During the last year of the Viceroy Toledo’s rule, the port of Callao was sacked by the English corsair, Sir Francis Drake; and in order to avoid a repetition of such a catastrophe, the viceroy fitted out ships and sent his pilot Sarmiento to explore the Pacific Coast as far as the Strait of Magellan; Sarmiento recommended the fortification of the Strait and the establishment of a colony, for which preparations were being made at the time of Toledo’s return to Spain. Upon his departure, Don Martin Enriquez, a former viceroy of Mexico, was appointed to the vacant post, but he died after two years, the affairs of the colony being left in charge of the Real Audiencia of Lima for two years, when the Count del Villar Don Pardo was named viceroy.

The expedition which was sent out by Spain to form a colony on the shore of the Strait of Magellan, encountered a fierce tempest and only eighteen of the colonists survived. Their leader abandoned them to join the first pirate ships that appeared, which were those of Cavendish, following in the track of Drake, though with less success, as the Pacific ports were better protected than they had been eight years before. But if the pirates took little treasure, their departure was soon followed by the appearance of an epidemic of smallpox, which wrought terrible havoc in the colony. Whole families and even towns were destroyed by the plague, the fields remained uncultivated, the cattle neglected, even the mines were abandoned, the horrors of famine being added to those of the plague. This was in the year that witnessed the defeat of the “Invincible Armada,” a catastrophe that brought in its train many others for the proud monarch of Spain, whose power was no longer in the ascendant among the arbiters of European destiny, as it had been when he was crowned king. But, although Peru suffered much from the plague, the natural riches of the country were so abundant that the worst effects soon disappeared and prosperity reigned, more flourishing than ever. The viceroy did all in his power to promote the best interests of the colony, though his humane laws made him many enemies. He prohibited the forcing of mitayos to do excessive labor and to live in unhealthy localities, and forbade the treating of yanaconas (Indians who carried burdens) as slaves. During his administration the king accorded to graduates of the University of San Marcos in Lima honors and privileges equal to those of Salamanca, the great centre of learning in Spain.

The second Marquis de Cañete was appointed viceroy to succeed the Count del Villar in 1589. He came accompanied by his wife and a large suite of Spanish nobility. Their arrival marked a new era in the social life of the capital, which became brilliant with gay functions and the fashionable amusements of a court. The noble Marquis and his retinue were not only received with great ceremony under the crimson canopy of state, but the festivities attending their arrival were of the most elaborate description throughout the whole colony. The viceroy established a strict court etiquette, according to the historian Lorente, giving special instructions “that the women of the court should maintain the greatest reserve, not receiving attentions or seeking husbands, and should pay to the vicereine all the respect which court etiquette demanded.” In harmony with the viceregal grandeur, a royal chapel was erected in the palace and the religious ceremonies of the court were observed with imposing formality. The number of oidores was increased and the Real Audiencia assumed a greater importance, as the growing prosperity of the colony added to its responsibilities and influence.

On many occasions the viceroy reproved the arrogance of the clergy, his high office giving him the authority of vice-patron of the Church; and he never forgot that his first duty was to his sovereign, whose coat-of-arms he caused to be placed above the Archbishop’s on the façade of the seminary, in opposition to clerical opinion, while he did not hesitate to reprimand even the saintly Toribio for carrying complaints to Rome. But it was as his sovereign’s Superintendent of the Exchequer that the Marquis de Cañete made his government memorable. By every possible means the declining revenues of the mother country were reinforced from the resources of her colonial treasury, and the genius of the viceroy was displayed in the success with which he devised plans for collecting new taxes. Excise duties, the sale of deeds to illegal landholders and of privileges to office-seekers, extraordinary service from the Indians, the extension of tribute claims to include negroes and mulattoes, the income from legitimatizing mestizos, who paid large sums to enjoy the privileges of inheritance, the confiscation of the property of ecclesiastics who died intestate,—these were only a few of the sources from which the king’s coffers were filled. The proceeds of the mines of Huancavelica, which continued to increase in wealth at this time, yielded an important share of the accumulated wealth, and Castrovireina, named in honor of the vicereine, whose maiden name was Castro, became an important mining centre and a valuable source of revenue to Spain. The numerous exactions of the viceroy met with little opposition in an age when the most liberal governments did not hesitate to tax the subjects of the Crown to any extent required by the demands of the royal exchequer. The placing of restrictions on colonial commerce, from which foreigners, heretics and Spaniards without a license were altogether prohibited by the Spanish Crown, was not unusual in those days, and it was only at the beginning of the nineteenth century that any American colony under European sovereignty was permitted to open its ports to the commerce of the world. During the viceroyalty, Seville was the centre of the commercial monopoly, a royal board of trade regulating the sailings of ships, their condition, length of voyage and other matters relating to transportation.

THE KEY OF THE CITY OF LIMA.

The death of Philip II. of Spain, which occurred in 1598, left the fortunes of the rapidly declining monarchy in the hands of a weak and indolent prince, his son, Philip III., during whose reign the colonies obtained little protection from the Crown, but were continually called upon to contribute funds to its depleted treasury. The Marquis de Cañete was succeeded in the viceroyalty of Peru by Don Luis de Velasco, Marquis de las Salinas, during whose administration the colony enjoyed great prosperity and wealth through the increased production of the mines; a new theatre was built in Lima, the streets and plazas were improved and beautified and many handsome churches and other buildings were erected. The Count de Monterey, appointed viceroy on the retirement of Velasco, lived only a year after his arrival in Peru, and was succeeded by the Marquis de Montes Claros. Like many of his predecessors, this viceroy had previously held the same office in Mexico. He was one of the best financiers the Court of Spain had ever sent to the Indies, and so zealous were his labors in behalf of the royal exchequer that he was nicknamed the king’s steward. He went himself to visit the mines of Huancavelica, the product of which amounted to eight thousand two hundred quintals annually, and he sent mitayos to the gold mines of Carabaya and Zaruma and to the silver mines of Castrovireina, Vilcabamba, and Potosí. His successor, the Prince of Esquilache, who arrived in Lima with a numerous suite in 1615, devoted particular attention to the defense of the maritime ports, especially Callao, which he fortified with three cannons and a garrison of five hundred men. He also organized a navy. But he was a poet and a connoisseur rather than a statesman and his financial ability was not equal to the demands put upon it. Although the annual budget of the colony showed its receipts to be nearly three million ducats, hardly enough remained to meet current expenses after the “royal fifth,” amounting to a million ducats, had been sent to Spain and the cost of various improvements effected by the viceroy had been paid. His court was, however, distinguished for its brilliancy and culture, and he entertained many noted scientists and litterateurs. During his rule, several copies of celebrated paintings, and even some masterpieces, were purchased to adorn the churches of Peru.

DOORWAY OF A CHURCH IN AREQUIPA, BUILT DURING THE COLONIAL PERIOD.

The constant drain put on the resources of Peru by the Spanish kings during the entire period of the viceroyalty could have been supported only by a country of inexhaustible wealth and a people of long-suffering loyalty. Each successive viceroy came to his office with instructions to increase the king’s revenues, while the protection and aid from the mother country diminished as its demands grew more urgent and arrogant. Philip III. died in 1621 and Philip IV. ascended the throne, naming as viceroy of Peru the Marquis de Guadalcazar, a descendant of El Gran Capitan. During his administration and that of his successor, the Count de Chinchon, the demands of the court were so excessive that one wonders the colonists did not rebel against the extortions. The taxes were doubled, the sale of offices and privileges was increased, donations were solicited, duties were placed on vicuña wool, salaries were reduced, expenditures curtailed, and all manners of means resorted to in order to raise the sum required by the King of Spain for his fruitless enterprises and his extravagant pastimes; for although new mines were discovered in Cerro de Pasco and Cailloma, Potosí and Huancavelica began to show symptoms of decline, owing to the primitive and wasteful mining system employed.

The name of the Count de Chinchon is associated with the important discovery of quinine. His countess, who suffered from malarial fever, was cured by using a remedy that one of the corregidores had received from the Indians, a preparation made from the bark of a tree, and now popularly known as Chinchona bark. It is said the Indians had known its merits from time immemorial. The Count de Chinchon returned to Spain in 1640, and the Marquis de Mancera, of the illustrious family of Toledo, occupied the throne of the viceroys in Lima for the nine years following, during which he gave to Peru the best squadron in the Pacific and protected Buenos Aires, Paraguay, and southern Chile from invasion by building strong fortifications and providing weapons of defence. His successor was the Count de Salvatierra, formerly viceroy of Mexico, during whose administration the capital was beautified by many improvements. The handsome bronze fountain which still adorns the plaza in front of the government palace was erected by his order. He died in Lima soon after the arrival of the viceroy named to succeed him, the Count de Alva. The funeral of the Count de Salvatierra was an occasion of magnificent ceremony, the widowed countess observing with great pomp and formality the strictest court etiquette of mourning.

The Count de Alva and his successor, the Count de Santisteban, gave especial attention to the reform of laws affecting the Indians employed in the mines. The discovery of new mines at Laicacota, in the province of Puno, which produced one hundred thousand dollars in one night, revived abuses that had been quelled in other districts, and resulted in terrible fighting and bloodshed. In the midst of these conditions news was received that Philip IV. was dead and that his son Charles II. had ascended the throne. A few months later the Count de Santisteban died and the pious Count de Lemos, who is said to have lacked only the frock to make him a perfect Jesuit, was appointed viceroy of Peru. He came, accompanied by his wife and two children, with a retinue worthy of one of the royal families of Europe, both the count and countess being descendants of Pope Alexander VI. When the viceroy made his official entry, the keys of the city were presented to him on a gold salver, and he received a gold-headed staff encrusted with diamonds, that cost five thousand dollars. The triumphal arch through which he passed was made entirely of silver plate, and the space beneath it was paved with five hundred and fifty bars of silver, worth more than a million dollars. During an absence of six months, which the count spent in Alto Peru, the countess ruled as vicereine, her sagacity and energy being called into requisition on more than one occasion during that time. The greatest labor of the viceroy was devoted to the interests of the Church, and the religious festivals held during his administration were of surpassing pomp and splendor. Not even the gorgeous display that attended a royal progress under the Inca dynasty rivalled in magnificence the processions of the Virgin in Lima, held by order of the Count de Lemos. His successor, the Count de Castellar, viceroy of Peru from 1674 to 1678, possessed little of the temperament of a religieux, though he was an experienced statesman and an able financier; during the four years of his government he secured for the treasury of Lima twelve million dollars, and sent seven million dollars to Spain.

As the wealth and importance of the viceroyalty increased, the Court of Spain sent representatives to the colonial capital whose rank and previous services to the Crown entitled them to the most exalted position in the realm, next to that of the sovereign himself; the salary of a viceroy was seventy thousand dollars, his official income being double that amount from various other sources. The Duke de la Palata and Prince of Masa, who succeeded the Count de Castellar, had held high offices of state for thirty years prior to his appointment as Viceroy of Peru. He belonged to the royal house of Navarre and had been a member of the council of regency during the minority of Charles II. of Spain. With such prestige and renown, it was to be expected that his reception in the colonial capital would be of the most magnificent description. The chronicles of the period state that the noble duke was welcomed with such pomp and splendor as his royal master might have envied, the street along which he was conducted to the palace being paved with ingots of silver, while the triumphal arch through which he made his entry to the city was supported on silver pillars. The robes of the high functionaries who received the viceroy and his suite sparkled with costly jewels, and in the Cathedral and the palace enough gold and silver were displayed to pave another calle. And all this wealth existed in spite of the millions sent annually to Spain, and the misfortunes the colony had suffered from time to time in consequence of interruptions in the working of the mines, epidemics, earthquakes, and attacks from filibustering expeditions, that increased as the precious galleons of Spain were more and more heavily laden with gold and silver to attract their cupidity.

The Duke de la Palata spent the first years of his viceroyalty in resisting the powerful attacks of a party of a thousand filibusters who arrived on the Pacific Coast with a fleet of ships under the command of a Flemish captain named Davis. The viceroy sent a squadron of six ships, provided with one hundred and sixteen cannons and abundant ammunition, to disperse them, and when their scattered forces formed in groups and sacked the ports of Guayaquil, Paita, Pisco, Arica, and others, the duke sent out additional ships, a squadron of volunteers formed of merchants and capitalists gave their aid to the royal authorities, and the enemy was completely vanquished and driven from the coast. In order to be secure against disasters from future attacks, a wall was built around the cities of Lima and Trujillo, by order of the viceroy. The wall of Lima covered about six miles in extent, and had five bastions, and six gates, the work having been completed in three years. In the year 1687 a disastrous earthquake visited Lima, causing the destruction of many edifices and the loss of some lives. The Cathedral was destroyed, and the damage to property was tremendous. But the city recuperated with astonishing rapidity and was soon as gay as ever.

ENTRANCE TO A COLONIAL INN, CUZCO.

The question of rebuilding the Cathedral led to a clash of opinion between the viceroy and the Archbishop of Lima, the latter refusing to employ any of his enormous revenues in the work. The viceroy had a powerful enemy in the archbishop, who had held the office of viceroy during the three years that elapsed between the departure of the Duke de Castellar and his own arrival, and the quarrels of these two great dignitaries furnished abundant material for scandal and gossip in the gay capital. Lorente, who has given a graphic and charming description of social life under the viceroys, relates several amusing incidents. On one occasion, during a great national fiesta, when the duke was witnessing the bull fight from the viceregal box, under the crimson canopy of state, it was called to his attention that the Archbishop of Lima sat under a crimson canopy also; the duke at once sent him word that that honor was exclusively reserved for the viceroy of His Catholic Majesty, and the archbishop was obliged to retire from the scene. The state coach, drawn by six horses, which presented an imposing spectacle of luxury in those days, was another object of envy to the eminent ecclesiastic, who realized that as vice-patron of the church his rival exerted an authority which otherwise could not have been claimed by the viceroy. But the archbishop possessed great power and used it effectively in thwarting the viceroy’s plans for various reforms, though the administration was marked by consistent and resolute efforts to improve the condition of the colony. The Real Audiencia was enabled to exercise its authority with greater freedom, and the entire country was brought under a more systematic order of government.

The death of Charles II. of Spain, which took place in 1700, was the occasion of impressive mourning ceremonies throughout the vast empire over which the House of Austria had maintained its sway for nearly two centuries. The Duke de la Palata had died ten years before at Panamá, where he was attacked with yellow fever while on his way to Spain, and his successor, the Count de la Monclova, a nephew of the Cardinal Portocarrero, had already won the clergy of the colony to his support and coöperation by his protection and liberal donations. He was greatly beloved and esteemed, and remained in Peru as viceroy after the fall of the Austrian dynasty and the accession of the House of Bourbon in the person of Philip V., grandson of Louis XIV. of France; his government was marked by tolerance and the encouragement of social and commercial development throughout the colony.

ONE OF THE COLONIAL PALACES OF AREQUIPA, BUILT TWO CENTURIES AGO.

Five viceroys, two of whom were ecclesiastics, governed Peru during the reign of Philip V.; they made a determined fight against the evils of contraband trade, which had grown to enormous proportions, but their efforts met with little success. The Marquis de Torre-Tagle and Don Angel Calderon, two wealthy Limeños, fitted out warships at their own cost to fight the Dutch contrabandists, and took rich prizes; but although the viceroys punished with great severity all who were captured, the traffic seemed to increase rather than diminish. In the meantime, the mines continued to yield great treasure, four million dollars being coined annually. During the government of the Marquis de Villagarcia, who was viceroy from 1736 to 1745, the royal fifth was reduced to a tenth, and colonial commerce was stimulated by the service of registered vessels that sailed via Cape Horn. Many comforts and luxuries, which had previously been too expensive for any but the wealthiest colonists to afford, now appeared in the markets of Lima; the houses began to be better furnished, and the calèche,—a two-wheeled vehicle, drawn by one horse, on which the coachman rode,—gave place to the coach and pair. The viceroyalty of Santa Fé was separated from that of Peru in 1740.

Peru was enjoying the blessings of peace and progress under the rule of the Viceroy Velasco, Count de Superunda, when a terrible calamity befell the gay capital: its seaport, Callao, being completely destroyed, and Lima reduced to the most deplorable condition by an earthquake which occurred on the 28th of October, 1746. The palace, the university, the cathedral, the mint, and the municipal buildings, sixteen colleges, thirty-six convents, and seventy churches, as well as hospitals, and more than twelve thousand homes were destroyed in Lima; while Callao was totally submerged with its five thousand inhabitants. The historian of this dreadful catastrophe relates that the earth rocked and tossed like a ship in a storm. The clergy took advantage of the opportunity to preach against the worldliness and luxury of the pleasure-loving people of Lima; and for weeks society did penance for its sins by fastings and mortifications. Through the active energy of the viceroy, the capital was rapidly rebuilt, less than twelve years being required in the reconstruction of the Cathedral, which it had taken nearly a century to build originally. Callao was also rebuilt and the town of Bellavista, which lies between the capital and the port, was founded. The viceroy had the satisfaction of seeing Lima once more a gay and prosperous city, the centre of luxury and fashion, the metropolis toward which gravitated all the wealth of a colony whose resources were no longer confined to the product of its mines, but began to be derived from agriculture and other industries.

A COLONIAL AQUEDUCT.

While the enthusiastic patriots of North America were planning a revolution that was to bring independence to the colonies of New England, and to encourage throughout all America that spirit of freedom which has since grown to dominate the western world, the viceroyalty of Peru was in the height of its power, under the government of Don Manuel Amat, who ruled from 1761 to 1775. A military commander of iron will and severe discipline, he reorganized the army, which consisted of one hundred thousand men, the navy and the police service of the colony, and was himself chief of a brilliant regiment composed of the highest nobles of his court. By his order, the Plaza de Acho was laid out and reserved for public amusements, such as bull fights, ball games, etc.; the beautiful Paseo de Aguas was also built during his administration and became the favorite promenade of fashionable society. It is said that the Paseo was constructed to please the Pompadour of his merry court, who was known in the scandals of the viceroyalty—and there were many—as La Perricholi.

It has been said that the first blow in the battle for the independence of the South American colonies was struck by the hand of the monarchy itself, when the order was given to expel the Jesuits from the Spanish possessions, in 1767. It was shortly after this event that the old-time enmity between Vascongado and Vicuña began to reappear in their descendants, the Spanish authorities and the Creole students of the University of San Francisco Javier,—years before the first patriots announced their campaign. According to some authorities, the revolution was fostered by the Jesuits, who resented as an injustice the edict issued against them, and helped to sow the first seeds of republicanism in the minds of the South American subjects of Spain. In Lima, the centre of colonial power, there was little more than a rumor of the discontent that had developed out of the quarrels between criollos (Spanish-Americans) and chapetones (Spaniards) in Potosí and Sucre; at the time of the Jesuits’ banishment, Lima was apparently happy in the enjoyment of peace and plenty. The capital was constantly becoming richer and more attractive with its brilliant court functions, its gay carnivals, its fashionable promenades, its theatre, balls and splendid religious festivities. In 1778, during the administration of the Viceroy Guirior, Amat’s successor, the viceroyalty of Buenos Aires was formed, embracing the former Audiencia of Charcas.

A final attempt was made in 1780, by the descendants of the Incas, to regain their lost empire. It was carefully planned, boldly initiated, and bravely carried forward, assuming formidable proportions under the leadership of an Indian cacique, who called himself Tupac Amaru, and claimed descent from the Inca Manco. Goaded to desperation on account of the iniquities committed against his people by the minor authorities, who could never be brought to justice, he determined to take the law in his own hands, and one night seized a ruthless offender, the corregidor of his community in the province of Cuzco, whom he overpowered and dragged to his house. After forcing the magistrate to issue orders that Indians and Spaniards should obey the orders of the Inca, he hanged the unfortunate official in the plaza and robbed his house, securing thirty thousand dollars, which he used to promote his campaign. He collected an army of sixty thousand followers, intending to march on Cuzco, seize the city and reëstablish the Inca empire; but his followers were undisciplined, his troops badly organized, and in the first encounter with the regiments of the colonial army he lost twenty thousand men. The Bishop of Cuzco threatened with excommunication all who remained in the rebel ranks, and many leading supporters withdrew, leaving Tupac Amaru to meet seventeen thousand drilled soldiers in a battle in which his ranks were thrown into utter confusion, and he was defeated and captured by the enemy. He was put to the torture of being fastened by his arms and legs to the saddle girths of four horses, which were then driven in opposite directions, tearing him limb from limb. Those of his followers who escaped continued to make sporadic attempts at revolt and were the first to join the ranks of the patriots when the war of Independence was launched. But none of the partisans of this brave Indian possessed his qualities of leadership and their fate is unknown.

The prosperity of Peru continued under the rule of the viceroys Teodoro de Croix and Francisco Gil de Lemos, though the influence of the French revolution was beginning to make itself felt in Venezuela, Alto Peru, and other districts remote from the capital. During De Croix’s administration, the viceroyalty was divided into seven intendencias: Trujillo, Lima, Huancavelica, Tarma, Huamanga, Cuzco, and Arequipa; and an Audiencia was established in Cuzco. The Count de Osorno became viceroy in 1796, and was succeeded four years later by the Marquis de Aviles, who devoted particular attention to the military and religious institutions of the country; during his time, Baron von Humboldt, the noted scientist, arrived in Lima, and was accorded a most hospitable welcome.

The immediate proximity of monarchical authority prevented the development of conspiracies in the capital in favor of independence; but in Cuzco, Moquegua, Tacna, Huánuco, and other provinces, patriotism, stimulated by the example of the French and the North American revolutionists, began to give demonstrations of its strength and purpose. With the retirement of the Marquis de Aviles in 1806, and the arrival of his successor, Don Fernando Abascal, the supremacy of the viceroyalty in Peru may be said to have begun to decline, the government of the succeeding representatives of the Crown of Spain being occupied rather in an effort to maintain their authority against the increasing and, finally, overwhelming force of the patriotic movement, than in public administration. The viceroy Abascal realized the importance of making concessions to the now thoroughly aroused spirit of liberty, and his government was marked by benevolence and conciliation. He founded colleges, repaired the city walls, built a pantheon, prohibited any further burials in the church vaults, and was zealous in the promotion of public enterprises. But the most liberal and devoted efforts could not stay the hand of destiny. The brilliant court of the viceroys was doomed to extinction, and the grandeur of colonial aristocracy was to give place to the simplicity of republican ideals.

PATIO OF A COLONIAL HOUSE, LIMA.

THE CHOIR AND ALTAR OF THE CATHEDRAL OF LIMA—THE ALTAR OF SOLID SILVER.

CHAPTER VII
THE CHURCH IN COLONIAL DAYS

ARMS OF THE CATHEDRAL OF LIMA.

When the devout and fearless protector of the Indians presented his memorable appeal to the Crown of Spain in behalf of the conquered races of the New World, he gave expression to the lofty purpose which animated the true missionaries of the Cross in their labors among the Indians of Spanish-America. With the courage born of pious zeal, he dared to say to the most powerful monarch in Europe words which must have jarred on the delicate sensibilities of a sovereign accustomed only to flattery; but which, nevertheless, could not be ignored. It is said that Charles V. was “stricken in conscience” as the venerable apostle of righteousness, who had devoted more than a quarter of a century to missionary labor in America, thus proceeded in his arraignment: “The highest Pontiff conceded the conquest of the Indies to the Catholic sovereigns under the solemn promise that with their accustomed zeal they would promote the conversion of those idolatrous people for the greatest glory of the faith and for the salvation of immortal souls. Such an important commission, confided to the Crown itself, cannot be delegated to private individuals. For this reason Queen Isabella was indignant when Columbus gave his followers a number of the natives to serve them, and she obliged those who had brought Indians to Spain to send them back to their own land. The Sovereign Pontiff granted permission to conquer the Indies for the benefit of the inhabitants, and in no case to increase the power and wealth of the monarchs of Castile. Moreover, by the enslaving of the Indians, all that has been gained is the ruin of a population that covered more than two thousand five hundred leagues of land. The object of the administration is not to preserve the territory, the walls, and the houses, but the people. With such an end in view, Queen Isabella declared in her will that all harm to the natives should be avoided, and all damages should be repaired; but the death of that august princess was the signal for the destruction of the Indies!” The spirit of consecration to a sacred task breathes in every syllable of the lengthy document, which concludes with the significant sentence: “The law of God prohibits the doing of evil that good may come of it.” It is said that the worthy priest exaggerated the amount of evil, which he depicted in frightful hues; yet the very excess of his vehemence is to be admired in a cause so just and noble.

Not all the missionaries who accompanied the conquerors joined Father Las Casas in denouncing the encomiendas; on the contrary, some of the worst abuses of the system were charged against the Christian teachers themselves. But, as a rule, the priests stood between the unfortunate Indians and their rapacious masters, and protected the victims of impatient greed. After the abolition of encomiendas, when the natives were settled in communities, the religious orders, to whose care their spiritual welfare was chiefly intrusted,—the Franciscans, Dominicans, Augustinians, and Jesuits,—had frequent controversies with the secular authorities, the former claiming the right to protect the Indians against oppression, while the latter declared that this right was abused in favor of the orders themselves, and that they were growing rich and powerful through the labor and contributions of their protégés. In a land where gold and silver flowed out of the mountains in a constant stream, apparently inexhaustible, it is not surprising that the Church, which was the controlling power in the state, should profit by such blessings; though the wealth of the religious communities was gained through the products of agriculture rather than those of the mines. It was chiefly under the direction of the Christian fathers that the fields were cultivated and orchards planted while the conquerors were occupying themselves solely with the extraction of ores.

The power of the clergy has always been stronger in Spain than in any other Catholic land, and the national religion has been its most cherished institution ever since the Visigoths followed up their conquest of the country, after the fall of the Roman Empire, by embracing Christianity early in the sixth century. Their ecclesiastical synods were not only Councils of the Church but parliaments of the realm, and so great was the power of the clergy at that early date, we are told, that even the kings prostrated themselves before the bishops. Then followed the struggle against the Moors, which was first a fight for independence and later a campaign for conquest, but always a religious war. It is not strange that the final victory, won after a crusade that lasted eight hundred years, should have been signalized by a union of Church and State in the closest bonds, and that the pride of the people should be concentrated in the religion they had so tenaciously upheld and defended, and in the military prowess they had so gloriously vindicated.