THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS.

"A practical mathematician, who has quickness to seize a hint, and sagacity to apply it, might avail himself greatly of these scantlings. It is extremely probable, that Savery took from the Marquis the hint of the Steam Engine, for raising water with a power made by fire, which invention alone would entitle the author to immortality."—Granger's Biog. Hist. vol. v. p. 278.

"Here it may not be amiss to recommend to the attention of every mechanic the little work entitled a 'Century of Inventions,' by the Marquis of Worcester, which, on account of the seeming improbability of discovering many things mentioned therein, has been too much neglected; but when it is considered that some of the contrivances apparently not the least abstruse, have, by close application been found to answer all that the Marquis says of them, and that the first hint of that most powerful machine, the Steam Engine, is given in that work, it is unnecessary to enlarge on the utility of it."—Trans. of the Society of Arts, vol. iii. p. 6.

L O N D O N:
PRINTED BY C. ROWORTH, BELL YARD,
TEMPLE BAR.

THE
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS
OF THE
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
FROM THE ORIGINAL MS.
WITH
HISTORICAL AND EXPLANATORY NOTES AND
A BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR.

BY
CHARLES F. PARTINGTON,

AUTHOR OF A DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNT OF THE STEAM ENGINE,
AND LECTURER AT THE
LONDON, RUSSEL, SURREY, AND METROPOLITAN INSTITUTIONS,
MECHANICS' INSTITUTE, &c. &c.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE-STREET.
MDCCCXXV.

TO
DOCTOR GEORGE BIRKBECK,
PRESIDENT OF THE LONDON MECHANICS' INSTITUTION
AND OF THE CHEMICAL AND METEOROLOGICAL
SOCIETIES, FOUNDER AND PATRON OF THE
GLASGOW MECHANICS' INSTITUTE,
&c. &c. &c.

Dear Sir,

As a connecting link in the History of the Steam Engine, I know that your attention has been directed to the Marquis of Worcester's Century of Inventions, and that its merits were duly appreciated by you at a very early period of Life.—That these Illustrations of one of the most valuable scientific productions of the seventeenth century, may deserve your favourable notice, and prove an acceptable present to the extensive class of Readers which your patriotic exertions are now so rapidly adding to the Scientific World, is the sincere wish of,

Dear Sir,
Your faithful and obliged
humble Servant,
Charles F. Partington.

London Institution,
Feb. 6th, 1825.

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF
E D W A R D
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

BIOGRAPHICAL MEMOIR
OF
E D W A R D
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.

There are few persons who have suffered more from party zeal, or gained less from historic candour, than the noble subject of the following brief memoir. Indeed no regular biographer has yet appeared to do justice to his zealous exertions in the cause of his unfortunate but misguided master, or his still more patriotic efforts for the advancement of scientific knowledge. All, however, who have in any shape alluded, either to the political principles, religious tenets, or scientific acquirements of the Marquis of Worcester, appear to have been guided rather by a spirit of fanatic intolerance, or a wish to clear King Charles from the heavy responsibility which attached to instructions given under his own hand and seal, when the Marquis was employed in Ireland. These then appear to have been the concurring causes, that have so long withheld from the noble Author the veneration his memory so justly merits; and we now proceed to follow him through his short but active career in public life.

Edward, sixth earl and second Marquis of Worcester, was born at Ragland near Monmouth; and his family, who had long been distinguished for the most devoted loyalty, possessed the largest landed estate of any nobleman attached to the British court. His grandfather Edward, fourth Earl of Worcester, enjoyed in a most distinguished degree the favour of Queen Elizabeth, and her successor King James. In 1593, he was instituted Knight of the Garter, and received a pension of fifteen hundred pounds per annum for life. Sandford describes him as "a great favourer of learning and good literature:" he died in the 79th year of his age, at Worcester House, in the Strand; and was buried in Ragland church.

Henry, the fifth earl, and father of the Marquis, succeeded to the title and estates in 1628: the family revenue derived from those in Monmouthshire alone, at this period amounting to upwards of twenty-thousand pounds per annum. In 1642, the year in which he was created Marquis of Worcester, he raised and supported an army of 1500 foot, and near 500 horse-soldiers, which were placed under the command of his son Lord Herbert, the subject of this Memoir.

During the civil commotions, Charles made several visits to Ragland castle, where he was entertained with the greatest magnificence,[1] and on those occasions particularly distinguished the young Lord Herbert. On an open rupture taking place between the King and Parliament, his Majesty invested Lord Herbert with the command of a large body of troops then raising in his native country, and an opportunity was soon offered for calling his military talents into action. Prince Rupert, shortly after the battle of Marston Moor, directed his attention towards the Marches of Wales, which awakening the jealousy of the Parliamentary General Massey, he by a feigned counter-movement surprised the city of Monmouth, which had always been considered as the key of South Wales, and thus threw the inhabitants of Ragland into the greatest confusion and alarm.

On the first intelligence of the fall of Monmouth reaching the Marquis, he despatched Lord Herbert with a considerable body of forces, who joining a troop of cavaliers from Godridge, lodged themselves undiscovered behind a rising ground near that city. A party of about forty men, who volunteered for the occasion, were headed by Lord Herbert, and proceeded to reconnoitre the town. Having climbed an earthen redoubt which had been thrown up by the Parliamentary forces, they passed the ditch and fell upon the guard, who were immediately put to the sword, and a few seconds more sufficed for breaking the port-chain and forcing an entry for the horse, who, having by this time joined their brave comrades, entered the town at full gallop; surrounding the main guard, the whole of whom they took prisoners. The result of this brilliant and chivalrous enterprise was the capture of Colonel Broughton, four captains, as many lieutenants and ensigns, the committee, all the private soldiers, and a considerable quantity of arms and ammunition.

So signal a display of bravery and devotedness to the royal cause in the young cavalier procured from his Majesty the warmest commendations; and in the month of January, 1644, he had the honour to receive his first commission to negotiate with the Irish Catholics; while at the same time he was recommended by the king to the Earl of Ormonde, as one whose loyalty might be relied upon. With regard to his Lordship's fitness for this appointment, there can be but one opinion: educated among Catholics, and as such not likely to excite the same suspicions as would naturally attach to any negotiation with their avowed enemy, the Earl of Ormonde, and possessing considerable influence at the court of Rome, he seemed peculiarly qualified to fill the office of mediator; and having become popular with the people at home by his known liberality and patriotism, the appointment was not likely to excite much dissatisfaction on the part of the Puritans.

The deranged state of his Majesty's affairs, which were now growing desperate from the continued advantages of the rebels in Ireland, and his still more violent and fanatic subjects at home, rendered it necessary that some sacrifices should be made to conciliate the Irish Catholics; as he would thus procure a powerful and efficient force to aid him against the Covenanters. In proof of his anxiety on this subject, there were no less than eight letters written by the king himself, beside those of his secretaries, pressing for a speedy adjustment of the differences that had so long agitated the sister kingdom.

The first commission under the great seal was dated the sixth of January, and furnished the Marquis with full power to levy any number of men in Ireland or elsewhere; to make governors of forts, &c.; and to receive the king's rents. Upon the twelfth of March following, the Marquis received another commission, equally as extensive as the preceding; a copy of which is preserved by Rushworth, in his Collections, which we here subjoin.

"Charles R.

"Charles, by the grace of God, of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our trusty and well beloved cousin, Edward Earl of Glamorgan, greeting. We, reposing great and especial trust and confidence in your approved wisdom and fidelity, do by these presents, as firmly as under our Great Seal, to all intents and purposes, authorise, and give you power to treat and conclude with the confederate Roman Catholics in our kingdom of Ireland, if upon necessity any be to be conscended unto, wherein our lieutenant (the Earl of Ormonde) cannot so well be seen in, as also not fit for us at present publicly to own. Therefore we charge you to proceed according to this our warrant with all possible secrecy; and for whatsoever you shall engage yourself, upon such valuable considerations as you in your judgment shall deem fit, we promise, upon the word of a king and a Christian, to ratify and perform, the same that shall be granted by you and under your hand and seal; the said confederate Catholics having by their supplies testified their zeal to our service: and this shall be in each particular to you a sufficient warrant.

"Given at our Court at Oxford, under our Signet and Royal Signature, the twelfth of March, in the twentieth year of our reign, sixteen hundred and forty-five."[2]

Who, it may be asked after perusing this document, will be hardy enough to pronounce with Hume that "the king was incapable of dissimulation?" especially when coupled with his Majesty's subsequent declaration to both Houses of Parliament; in which he expressly says, that the Marquis, having made an offer to raise forces in Ireland and conduct them into England for his service, had a commission to that purpose; "but then," adds the king, "it was to that purpose only, and not to treat of any thing else without the privity and direction of the Lord Lieutenant."

What degree of credit ought to be given to the latter part of his Majesty's declaration, is pretty plainly shewn by the following letter to the papal legate, which fully accords with the instrument we have just quoted of the twelfth of March:

Sir,

Hearing of your resolution for Ireland, we do not doubt but things will go well, and that the good intentions began by means of the last pope, will be accomplished by the present, by your means in our kingdoms of Ireland and England, you joining with our dear cousin the Earl of Glamorgan; with whom whatever you shall resolve we shall think ourselves obliged to, and perform it at his return. His great merits oblige us to this confidence, which we repose in him above all, having known him above twenty years; during which time, he hath always signally advanced himself in our good esteem, and by all kind of means carried the prize above all our subjects. This being joined to the consideration of his blood, you may well judge of the passion which we have particularly for him, and that nothing shall be wanting on our part to perfect what he shall oblige himself to in our name, in consideration of the favours received by your means. Confide therefore in him: but in the meanwhile, according to the directions we have given him, how important it is that the affair should be kept secret, there is no occasion to persuade you, since you see that the necessity of the thing requires it. This is the first letter which we have ever wrote immediately to any Minister of State of the Pope, hoping it will not be the last; but that after the said earl and you shall have concerted your measures, we shall openly shew ourself, as we have assured him.

Your Friend,
Charles R.

From our Court at Oxford,
30th April, 1645.

The earl's negotiation had hitherto gone on prosperously, and there was good reason to suppose that he would shortly have brought the rebels to a complete concurrence with his Majesty's views, when a most unexpected accident disconcerted the whole of his schemes. An attempt having been made by the Irish upon Kilkenny about the end of October, 1645, in which the titular Archbishop of Tuam had a command; the rebels were beaten and the prelate killed, in whose baggage was found a copy of the treaty which his Lordship had entered into with the confederate Catholics and the pope's nuncio. Of this discovery immediate information was furnished to the Parliament, then sitting, which had invariably expressed the greatest aversion to any concession being made to the Catholics; and the matter became so public, that the Lords Ormonde and Digby found it necessary to do something towards the vindication of his Majesty's honour, and to preserve appearances with the Parliament.

The council having met on the twenty-sixth, Lord Digby appeared at the board, and accusing the Earl of Glamorgan of high treason, moved that he should be immediately committed to the castle. On the following day he was examined by a committee of the council, when he exonerated his Majesty, and requested that the whole blame of the matter might be attributed to him; as he had consulted with no one on the subject, but the parties with whom he had made the agreement.[3]

When the intelligence of his lordship's imprisonment reached Kilkenny, where the supreme council then held their sittings, the Catholics were thrown into the greatest confusion, and some insisted on an immediate recourse to arms for his enlargement. These proceedings, however, were soon stayed by the friends of the Earl of Ormonde, and his lordship was shortly afterwards released on bail. As soon as this was effected he repaired to Kilkenny, in order to expedite the embarkation of a force amounting to about three thousand men, which had been raised for the relief of Chester; and, had there been a sufficient co-operation on the part of the general council, they might have sailed time enough to have afforded the most essential service to the royal cause; but after repeated delays on their part, intelligence was brought of the loss of that important city; and the Marquis, finding that his further stay in Ireland was attended with considerable hazard to his own life, without any commensurate benefit to his Majesty, resolved on embarking for France, where he was soon after joined by the exiled queen.

Immediately after his lordship's departure for the continent, the parliamentary forces under Sir Thomas Fairfax appeared before Ragland; and being refused admission by the venerable old Marquis, their hostile approaches were carried on with great vigour, in spite of repeated sallies from the fortress. The gallant veteran, however, finding the garrison, which at first consisted of only 800 men, reduced to less than half that number, surrendered on honourable terms on the 17th August. Notwithstanding the pledge given by Sir Thomas Fairfax, the conditions of capitulation were most disgracefully violated, and the Marquis was committed to the custody of the Black Rod, where he languished till the December following; when he expired in the eighty-fifth year of his age, and was buried in St. George's Chapel at Windsor.

In the mean time the fortifications of Ragland were destroyed, and all the timber in the parks was cut down, and sold by the committee of sequestrations. The lead alone that covered the castle was sold for 6,000 pounds, and the loss to the family in the house and woods, has been estimated at not less than 100,000 pounds!

From the destruction of Ragland castle by the Parliamentary forces, till the beginning of 1654, the earl's name scarcely occurs in the political history of those times; but about that period, we find him attached to the suit of Charles II., who then resided at the court of France: and in the following year he was dispatched by the exiled monarch to London, for the purpose of procuring private intelligence and supplies of money, of which the king was in the greatest need. He was, however, speedily discovered and committed a close prisoner to the Tower, where he remained in captivity for several years.

Some idea of the state of indigence to which the Marquis was now reduced may be formed from a perusal of the following Letter, directed to the celebrated Colonel Copley, who was, it appears, one of the noble Author's supporters.

"Dear Friend,

"I knowe not with what face to desire a curtesie from you, since I have not yet payed you the five pownds, and the mayne businesse soe long protracted, whereby my reallity and kindnesse should with thankefullnesse appeare; for though the least I intende you is to make up the somme allready promised, to a thousand pownds yearly, or a share ammounting to farr more, (which to nominate before the perfection of the woorke were but an individuum vagum, and therefore I deferre it, and vpon noe other score,) yet, in this interim, my disapointments are soe great, as that I am forced to begge, if you could possible, eyther to helpe me with tenne pownds to this bearer, or to make vse of the coache, and to goe to Mr. Clerke, and if he could this daye helpe me to fifty pownds, then to paye yourself the five pownds I owe you out of them. Eyther of these will infinitely oblige me. The alderman has taken three days time to consider of it. Pardon the great troubles I give you, which I doubt not but in time to deserve by really appearing

"Your most thankful friend
Worcester.

28th of March, 1656.
"To my honored friend
Collonell Christopher Coppley,
These."

On the king's restoration, the Marquis of Worcester was one of the first to congratulate his Majesty on the happy event, though the situation of the unfortunate nobleman was little bettered by the change; indeed it appeared but as the signal for new persecutions, as one of the earliest public acts of that ungrateful monarch may be characterized as an invidious attempt to set aside the just claims of his earliest and best friend.

In 1660 the House of Lords appointed a committee to consider of the validity of a patent granted to the Marquis of Worcester in prejudice to the Peers, upon the first intimation of which his Lordship sent a messenger to the committee then sitting, stating his willingness to surrender it, and it was shortly afterwards presented to the House by his son Lord Herbert.

In 1663 appeared the first edition of the noble Author's Century of Inventions, and on the 3d of April in the same year, a bill was brought in for granting to him and his successors the whole of the profits that might arise from the use of an engine, described in the last article in the Century.[4]

Of the merits of the Century of Inventions as a literary composition but little can with justice be said; whether, however, as a scientific production, it deserves the character that has been given of it by men more celebrated for their literary attainments, than for scientific knowledge, the reader, after a perusal of the work, will readily determine.[5]

The Marquis likewise published a work entitled "An Exact and true Definition of the most stupendous Water-commanding Engine, invented by the Right Honourable (and deservedly to be praised and admired) Edward Somerset Lord Marquis of Worcester, and by his Lordship himself presented to his most excellent Majesty Charles II., our most gracious Sovereign." This was published in a small quarto volume consisting of only twenty-two pages, and is now become extremely rare.

His lordship survived the publication of this work but two years; as he died in retirement near London upon the third of April 1667. His remains were conveyed with funeral solemnity to the cemetery of the Beaufort family in Ragland church; where he was interred on Friday the nineteenth of the same month, near the body of his grandfather, Edward Earl of Worcester. The coffin was placed in an arched stone vault, with the following inscription on a brass plate:

"Depositum Illustrissimi Principis Edwardi Marchionis et Comitis Wigorniæ, Comitis de Glamorgan, Baronis Herbert de Raglan, Chepstow et Gower, nec non serenissimo nuper Domino Regi Carolo primo, Southwalliæ locum tenentis: qui obiit apud Lond. tertio die Aprilis, An. Dom. MDCLXVII."

ORIGINAL LETTERS
AND
OFFICIAL PAPERS,
ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE PRECEDING MEMOIR.

The manuscripts from whence the annexed documents have been selected, are now in the possession of his Grace the Duke of Beaufort; and the Editor would be wanting in justice to another distinguished member of the same noble family, did he omit to acknowledge the great kindness which he has received from Lord Granville Somerset, who has materially assisted the Editor in illustrating the labours of his very ingenious ancestor.

Glamorgan

I heerew^th send you the rest of my dispatches for Ireland, whether I praye hasten, time beeing most considerable. I am sensible of the dangers y^u will undergoe, and y^e greate trouble and expences you must be at, not being able to assiste y^w who have already spent aboue a Million of Crowns in my service, neither can I saye more then I well rememb^r to have spoke and written to you that allready words could not expresse your merits nor my gratitude: and that next to my wife and children I was most bound to take care of you. whereof I have besides others particularly assured yo^r Cosin Biron as a person deare unto you. What I can further thinke at this pn̄t is to send y^w the Blue Ribben, and a Warrant for the Title of Duke of Somerset both w^ch accept and make vse of at your discretion, and if you should deferre y^e publishing of either for a whyle to avoyde envye, and my being importuned by others yet I promise yo^r Antiquitie for y^e one and your Pattent for y^e other shall beare Date with the Warrants. And rest assured, if God should crosse me w^th your miscarrying I will treate your Sonne as myne owne, and that y^u labour for a deare freind as well as a thankefull Master when tyme shall afforde meanes to acknowledge, how much I am

Yo^r most assured reall constant
and thankfull freind
Charles R.

Oxford Feb. 12, 1644.

Oxford this seconde of January 1644 Severall Heades whereupon you our Right trusty and right welbeloved Cosen Edward Earle of Glamorgan may securely proceede in execution of our Commands.

First you may ingage y^r estate, interest and creditt that we will most really and punctually performe any our promises to the Irish, and as it is necessary to conclude a Peace suddainely, soe whatsoever shall be consented unto by our Lieutenant the Marquis of Ormond, We will dye a thousand deaths rather than disannull or breake it, and if vpon necessity any thing be to be condescended unto, and yet the Lord Marquis not willing to be seene therein, as not fitt for us at the present publickely to owne, doe you endeavour to supply the same.

If for the encouragement of the Lord Marquis of Ormond you see it needefull to have the Guarter sent him, or any further favour demonstrated from vs vnto him, we will cause the same to be performed.

If for the advantage of our service you see fitt to promise any titles, even to the Titles of Earles in eyther of our Kingdomes, vpon notice from you we will cause the same to be performed.

For the Maintenance of our Army vnder y^r Com^~aund we are gratiously pleased to allowe the Delinquentes estates where you overcome, to be disposed by you, as alsoe any our revenues in the sayd places, Customes or other, our profitts, woods and the like w^th the contributions.

Whatever Townes or places of importance you shall thinke fitt to possesse you shall place Com^~aunders and Governours therein at y^r pleasure.

Whatever Order we shall sende you (w^ch you are only to obey) We give you leave to impart the same to y^r Counsill at Warr and if they and you approve not thereof We give you leave to replye, and soe farr shall we be from taking it as a disobedience, that we com^~aunde the same.

At y^r returne we will accept of some officers vpon y^r recom^~endation, to the ende noe obstacle or delay may be in the execution of y^r desires in order to our service, and our com^~aunds in that behalfe.

At y^r Returne you shall have y^e Com^~aund of South Wales, Herefordshire, and Glocester-shire of the Welsh-side returned to you in as ample manner as before.

In y^r abscence we will not give creditt or countenance to any thing, w^ch may be preiudiciall to y^r Father, you, or yours

C. R.

Herbert

I wonder, you are not yet gone for Ireland; but since you have stayed all this time, I hope these will ouertake you, whereby you will the more see the great trust and confidence I repose in your integrity, of which I have had soe long and soe good experience; commanding yow to deale with all ingenuity and freedome with our Lieutenant of Ireland the Marquis of Ormond, and on the word of a King and a Christian I will make good any thing, which our Lieutenant shall be induced unto upon your persuasion: and if you find it fitting, you may privately shew him these, which I intend not as obligatory to him, but to myselfe, and for both your encouragements and warrantise, in whom I repose my cheefest hopes, not having in all my Kingdomes two such subjects; whose endeauours joining, I am confident to be soone drawen out of the mire, I am now enforced to wallow in; and then shall I shew my thankfullnesse to you both, and as you have neuer failed mee, soe shall I neuer faile you, but in all things shew how much I am

Oxforde the 12th
of March 1644.

Herbert

I am confident that this honest trusty bearer will give you good satisfaction why I have not in euerie thing done as you desired, the wante of Confidence in you beeing so farre from beeing y^e cause thereof that I am euery daye more and more confirmed in the trust that I have of you, for beleeve me it is not in the power of any to make you suffer in my opinion by ill Offices, but of this and diuers other things I have given so full Instructions that I will saye no more, but that I am

Yo^r most assured constant freind
Charles R.

Oxford 26 Feb. 1645.

Glamorgan

I am glad to heare that you are gone to Ireland and assure y^u that as my selfe is nowyse dishartened by our late misfortune so neither this Country; for I could not have expected more from them, then theye have now freely undertaken though I had come hether absolute Victorious w^ch makes me hope well of y^e neighbouring Sheeres. So that (by y^e grace of God) I hope shortly to recover my late losse with aduantage if such succours come to me from that Kingdome w^ch I have reason to expect, but the circumstance of time is that of the greatest consequence, beeing that which is cheefliest and earnestliest recommended you by

Your most assured reall constant
freind
Charles R.

Hereford 23 June 1645.

Glamorgan

I have no time nor do you expect that I should make unnecessary repetitions to you wherefore referring you to Digby for business this is onlie to giue you assurance of my constant freindship to you which considering the generall Defection of common honesty is in a sorte requisite howbeit I knowe y^u cannot be but confident of my making good all instructions and promises to you

Y^r most assured constant freind
Charles R.

Oxford 5 Aprile 1646

Henriette Marie R

Nous henriette Marie de bourbon Regne de la grande Bretagne auons par l'ordre du Roy notre tres honoré Seigneur et Mary fait deliurer es mains de notre tres cher et bien amé cousin Edouard Somerset Comte et Marquis d Worcester un collier de Rubis contenant dix gros Rubis et cent soixante perles enchassées et confilées en or entre les dits Rubis comme aussy deux gros diamans l'un appellé Sancy et l'autre le Portugal, confessans qu'outre les tres grandes depenses faites par luy, pour le dit Roy notre tres honore Seigneur, il nous a encore fourny trois cens soixante et dix mil liures tournois outre les tres grands seruices qu'a ce present mesme il nous fait qui sont au moins d'egale consequence, au regard de quoy nous faisons scauoir que le dit collier et Diamans sont totalement pour en disposer par luy soit par uente on engagement, sans que nous, ou aucun en notre nom puisse en faire aucune demande, Rechercher ou troubler aucune personne qui achetera ou prestera argent sur les dits Joyaux cy dessus nommez en temoignage de quoy nous auons Signé et fait mettre notre Séel Royal a cette presente a notre Cour a St Germain en Laye ce Jourdhuy 20 May mil six cens quarente huiet.

L. S.
(The Royal Arms.)

To the Kinges most Exelent Mai^{tie} The humble Petition of all the Deputy Lieutenants Justices of the Peace the Knights & Burgises for Parliam^t setting for the Countie of Monmouth & indeede of all the Gentry & Comonalty Freehoulders and other inhabitence within the said Countie nemine contradicente but una voce most humbly

Sheweth

That whereas y^e Right hon^ble our very good Lord the now Earle and Marquisse of Worcester after about twenty yeares absence comforteth and honoureth us w^th his p^rsence to y^e great sattisfaction of all your Maj^ties most loyall & devote^d subjects, Wee become most humble petition^rs to your Gratious and most sacred Maj^tie that you wilbe pleased to incuredge his Exelency to make his cheife residance heer, which by longe and suffitient experience wee well know will much conduce to your Maj^ties intherest, and seruice, and to the good and great sattisfaction not onely of this but of all y^e adjacent Counties, his Lords^p having always been a disinterested Governor and freind to us all, as most espetially a most faithfull zealouse and powerfull promoter of seruices to y^e Crowne, yett with care and sweetnesse euer shewed towards your Maj^ties Loyall subjects, and nowayes partiall to those of his owne perswation and religion, where ever his Excelency hath had command looking but vpon his kings intherest and y^e peoples justifiable pretentions neither can his greatest enimies make appeare y^e least profe to y^e contrary.

May itt therefore please your most Excelent Maj^tie vpon this our most humble petition suplycat^g to Joyne his Lords^pp with his most deseruing sonne, the Lord Herbert, in the Liuetenancie of this Countie, and wee esteeme it wille soe far from derogateing from my Lord his Sonne who we must hon^r that it wilbe an adit^~on of coumfort and hon^r to his Lords^pp to have his beloued father Joyned with him, as his Grandfather was with his Father the Lord Privie Seale, that wise and stout Privie counsellor: his Lords^pps great grandfather and predecessor neither doe wee looke with lesse awfullnesse and respect vpon our now Lord Marquisse of Worcester, if he reside amonghst us in a poore Grange of his then whilst he dwelt in his most sumptuous Castle of Ragland, like a Prince attended, esteemeing his now pouertie in respect of his then opulancie, but as a badge of Loyaltie, and as readilie and cheerfully shall wee obey his commands who our harts attend, as much as then, if Impower^d by your Gratious Maj^tie to bee our Joynt Lord Lieutenant which hon^r and power wee most humbly begg may be againe conferred upon his Excelency.

And wee shall euer pray, &c.

May it please y^r Grace

The obiections yow were pleased to make against the owning and subscribing y^e Letter to his Ma^tie were as I humbly conceaue y^r Graces resolution not to trouble y^e King for any money businesse euen in your owne behalfe much lesse in an others, and secondly that as for Creations you had absolutely promised his Ma^tie you would not importune him againe, to the furst I answeare that this is to save the Kings Coffirs, since certainely if eyther honor or conscience should take place his Ma^tie ought to saue me harmelesse from the six thousand pound Confest and proued to be y^e Crownes Debt, soe happyly now vpon his Head by your Graces noe lesse prudent and valerous then dutyfull endeauours blest by Devine Prouidence neuer intending the ruine of his best deseruing subiects, and y^e only promoting of his ribells, which the child unborne may rue if not timely preuented, and as a wise Privye-Counsillor y^r Graces part is to minde his Ma^tie soe of, as not totally to disharten I will not say disgust his good subiects well desarueing yet that as far as loyalty and Religion will giue them leaue, and I am sory his Ma^tie should bedd a diew to workes of superergation and loue in his subiects and most Certinely they are not his best Councellers who aduise him to it, and y^r Grace will be most Commendable in douing the Contrery, and at long running the King will loue you best for it, soe that this obiection of y^r Grace I humbly conceave to be totally solued.

As for the seconde y^r Graces promise not to speake for any more Creations be pleased to vnderstand it rightly, and you are noe motioner of this, you doe but lay before him my reasonable Petition therein, such as indeed my Lord Chancellor was pleased to thinke soe fitting as he once vndertook it for me, and I am confident will thanke y^r Grace for reuiuing of it and in my Conscience soe will y^e King too in graunting of it, for I cannot haue soe meane a thought of his Ma^tie but that against the hayre he hath binne forced to bistow honoure to the highest degree upon five member men and vpon irth as subscribed to his father of happy memory his death, and that he will thinke mutch to countinance him who only assisted his late Ma'^ie to flye from theyr compulsion of him to agree to such acts as would have lefet him selfe our now Gratious King y^e sucessior of a title of a King of three Kingdoms but to the substance of noe one of them. It was I furnished his Ma^tie with money to goe (to) Theobalds to goe to Yorke when the then Marquis of Hambleton refused to pay three hundered pound for his Ma^tie at Theobalds only to deliuer him to the Parliament, as he had donne the Earle of Strafford, and to * * * the * * * Parliament, It was I carried him money to sett vp his standard at Yorke, and procured my father to giue the then s^r John Byron five thousand pound to rayse the first Regiment of Horse, and kept a table for aboue twenty Officers at Yorke, which I vnderhand sent thether to keepe them from takeing Conditions from y^e Parliament, and soe were ready to accept his. It was I vittled the towre of London & gaue fiue and twenty hundred pound to y^e then Lieutenant s^r John Byron my Cosin Germain by my first wifes side. It was I raysed most of the Menne at Edgehill fight, and after I was betrayed at when soe many Gentlemen of Quality were taken and of twenty fiue thousand men first & last by me raysed Eight thousand men disperssed by the Contriuance of such as called themselues y^e Kings good subiects, and some of them rewarded for it, they were my men weekely payed without takeing a farthing contribution because the country tottered, who tooke in the forest of Deane, Goodredge Castle, Monmouth, Chepstowe, Carlyon and Cardiff from y^e Parliament forces, in w^ch and y^e Garrison of Ragland I can bring profe of aboue an hundered and fifty thousand pounds expended, and in ready Money first & last to y^e Kings owne Purse aboue as much more, and of aboue thirty five thousand Pounds Receaued by my father and me Comunely Armes in forty—forty two—and forty three I have not now fiue and twenty hundered and that clogged well, twenty thousand Pounds Crying Debts that keepe me not only from a competent maintenance but euen from sleepe, I speake not heare of aboue three hundered thowsands pounds which it hath cost y^e Noblemen Knights and Gentlmen which ridd in my Life Guarde for ther comporting they makeing amongst them aboue three-score thousand Pownds yearly of Land of inheretance and I vpon my interest with seauen Countys had begune an Engagement of above three hundered thousand Pounds yearly land of inhiretance against my returne with men from beyonde the sea in which endeauours my charges have beine vast, besides hazard by sea euen of shipwracke and by Land of deadly encounters, I doe not trouble y^r Lo^p with, but all this being true to a tittle as vpon my word and honour dearer to me then my life I advouche it, I cannot doubt but y^r Grace will call for a peane to signe y^e Letter, and if you please sende this together with it, and rest assured that if the King refuse my request I will neuer importune you more, nor euer sett my foote into his Ma^ties Court againe vnlesse expressly comanded by him for his seruice, otherwise I will only heartyly pray for him but neuer hereafter shall I or any freind of mine engage for him further, then y^e simple duty of a Loyall subiect sitting quiettly at home noe ways breake the peace or disobying the wholsom lawes of the land, and god seande him better and more able subiects to searve his Ma^tie then my selfe, willinger I am sure he cannot, and I beseeche y^r Grace to pardon me if passion hath a little transported me beyonde good manners, and lay what pennance you please vpon me soe it tende not to lessen y^r Graces beliefe that I am

Y^r Graces
Most really deuoted freind
and seruant ever to obey you
Worcester.

Dec. 29th, 1665.

My deare Lord, my heart is yet full froughted and I can say much more for myselfe, were I not ashamed of giueing y^r Grace soe great a trouble with my scribling, which I will thus ende, promising to smoother as long as may be my deplorable condition, and worse vsage, but it will at last fly ouer the whole world to the disheartining of all zelous and Loyall subiects, vnlesse such a true hearted Englishman and fathful seruant as y^r Grace doe awaken his Ma^tie out of the leturgie my enimies have cast him not to be sensible of what I have done or suffered. Cardinall Mazarine presented me to his King, with these woords "S^r who soeuer hath Loyalty or Religion in recommendation must honour this well Borne Person," and Queene Mother now Dowager hath often sayd to have heard her husband say that next to her and his Children he wass bound to take a care of me of whom it may be now verified qui iacet in terra non habet vnde cadet, I am cast to the Ground I can fall noe lower.[6]

To the Kings most Excellent Majesty, The most humble Petition of Edward Marquis of Worcester.

Sheweth

That yo^r petitioner overwhelmed with the very, very much he hath to say, fearefull too long to detaine y^r sacred Ma^ty therewith from the more serious affaires humbly prayeth that you wilbe pleased to refer him to be heard by the Lord high Chancellor of England, The Lord privie seale, The Duke of Alm^~erle, the Earle of Lotherdale, the Lord Arlington, the Lord Ashley, and Mr. Secretary Morris, or to such of them, or other persons, as yo^r Ma^ty shall thinke fitt, and that vppon their Report yo^r Ma^ty will vouchsafe to doe with yo^r petitioner, or to yo^r petitioner, what they in the petitioners behalfe, and congruous to yo^r service shall finde reasonable, and consonant with yo^r petitioners meritts or demeritts, the petitioner most intirely submitting to your will and pleasure, Casting himselfe vppon yo^r Ma^tyes goodnesse, noe wayes standing vppon his deserts, though really found never soe many not thought of, or hetherto kept from yo^r Ma^tyes knowledge, your peti^r doth not say through envy or malice, since perhaps through ignorance such ignorance notwithstanding as the divines call ignorantia crassa, but whatsoever in quality or number, his services were, they were but due to such a gratious King and Master as yo^r Ma^tyes Father of happy memory was to yo^r petitioner, and to yo^r incomparable selfe, and therefore acknowledgeth they fall farr shorte of his true loyalty and devotion to either and being once rightly made knowne and p^rsented to yo^r sacred Maiesty yo^r petitioner promiseth himselfe noe lesse incouragement for the future from your Ma^ty nor lesse abilities in himselfe to become as useful as formerly, and as disinterresedly to serve you, Neither shall any thing for the future dismaye, or in any kinde deterr, your petitioner, from that his resolution, but from the bottome of his heart

He shall ever pray, &c.
Worcester.

Att y^e Court att Hampton Court Jan. 29th
1666.

His Ma^ty is graciously pleased to referr and recom^~end the Peticōner to bee heard by the within named Lords Referrees or to any fower or more of them, and they to give their Report to his Ma^ty as soon as conveniently may bee.

Arlington.

Maddam

I did not thinke I should have had the occation to have troubled you with an other Letter but I am soe little sattisfyed with yours in what I required conscerninge my monyes that I cannot thinke a survilous paper an equal ballance for soe waighty and iust a debt: I confesse I have hard of a new way to pay ould debts but certainly this is the newest, I belieue your Ladiship is one of the first that euer tryd it: itt may bee al a mode, but truely I doe not like the fashion, though itt may bee others doe: To answare your Letter, first for your Religion I medle not with itt It conscerns not mee; if I have, certainely I have done rather an hon^r to itt then an iniury: for I belieu'd soe well of your Religion that itt tought noe man to distroy his faith, Hon^r, and Christianety; which my Lord hath done in his engagement to mee I onely speake of him—I pray you Maddam lett mee aske, what is hon^r if broken? tis easely answared noe hon^r, what is itt to pretend a faith in Jesus Christ, to be call'd a Christian, and to breake that faith, and likewise forfitt that Christianety, he's noe Christian and whereas you say I wronge the memory of the late Kinge (I know not upon what grounds) Maddam you doe mee wronge, I serve the memory of that Royall Martyr, equall to any hee that lives: I pray you did his Ma^tie euer engage his faith, hon^r, and Christianety, to pay any debts, where in he fail'd; Maddam vnder fauour I must say you doe his incomparable ashes iniury. You likewise tell mee noe gallant pearson wilbeleiue but that my Lord will pay mee when hee hath itt, tis a large extent, and for ought I know may reach to Dooms day; tis small sattisfaction to expect a certaine debt att such an vncertaine payment. Maddam you haue the priueledge of a Woeman in speakinge of my Loyalty, noe man can, nor dare tax itt, for my publishinge any thinge that conscernes your Lord, tis his owne actions that causeth mee to report those truths: You say my Lord hath spent more in his Ma^ties seruice than any Protestant, I dare say there has beine ten thousand loyall faithfull Protestants hath spent as much: where of I am one, for wee have spent, and lost all wee had to our proportions, tis as much as hee (the widowes mite will make itt good) and in soe doinge wee did but our dutyes, and wee ought not to obraide the King with itt, tis vnhandsome to expect Sallery for a lawfull duty. Your Ladyship saith that I reported my Lord gaue mee counterfitt plates, I confesse hee gaue mee some plates, and forced them upon mee, hee likewise borrowed them of mee againe, resoluinge to returne them within too dayes, but he hath not restored them to this day, I heare since that my Lord hath sould them: I hope hee will confesse that noe man of Hon^r did euer such an action before, allthough he was ready to starue, and for his giuinge mee false plate, I must deny itt for I neuer said itt, but this I did say, that when I was at his Lordsp's house he showed mee some plates, that was not the same that hee had formerly giuen mee for the first was beaten, and the latter was cast, if that was counterfitt, I sayd itt, and that ile iustify. for your friuolous paper, I dare say your reconcil'd iudgment doth repent the sendinge of itt, I have shewed it to diuers of your religion, and they condemne you for itt, likewise the paper, nor can the Kinge of Englande giue you thanks for itt. But his royall Mother beinge a Roman Catholique, my hon^r and admiration of her doth silence my penn in answeringe that scandalous paper.

Your Ladiships humble Servant
Rich. Hastings.

Paris Ape 3

Directed,
Forr the Right Hon^ble the Marchioness
of Worcester these

humbly

Jesus + Mi^~a September 6 1670

Noble Madam—
The Grace of the Holy-ghost be with you.

The great esteeme and honour w^ch I have euer had for your Ladys^p hath all waise made mee prompt and willing to serve you to the best of my power, without the bias of selfe interest, as your selfe can witnesse; And because I feare that at present, your Honour hath noe one, that in the greate concernes, which you have in hand, will tell you the truth, as it often happens to persons of greate quality: I have thought it the part of my Priestly function, and fidelity towards yo^r Ho^r: (haveing first in my poore prayers, humbly commended it to Alm: God) to represent unto you, that w^ch all your friends know to bee true, as well as myselfe, and would be willing that your Ladys^p should know it likewise.

Alm: God hath Madam put you into a happy, and flourishing condition, fitt and able to serue God, and to doe much good to your selfe and others; and your Ladys^p makes yourselfe unhappy, by seeming not to be contented with your condition but troubling your spiritts with many thoughts of attayning to greater dignityes and riches.

Madam all those that wish you well, are greeued to see your Ladys^p to bee allready soe much disturbed & weakened in your iudgment & in danger to loose the right use of your reason, if you doe not tymely endeauour to preuent it, by ceasing to goe on with such high designes, as you are vppon, which I declare to you, in the faith of a Priest to bee true: The cause of your present distemper, and of the aforesayd danger, is doubtlesse, that your thoughts and imagination are very much fixed on the title of Plantagenet, and of disposing yourselfe for that greate dignity by getting of greate sums of money from the king, to pay your deceased Lords debts, and enriching your selfe by the great Machine and the like. Now Madam how vnproper such undertakings are for your L. and how vnpossible for you to effect them, or any one of them, all your friends can tell you if they please to discover the trueth to you.

The ill effects that flow from hence are many: as the danger of looseing your health and iudgment by such violent application of your fancies in such high designes and ambitious desires; the probability of offending Alm: God and preiudising your owne soule thereby: the advantage you may thereby give to those who desire to make a prey of your fortune, and to rayse themselves by ruining of you: the spending greate sums of money in rich and sumptuous things w^ch are not suteable to the gravity of your Ladys^p and present condition of Widdow-hoode and mourning for your deceased Lord.

Although it bee certine, that it is a greate temptation which you are now vnder, and very dangerous and hurtfull both to your temporall and eternall happynesse; yet I confesse that the Devil, to make his suggestion the more preualent, doth make vse of some motives that seeme plausible, as of paying your Lords debts, of founding of monasterys, and the like, and that your Ladys^p hath the Kings favour to carry on your designes. But Madam it is certine that the King is offended with your comeing to the Court, and much more with your pretention to the title of Plantaginet; and it is dangerous to provoke him any farther: And for paying of Debts and founding of Monasteryes, wee all know that your L. can neuer bee in a better condition to doe it, than now you are; and as you are not bound to doe such things, so they are not expected from you; but wee all applaud your pious inclinations herein, of w^ch you will not loose the merit with Alm: God but our apprehensions are, least you should by your Ladys^ps inordinate designes bring your selfe into such a condition, as not to bee able to helpe your friends nor your selfe.

Bee pleased Madam now to give mee leave to suggest some waie how the approaching dangers may bee prevented, by changing the objects of your affections, and insteede of temporall, to seeke after eternall riches, and honors, which your age doth assure you are not far off; for w^ch you may dispose yourselfe, before death comes, by retiring into the countrey for some time, from the distractions of the Court, where you may haue the advice and directions of some learned Priest, in whose vertue you may wholey confide, and bee guided by him, for your internall quiet & security. Many places may soone be found out, that are fitt for that purpose: At Hammersmith Mrs. Bedingfield a very vertuous & discreete person, and of your Ladys^ps acquaintance, hath lately taken a faire house & garden, & hath but a small family. In some such place your Ho^r might likewise haue the aduice of some well experienced Doctor, for the health of your person, and the benefitt of good ayre and of quietnesse, would much conduce to your health: And soe by Alm. Gods blessing, you may recouer from that most pernicious distemper of bodey and mind, vnto w^ch every one seese you to bee very neere approching, and may live many yeares with your owne fortune & dignity in greate honour and happynesse & bee the author of many good workes of piety & Charity to the glory of God & eternall saluation of your owne soule. Thus dear Madam I have ventured to declare a great trueth to you, w^ch was before a secrett only to your selfe. I know that I run the hazerd of incurring your displeasure, if your Ladys^p should not reade the candor of my intentions, w^ch in my Letter I intend towards you: but my assurance of haveing herein performed a duty w^ch I owe to my God, and the hope I have that you will take it well as I intend it, have encouraged mee to doe it, and to subscribe myselfe

Honored Madam
Your humb. Ser. in C. J.
Walt. Travers.

The Lord Marquesse of Worcester's ejaculatory and extemporary thanksgiving Prayer, when first with his corporal eyes, he did see finished a perfect trial of his Water-commanding Engine, delightful and useful to whomsoever hath in recommendation either knowledge, profit, or pleasure.

Oh! infinitely omnipotent God! whose mercies are fathomlesse, and whose knowledge is immense, and inexhaustible; next to my creation and redemption I render thee most humble thanks from the very bottom of my heart and bowels, for thy vouchsafing me, (the meanest in understanding,) an insight in soe great a secret of nature, beneficent to all mankind, as this my water commanding engine. Suffer me not to be puffed upp, O Lord, by the knowing of it, and many more rare and unheard off, yea unparalleled inventions, tryals, and experiments.—But humble my haughty heart, by the true knowledge of myne own ignorant, weake, and unworthy nature: proane to all euill, O most mercifull Father my creator, most compassionatting Sonne my redeemer, and Holyest of Spiritts, the sanctifier, three diuine persons, and one God, grant me a further concurring grace with fortitude to take hould of thy goodnesse, to the end that whatever I doe, unanimously and courageously to serve my king and country, to disabuse, rectifie, and convert my vndeserved, yet wilfully incredulous enemyes, to reimburse thankfully my creditors, to reimmunerate my benefactors, to reinhearten my distressed family, and with complacence to gratifie my suffering and confiding friends, may, voyde of vanity or selfe ends, be only directed to thy honour and glory everlastingly. Amen.

A
CENTURY
OF THE
NAMES AND SCANTLINGS
OF SUCH
INVENTIONS,

As at present I can call to mind to have tried and perfected, which (my former Notes being lost) I have, at the instance of a powerful Friend, endeavoured now in the Year 1655, to set these down in such a way, as may sufficiently instruct me to put any of them in practice.

——Artis et Naturæ proles.

TO
THE KING'S
MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.

Sir,

"Scire meum nihil est, nisi me scire hoc sciat alter," saith the poet, and I most justly in order to your Majesty, whose satisfaction is my happiness, and whom to serve is my only aim, placing therein my "summum bonum" in this world: be therefore pleased to cast your gracious eye over this summary collection, and then to pick and choose. I confess, I made it but for the superficial satisfaction of a friend's curiosity, according as it is set down; and if it might now serve to give aim to your Majesty how to make use of my poor endeavours, it would crown my thoughts, who am neither covetous nor ambitious, but of deserving your Majesty's favour, upon my own cost and charges, yet, according to the old English proverb, "It is a poor dog not worth whistling after." Let but your Majesty approve, and I will effectually perform to the height of my undertaking: vouchsafe but to command, and with my life and fortune I shall cheerfully obey, and maugre envy, ignorance and malice, ever appear

Your Majesty's
Passionately-devoted, or otherwise disinterested
Subject and Servant,
WORCESTER.

TO
THE RIGHT HONOURABLE
THE
LORDS SPIRITUAL AND TEMPORAL;
AND TO
THE KNIGHTS, CITIZENS, AND BURGESSES
OF THE
HONOURABLE HOUSE OF COMMONS:
NOW ASSEMBLED IN PARLIAMENT.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

Be not startled if I address to all, and every of you, this Century of Summary Heads of Wonderful Things, even after the dedication of them to his most excellent Majesty, since it is with his most gracious and particular consent, as well as indeed no ways derogating from my duty to his sacred self, but rather in further order unto it, since your Lordships, who are his great Council, and you, Gentlemen, his whole kingdom's Representatives (most worthily welcome unto him) may fitly receive into your wise and serious considerations, what doth or may publicly concern both his Majesty and his tenderly-beloved people.

Pardon me, if I say, (my Lords and Gentlemen) that it is jointly your parts to digest to his hand, these ensuing particulars, fitting them to his palate, and ordering how to reduce them into practice, in a way useful and beneficial, both to his Majesty and his kingdom.

Neither do I esteem it less proper for me to present them to you in order to his Majesty's service, than it is to give into the hands of a faithful and provident steward, whatsoever dainties and provisions are intended for the master's diet; the knowing and faithful steward being best able to make use thereof to his master's contentment, and greatest profit, keeping for the morrow whatever should be overplus or needless for the present day, or at least to save something else in lieu thereof. In a word, (my Lords and Gentlemen,) I humbly conceive, this simile not improper, since you are his Majesty's provident stewards, into whose hands I commit myself, with all properties fit to obey you; that is to say, with a heart harbouring no ambition, but an endless aim to serve my King and Country: and if my endeavours prove effectual, (as I am confident they will,) his Majesty shall not only become rich, but his people likewise, as treasurers unto him; and his peerless Majesty, our King, shall become both beloved at home, and feared abroad; deeming the riches of a King to consist in the plenty enjoyed by his people.

And the way to render him to be feared abroad, is to content his people at home, who then with heart and hand are ready to assist him; and whatsoever God blesseth me with to contribute towards the increase of his revenues, in any considerable way, I desire it may be imployed to the use of his people; that is, for the taking off such taxes or burthens from them as they chiefly groan under, and by a temporary necessity only imposed on them; which being thus supplied, will certainly best content the King, and satisfy his people; which, I dare say, is the continual tend of all your indefatigable pains, and the perfect demonstrations of your zeal to his Majesty, and an evidence that the kingdom's trust is justly and deservedly reposed in you. And if ever Parliament acquitted themselves thereof, it is this of yours, composed of most deserving and qualified persons; qualified, I say, with your affection to your Prince, and with a tenderness to his people; with a bountiful heart towards him, yet a frugality in their behalfs.

Go on therefore chearfully (my Lords and Gentlemen) and not only our gracious King, but the King of Kings will reward you, the prayers of the people will attend you, and his Majesty will with thankful arms embrace you. And be pleased to make use of me and my endeavours to enrich them, not myself; such being my only request unto you, spare me not in what your wisdoms shall find me useful, who do esteem myself not only by the act of the Water-commanding Engine (which so chearfully you have past) sufficiently rewarded, but likewise with courage enabled to do ten times more for the future; and my debts being paid, and a competency to live according to my birth and quality settled, the rest shall I dedicate to the service of our King and Country by your disposals: and esteem me not the more, or rather any more, by what is past, but what's to come; professing really from my heart, that my intentions are to outgo the six or seven hundred thousand pounds already sacrificed, if countenanced and encouraged by you, ingenuously confessing, that the melancholy which hath lately seized upon me (the cause whereof none of you but may easily guess) hath, I dare say, retarded more advantages to the public service than modesty will permit me to utter: and now, revived by your promising favours, I shall infallibly be enabled thereunto in the experiments extant, and comprised under these heads, practicable with my directions by the unparalleled workman both for trust and skill, Caspar Kaltoff's hand, who hath been these five and thirty years as in a school under me employed, and still at my disposal, in a place by my great expences made fit for public service, yet lately like to be taken from me, and consequently from the service of King and kingdom, without the least regard of above ten thousand pounds expended by me, and through my zeal to the common good; my zeal, I say, a field large enough for you (my Lords and Gentlemen) to work upon.

The treasures buried under these heads, both for war, peace, and pleasure, being inexhaustible; I beseech you pardon me if I say so; it seems a vanity, but comprehends a truth; since no good spring but becomes the more plentiful by how much more it is drawn; and the spinner to weave his web is never stinted, but further inforced.

The more then that you shall be pleased to make use of my Inventions, the more inventive shall you ever find me, one invention begetting still another, and more and more improving my ability to serve my King and you; and as to my heartiness therein there needs no addition, nor to my readiness a spur. And therefore (my Lords and Gentlemen) be pleased to begin, and desist not from commanding me, till I flag in my obedience and endeavours to serve my King and Country:

For certainly you'l find me breathless first t'expire,
Before my hands grow weary, or my legs do tire.

Yet abstracting from any interest of my own, but as a fellow-subject and compatriot will I ever labour in the vineyard, most heartily and readily obeying the least summons from you, by putting faithfully in execution, what your judgments shall think fit to pitch upon amongst this Century of Experiments, perhaps dearly purchased by me, but now frankly and gratis offered to you. Since my heart (methinks) cannot be satisfied in serving my King and Country, if it should cost them any thing: as I confess when I had the honour to be near so obliging a master as his late Majesty of happy memory, who never refused me his ear to any reasonable motion: and as for unreasonable ones, or such as were not fitting for him to grant, I would rather to have died a thousand deaths, than ever to have made any one unto him.

Yet whatever I was so happy as to obtain for any deserving person, my pains, breath and interest imployed therein satisfied me not, unless I likewise satisfied the fees; but that was in my golden age.

And even now, though my ability and means are shortened, the world knows why my heart remains still the same; and be you pleased (my Lords and Gentlemen) to rest most assured, that the very complacency that I shall take in the executing your commands, shall be unto me a sufficient and an abundantly-satisfactory reward.

Vouchsafe therefore to dispose freely of me, and whatever lieth in my power to perform; first, in order to his Majesty's service; secondly, for the good and advantage of the Kingdom; thirdly, to all your satisfactions, for particular profit and pleasure to your individual selves, professing that in all and each of the three respects I will ever demean myself as it best becomes,

My Lords and Gentlemen,

Your most passionately bent fellow subject in his Majesty's service, com-patriot for the public good and advantage, and a most humble Servant to all and every of you,

WORCESTER.

CONTENTS.

THE
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER'S
CENTURY OF INVENTIONS,
EXPLAINED AND ILLUSTRATED.

No. I.

Several sorts of seals, some showing by screws, others by gauges, fastening or unfastening all the marks at once: others, by additional points and imaginary places, proportionable to ordinary escutcheons and seals at arms, each way palpably and punctually setting down (yet private from all others, but the owner, and by his assent) the day of the month, the day of the week, the month of the year, the year of our Lord, the names of the witnesses, and the individual place where any thing was sealed, though in ten thousand several places, together with the very number of lines contained in a contract, whereby falsification may be discovered, and manifestly proved, being upon good grounds suspected.

Upon any of these seals a man may keep accounts of receipts and disbursements, from one farthing to an hundred millions, punctually showing each pound, shilling, penny, or farthing.

By these seals, likewise, any letter, though written but in English, may be read and understood in eight several languages; and in English itself, to clear contrary and different sense, unknown to any but the correspondent, and not to be read or understood by him neither, if opened before it arrive unto him; so that neither threats, nor hopes of reward, can make him reveal the secret, the letter having been intercepted, and first opened by the enemy.

NOTE.

The use of sigili or "autograph seals" is very ancient, indeed we find them mentioned by the prophet Jeremiah (chap. xxii. v. 10); these, however, were invariably engraved on the collets or stones of rings, and it was not till a much later date that hand stamps were applied to that purpose. In England, the first sealed charter extant is that of Edward the Confessor, upon his founding Westminster Abbey; and many of our English kings used them, from an inability to affix any other kind of signature: this indeed is candidly acknowledged by Caedwalla, a Saxon king, who says, at the conclusion of one of his charters, "propriâ manu pro ignorantiâ literarum signum sanctæ crucis expressi et subscripsi."

The nearest approach to a corresponding seal that occurs prior to the sixteenth century, is that described in a decree of Cardinal Otto, who was papal legate in 1237, by which the bishops were to bear on their seals their title, office, dignity, and even their proper names. About this period mottos were likewise generally introduced, but none of those before the publication of the noble author's work were at all adapted for secret correspondence; or, in fact, had they any mode of combining moveable characters in the matrix for the purpose of varying the impression. The principle upon which those described by the Marquis must have been formed is simply this: a frame similar to those in which seals are generally mounted having been first prepared, a number of moveable circles may be made to slide within each other on one common centre. If three are employed, they should be engraved with the numerals, the alphabet, and, if intended for secret writing, the third circle may be furnished with any arbitrary signs that may suggest themselves. These, by means of a key, of which both the corresponding parties must possess a duplicate, may be combined to form the day of the week, month, year, &c.

It would be found very useful in preventing and detecting the mistakes which so frequently occur in the delivery of letters, if the seals in common use were provided with at least two of these revolving circles, with the day of the month and hour of the day engraved on their face, parallel to the stone. A particular part of the arms or cipher being used as an index hand, it would then show the precise hour the letter was sent, without the trouble of dating, &c.

In engraved seals where coats of arms are used, it will be obvious that the seal must be larger than those generally in use, as the circles must be made to revolve round the outer extremity of the stone, and their usefulness will be considerably diminished. With regard to the possibility of forming a key by which writing in any language may be deciphered, we have the following curious anecdote, furnished by the late learned and ingenious Mr. Astle, keeper of His Majesty's Records: he states, on the authority of a noble Lord, deceased, that the late Earl Granville, while Secretary of State, told him, that when he came into office he had his doubts respecting the certainty of deciphering. That he wrote down two or three sentences in the Swedish language, and afterwards put them into such arbitrary marks or characters, as his mind suggested to him; that he sent the paper to Dr. Willes, who returned it the next day, and informed his lordship, that the characters he had sent to him formed certain words, which he had written beneath the cipher, but that he did not understand the language; and Lord Granville declared, that the words were exactly those which he had first written, before he put them into cipher.

No. II.

How ten thousand persons may use these seals to all and every of the purposes aforesaid, and yet keep their secrets from any but whom they please.

NOTE.

As the mode of deciphering inscriptions, dates, &c. formed by these seals, depends on a key, the formation of which is arbitrary, and resting entirely upon the fancy or ingenuity of its composer; it follows, that the smallest variation from the one originally intended for that purpose, will entirely destroy the effect of the proposed combination.

No. III.

A cipher and character so contrived, that one line, without returns and circumflexes, stands for each and every one of the twenty-four letters; and as ready to be made for the one letter as the other.

NOTE.

Of this and the following invention, the noble author has left to the curious in the stenographic art, his own definition; a manuscript, in the Marquis's hand-writing, having been preserved in the Harleian Collection, appended to an original copy of the Century of Inventions, in which he explains the system upon which these two articles are founded. The MS. alluded to is thus entitled:—"An Explanation of the most exact and most compendious way of Short-hand Writing; and an Example, given by way of Questions and Resolves upon each significant Point, proving how and why it stands for such and such a Letter, in order, alphabetically placed in every page."—Bibl. Harl. No. 2428.

The above work is accompanied with engraved brass plates; and his system, which is simple and easy of attainment, may be thus described:—A sheet of paper must first be prepared, with a given number of horizontal rows of small octagons, somewhat resembling the chequers on a draft-board. Straight lines are then to be drawn from the centre towards the sides of these squares, in different positions, and of various lengths, for each letter in the alphabet. Thus, A is a short horizontal stroke, made to the right hand, and not touching the side; E, A, and W, are represented by a similar stroke in the opposite direction, but varying in their lengths. By a similar method the author suggests, in the following article, that we may write with a dot, or single point only, placed in a given situation in the octagon; varying the position for each letter, as is at present done in music, the paper being prepared with ruled lines, or it may be simplified by the use of coloured inks for the vowels and consonants.

No. IV.

This invention refined, and so abbreviated, that a point only showeth distinctly and significantly any of the twenty-four letters; and these very points to be made with two pens, so that no time will be lost, but as one finger riseth, the other may make the following letter, never clogging the memory with several figures for words, and combinations of letters; which, with ease and void of confusion, are thus speedily and punctually, letter for letter, set down by naked and not multiplied points. And nothing can be less than a point, the mathematical definition of it being cujus pars nulla. And of a motion, equally as swift as semiquavers or relishes, yet applicable to this manner of writing.

NOTE.

Vide the preceding article.

No. V.

A way, by a circular motion, either along a rule or ring-wise, to vary any alphabet, even this of points, so that the self same point, individually placed, without the least additional mark or variation of place, shall stand for all the twenty-four letters, and not for the same letter twice in ten sheets writing; yet as easily and certainly read and known, as if it stood but for one and the self same letter constantly signified.

NOTE.

The gauge, in this case, must accompany the letter to be deciphered, and, when circular, made to resemble a map-meter. By noticing the number of lines passed over by this instrument, and comparing the index-hand with the dots, a sufficiently intelligible though certainly complex cipher may be formed.

No. VI.

How, at a window, as far as eye can discover black from white, a man may hold discourse with his correspondent, without noise made or noise taken; being, according to occasion given and means afforded, ex re natâ, and no need of provision beforehand; though much better if foreseen, and means prepared for it, and a premeditated course taken by mutual consent of parties.

NOTE.

The telegraph, though not generally used in Europe till the commencement of the French revolution, appears to have been well known to the ancients. Polybius describes a method of communication, which was invented by Cleoxenus, which answered both by day and night. Kircher and Scott likewise allude to its use; but the description given by the Marquis is evidently superior to any that had preceded him; and, indeed, must have nearly resembled that in use at the present period.

No. VII.

A way to do it by night as well as by day, though as dark as pitch is black.

NOTE.

The allusion here to a telegraphic communication is likewise sufficiently evident; though it is obvious that, for night signals, it will become necessary to substitute rockets or reflecting lamps for the painted boards.

Among the signs for nightly information at a distance, those by fire are extremely common, and have been used by the Chinese, Persians, and other nations, in the remotest times. This species of communication is affirmed by Diodorus Siculus to have been practised by Medea in her conspiracy with Jason, which carries us back three thousand and seventy years; and although there must be some uncertainty on this question, Pliny, in his "History," lib. vii. cap. 56, says, it originated with Sinon. "Specularem significationem Trojano bello Sinon invenit." This was the signal upon which Sinon agreed to unlock the wooden horse in the siege of Troy, about 1184 years before Christ:

"——Flammas cum regia puppis
Extulerat."

Virgil. Æn. lib. ii. 256.

And, after the taking of Troy, Æschylus relates, that Agamemnon immediately apprized his queen, Clytemnestra, of that event by a similar method; which, we suppose, must have been done either by men placed at certain distances with lighted torches, which they held up in succession, or by a considerable number of fires on the tops of hills, denoting the simple fact previously agreed on between the parties. See Onosander's Strategicus, cap. 25, where this practice is described.

The fire-signals of the Greeks and Romans are also slightly mentioned by Quintus Curtius, Livy, Cæsar, Herodotus, Homer, and Thucydides; likewise by Vegetius and Frontinus; but still more in detail by Polybius and Æneas Tacticus; the latter of whom was contemporary with Aristotle, and has left a valuable fragment on the duties of a general, (translated into Latin by Casaubon,) wherein are many curious remarks on the subject of secret correspondence. The Greek signals were much improved by Polybius, who, in his history, (lib. x. cap. 45. p. 296. tom. iii. Lips. 1790. edit. Joh. Schweighaeuser,) attributes the invention to Cleomenes and Democritus, or (more correctly) to Cleoxenus and Democlitus, in words thus rendered: "Postrema ratio, cujus auctores sunt Cleoxenus et Democlitus, sed quam nos correximus, certa definitaque est, adeo ut quidquid exortum fuerit negotii, id possis certo facere notum." Prior to that period, the information communicated by torches, flags, smoke, or otherwise, was very limited, and it was requisite to settle beforehand what each signal should mean; whereas Polybius showed how to correspond alphabetically, and to give or receive any species of intelligence, without this previous concert. The plans of Æneas Tacticus had never arrived at such perfection, and were therefore of comparatively small use; though, without doubt, he at least equalled any of his predecessors in the facility of his telegraphic communications.

No. VIII.

A way how to level and shoot cannon by night as well as by day, and as directly, without a platform or measures taken by day, yet by a plain and infallible rule.

No. IX.

An engine, portable in one's pocket, which may be carried and fastened on the inside of the greatest ship, tanquam aliud agens, and, at any appointed minute, though a week after, either of day or night, it shall irrecoverably sink that ship.

NOTE.

To prepare this dangerous instrument, it is merely necessary to connect a gun-lock with a common bomb shell, filled in the usual manner, and a small clock attached; which will at any given time discharge the lock, and cause the shell to explode: the tremendous effects of which in the cabin or hold of a vessel may easier be conceived than described.

No. X.

A way, from a mile off, to dive and fasten a like engine to any ship, so as it may punctually work the same effect, either for time or execution.

NOTE.

Mr. Fulton, of the United States, the inventor of the Torpedo, recommends the use of a gun-harpoon for fixing this destructive engine on the side of a ship; but this plan appears liable to two objections: the resistance that would be offered by the water, should the harpoon be fired from a considerable distance; and the certainty of discovery from the report of the cannon, on a near approach to the hull of the vessel. The methods most eligible for this object appear to be, either to let the machine float with the tide, and by striking against the side of the vessel discharge a gun-lock; or else, by employing a diving-bell, pass beneath the surface of the water. In proof of the practicability of the latter plan, about the time of the attack made by the English at Boulogne, Buonaparte caused a small diving vessel to be made, which, at a preconcerted signal, lowered its masts, yards, &c.; and by admitting a certain quantity of water sunk it to the required depth; it was then impelled forward by means of a circular paddle or wheel turned within the vessel, and upon the air becoming foul or exhausted, the vessel was raised to the surface by means of pumps or dropping of ballast. It appears more than probable, that this is the species of vessel to which the Marquis alludes. Hook, in his Philosophical Collections, No. 2, describes an air-vessel possessing similar properties with the above.

No. XI.

How to prevent and safeguard any ship from such an attempt by day or night.

NOTE.

A safe and easy method of preventing the dreadful consequences attendant on the explosion of this tremendous machine, may be found in the use of a strong net, resembling that used in the salmon fishery; which must be kept at the required distance from the vessel by floating buoys placed for that purpose. It will also be necessary to fix a bell upon the upper extremity of each buoy, which will, by its ringing on a calm night, discover the approach of any hydrostatic vessel; and should the weather be stormy, the attempt must end in the destruction of the sub-marine voyagers.

No. XII.

A way to make a ship not possible to be sunk, though shot at an hundred times between wind and water by cannon, and should she lose a whole plank, yet, in half an hour's time, should be made as fit to sail as before.

NOTE.

Provided the hull of the vessel be composed of number of small divisions, similar to the life preservers constructed by Mr. Daniel, it will scarcely be possible to sink it, especially if a large sheet, well prepared with oakum, be drawn under the vessel in the event of a fracture occurring, as the pressure of the water on the surface of the vessel will force the canvass into the chasm, and allow of the necessary reparation. The latter method has been adopted in the navy for several years.

No. XIII.

How to make such false decks, as in a moment should kill and take prisoners as many as should board the ship, without blowing the real decks up, or destroying them from being reducible; and, in a quarter of an hour's time, should recover their former shape, and to be made fit for any employment without discovering the secret.

NOTE.

At about six inches from the fixed deck, and supported by cross beams, it will be necessary to raise an artificial one of thin planks, under which must be previously placed a number of small iron boxes, open at the top, and filled with powder, connected with each other by a train. The instant this is fired, the upper, or false deck, will blow up en masse, without affecting in the slightest degree the permanent deck beneath.

No. XIV.

How to bring a force to weigh up an anchor, or to do any forcible exploit in the narrowest or lowest room in any ship, where few hands shall do the work of many; and many hands applicable to the same force, some standing, others sitting, and, by virtue of their several helps, a great force augmented in little room, as effectual as if there were sufficient space to go about with an axle-tree, and work far from the centre.

NOTE.

The application of an endless screw, or worm, appears the most advantageous mode of increasing power in a small space; and it possesses the additional advantage of remaining stationary at any point without the assistance of the ratchet and click.

No. XV.

A way how to make a boat work itself against wind and tide, yea, both without the help of man or beast; yet so, that the wind or tide, though directly opposite, shall force the ship or boat against itself; and in no point of the compass, but it shall be as effectual as if the wind were in the poop, or the stream actually with the course it is to steer, according to which the oars shall row, and necessary motions work and move towards the desired port, or point of the compass.

NOTE.

A Panemore, or globular wind-mill, erected in the centre of a ship, has been proposed for the turning of two wheels or paddles, placed on the bows, which would thus impel the vessel forward in any required direction. The panemore, which was invented by M. Desquinemare, consists of a kind of globe placed on the top of a mast, on which it always turns round with the wind. In consequence of the ingenious adjustment of the curves which it presents in all its points, the rotary motion is always in the same direction, be that of the wind as it may; and their utmost violence, instead of being detrimental to its action, only augments its power. The means of the instrument increasing in a cubical ratio when the wind doubles its velocity; and by doubling the surface its power is increased eight-fold.

No. XVI.

How to make a sea-castle, or fortification, cannon-proof, capable of a thousand men, yet sailable at pleasure to defend a passage, or, in an hour's time, to divide itself into three ships, as fit and trimmed to sail as before; and even whilst it is a fort or castle, they shall be unanimously steered, and effectually be driven by an indifferent strong wind.

NOTE.

Scheffer, in his treatise entitled De Militiâ Navali, describes a vessel of a somewhat similar construction: it was composed of four floating tanks, or parts of vessels, which could at pleasure be joined together by means of bolts. Bomb-proof batteries of prodigious force were used by the Spaniards in their attack on Gibraltar, in 1782. Their upper decks were at an angle of about forty-five degrees, and composed of successive layers of oak-planking and raw hides. These offered an irresistible barrier to the shot and shells commonly used, till General Elliot decided on the application of red-hot balls, which, by burning a passage through the outer layers, quickly communicated to that part of the hold used as a depository for powder, &c., and the consequence was, the entire destruction of this immense flotilla.

No. XVII.

How to make upon the Thames a floating garden of pleasure, with trees, flowers, banqueting-houses, and fountains, stews for all kind of fishes, a reserve for snow to keep wine in, delicate bathing places, and the like; with music made by mills; and all in the midst of the stream, where it is most rapid.

NOTE.

The most celebrated gardens of this description were those made by the Mexicans on the great lake which surrounds the capital; here they planted trees, and cultivated maize, pepper, and other plants necessary for their support. In progress of time, as these floating fields grew numerous from the industry of the people, they formed among them gardens for flowers and other odoriferous plants, which were employed in the worship of their gods, and which served also for the recreation of the nobles. Every day of the year, at sun-rise, innumerable vessels, laden with various kinds of flowers and herbs, cultivated on the water, arrived by the canal, at the great market-place of the capital.

To form their floats, they first plait or twist willows, with roots of marsh plants, and upon this foundation they place the mud and dirt which they draw from the bed of the lake. When the owner of a garden wishes to change his situation, to remove from a disagreeable neighbour, or to come nearer his own family, he gets into his little vessel and tows the plantation after him.—Vide Nov. His. de Mexico par le Abbé Francesco Saverio Clavigero.

The floating pleasure bath moored in the River Thames, near Westminster Bridge, is supported by empty casks; and this plan, if assisted by mooring-chains, may be applied to gardens of any reasonable extent, even in the broadest and most rapid rivers.

No. XVIII.

An artificial fountain, to be turned like an hour-glass, by a child, in the twinkling of an eye, it yet holding great quantities of water, and of force sufficient to make snow, ice, and thunder; with the chirping and singing of birds, and showing of several shapes and effects, usual to fountains of pleasure.

NOTE.

That a fountain may be made upon the principle of an hour-glass, and that when the upper division is exhausted, the lower may be elevated by a crank and lever, the fluid passing through the centre of its axis, we may easily conceive; but how a fountain of water can produce snow, ice, thunder, and the singing of birds, is a circumstance not easy to be comprehended.

No. XIX.

A little engine, within a coach, whereby a child may stop it, and secure all persons within it, and the coachman himself, though the horses be never so unruly, in full career; a child being sufficiently capable to unloose them, in what posture soever they should have put themselves, turning never so short; for a child can do it in the twinkling of an eye.

NOTE.

There are but few persons who will disallow the utility of an invention, whose object is to prevent, as much as possible, the frequent and terrible accidents which occur from the present mode of attaching horses to carriages, and other vehicles; that these might in a great measure be avoided, by the application of the Marquis's invention, and a legislative enactment to secure its adoption, there can be no doubt.

To accomplish this very desirable object, a bar, of equal length with the axle-tree, to which is fixed the pole and traces; must be furnished with three iron bolts made to fit a like number of sockets in the axle-tree; and from which, the additional bar may be readily raised, by the application of a common lever: either by the pressure of the driver's foot, or by a string made to communicate with the body of the vehicle. For a chaise the apparatus will be no less simple, with the exception of a small resting bar, or foot, which it will be necessary to discharge by the same lever which sets at liberty the horse, and by this means prevent the sudden jerk, that must otherwise occur in a two wheeled carriage.

No. XX.

How to bring up water balance-wise, so that as little weight or force as will turn a balance, will be only needful, more than the weight of the water within the buckets, which counterpoise and empty themselves one into the other, the uppermost yielding its water (how great a quantity soever it holds) at the same time when the lowermost taketh it in, though it be an hundred fathom high.

NOTE.

An engine answering the above description may be composed of a series of ladles or buckets, the handles of which being hollow will admit a passage for the water by elevating the bucket end. A number of these, sufficient for the required height, must be fastened in a frame; each ladle being suspended by a fulcrum so balanced that when filled with water, they may remain in equilibrio. The whole of the buckets thus constructed may be connected by rods passing from the top of the machine to the lowest handle, and the continued series so placed, that the handle of the one bucket will empty itself into the reservoir of the succeeding one, so that by alternately raising and depressing the rods the water is raised to the top of the machine.

No. XXI.

How to raise water constantly with two buckets only, day and night, without any other force than its own motion, using not so much as any force, wheel, or sucker, nor more pullies than one, on which the cord or chain rolleth, with a bucket at each end. This, I confess, I have seen and learned of the great mathematician Clavius's Studies at Rome, he having made a present thereof unto a cardinal; and I desire not to own any other man's inventions; but if I set down any, to nominate likewise the inventor.

NOTE.

The construction of an hydraulic engine with powers nearly similar to this, may be thus described: two buckets of unequal size must be first suspended by a flexible chain turning on a double roller or pulley; so that one bucket will be elevated to the required height, while the other reaches the level of the water to be raised; a small stream of water must then be made to communicate with the largest bucket, which will speedily be depressed and descend to the lower level, while the opposite bucket will discharge its contents into a cistern or reservoir at the top of the machine: the larger bucket being likewise emptied by striking against a projecting beam placed there for that purpose.

Mr. Sarjeant has described a very simple and powerful machine for raising water, nearly similar in point of principle to the above. An engraving of Mr. S.'s engine, together with an account of its construction, is inserted in the Trans. of the Soc. of Arts, vol. xix. p. 255.

No. XXII.

To make a river in a garden ebb and flow constantly, though twenty foot over, with a child's force, in some private room, or place out of sight, and a competent distance from it.

NOTE.

The very ingenious canal lock lately invented by Peter Bogaerts, Esq., appears fully calculated for effecting this object. In this lock, which from its simplicity is no less useful than economical, a small portion of water is made to assist in displacing several tons of that element, and there is no doubt but a child's force would raise double the quantity of water described by the Marquis. In the model lately exhibited, a weight of seven pounds was made to raise 10 cwt. of water more than four feet in a few seconds.

No. XXIII.

To set a clock as within a castle, the water filling the trenches about it; which shall show, by ebbing and flowing, the hours, minutes, and seconds, and all the comprehensible motions of the heavens, and counterlibration of the earth, according to Copernicus.

NOTE.

A tide-mill was several years back exhibited in the Museum of that very ingenious mechanic, Mr. G. J. Hawkins; and a similar prime mover has been suggested for the purpose of winding a clock for a bell signal station on the Northern coast of England. An astronomical machine as described by the Marquis, must be provided with two barrels, each possessing a maintaining power sufficient for the correct performance of the whole. In addition to the line that supports the weight, or maintaining power, each barrel must be provided with a revolving pulley resembling those used for old thirty-hour clocks; with chains passing over their axis; and the chains being attached to large floats of wood will be alternately raised or depressed by the ebbing and flowing of the tide; and thus in succession wind up the weights which form the maintaining power of the clock. The clepsydræ, or hydraulic clock, was in general use among the ancients, and a stream of water was frequently employed to give motion to planetary machines.

No. XXIV.

How to increase the strength of a spring to such a degree as to shoot bombasses and bullets of an hundred pound weight a steeple height, and a quarter of a mile off and more, stone bow-wise, admirable for fire-works and astonishing of besieged cities, when, without warning given by noise, they find themselves so forcibly and dangerously surprised.

NOTE.

The strength of a compound spring formed of two metals may, by the application of heat, be increased to any given power. Rationale.—Iron possessing an expansive power of 1/95, and brass being only 1/60, the weaker metal will be bent by that whose power of expansion is greater, and the impulse of the spring increased in an equal ratio.

No. XXV.

How to make a weight, that cannot take up an hundred pound, and yet shall take up two hundred pounds, and at the self same distance from the centre; and so, proportionally, to millions of pounds.

NOTE.

This is indeed paradoxical, and so completely contrary to every established principle or rule in science, that we may fairly set it down among the number of those inventions which, by partaking so highly of the marvellous, have contributed to bring the whole Century into disrepute.

No. XXVI.

To raise a weight so well and as forcibly with the drawing back of the lever, as with the thrusting it forwards; and by that means to lose no time in motion or strength. This I saw in the arsenal at Venice.

NOTE.

The mere application of a crank, such as is used for the foot-lathe, acting upon a drum and fly-wheel, with a chain attached to move a second lever or upright sliding bar, will fully effect the object here described.

No. XXVII.

A way to remove to and fro huge weights, with a most inconsiderable strength, from place to place. For example: ten ton with ten pounds, and less; the said ten pounds not to fall lower than it makes the ten ton to advance or retreat upon a level.

NOTE.