CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN GROUPS

BY

MARTIN A. BAUMHOFF

ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS

Vol. 16, No. 5

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS

ANTHROPOLOGICAL RECORDS

Editors (Berkeley): J. H. Rowe, R. F. Heizer, R. F. Murphy, E. Norbeck Volume 16, No. 5, pp. 157-238, plates 9-11, 2 figures in text, 18 maps

Submitted by editors May 6, 1957 Issued August 1, 1958 Price, $1.50

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles California

Cambridge University Press London, England

Manufactured in the United States of America

[PREFACE]

In March, 1950, the University of California assumed custodianship of an extensive collection of original and secondary data referring to California Indian ethnology, made by Dr. C. Hart Merriam and originally deposited with the Smithsonian Institution. Since that time the Merriam collection has been consulted by qualified persons interested in linguistics, ethnogeography, and other specialized subjects. Some of the data have been published, the most substantial publication being a book, Studies of California Indians (1955), which comprises essays and original records written or collected by Dr. Merriam.

The selection and editing of the material for the Studies volume made us aware of the extent of the detailed information on ethnogeography which a thorough survey of the Merriam data would provide. We therefore approached Dr. Leonard Carmichael, Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, with the proposal that a qualified graduate student be appointed as research assistant to study and prepare for publication a discrete amount of Merriam record material, remuneration for this work to be paid from the E. H. Harriman fund, administered by the Smithsonian Institution for preparation and publication of Dr. Merriam's ethnological data. This proposal was approved, and Mr. Martin Baumhoff began his one year of investigation on September 15, 1955.

After discussion, we agreed that the area where tribal distributions, village locations, and aboriginal population numbers were least certainly known—and also a field where the Merriam data were fairly abundant—was the territory of the several Athabascan tribes of Northwestern California. Under our direction, Baumhoff patiently assembled all the available material on these tribes, producing what is certainly the most definitive study yet made of their distribution and numbers.

In this monograph the importance of the Merriam data is central, although they are compounded with information collected by other students of the California Athabascans. We believe that the maps showing group distribution represent the closest possible approximation to the aboriginal situation that can now be arrived at.

The Department of Anthropology hopes to be able to continue the work of studying and publishing the Merriam data on tribal distributions. It takes this opportunity to express its appreciation of the coöperation of the Smithsonian Institution in this undertaking.

A. L. Kroeber
R. F. Heizer

[CONTENTS]

MAPS

CALIFORNIA ATHABASCAN GROUPS

BY

MARTIN A. BAUMHOFF

[INTRODUCTION]

In 1910 C. Hart Merriam, already well known as a naturalist, came to California and began the study of California ethnography which was to occupy him for the rest of his life. Almost every year from then until his death in 1942 Merriam spent about six months in the field, talking to Indians and recording their memories of aboriginal times. All this field work resulted in an immense collection of data on the California Indians, most of which has never been published (see Merriam's bibliography in Merriam, 1955, pp. 227-229).

In 1950 the greater part of Merriam's field notes was deposited at the University of California, with the intention of making them available for study and publication. One volume of papers has already appeared (Merriam, 1955), and the present study is part of a continuing program.

The California Athabascans were selected as the first group for study at the suggestion of A. L. Kroeber, the reason being that the Athabascans have been and still remain one of the least known aboriginal groups in the State. This is not because they were conquered early and their culture dissipated, as is true of the Mission Indians; there were scarcely any whites in the California Athabascan area before the 1850's. Indeed, as late as the 1920's and '30's there were many good Athabascan informants still available. The reason for the hiatus in our knowledge lies in an accident in the history of ethnology rather than in the history of California.

The early work among the California Athabascans was done by Pliny Earle Goddard. Goddard began his studies of the Athabascans in 1897 at the Hoopa Indian Reservation, where he was a lay missionary. He stayed there until 1900, when he went to Berkeley to work for his doctorate in linguistics under Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University of California. Between 1900 and 1909 Goddard was associated with the University as student and professor and during this time he visited the Athabascans periodically, until he had worked with virtually all the groups considered in this paper.

During this same period A. L. Kroeber was engaged in gathering material for his classic Handbook of California Indians. Because of the scarcity of ethnographers in those years Kroeber could not afford the time to work in the Athabascan area and duplicate Goddard's investigations. Kroeber did study the Hupa and the Kato at either end of the Athabascan area but, except for a hurried trip through the region in 1902, he did not work with the other groups, and the responsibility for the ethnographic field work therefore devolved upon Goddard.

Goddard, however, was not primarily an ethnographer but a linguist, and he directed his chief efforts toward linguistic investigations. He has published an impressive body of Athabascan texts and linguistic analyses but, except for his Life and Culture of the Hupa (1903a), almost nothing on the culture of the Athabascans.

The net result is that the California Athabascans are virtually unknown, and Merriam's fresh data provide an opportunity to piece together the available evidence.

The Merriam files, deposited at the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, contain information on each of the tribes of California, some of it being information gathered by Merriam himself, the rest clippings and quotations from various historic and ethnographic sources. The primary and secondary materials are easily distinguished, since Merriam gave scrupulous citations to his sources.

Merriam's own data consist of word lists, ethnogeographical material, and random notes on various aspects of native culture. I have not used his word lists, since their usefulness is primarily linguistic and I am not competent to perform the necessary linguistic analysis, but all the random ethnographic notes which he recorded for the Athabascan groups are here included under the discussion of the appropriate tribes.

Most of the Merriam Athabascan material is geographic, consisting of lists of villages and place names, of descriptions and lengthy discussions of tribal boundaries. Obviously Merriam attempted to gather a complete file of this sort of information, and he was largely successful. His work provides a good basis for establishing boundaries and for locating tribelets and villages.

Another important source of information, serving the same purpose, is the Goddard material. Evidently Goddard very much enjoyed the long horseback trips he made with an informant, who could point out the village sites, landmarks, and other points of interest of his native territory. This information, carefully recorded by Goddard, has proved extremely valuable in the present work, the more so since it represents firsthand observation.

Goddard's ethnogeographic work for three of the California Athabascan groups has already been published (1914a; 1923a; 1924). Besides this, the present writer has been fortunate enough to have access to Goddard's unpublished notes, which contain information on several hundred additional villages in the area. These notes were in the possession of Dr. Elsie Clews Parsons, Goddard's literary executor, and on her death they were sent to the University of California by Dr. Gladys Reichard. They remained in the files of the University of California Museum of Anthropology until their use in the present work.

This unpublished material of Goddard's consists of a group of file cards, on each of which is typed the name, location, and any other pertinent data for a single village. Some of the lists are accompanied by maps, showing precise location of the villages. In the lists for which there are no maps but only verbal descriptions of the sites, the township, range, and quarter section coördinates are given. The township and range coördinates have been changed since Goddard's time, in accordance with the more accurate surveys of the last thirty years, but county maps of the appropriate period provide a perfectly adequate way of locating Goddard's sites within a few hundred yards.

It is clear, on the basis of internal evidence, that there is or was more Goddard material than is now accessible to the present author. For the Kato, for instance, Goddard says that he recorded more than fifty villages (Goddard, 1909, p. 67); all that remain in his notes are two village cards numbered 51 and 52 respectively. There may also be some data, once recorded but now lost, from the Lassik, Nongatl, and Shelter Cove Sinkyone. I have communicated with the American Museum of Natural History, where Goddard was a member of the staff, and with Indiana University, where some of his manuscripts are deposited, but neither of these institutions has any knowledge of the material in question.

The Merriam and Goddard material, taken together, provides a fair amount of information on the geography of the California Athabascan groups. We are now in the position of knowing a great deal about the location of the tribes, tribelets, and villages of these people, while we know very little about their way of life, except what can be gained by inference from the surrounding groups.

The author's thanks are due to Dr. A. L. Kroeber and Dr. R. F. Heizer, who gave their full coöperation throughout the preparation of the present paper. Dr. Henry Sheffé was kind enough to advise on the statistics used in the section on population.

ATHABASCAN CULTURE

The following sketch of Athabascan culture attempts to provide some background for the later discussion of the various groups. In this sketch I have not used the material from the Hupa, since they are virtually identical with the Yurok and not at all typical of the more southern Athabascans.

Subsistence.—For information on Athabascan economy I have relied heavily on Essene's account of the Lassik (1942, p. 84). There was, no doubt, variation among the different groups, but for the most part, they must have followed a similar pattern.

The most difficult time in the annual cycle of food production was winter. There were then few fish and almost no game animals or crops for gathering. From late November to early March people had to rely on food that had been stored the previous year. Essene's informant said that about every four or five years there would be a hard winter, but she could remember only one when people actually starved to death.

In February or March the spring salmon run began, and after that the danger of starvation was past. At about this time the grass began to grow again, and the first clover was eaten ravenously because of the dearth of greens during the winter.

The herb-gathering and salmon-fishing activity lasted until the spring rains ended in April or May, when the people left their villages on the salmon streams and scattered out into the hills for the summer. Usually only a few families would stay together during the summer, while the men hunted deer, squirrels, and other animals and the women gathered clover, seeds, roots, and nuts. Food was most plentiful at this season, and the places visited varied with the abundance of different crops. If a certain crop was good, the Indians would spend more time that summer in the area where the crop grew best. The next year they might go somewhere else. The vegetation of the Athabascan habitat is not well enough mapped to permit a precise delineation of these various summer camping grounds.

In September or October, when the acorns were ripe, the Indians would return to their winter villages and smoke meat for storing and probably store the acorns. Each family built a new house to protect it from the heavy winter rains. After the first rain in the fall the salmon run again in some of the streams of the region and were caught and smoked for winter storage.

It is evident that the crucial factor in the economy was the amount of food stored for winter and that this food supply was a controlling influence on the size of the population, since, in bad years, people starved. At least, this was so for the Lassik, and it was no doubt true among the other groups as well. Salmon, meat, and acorns were doubtless the chief foods stored, and thus population size would have responded quite sensitively to the quantity and condition of the salmon, deer, and oak trees.

Social organization.—For social organization I have had to rely mostly on Nomland's accounts of the Sinkyone and Bear River groups (1935, 1938). The primary social unit among the California Athabascans was the simple family, including a man, his wife, and his children. Although polygyny was known, at least among some groups, it was rare, and the possessor of two wives was reckoned a rich man. Most marriage was by purchase; the levirate and sororate were common. Divorce was also common and might be obtained by a man because of his wife's barrenness, laziness, or infidelity.

The next social group, larger than the family, was the tribelet. Kroeber (1932, p. 258) has defined the tribelet as follows.

Each of these [tribelets] seemed to possess a small territory usually definable in terms of drainage; a principal town or settlement, often with a chief recognized by the whole group; normally, minor settlements which might or might not be occupied permanently; and sometimes a specific name, but more often none other than the designation of the principal town. Each group acted as a homogeneous unit in matters of land ownership, trespass, war, major ceremonies, and the entertainment entailed by them.

This definition, given for the Pomo, fits the Athabascan area very well. Merriam usually refers to these groups as "bands," while Goddard calls them "subtribes." In the body of this paper I use the word "band" when quoting or paraphrasing Merriam, otherwise I call them "tribelets."

The tribelet was the largest corporate group in the area. A larger group, which I call the tribe, has been identified by most ethnographers. This latter group ordinarily had no corporate functions, unless it happened to be coterminous with, and therefore indistinguishable from, the tribelet. The tribe, as the term is used here, was a group of two or more tribelets—or occasionally one single group—with a single speech dialect, different from that of their neighbors. The tribe was also culturally uniform, but not necessarily distinct from its neighbors in this respect. The similarity between people of a single tribe evidently gave them a feeling of community but had no further effect on their social or political organization.

The following tribes have been identified in the Athabascan area, each including several tribelets, except for the Bear River tribe, which consists of one single tribelet.

Kato: The Kato probably included at least 2 tribelets, but we have no information on this point.

Eel River Wailaki: 9 tribelets.

North Fork Wailaki: 6 tribelets.

Pitch Wailaki: 4 tribelets.

Lassik: Probably several tribelets, but there is no information.

Nongatl: There is evidence of 6 subgroups of the Nongatl. Some of these may be dialect divisions, that is, tribes. The information is not sufficient to permit definition and they have therefore been grouped under Nongatl. The extent of Nongatl territory indicates that there must have been several tribelets.

Lolangkok Sinkyone: There were at least 2, and possibly more, tribelets.

Shelter Cove Sinkyone: There were at least 4 tribelets.

Mattole: 2 tribelets.

Bear River: The Bear River tribe consists of a single tribelet.

Whilkut: The 4 subdivisions of the Whilkut—Chilula Whilkut, Kloki Whilkut, Mad River Whilkut, and North Fork Whilkut—all appear to be tribelets. It is possible that the Mad River Whilkut spoke a different dialect than the other groups and, if so, they should be given tribal status. The evidence is not clear on this point and I have therefore included them simply as a Whilkut tribelet.

Hupa: 2 tribelets are to be distinguished for the Hupa proper. In addition, Merriam distinguishes the South Fork Hupa as a distinct dialect division. The linguistic separation is not supported by Goddard or Kroeber and I have therefore included the South Fork Hupa under the Hupa proper, but as a separate tribelet. This gives a total of 3 tribelets for the Hupa.

In general, it may be stated that the California Athabascans did not have the strong local organization characteristic of Central California. Emphasis on wealth, although present, was less strongly developed than among the Yurok and therefore did not lead to the fragmented villages and tight family organization of that group. This statement, of course, does not apply to the Hupa, and probably not to the Whilkut, both of which were more like the Yurok.

Religion and the supernatural.—The clearest account of the religious practices of the Athabascans is given by Nomland (1938, pp. 93-98), who obtained her information from the Bear River woman, Nora Coonskin, herself a shaman. The account, however, may not be representative of the Athabascans as a whole.

The Athabascans thought that each person had a spirit which, leaving him when he died, might come back to earth as a small creature about two feet high. This returned spirit could communicate with shamans. When a person had a fainting spell, the spirit departed from the body and a shaman had to be called in order to get the patient's spirit back. If the shaman failed, the patient died. Shamans' spirits went to a special afterworld and were accompanied only by the spirits of other shamans.

Shamans were important among the Bear River people and probably among the other Athabascans as well. They might be either men or women; most often they were women, men being thought less powerful. The first signs of a shaman's power came in childhood, the visible signs being, for example, excessive drooling in sleep. If the childhood omens were proper, the training began about the age of twelve, under the direction of an older shaman, the main ceremony being a series of dances performed on five successive nights. Other ceremonies followed; then the girl was a full-fledged shaman. She was not supposed to use her power for a period of two to five years or it would harm her. The fee for training the initiate was large, 200 to 300 dollars in Indian money (perhaps a 6-8 ft. string of dentalia shells).

There were two types of shamans—curing shamans and sucking shamans. The curing shaman sang and danced for two nights while her spirit searched for the spirit of the patient. A shaman's fee was from five to ten dollars per night; if the patient died within two months, the fee had to be returned.

The sucking shamans could suck out pains which were causing illness. These shamans were paid more because they were more powerful; having greater power, they were in greater danger and had a shorter life expectancy.

Connections with other groups.—The foregoing account of economy, social organization, and religious practices does not by any means make up a complete picture of Athabascan life, but it illustrates certain salient factors. In particular, the connections with Northwestern California are clear. So far as influence from Northwestern California is concerned the Athabascans may be divided into three groups: the Hupa and Whilkut on the north are an integral part of the northwestern culture center; the Wailaki and Kato on the south are essentially Central Californian; and the groups in between are transitional, but more northern than southern in their outlook.

[ATHABASCAN BOUNDARIES]

In evaluating boundaries I have relied most heavily on the information of Merriam (map 3) and Kroeber (map 1). Merriam's data are contained in a 1:500,000 map of California, together with a descriptive text. The map and the description were made up by Dr. Merriam's daughter, Mrs. Zenaida Merriam Talbot, during the years 1939 to 1946, from information in Merriam's notes and journals, the latter of which are not accessible to this writer. Often, where Merriam's boundaries disagree with those of Kroeber or other authors, Merriam's line will follow a stream, whereas the alternative follows a ridge or drainage diversion. When the evidence is inconclusive, I have usually followed Kroeber's method and chosen the ridge rather than the stream as the boundary. In this area the streams are small and easily crossed during most of the year and therefore would not constitute a barrier sufficient for the divergence of dialects. On the other hand, the hills were visited only briefly for hunting and gathering; the population depended to a great extent on the products of streams for its subsistence, and consequently all the permanent villages were in the lowlands and canyons. For this reason, the ridges rather than the streams would tend to be boundaries. Kroeber has discussed this point more generally (1939, p. 216) and also in greater detail (1925a, p. 160).

EXTERIOR BOUNDARIES

The southern boundary of the Athabascans begins at Usal Creek on the coast and goes eastward for a few miles before swinging south to include the drainages of Hollow Tree Creek and the South Fork of the Eel in Kato territory. It turns north to enclose the headwaters of South Fork and proceeds along the ridge dividing Ten Mile Creek from the main Eel until it reaches the drainage of Blue Rock Creek; it then passes around north of the creek and crosses the Eel near the mouth of the creek. From this point it runs in an easterly direction around the drainage of Hulls Creek.

Kroeber's map in the Handbook shows the southern boundary beginning a few miles south of Usal Creek, but Merriam and Nomland both maintain that the creek itself is the boundary and Gifford (1939, p. 304) says that both Sinkyone and Yuki were spoken in the village situated at the mouth of the creek. The information of all four authors came from either Sally or Tom Bell, wife and husband, who are respectively Shelter Cove Sinkyone and Coast Yuki. I have accepted Merriam's boundary, since it agrees with Nomland's.

Merriam maintains that the western boundary of the Kato runs along the South Fork of the Eel and he is partly supported in this by Barrett (1908, map), whose boundary includes the drainage of South Fork but not the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek. Barrett, however, disavows any certainty on this particular boundary. Kroeber's line, which does include the drainage of Hollow Tree Creek in Kato territory, is supported by a specific statement from Gifford (1939, p. 296) that "Hollow Tree Creek did not belong to the Coast Yuki although they fished there." I have therefore accepted Kroeber's version.

All authorities agree on the southern and eastern boundaries of the Kato as far north as the drainage of Blue Rock Creek. Merriam claims this drainage for the Wailaki, whereas both Kroeber and Foster claim it for the ta'no'm tribelet of the Yuki. It is evident that this territory was disputed, for it was the scene of several of the wars involving the Wailaki, the Kato, and the Yuki (Kroeber, 1925a, p. 165; 1925b). Kroeber obtained a detailed list of place names in this area from a ta'no'm Yuki, whereas Merriam's Wailaki information is only of a most general nature. For this reason I have given the territory to the Yuki.

All the authorities, except Foster, agree on the rest of the southern boundary of the Athabascans. Foster has the Yuki-Wailaki line cross Hulls Creek about five miles from its mouth instead of passing south of its drainage. Both Kroeber and Merriam favor the more southern line, and Goddard (1924, p. 224) says that the Wailaki claimed a fishing spot in the disputed area, so I have accepted this version.

The eastern boundary of the Athabascans runs north along the ridge separating the drainages of the North Fork and Middle Fork of the Eel until it reaches the headwaters of the Mad River. Thence it runs in a northern direction along the ridge that separates the drainage of the Mad River from that of the South Fork of the Trinity until it reaches Grouse Creek, where it turns eastward to cross the South Fork of the Trinity at the mouth of the creek. It continues north on the east side of South Fork, following the crest until it crosses the main Trinity about five miles above its confluence with South Fork, and then follows around the headwaters of Horse Linto Creek and Mill Creek.

Merriam's eastern Athabascan boundary conflicts with the one drawn by Kroeber, Foster, and Goddard in assigning the northern part of the drainage of the Middle Fork of the Eel to the Pitch Wailaki instead of to the Yuki. Merriam is almost certainly wrong here, for Goddard (1924) definitely does not include this area within Wailaki territory and his information in this region appears to have been especially reliable. Moreover, Merriam got his information from natives of the main Eel River, who were evidently not on good terms with their relatives to the east and knew little about them. I have therefore accepted the Kroeber boundary.

The next conflict is to the north of this, where Kroeber's boundary runs up the ridge separating the Mad River from the South Fork of the Trinity, whereas Merriam's runs along South Fork itself in the twenty miles from Yolla Bolly Mountain northwest to Ruth. Essene (1942) agrees with Merriam on this point, but his data add nothing to the argument, since he worked with the same Lassik informant as Merriam. I have accepted Kroeber's version because it is corroborated by both Goddard (1907) and Du Bois (1935, map 1), who agree in assigning the valley of the South Fork of the Trinity to the Wintun.

Kroeber and Merriam agree on the line running north of Ruth as far as a point about fifteen miles south of Grouse Creek, where Merriam's line drifts westward to follow the north-south channel of Grouse Creek for a short distance, whereas Kroeber's line follows due north along the drainage pattern. Essene supports Kroeber, but his informant did not come from this region so her testimony perhaps cannot be relied on heavily. I have accepted Kroeber's line because it follows the drainage pattern.

Kroeber's boundary also conflicts with Merriam's on the east side of South Fork. Kroeber's line runs along the ridge separating South Fork from the main Trinity whereas Merriam's runs along the Trinity itself. The testimony of Dixon on the Chimariko (1910, pp. 295-296) supports Kroeber, so I have accepted the latter's line.

The northern boundary of the Athabascans runs west, parallel to Mill Creek, crossing the Trinity a few miles south of its confluence with the Klamath, and then continues west until it reaches Bald Hills Ridge, which separates Redwood Creek drainage from Klamath River drainage. It continues north along this ridge and then turns east to cross Redwood Creek about ten miles southeast of Orick.

Goddard (1914a, pl. 38) indicates three Athabascan summer camps on the Yurok side of the dividing ridge. This may mean that some Athabascan territory was included in the Klamath drainage, but if so, it would contradict the testimony of the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925a, fig. 1; Waterman, 1920, map 2). However, the land away from the Klamath was little used by the Yurok (Kroeber, 1925a, p. 8), so it may be that this territory was claimed by both groups. I have accepted Kroeber's boundary here. Otherwise there are no conflicts on the northern boundary.

The western boundary of the Athabascans runs due south from Redwood Creek, following the 124th Meridian, crossing the North Fork of the Mad River at Blue Lake and crossing the main Mad River a few miles above the mouth of North Fork. From here the line follows south around the drainage of Humboldt Bay until it crosses the Eel River at the mouth of the Van Duzen, whence it runs south to Bear River Ridge, which it follows west to the ocean.

A major conflict in the western boundary of the Athabascans involves the drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River. Kroeber and Loud both assign this area to the Wiyot, whereas Merriam assigns it to the Athabascans. Neither Kroeber nor Loud gives specific data in support of his contention; thus Merriam's specific local information quoted below, renders his line preferable.

Sunday, August 11, 1918.... I found two old men of the same tribe, who were born and reared at the Blue Lake rancheria 'Ko-tin-net—the westernmost village of the Ha-whil-kut-ka tribe.

I have therefore accepted Merriam's boundary.

From the Mad River south to the Eel there is general agreement except that, as usual, Merriam's lines tend to follow the streams, whereas those of Kroeber and Loud follow the ridges. Another conflict comes at the crossing of the Eel River. Curtis (1924, 13:67) says the line crosses at the mouth of the Van Duzen. Nomland (1938, map 1), Loud, and Merriam all agree with this. Powers (1877, p. 101) and Kroeber both locate the line a few miles up the river from this point at Eagle Prairie, while Nomland's Wiyot informant (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map 1) places the line even farther south at the mouth of Larabee Creek. The weight of evidence indicates that the line was probably near the mouth of the Van Duzen; Goddard (1929, p. 292) states that there was a Bear River village near there.

There is also some disagreement on the northern boundary of the Bear River group. Nomland says that it is at Fleener Creek, about five miles north of Bear River Ridge, whereas Kroeber indicates a line about two miles north of Bear River Ridge. Loud, Merriam, and Goddard, on the other hand, all indicate that the boundary is Bear River Ridge itself. Nomland's boundary is almost certainly in error, since Loud gives Wiyot villages occurring south of that line. Most of the evidence points to Bear River Ridge as the line, and this version has been accepted.

INTERIOR BOUNDARIES

There is no disagreement on the western boundary of the Hupa. It runs north and south along Bald Hills Ridge, dividing the drainages of Redwood Creek and the Trinity River. Merriam gives the Hupa two divisions—the Tin-nung-hen-na-o, or Hupa proper, and the Ts´ă-nung-whă, or Southern Hupa. The line dividing these two groups lies just north of the main Trinity to the east of South Fork and along Madden Creek to the west of South Fork. Kroeber (1925a, p. 129) and Goddard (1903a, p. 7) do not give any support for a linguistic division, as indicated by Merriam, but there does seem to have been some cultural difference.

In the division of the territory west of the Hupa Merriam differs radically from Kroeber and Goddard, although all three scholars divide the area between two groups. Kroeber and Goddard call the northernmost group Chilula, an anglicization of the Yurok word tsulu-la meaning "Bald Hills people," and the southern, Whilkut, from the Hupa word hoilkut-hoi meaning "Redwood Creek people" or "upper Redwood Creek people."

Merriam calls the first of his two divisions Hoilkut and says that they lived on Redwood Creek and on the North Fork of the Mad. This group he further subdivides into three parts: one, living on lower Redwood Creek, corresponds to the Chilula of Kroeber and Goddard; another, on upper Redwood Creek, corresponds to part of Kroeber's Whilkut; and a third, on the North Fork of the Mad River, corresponds to a part of Loud's Wiyot.

Merriam calls his second division Ma-we-nok. They live in the drainage of the main Mad River and correspond to a part of Kroeber's Whilkut.

It would appear that, except for Goddard's Chilula information (Goddard, 1914a), Merriam's data are the most detailed and therefore preferable. He had informants from lower Redwood Creek, from the North Fork of the Mad River, and from the main Mad River. For this reason I have accepted his boundaries. I therefore propose that all the peoples previously included under the terms Whilkut or Chilula be called Whilkut. This seems justified by Merriam's statements, on the one hand, that the Mad River Ma-we-nok differed but little in speach from their Whilkut neighbors, and, on the other hand, that the other groups in the area called themselves hoilkut or terms related to this.

Map 1. Athabascan boundaries: Kroeber vs. Baumhoff.

Map 2. Athabascan boundaries: Baumhoff.

Map 3. Athabascan boundaries: Merriam vs. Baumhoff.

Map 4. Athabascan boundaries: various authors vs. Baumhoff.

If this proposal is accepted, the Whilkut may then be divided into four subgroups—the Chilula Whilkut, the Kloki Whilkut, the Mad River Whilkut, and the North Fork Whilkut. The Chilula Whilkut would occupy essentially the territory assigned to the Chilula by Goddard and Kroeber—the drainage of Redwood Creek from about ten miles southeast of Orick to about a mile above the mouth of Minor Creek. Above them are the Kloki Whilkut, occupying the upper drainage of Redwood Creek. The name Kloki Whilkut means "prairie" Whilkut, a name used by these people for themselves, according to Merriam, and derived from the prairies that occur on upper Redwood Creek. The Mad River Whilkut would be the group in the drainage of Mad River from the mouth of North Fork as far up as Bug Creek above Iaqua Buttes. The North Fork Whilkut would then be the group in the entire drainage of the North Fork of the Mad River.

The northern boundary of the Nongatl begins in the west near Kneeland at the Wiyot boundary and runs southeast around Iaqua Buttes and the drainage of the Mad River, then northeast to Grouse Creek. Kroeber and Merriam agree on this boundary east of Iaqua Buttes, but west of that landmark Merriam's line takes a northeast-southwest direction whereas Kroeber's line runs due east-west. I have accepted Merriam's line here because he has more detailed information than Kroeber on the neighboring Whilkut. Neither has much information on the Nongatl themselves.

One of the main interior lines of the Athabascans is the one which, running north and south along the South Fork of the Eel, divides the coastal groups on the west from the interior peoples to the east. It begins at the mouth of the Van Duzen on the main Eel and runs south along the Eel as far as Scotia, dividing the Nongatl from the Bear River group. At Scotia it coincides with the Sinkyone-Nongatl boundary and then continues in a southerly direction but, instead of lying immediately on the river, it drifts slightly to the east to include also the land adjacent to the stream. It continues thus near to, but off, the main Eel until it crosses the river at about McCann, a few miles above the mouth of South Fork. After crossing the main Eel, the line goes south, including the immediate river valley of the South Fork of the Eel in Sinkyone territory, until it turns west to cross South Fork at the mouth of Hollow Tree Creek, continuing to the coast at Usal Creek.

This section of the Athabascan boundary has been much disputed. It seems certain that the western side of the Eel from the mouth of the Van Duzen to Scotia was Bear River territory. This distribution is attested by Powers (1877, p. 107), who says that the Bear River group owned as far south as the mouth of South Fork, by Nomland's Bear River informant (1938, map 1), by Kroeber, and by Goddard, who says (1929, p. 291), "There was, however, one village at the mouth of Van Duzen creek which was allied to Bear River both in its dialect and politically." This evidence is fully in accordance with that of Merriam.

The eastern side of the river along this stretch goes to the Nongatl by default. Kroeber claims it for the Bear River people and Nomland's Wiyot informant claimed it for the Wiyot (Nomland and Kroeber, 1936, map 1) but except for these sources possession is denied by Wiyot, Bear River, and Sinkyone alike.

South of Scotia the area is also in dispute. Nomland and Kroeber claim that the eastern side of the Eel from Scotia to the mouth of South Fork is Nongatl. They say (1936, p. 40):

In any event, Eel river from Scotia to Larrabee was not Mattole, as Kroeber has it in map 1 of his Handbook, nor was it Sinkyone. Nomland's Bear River, Mattole, and Sinkyone informants were positive on the point. If Athabascan, the stretch in question belonged to the Nongatl (Saia). Otherwise it was Wiyot.

Merriam, on the contrary claims that this territory was definitely Sinkyone.

We must evaluate the statements of the informants involved before reaching a decision on this point. Nomland's Bear River informant was evidently not particularly accurate on boundaries, for she placed the northern boundary of the Bear River group at Fleener Creek when it was almost certainly at Bear River Ridge (see p. [163]). Therefore her testimony may be questioned on the present point also. Nomland's Sinkyone informants were from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone of the Briceland area to the south, and furthermore only one of them was said to be reliable. Merriam, however, presents detailed evidence in the form of place names obtained from George Burt, a very good informant who was born and raised among the northern Sinkyone at Bull Creek. I have therefore accepted the evidence of George Burt via Merriam, even though several of Nomland's informants deny it.

Actually, I have accepted Merriam's line as far south as Phillipsville on the South Fork of the Eel, even though it conflicts somewhat with the lines of Nomland and Kroeber. Merriam's information for this stretch of South Fork is supported in detail by Goddard's village lists. South of Phillipsville, Merriam's line runs along South Fork itself instead of lying slightly east of it. This line is contradicted by Goddard, whose informant, a native of the region, gave Goddard village names on both sides of the river as far south as Garberville. I have accepted the line indicated by Goddard's information along this stretch.

South of Garberville I have relied heavily on Nomland. She had three informants from the Shelter Cove Sinkyone—Sally Bell, Tom Bell, and Jack Woodman, of whom she considered only the last reliable. Merriam seems to have relied entirely on Sally Bell for information about this group and his information should therefore be somewhat discounted.

The Bear River-Mattole boundary is not disputed. Merriam and Nomland agree that it begins on the coast at Davis Creek and then follows the ridge east to the headwaters of Bear River. The two authors do not agree on the Bear River-Sinkyone line. Nomland's boundary goes due east from Bear River headwaters to strike the South Fork of the Eel a few miles above its mouth. Merriam's line instead goes north to intercept the main Eel at Scotia. I have accepted Merriam's version on the basis of George Burt's evidence, even though Kroeber agrees with Nomland.

The Mattole-Sinkyone boundary begins at Spanish Flat on the coast and goes northeast from there, crossing the Mattole River just above the mouth of Upper North Fork, Mattole River, and continuing in that direction to the headwaters of the Bear River. I have altered Merriam's map on this point. It shows the Mattole-Sinkyone line reaching the coast at Big Flat, a point about six miles down the coast from Spanish Flat. Merriam's notes say, however, that the line ends at Spanish Flat. Merriam's line crosses the Mattole River near the town of Upper Mattole about five miles below the mouth of Upper North Fork, but Goddard's Mattole informant gave him villages as far up as the mouth of Upper North Fork and I have considered this fact to be decisive. Nomland's Mattole-Sinkyone line reaches the coast at Four Mile Creek, about five miles up the coast from Merriam's line at Spanish Flat. This line of Nomland's is probably a tribelet boundary, which Merriam and Goddard give as occurring at about that point (see Mattole Tribelets). Otherwise Nomland's boundary agrees with that of Merriam.

Merriam's line dividing the northern or Lolangkok Sinkyone from the southern or Shelter Cove Sinkyone begins in the east on South Fork Eel about a mile or two above the mouth of Salmon Creek, runs west from there through Kings Peak, and crosses the Mattole River just north of Ettersberg, intersecting the Mattole line a few miles from the coast. This line as given is the same as Merriam's, except that his begins in the east at Redwood Creek instead of at Salmon Creek. The change here is based on Goddard's village list, which indicates the present line.

The Lassik-Nongatl line begins in the east just below Ruth on the Mad River. It goes west from there around the headwaters of the Van Duzen River until it crosses the Eel at the mouth of Dobbyn Creek and thence west to the Sinkyone line. Kroeber and Merriam agree on the eastern part of this line but Essene disagrees with them, including a much larger portion of the drainage of the Mad and Van Duzen rivers in Lassik territory. I am at a loss to explain this version, since Essene's informant from the Lassik was the same one consulted by Merriam. It is not clear that Essene's boundaries were obtained from his informants, and this fact may explain the discrepancy. I have accepted the Kroeber-Merriam line here. To the west of this, Kroeber's line, instead of crossing the Eel, follows the river toward the northwest, so none of the main Eel River valley falls in Nongatl territory. Goddard gives villages on the main Eel which are said to be allied with others in the Blocksburg region, so the Nongatl must have claimed at least a small section of the Eel. I have therefore accepted the Merriam version.

The Wailaki-Lassik boundary begins in the east at the head of the Mad River and runs west to the North Fork of the Eel, which it crosses at the mouth of Salt Creek. It follows Salt Creek for a short way and then goes west to Kekawaka Creek, which it follows to its mouth on the main Eel. It crosses the Eel here and then goes west to intersect the Sinkyone boundary at the East Branch of the South Fork of the Eel. The boundary as given here is identical with the one given by Merriam, except that he includes part of the drainage of the Mad within Wailaki territory whereas Kroeber does not. I have accepted Kroeber's version, because it is supported in a negative way by Goddard (1924), who fails to include any Mad River drainage in Pitch Wailaki territory.

West of this area, Kroeber's boundary runs considerably north of Merriam's and of the boundary I have accepted. Merriam's line seems preferable because it is supported by Goddard and because Merriam's information is more specific than Kroeber's.

According to the information of Merriam and Goddard, the Wailaki may be divided into three groups—the Eel River Wailaki, the North Fork Wailaki, and the Pitch Wailaki. The eastern group, the Pitch Wailaki, occupy the drainage of North Fork Eel River above Asbill Creek, Hulls Creek, and Casoose Creek. Their western boundary begins in the north on Salt Creek near its confluence with North Fork Eel. It runs south from this point along Salt Creek and beyond it, crossing the North Fork of the Eel just above the mouth of Asbill Creek and intersecting the Yuki-Wailaki line near Summit Valley. The northern border of the North Fork Wailaki begins in the west on the main Eel River at the mouth of Cottonwood Creek, about three miles north of the mouth of North Fork Eel, and runs from there eastward for about six miles, where it hits the western boundary of the Pitch Wailaki. The western boundary of the North Fork Wailaki is the main Eel River from the mouth of Cottonwood Creek south to the Yuki line near Bell Springs Railroad Station.

The Kato-Wailaki line runs from the head of Blue Rock Creek in the east to the mouth of Hollow Tree Creek on the South Fork of the Eel in the west. This is Kroeber's version of the boundary. Merriam's version places the line somewhat south of this, beginning at Rattlesnake Creek in the west and going eastward south of Blue Rock Creek. Since I have ceded the drainage of Blue Rock Creek to the Yuki (see p. [160]) in accordance with the views of Kroeber, I must, as a corollary, accept the northern boundary of the Kato as given by him.

The net result of the foregoing discussion is that the line surrounding the Athabascan peoples of Northwestern California remains much the same as Kroeber showed it in 1925, whereas the tribal boundaries are considerably changed. In the north, the Chilula and Whilkut occupy almost entirely different areas and the Hupa have been divided into two subgroups. On the coast, the Bear River and Mattole are divided, but this division had been shown by Goddard and Nomland previously. The Sinkyone have been divided into two subgroups and the Wailaki into three.

A really major difference is the accretion of territory by the Nongatl. This group is one about which least is known and this may be the reason why the map shows their territory as so extensive. It is very likely that data from a few good informants would show that the Nongatl actually comprise several distinct groups. There is a hint of this in Essene's account of Lassik war stories (1942, p. 91). He notes that the Nai'aitci, centering near the town of Bridgeville, were distinct from the Blocksburg people. Both of these groups are placed within the Nongatl area. No doubt more detailed information than we possess would show that the area which we have labeled Nongatl was actually occupied by two, three, or even more distinct groups.

[GROUPS]

KATO

The Kato are the southernmost of the California Athabascans (see pl. 11, e for a view of Kato territory). They are surrounded on three sides by Yukian peoples and consequently resemble culturally the peoples of Central California rather than those of Northwestern California. The name Kato appears to be of Pomo origin and it was first thought that the Kato language was a dialect of Pomo (Powers, 1877, p. 147). It was not until 1903 that Goddard showed their Athabascan affinity (Goddard, 1903b).

Information on the ethnogeography of the Kato is derived from several sources. Merriam's notes contain some information, which seems to have come from a man named Bill Ray, who was living near Laytonville on August 16, 1922. This man had been Goddard's informant in 1906, when Ray was already between sixty and sixty-five years old (Goddard, 1909, p. 68, pl. 9) and he served also as Kroeber's informant in 1923 (Kroeber, 1925b).

The Merriam notes contain, in addition to several village names, a few place and tribal names which I present herewith.

Kato: to-chil´-pe ke´-ah-hahng

Jackson V. people (inc. Branscom): sin´-kōk ke´-ah-hahng

Wailaki: we´-tah^ch

Yuki of Round V.: chinch´

Coast Yuki: bahng´-ke´-ah-hahng

Southern Sinkyone: ketch´-ing ke´-ah-hahng

Tribe on the N side of Rattlesnake Cr. and E of South Fork Eel division of Wailaki (?): tek´ ke´-ah-hahng

Long V.: kin-tĕ^hl-pe

Laytonville: ten-tah^ch-tung

Cahto Pond (now drained): to-chil´-pa

Long V. Cr.: shah´-nah

South Fork Eel R.: nahs-ling´-che

Rattlesnake Cr.: tal-tlōl´-kwit

Main Eel R.: tah-ke´-kwit

Blue Rock: seng-chah´-tung

Bell Springs: sĕ^ch-pis

Round V.: kun-tel-chō-pe

Jackson V.: kus´-cho-che´-pe; kas-tos´ cheek´-be

Branscomb Mt.: kīk; chīs´-naw

VILLAGES

The villages of this group are mostly taken from Barrett (1908, pp. 280-283) indicated below by (B). Those taken from Merriam's notes are distinguished by (M). The information given with each of the villages is sometimes a direct quotation but most often is paraphrased.

1. netce'līgût (B). At a point about 9 mi. nearly due W of the town of Laytonville and about 3 mi. SE of the confluence of the E fork of the South Fork of Eel R. with the South Fork of Eel R. This village is on top of the ridge separating these two streams and is on the property of Mr. Jacob Lamb.

2. yictciLti'ñkût, "wolf something-lying-down creek" (B). On the S bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a point about 5 mi. WNW of the town of Laytonville.

3. sentca'ūkût, "rock big creek"; or kave'mato (Northern Pomo dialect name), "rock big" (B). On Big Rock Cr. at a point about 1-1/2 mi. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr., or about 5-1/2 mi. nearly due W of the town of Laytonville.

sen-chow´-ten (M). Kato name for their village at Big Rock, about 4 mi. N of their present rancheria in Long V.

4. ka'ibi, "nuts in" (B). On the NE bank of Ten Mile Cr. at a point about 3 mi. downstream from the town of Laytonville.

5. nebō'cēgût, "ground hump on-top" (B). On what is known as the Wilson ranch at a point about 1 mi. W of Laytonville.

6. seLgaitceli'nda, "rock white run-out" (B). About 300 yds. E of the house on what is known as the "old" John Reed ranch about 1 mi. N of Laytonville.

7. bûntcnōndi'lyi, "fly settle-upon under" (B). Just NW of Laytonville and but a short distance from the place now occupied by the Indians near Laytonville.

8. ko'cbi, "blackberry there" (B). About 1-1/2 mi. WSW of Laytonville and on the SW bank of the Ten Mile Cr.

9. tcībē'takût, "fir tips creek" (B). About a mile SW of the town of Laytonville and about 1/2 mi. up the creek which drains Cahto V. from its confluence with Ten Mile Cr.

che-pa-tah-kut (M). A former village in the northern part of Long V. on the James White place.

10. distēgû'tsīū, "madrona crooked under" (B). On the western side of Long V. at a point about 2 mi. SSE of Laytonville.

11. tōdji'Lbi, "water? ... in" (B). At the site now occupied by the Indians at Cahto. This site is on the W bank of the small creek running from Cahto into Ten Mile Cr.

12. bûntctenōndi'lkût, "fly low settle-upon creek" (B). On the N bank of the northern branch of the head of the South Fork of the Eel R. at a point about a mile SSW of Cahto.

13. kûcyī'ūyetōkût, "alder under water creek" (B). On the N bank of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. SW of Cahto. This site is about 1/2 mi. E of the ranch house on the Clark ranch.

14. ne'īyi, "ground under" (B), probably signifying that the village was situated under a projecting ridge. On the S bank of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 3 mi. S of Branscomb.

15. sēne'tckût, "rock gravel creek" (B). On the NW bank of the small stream known as Mud Springs Cr., which is tributary to the South Fork of Eel R. This site is about 3 mi. a little S of E of Branscomb. There are on this creek, and not far from this village site, several springs which flow a very thin blueish mud, thus giving the creek its name.

16. tontce'kût, "water bad creek" (B). About 1/4 mi. W of the South Fork of Eel R. and about 1 mi. SW of Branscomb.

17. senansa'ⁿkût, "rock hang-down creek" (B). On the E bank of the South Fork of Eel R. at a point about 1-1/2 mi. downstream from Branscomb.

In addition to this list, there are two other sources of information on villages. First, Curtis (1924, 14:184) presents a list of six villages, almost all of which it is impossible to locate. None of the names corresponds to any given by either Barrett or Merriam, and they are therefore suspect as village names, though they may be valid place names and are certainly good Athabascan. In the list below Curtis' orthography has been changed slightly. The changes follow the pattern set by Curtis in his Hupa village lists (Curtis, 1924, Vol. 13).

Curtis List (1924, 14:184)

The second source is the notes of Goddard, who did extensive work in the area in 1906 (Goddard, 1909), though mostly on language and myth. His notes contain information on two villages, neither of which can be located because the township and range coördinates have been changed since the time of recording and also because the name of the creek mentioned does not appear on maps in my possession. The two cards bearing the information have the penciled notations 51 and 52 written on their corners. This indicates that Goddard had recorded at least 50 other sites for the Kato, a conclusion which is further corroborated by his own statement (Goddard, 1909, p. 67). Our information on Kato villages is therefore correspondingly incomplete.

Goddard List (Goddard, Notes)

ne^εƚsoki, "ground blue tail" SW sec. 26, T. 22 N., R. 15 W. On a flat 200 yds. N of Blue Hill Cr. and 150 yds. W of the river. There are 3 deep pits on the eastern edge of the higher flat. Bill thought there were 3 others 100 yds. S where a white man's house had stood, ne'^ƚsōkī kīyahûn.

t'unƚtcintcki, "leaves black tail" W sec. 26, T. 22 N., R. 15 W. On the higher bank 50 yds. N of tûnƚtcintckwōt, the next creek N of Blue Hill Cr. and 400 yds. W of the river. There is timber W. Dr. Wilson used to live there. The site has been plowed. Bill counted six places where he thought houses had been.

WAILAKI

The Wailaki, the southernmost group of Athabascans on the Eel River, are as little chronicled as most of the Athabascan groups. As far as geography and language are concerned we have very good information (Goddard, 1923a; 1923b), but there is very little general ethnography. Kroeber was able to devote to them only a little more than three pages in the Handbook (1925, pp. 151-154), and we know scarcely more today.

The territory of the Wailaki lies for the most part outside the redwood forest (pls. 11b, c) and for that reason they had access to a more abundant supply of the food, particularly acorns, used by the interior peoples than did most of the Athabascan groups. Perhaps for this reason, or perhaps simply because of proximity, the culture of the Wailaki shows considerable affinity with the culture of Central California and correspondingly less with that of Northwestern California. This affinity is particularly evident in their tribelet organization, which obtrudes itself in the accounts of both Goddard and Merriam. In the groups farther north such organization receives little attention.

Merriam's information on the Wailaki consists for the most part of ethnogeography, including villages, tribelets, and place names. His informants in this group were Fred Major and Wylakki Tip. I have been able to find out nothing about Fred Major, but Merriam gives the following statement on Wylakki Tip.

My informant, known as Wylakki Tip, a full blood Tsennahkennes [Eel R. Wailaki, but see Kroeber's data, p. 229], whose father and mother were born and lived at Bell Springs, tells me that they belonged to the Bell Springs Canyon band known as Tsi-to-ting ke-ah, named from the neighboring mountain tsi-to-ting. He adds that from the mouth of Blue Rock Creek northward the Tsennahkennes owned the country to the main Eel, and that the present location of Bell Springs Station, on the west side of the river, is in their territory but that the east side of the river from Bell Springs Station to the mouth of Blue Rock Creek was held by a so-called Yukean tribe.

In Merriam's notes there is no general statement on the Bahneko or North Fork Wailaki; he was evidently somewhat undecided whether they were truly a distinct group. However, he comments on the Tsennahkennes, or Eel River Wailaki, as follows.

Map 5. Villages and tribelets of the Eel Wailaki and the North Fork Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets, arabic numerals village sites.

Tsennahkennes ... A Nung-gah^hl Athabascan tribe in north-central Mendocino County, California, occupying the greater part of the mountainous country on both sides of main Eel River from Red Mountain and the upper waters of East Branch South Fork Eel easterly to Salt Creek, and from a few miles south of Harris southerly to Rattlesnake Creek. Their territory thus includes the major part of Elkhorn Creek, the headwaters of East Branch South Fork Eel, Milk Ranch Creek, and Red Mountain Creek, practically all of Cedar Creek, and the whole of Bell Springs and Blue Rock Creeks. The old stage road from Cummings north to Harris, passing Blue Rock and Bell Springs, traverses their territory.

WAILAKI PHONOLOGY

It is clear that in recording Wailaki words Merriam followed the same principles that guided him in his published works on other Californian languages. In transcribing the Achomawi language he said (1928, p. vi), "All Indian words are written in simple phonetic English, the vowels having their normal alphabetic sounds." For a more precise determination I have made a comparison of words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard. The values of the symbols used by Goddard are taken from a list he gives in his Wailaki Texts (1923b, p. 77) together with Phonetic Transcription of American Indian Languages (Amer. Anthro. Assoc., 1916), a report which Goddard helped prepare.

A total of twenty-eight words recorded by both Merriam and Goddard were found. Although the discrepancies seem great, this is because Merriam used Webster's English orthography whereas Goddard used a technical one modified from the old Smithsonian system. Whatever the limitations of Merriam's orthography for considerations of grammar (which he did not try to obtain), his recordings consistently check Goddard's independent information and serve as complete identifications of places and ethnographic facts.

Goddard's Wailaki Phonology

Goddard gives the following vowels.

i as in pique (written with an iota by Goddard)
e as a in fate
E as in met (written with an epsilon by Goddard)
a as in father
A as u in but (written with an alpha by Goddard)
o as in note

Following is a rough correspondence between Goddard's and Merriam's orthographies.

Comparison of Orthographies

TRIBELETS

The subgroups of the Wailaki (map 5) are called bands by Merriam and subtribes by Goddard but it is clear that they correspond precisely to the definition of tribelet given by Kroeber (1932, pp. 258-259), a fact which Kroeber noted at the time (p. 257). Goddard says (1923a, p. 95):

[They] had definite boundaries on the river as well as delimited hunting grounds on an adjoining ridge. In the summer and fall they appear to have been under the control of one chief, and to have camped together for gathering nuts and seeds and for community hunting. In winter they lived in villages and were further subdivided.

I. There is close agreement on the boundaries of the northernmost Wailaki tribelet on the western side of the Eel. Merriam gives the names kun-nun´-dung ke´-ah-hahng, ki´-kot-ke-ah-hahng, ki-ketch-e kā-ah-hahng, and ki-ke´-che ke´-ah-hahng as designations for the group. He says the territory of this group runs from Chamise Creek in the north to Pine Creek in the south. Goddard gives the same name (rendered kaikitcEkaiya) and the same boundaries for the group.

The territory north of Chamise Creek on the west side of the river is assigned by Merriam to the taht´-so ke´ah tribelet of the Lassik. This attribution would seem to indicate that Merriam has put his northern Wailaki boundary too far north, that it should hit the Eel at Chamise Creek rather than at Kekawaka Creek. Goddard calls these people the daƚsokaiya, "blue ground people," which no doubt corresponds to taht´-so ke´ah. He says, "It is doubtful that they should be counted as Wailaki, but they were not Lassik and probably spoke the same dialect as the Wailaki."

II. This tribelet is called sĕ-tah´-be ke´-ah-hahng or sā-tah´-ke-ahng by Merriam. In one place his notes say that the territory includes land on both sides of the Eel, running south of Indian Creek on the western side. This is clearly not so, for he refers several times to a different tribelet occupying that area. That the tribelet was confined to the east side of the river is further indicated by Goddard, who gives Pine Creek on the north and Natoikot Creek on the south as the boundaries. Goddard's name for the tribelet is sEtakaiya.

III. Goddard says that there was a tribelet on the west side of the Eel whose territory was bounded on the north by Natoikot Creek and extended south to a point opposite the mouth of North Fork. His name for this group is taticcokaiya. Merriam's name for the group in this general area is tah-chis´-tin ke-ah-hahng. He does not give any boundaries for them.

IV. and V. Merriam gives the following names for the tribelet occupying the territory around Blue Rock and Bell Springs Creeks: tsi-to´-ting ke´-ah, from the name of Bell Springs Mountain; sen-chah´-ke´-ah; sĕ-so ke´-ah-hahng, "Blue Rock Band"; then´-chah-tung kā´-ah, "Blue Rock Band." On the other hand, he gives the following names for the people who occupied the west bank of the Eel for a mile or more south of the mouth of North Fork: nin-ken-nētch kā-ah-hahng; nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah; nĕ-tahs´ ke-ah-hahng. Goddard says that the entire stretch from the mouth of North Fork south to Blue Rock Creek on the west bank of the river was occupied by a single tribelet called nIñkannitckaiya, a name clearly corresponding to Merriam's names for the people on the west bank of the Eel, south of North Fork. I am inclined to think that Merriam is correct and that there were two tribelets in this area. Merriam's notes include five different references to the southern tribelet as a separate group, so there is a distinct impression of autonomy. If Merriam is correct in separating the two groups, the division line no doubt falls a mile or two north of Bell Springs Creek.

VI. On the eastern side of the river Merriam gives two names for the tribelet holding the land south from Kekawaka Creek. He says the yu-e-yet´-te ke´-ah was the tribelet north of Chamise Creek. Their southernmost village, called sko´-teng, was on the east side of the river a half-mile or a mile south of Kekawaka Creek. The sko´-den ke´-ah Merriam gives as the name of the tribelet on the east side of the Eel River and about a half-mile south of Kekawaka Creek. Goddard gives iƚkodAñkaiya, corresponding to Merriam's sko´-den ke´-ah, as the name of the group extending from about two miles south of the mouth of Chamise Creek nearly to the mouth of Kekawaka Creek. Both Merriam and Goddard indicate some doubt whether these people were Wailaki.

VII. Merriam gives the names chēs-kot kē-ah-hahng, chis´-ko-ke´-ah, and tōs-ahng´-kut for the tribelet living in Horseshoe Bend. The first two names come from the word chis-kot, the name for Copper Mine Creek. Goddard also gives these last two names for the group (written tciskokaiya and tosAñkaiya, "water stands people"), and he says their territory includes the land between Copper Mine Creek on the south and a point a mile or two south of Chamise Creek on the north.

VIII. Goddard says that a tribelet named slakaiya or sEyadAñkaiya occupied the territory between Copper Mine Creek in the north and Willow Creek in the south. Merriam gives the name nung-ken-ne-tse´ ke´-ah to this group, which he locates on the east side of the Eel River at Island Mountain. He gives no boundaries for the group.

IX. Merriam gives two names for the tribelet occupying the Indian Creek region. The chen-nes´-no-ke´-ah was the band on chen-nes-no´-kot Creek (Indian Cr.) from Lake Mountain to the Eel River; he also writes this name ken-nis-no-kut ke-ah-hahng. His other name for the group has the variants bas-kā´-ah-hahng, bas-ki´-yah, bus-kā-ah-hahng. This group is said to have been on the east side of the Eel River a mile or two north of Indian Creek (in the Fenton Range country). Goddard gives the name bAskaiya, "slide people," corresponding to the last of Merriam's names, for the tribelet from Willow Creek south to Cottonwood Creek. The name refers to a hillside, usually of clay, which has broken loose and has slid down.

X. Merriam identifies no group as occupying the land from Cottonwood Creek south to the mouth of North Fork. Goddard says the region was occupied by a tribelet called sEƚtchikyokaiya, "rock red large people."

XI. Merriam says the sā´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng was the name of a tribelet on the north side of North Fork and about a half-mile from its junction with the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into the water." Goddard's name for this same group is sEtandoñkiyahAñ, a clear correspondence, and he indicates that their land was on about the last mile of North Fork.

XII. According to Merriam the next group up North Fork was named sĕ-cho ke´-ah-hahng. Its land was on the north side of North Fork a mile or more above its mouth. Goddard has the same name for the group, sEtcokiyahAñ; he says the people occupied both the north and south sides of a one-mile stretch of North Fork beginning a little way below the mouth of Wilson Creek and extending downstream from there.

XIII. Merriam says ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng was the name of the tribelet on both sides of North Fork at the mouth of Wilson Creek. This is in accord with Goddard's data. He gives the name as kAiyEkiyahAñ. Neither Goddard nor Merriam gives the limits of this group up North Fork. Presumably they coincide with the tribal boundary.

XIV. According to Goddard a tribelet called nEƚtcikyokaiya was in possession of the territory on the east bank of the Eel from McDonald Creek northward to the mouth of North Fork. Merriam does not record this group.

XV. The southernmost tribelet on the eastern side of the Eel is called sEƚgAikyokaiya, "rock white large people," by Goddard. They are said to have occupied the territory from McDonald Creek south to Big Bend Creek. This group is not recorded by Merriam.

VILLAGES

The list of villages which follows includes all those contained in Merriam's notes and also all those given by Goddard (1923a) that could be located with accuracy (map 5). Occasionally there is a conflict between Merriam and Goddard and then it has usually seemed best to accept Goddard's information, since he actually visited the sites of most of the villages he mentions.

All the data are either from Merriam or Goddard, as indicated by (M) or (G). Ancillary comment by myself is placed in square brackets. The notations (Tip) and (Maj) refer to Merriam's informants (see p. [167]). The arabic numbers correspond with those on map 5, indicating separate villages. These run consecutively from north to south, first on the west side of the Eel (1-22) and then on the east side (23-67).

Villages on West Side of the Eel

1. The main village of the ki-ketch-e tribelet is said to have been on the S side of the mouth of Chamise Cr. (M).

kAntEltcEk'At, "valley small on" (G). The most northern village of the kaikitcEkaiya, whose northern boundary was Chamise Cr.

[Both Merriam and Goddard give this as the native village of the wife of Wylakki Tip so there is no doubt that they are referring to the same village.]

2. kun-tes-che´-kut (M). Said to have been a Wailaki village on the W side of the Eel R. a half-mile N of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel, probably nearly opposite Horseshoe Bend Cr. (Tip).

[Horseshoe Bend Tunnel cuts out the meander of Horseshoe Bend. Horseshoe Bend Cr. appears to enter the Eel from the E about a mile S of Boulder Cr. If Goddard's kAntEltcEk'At is really kAntEƚtcEk'At, with the bar on the "l" dropped in error, then these names are nearly the same. If so, kun-tes-che´-kut might be the name of village no. 1 even though the location differs slightly.]

3. basEtcEƚgalk'At, "throw stone outside on" (G). On the western side of the Eel, just N of the mouth of Pine Cr.

4. sEdAkk'añdAñ, "rock ridge place" (G). On the point of the ridge around which the Eel turns toward the W at Horseshoe Bend.

5. kit-te-ken-nĕ´-din (Tip), kit-ken-nĕ-tung (Maj) (M). At or near the S end of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel. It was the biggest village of the tribelet and was said to have been the native village of the father of Wylakki Tip.

sĕ-tah´-be (M). A large village on the W side of the Eel River just S of Horseshoe Bend Tunnel near Island Mt. Station. It was nearly opposite the mouth of Copper Mine Cr.

tcInnagañtcEdai, "eye closed door" (G). At the base of the ridge described in no. 4. It was said to have been the home of Captain Jim.

[These names may or may not refer to the same village. If they do, it is likely that Merriam's kit-te-ken-nĕ´-din is the correct one. His sĕ-tah´-be evidently refers to the name of the tribelet, sEtakaiya, given by both him and Goddard. Goddard's designation looks as though it might very well refer to the tunnel and thus would be very modern.]

6. lacEƚkotcEdAñ, "buckeye small hole place" (G). This seems to have been only a few hundred yards S of Horseshoe Bend.

7. kaigAntcik'At, "wind blows up on" (G). A big winter camp about 1/4 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend.

8. sait'otcEdadAñ, "sand point on" (G). Also about 1/4 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend but was about 500 ft. above the river near a big spring.

9. tcIbbEtcEki, "gather grass tall" (G). A little more than a mile S of Horseshoe Bend a very small stream runs into the Eel from the W. On the N side of the mouth of this stream was this house site where Captain Jim's father used to build his house some winters and live by himself.

10. sEnanaitAnnik'At, "stone trail across on" (G). About a mile S of Horseshoe Bend.

11. Isgaikyoki (G). About 1-1/2 mi. S of Horseshoe Bend a small creek called Isgaikyokot enters the Eel from the W. The village with this name was situated on the N side of the mouth of this creek. It was the home of the father of the wife of Wylakki Tip.

12. IsgaidadAbbIñlai (G). N of the creek mentioned in no. 11 but on higher ground away from the river.

13. ƚtAgtcEbi', "black oaks in" (G). About a mile N of Natoikot Cr. on a flat above the river.

14. sEnagatcEdAñ, "stones walk around place" (G). About 200 yds. N of no. 15.

15. sEƚsokyok'At, "stone blue large on" (G). About 1/2 mi. N of the mouth of Natoikot Cr. There was said to have been a pond here.

16. ƚtcicsEyEbi', "ashes rock shelter in" (G). This shelter was under a large rock which stood on the hillside a short distance downstream from no. 17. Two or three families used to spend the winter in it.

17. bantcEki, "war [ghosts] cry" (G). On the W side of the Eel a little more than a mile N of the mouth of North Fork and opposite the mouth of Cottonwood Cr. It was close to a fishing place that the tribelet shared with the bAskaiya tribelet.

18. tah-tēs-cho´-tung, tah-tēs-cho´-ting, tah-chis´-ting (M). 1/2 mi. or more N of the mouth of North Fork on the W side of the main Eel.

taticcodAñ (G). In a grove of oaks about 1/4 mi. downstream from the mouth of North Fork on the W side of the Eel.

19. ne´-tahs, ning-ken-ne´-tset (M). Ne´-tahs is the name of the town on a rocky stretch of the river. The town ran for a mile or more S of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). Ning-ken-ne´-tset was the name of the village which was at the fishing place opposite the mouth of North Fork and extending S. It was also called "fishtown." Tip's mother lived there (Tip).

nEtacbi', "land slide in" (G). About a mile S of the mouth of North Fork on the W side of the Eel. It was a noted fishing place. Goddard says: "There is no mention in the notes of a village at this point, but several Wailaki were spoken of at times as belonging to the nEtacbi'."

20. sEƚtcabi' (G). Nearly opposite the mouth of McDonald Cr. It was named for the large rock beneath which it stood.

21. tcoƚAttcik'At, "graveyard on" (G). A large village on the western side of the river a few hundred yards downstream from the mouth of djoñkot.

[The stream that Goddard calls djoñkot seems to be the one that appears on the modern maps as Cinch Cr.; that is the only one in the vicinity. On his map it is shown entering the Eel about a mile downstream from the mouth of Bell Springs Cr. but it is actually a tributary of Bell Springs Cr., joining that stream a scant hundred yards from its mouth. On the assumption that Cinch Cr. is, in fact, the stream that Goddard meant to indicate I have moved the village about a mile to the S.]

22. sa'kAntEƚdAñ, "beaver valley place" (G). About midway between the mouth of Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr. on a fine large flat.

Villages on East Side of the Eel

23. sEƚkaibi, "make a noise in the throat" (G). Opposite the mouth of Chamise Cr.

24. tcadEtokInnEdAñ (G). Located only approximately—in Horseshoe Bend at the point where the river turns toward the NE.

25. k'AcsAndAñ, "alder stands place" (G). About a mile downstream from the point where the river turns W at Horseshoe Bend.

26. sEtcokInnEdAñ, "rock large its base place" (G). About 1/2 mi. downstream from the point where the river turns toward the W at Horseshoe Bend.

27. nEtcEdEtcAñk'At, "ground rolling on" (G). A short distance W of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.).

28. dAndaitcAmbi, "flint hole in" (G). On the downstream side of the mouth of Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr.).

29. taht-aht (M). On the E side of the Eel R. at Horseshoe Bend and opposite sĕ-tah´-be. It was a big town (Tip).

kaitcIlIñtadAñ, "Christmas berries among place" (G). There was a graveyard about 1/4 mi. N of the village and just beyond the graveyard was Copper Mine Cr.

30. to-chĕ´-ting (M). A big village on the E side of the Eel R. at Horseshoe Bend (opposite sĕ-tah´-be), only a short distance S of taht-aht (Tip). It was probably less than 1/4 mi. S of Island Mt. Station on the opposite side of the river.

kaslInkyodAñ. "spring large place" (G). On the E bank of the river about 300 yds. S of kaitcIlIñtadAñ, or about 1/2 mi. S of Copper Mine Cr.

[The names of these two villages are not the same at all and since Goddard gives many villages in the near vicinity the chances are good that the names do not represent the same village.]

31. kaslInkyobi, "spring large in" (G). A rock shelter near Goddard's kaslInkyodAñ. A family used to spend the winter here. Captain Jim's father-in-law was left here to die after he had been wounded by the whites.

32. skEtcEƚkascanAñ, "mush thrown away sunny place" (G). Evidently situated about a mile S of Copper Mine Cr., where the river makes a slight turn toward the N. Here there is a flat 50 ft. higher than the river and 150 ft. from it, in which 17 house pits were counted. This village was just upstream from a rock called skEtcEƚkaiyE. Each spring a mush-like substance appears on the face of this rock and is washed away each winter. The thickness of the deposit is supposed to indicate the abundance of the year's acorn crop.

33. ah-chahng´-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel a mile or two S of Horseshoe Bend. It was more than a mile S of to-che-ting (Tip).

akyañk'At, "right here on" (G). Some distance N of Willow Cr. and on the river.

[These two names doubtless represent the same village but neither Merriam nor Goddard gives a very exact location for it.]

34. slAsyanbi', "squirrels they eat in" (G). Only a short distance S of Willow Cr. and back from the river near nEƚtcAñk'At. slAsyañkot was an alternate name for Willow Cr. and the name of the village was derived from this.

35. nĕ-chung-ket´ (M). On the E side of the river about 1/2 mi. S of ah-chahng´-ket (Tip). The inhabitants were called nĕ´-chung ke-ah-hahng (Maj and Tip).

nEƚtcAñk'At, "ground black on" (G). Said to have been the second one S of Willow Cr.

[It is evident that both Merriam and Goddard have the same name here. Goddard's location is more precise and thus has been accepted.]

36. dabAstci'Añdañ, "ants' nest place" (G). A little way S of the mouth of Willow Cr. The name comes from the name of Willow Cr.—dabActci'Añkot.

37. dAstatcElai, "string (?) point" (G). Evidently only a short distance above Indian Cr. It was said to have been a large winter camp.

38. tcAƚsAl (G). Just N of the mouth of Indian Cr. was a sharp rock with this name; the Indians camped near this in the springtime.

39. tAƚdjInlai, "water clayey point" (G). On the S side of Indian Cr. The large village appears to have stood just a little E of the NW corner of sec. 36, T. 5 S., R 6 E. Its inhabitants were exterminated by mixed bands of white men and Kekawaka Indians.

40. tah-bus-che-sahng´-tung (M). A small village in the hills 1 mi. E of the Eel R. and 1 mile S of Indian Cr. (Maj).

41. sEƚtcikyok'At, "red rock large on" (G). 1/4 mi. N of the first creek downstream from North Fork on the E bank of the main Eel.

42. chug´-ge´-tah (M). A small village on the E side of the Eel N of the mouth of North Fork (Maj). It was about 2 mi. S of Indian Cr.

sEtatcikaiya (G). A tall rock is situated N of the mouth of the first creek N of the mouth of North Fork. The village was just to the W of this rock and was named for it.

[The villages given by Merriam and Goddard are in about the same place but Merriam's location is so indefinite that their identity is uncertain.]

43. kaiƚtcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). A short distance N of the mouth of North Fork a ridge runs down to the river. On the northern side of the ridge a village was situated.

44. tōn-klan´-be-ko-cho´-be (M). On the E side of the Eel on the northern side of the mouth of North Fork (Tip).

tonƚEmbi', "streams come together in" (G). Situated on a terrace N of the mouth of North Fork and on the E side of the main Eel. In the summer of 1922 10 house pits were counted there, 4 of them being large and deep.

[These two sites are evidently the same, since both the names and the locations match.]

45. sā´-tan-do´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M). In a rocky stretch on the N side of the North Fork about 1/2 mi. above its junction with the main Eel. The name means "rock reaching into water."

sEtandoñtci, "rock runs to the water" (G). On the N bank of North Fork about 1/2 mi. above the mouth.

46. sEntciyE, "rock large under" (G). About 3/4 mi. above the mouth of North Fork. The rock for which it was named, with a large spruce tree, stands opposite the village site, on the S side of the stream.

47. sĕ-cho-ke´-ah-hahng (M). A village and band at sĕ-cho, "big rock," on the N side of the North Fork of the Eel a mile or more above its mouth. "Thousands of Indians killed here" (Maj).

sEtcolai, "rock large point" (G). On the N side of North Fork a little more than a mile above its mouth.

48. lacEnadailai, "horse chestnut stand point" (G). About 60 yds. upstream from no. 47. A house pit 4-1/2 ft. deep was seen there.

[This site was no doubt included under no. 47 by Merriam's informant.]

49. About halfway between the main Eel and Wilson Cr. a small stream enters North Fork from the S (G). Near this there was a village before the whites came. An incident there is said to have occurred at a time when the informant's grandmother's grandmother was small.

50. stAstcok'At, "rope large on it" (G). Somewhat farther upstream than no. 49 and back a way from the bank of the stream, also on the S side. The village is said to have been a large one when the white people came to this region. In 1906 there was still a house on the site.

51. totAkk'At, "between water" (G). Summer camp a little way below the mouth of Wilson Cr. on the N side of North Fork.

52. seƚtcidadAñ, "stone red mouth place" (G). An old village, occupied before the whites came. It stood between no. 11 and the mouth of Wilson Cr.

53. nolEtcotadAñ, "water falls large among" (G). On the N side of North Fork about 1/2 mi. below Wilson Cr. It was on two levels; one near the stream, the other on a terrace some yards N.

54. ki´-ye ke´-ah-hahng (M). On North Fork at the mouth of Wilson Cr. and covering both sides of North Fork and Wilson Cr. (Maj).

[This name is evidently the same as Goddard's name for the tribelet on North Fork above Wilson Cr.—kAiyEkiyahAñ.]

55. sEnEsbInnAñkai, "rock tall its slope" (G). On the northern side of North Fork and about midway E and W of sec. 12, T. 24 N., R. 14 W. is a tall rock called sEnEs. Just W of this was the village.

56. k'asolEtcobi', "arrowwood rotten flat" (G). On the S side of North Fork opposite the tall rock mentioned in no. 55. The informant said his uncle remembered the building of the dance house when he was a small boy.

57. sā´-yahs kun´-dung (M). A fishing camp for drying salmon at Fishtown Spring or Upgraff fishery on North Fork about 5 mi. up, "march till creek dries up."

[Upgraff must be an error for Updegraff; the latter is a local place name whereas the former is not, so far as I can see.]

58. sEnEstconatAñkai, "rock tall large crossing" (G). A small stream comes into North Fork about 1-1/2 mi. above Wilson Cr. The village of this name was situated 1/2 mi. S of North Fork and just to the W of this tributary. The village had not been occupied in the memory of the informants.

59. Another village not occupied in historic times was situated on the S side of North Fork just above the mouth of the stream mentioned in no. 58 (G).

60. sāh-gah´-ket, se-kah´-ke-ah-ahng, se-ki´-ah-hahng (M). A rancheria on the E side of the Eel R. on the S side of the mouth of North Fork (named for sā-gah-nah´-ting, the name of the land on the S side of the mouth of North Fork in the angle between the two rivers) (Tip).

kaiƚtcitadAñ, "redbud place" (G). This was apparently near Merriam's sāh-gah´-ket.

[These different names may not represent the same village. If these were two villages, they were very close together. Goddard gives kaiƚtcitadAñ as the name of another village N of North Fork (no. 43) so it may be an error here (see pl. 11, b for a view of this region).]

61. tsEgolkAllinseyE (G). A rock shelter situated back from the river a short distance above McDonald Cr. The Indians lived here in the winter.

62. ne-che´-cho-ket (M). On the E side of the Eel about a mile S of the mouth of North Fork. It was apparently opposite part of the elongate village ning-ken-ne´-tset (no. 19). "Salmon stop here; great fishing; rocky place; Red Hill ground" (Tip).

nEƚtcikyok'at, "ground red large on" (G). On a point of land running down to the river on the E side just above nEtacbi', the fishing place of the region.

[Goddard adds some information which explains the statement of Merriam's informant. He says, "About two-thirds of a mile below the mouth of McDonald Creek a number of large rocks lie in the bed of the river. This place is called nEtacbi', 'land slide in,' and seems to have been a noted fishing place.">[

63. sah-nah´-chung-kut, sah-nah-chin´-che ke´-ah-hahng (M). On the E side of the Eel R. 1-1/2 or 2 mi. S of the mouth of North Fork and near McDonald Cr. (Tip).

64. sel-di´-kot (M). On the E side of the Eel R. S of Bell Springs Cr. (Maj).

65. sĕ-ski´-cho-ding (M). Claimed as a Wailaki village on the E side of the Eel R. at White Rock near Big Bend. On the opposite side of the river from Bell Springs Station (Tip).

seƚGaitcodAñ (G). On a flat on the E side of the river. "The east and west section line dividing sections 84 and 85 of T. 24 N., R. 14 W. was noted as passing through this flat."

[These two names doubtless represent the same village; the names are similar and the locations are the same.]

66. chin-to´-bin-nung (M). On the upper part of McDonald Cr., about 3 mi. up from the Eel (Maj).

67. chus-nah-teg-gul-lah chen-ne-tung (M). An old village about 2 mi. S of North Fork and 3 mi. E of the Eel.

PLACE NAMES

The following list includes ethnogeographic information taken from Merriam's notes in addition to information on creeks from Goddard (1923a), the latter being especially important because most villages are located with respect to streams. All streams and rivers may be found on map 5. Locations of other features have been given after consulting the appropriate United States Geological Survey (USGS) quadrangle but they are not shown on the map. For this area the quadrangles are Alderpoint (1951), Hoaglin (1935), Leggett (1952), and Spyrock (1952).

Asbill Cr.—djoñot (G).

Bell Springs Cr.—sAlt´okot (G).

Bell Springs Mt.—tsi-to´-ting; si-to´-ting (M). This is the mountain cut through by Bell Springs Cr.

Bell Springs Station (native name for the site of the station)—sah´-ten´-tĕ´-te; sah-ten-tĕ^hl-tĕ (M). Bell Springs Station is on the W side of the Eel about halfway between Blue Rock Cr. and Bell Springs Cr., about the same place as village 22. In fact, Merriam's names for this site may correspond to Goddard's name for village 22, sa'kAntEƚdAñ.

Big Bend Cr.—dAndaikot (G).

Blue Rock—sen-chah´-tung (M). Evidently this is near Blue Rock Cr.

Chamise Cr.—sah-nah´-ting; shah-nah-ting (M); canAndAñkot (G).

Chamise Cr. crossing—ses-ki´-be (M).

Chamise Cr., mouth of—sun-ti´-che, soon-di´-che (M).

Cinch Cr.—djoñkot (G). Goddard evidently has this creek placed incorrectly on his map. If I understand his description, it should be a tributary of Bell Springs Cr. rather than of the Eel R. directly.

Copper Mine Cr. (Tunnel Cr. on the more recent maps)—chis´-kot, chēs-kot (M); tciskot (G). Both Merriam and Goddard say that this name refers to red paint and was probably suggested by the color of the water in the creek. This is also responsible for the English name.

Cottonwood Cr.—tgActcEkot (G). The English name is a translation of the Wailaki name. The creek is unnamed on USGS maps.

Dawson Flat—choo´-e-kun-tes´-te (M). This flat was W of Lake Mt. between Horse Ranch and Fenton Ranch.

Eel R.—tan´-cho-kut (M). Eel R. valley—bus´-be (M). This name refers to a part of the valley of the main Eel R., especially the E side, between Horseshoe Bend and North Fork.

Eel R., E branch of South Fork—to-kā-kut (M).

Eel R., Middle Fork—tahng-cho-skus (M). The junction of the Middle Fork with the main Eel was called tōs-kahs-kā.

Eel R., North Fork—bah´-ne-kut (M); banikot (G).

Eel R.-North Fork junction—chā-lin´-ding, klā-lin-ding (M).

Harris region—tah-sahn-ting´, tahs-ahng (M). Harris is a small town about 8 mi. W of the main Eel R. in the territory of the Lassik (according to Merriam's boundaries).

Hettenshaw Valley—ken-tes´-tung (M). This valley is in Lassik territory about 12 mi. N of the Wailaki boundary. It lies between the headwaters of the North Fork of the Eel and the headwaters of the Van Duzen R.

Horse Ranch Cr.—kus´-ken-tes´-be (M); canAñtcakot (G). These are clearly not the same names but sometimes streams have alternate names. Cf. Willow Cr. below.

Horseshoe Bend—chēs (M). The bend is named for the red copper spring of Copper Mine Cr. ki´-ke-che (M) is the name for the western part of the loop of Horseshoe Bend, to-sahng´-kut, tōs-ahng-kut (M) is the name of the part of Horseshoe Bend N of Island Mt. Horseshoe Bend is the big switchback curve in the Eel R. about 6 mi. N of the mouth of North Fork.

Indian Cr.—chen-nes-no´-kut, ken´-nis-no´-kut (M). The name Indian Cr. does not appear on any of the USGS maps but it is the name used by Merriam.

Island Mt.—bahng-kut, bahn-kut (M); bañk'At (G). Island Mt. is a range of hills bordered on the E by the Eel R. and extending from the mouth of North Fork in the S to beyond Horseshoe Bend in the N.

Jewett Cr.—sel-di´-kot (M); dAsk'Ekot (G).

Kekawaka Cr.—kas-nā´-kot, kahs´-ne-kot (M); kasnaikot (G).

Lake Mt.—sā-kahn-den, se-kahn´-ting (M). Lake Mt. is about 3 mi. E of the Eel and 3 mi. N of North Fork.

McDonald Cr.—sah´-nah-chin-che (M); canAñtcIntci (G).

Middle Trail—be-ten-na´-be (M). This trail was in the hills E of the Eel R. about a mile south of Indian Cr.

Mina—to-les´ cho´-be (M). Mina is a modern place name for a town about 2 mi. N of North Fork and 5 mi. E of the main Eel R.

Natoikot Cr.—no-toi´-kut (M); natoikot (G). I have given this creek its Wailaki name because it has no English name and is not, in fact, located on modern maps. It is said to have run into the Eel R. about 1-1/2 mi. S of Island Mt. Station, which is on the southern side of Horseshoe Bend. It has been placed on the map in accordance with the topography shown on USGS Hoaglin Quadrangle.

Pine Cr.—ten-di´-kot (M); lacEtcikot (G). Merriam was not certain that his name was correct.

Pipe Cr.—taht-so´-kut (M).

Poonkinny Ridge—nel-kis´-te (M). Merriam says this is the name of the open ridge between the main Eel R. and the northern part of Round V. That area is marked Poonkinny Ridge on the USGS Spyrock Quadrangle. It is in Yuki territory.

Rattlesnake Cr.—to-nah´-ling (M). This creek is a tributary of the South Fork of the Eel R. and forms a part of the southern boundary of the Eel River Wailaki, according to Merriam.

Rockpile Mt.—sen´-ning ah´-kut (M). This mountain is said to be on the E side of the Eel R. S of Alder Point, but the name does not appear on modern maps.

Round V.—ken´-tes-cho´-be (M). The inhabitants of Round V. were called ken´-tes cho´-be ke´-ah, a locative rather than a tribal name.

Summit V.—ken-tes´ƚ-be (M). Summit V. lies about 2 mi. SE of the bend of North Fork and seems to have marked the southeastern limit of North Fork Wailaki territory. It is said that there was once much camass there.

Willow Cr.—dabActci'Añkot, slAsyañkot (G). The latter was used occasionally for the stream.

Wilson Cr.—dat'olkot (G).

ETHNOZOÖLOGY AND ETHNOBOTANY

The following notes are from Merriam's records.

Badger is called ye-ku-gus-cho, "he pulls into his hole."

The Steller Crested Jay is called chi-cho, while the California Jay is chi-che. In speaking of related species the Indians often indicate the larger by the suffix cho, the smaller by che.

The Owl is called bis-chil-lo-che if it is small, the Great Grey Owl is bis-chil-lo-cho.

The Crow is kah-chan-che, the Raven is kah-chan-cho.

The Meadow Lark sings in the daytime; the Yellow-breasted Chit sings at night.

The Bluebird is a dangerous bird. If a person throws a stone at it, he should shout first to attract its attention, otherwise it will throw a pain to him.

The Junco is a great rustler, always busy hunting for food.

The Chewink, or Towhee, called Nahl-tse, was instrumental in procuring the first fire. In the very early days his parents threw him out. He located the fire and Coyote-man went and got it.

The Kildeer Plover is called nah-til yah-che, "necklace wearing."

The Toad is Rough Frog.

The Cicada is used as a remedy for headache. The live insect is pushed up into the nose, where, by kicking around, it makes the nose bleed, thus curing the headache.

The Dragonfly feeds rattlesnakes.

Oak galls, called kim-mos, are excellent for sore eyes, and also for suppression of urine in children. For weak eyes, the fresh juice of a green gall is dropped into the eye. (It is astringent and an excellent remedy and is a common eye drop among many California tribes.)

Oak mistletoe is used as a medicinal tea, also as a head-wash, and sometimes for bathing the entire body.

The thick creamy juice of the milkweed is called "snake milk."

ETHNOGRAPHY

Each tribelet had its own chief and its own hunting, fishing, acorn, and seed grounds. In winter the families of each band were scattered along the river in small rancherias, each consisting of from four to seven families, mostly blood relations, living together in two or three houses. Usually there were seven or eight people in each house.

The winter houses were of split pine slabs, standing upright or sloping in at the top to form a conical house (pl. 11, a).

People dying at home were buried. Those dying at a distance were burned (cremated) and their burned bones were wrapped in buckskin, carried home in a pack-basket, and then buried.

PITCH WAILAKI

The Pitch Wailaki are close relatives of the Eel River Wailaki. They live in the drainage of the North Fork of the Eel above Asbill Creek. Virtually nothing is known of this group except their villages and tribelets, which were recorded by Goddard (1924). Presumably they are similar in culture to the Eel River Wailaki and the Round Valley Yuki.

Merriam's notes contain very little information concerning the Pitch Wailaki. He apparently was never in contact with any informants from that group and what information he gives is derived from the Eel River Wailaki. The following summary is presented verbatim from his notes.

The Che-teg-ge-kay.—The most southeasterly of the southern Athabaskan tribes of California and consequently the southernmost of the Nung-gah^hl division. They call themselves Che-teg-ge-kah (Pitch Indians) and are nicknamed Si-yahng (sand-eaters). Neighboring tribes call them Che-teg-gah-ahng and Wylakke.

Beginning on the northwest just below the junction of Salt Creek with North Fork Eel River (a short distance southeast of Hoaglin Valley) their northern boundary extends from Salt Creek northeasterly along the south side of Rock Creek and of Van Horn Creek to its junction with Mad River, where it turns easterly, crossing the long ridge known as South Fork Trinity Mountain immediately south of Kelsey Peak, and continuing easterly to the upper waters of South Fork Trinity River, the west bank of which it follows upstream to the southwest of North Yolla Bolla Mountain, where it ends. From North Yolla Bolla the eastern boundary follows the crest of the high divide southerly past Hammerhorn Peak to Buck Rock (4 or 5 mi. north of Anthony Pk.) where it turns westerly. From this point the southern boundary runs west-northwest to North Fork Eel River, passing just south of Blue Nose Mountain and Hulls Valley to the northern part of Summit Valley just south of Bald Mountain, and crossing North Fork Eel River a few miles south of Mina. Salt Creek forms the principal part of the western boundary.

They had many summer camps but only two principal winter villages: To-nis-cho-be (named for an unidentified blue flower), a large village with a roundhouse situated on the site of Mina on what is now known as the Charley Moore place; and Uk-ki, situated on Hulls Creek at the southeast base of Bald Mountain. They always wintered on Bald Mountain Ridge.

They had also a permanent summer fishing camp called Ko-sen-ten, known to the whites as Fishtown, located on Fishtown Creek, a small tributary rising on Buck Rock and emptying into North Fork of Middle Fork Eel River directly east of Leach Lake Mountain.

Their houses were of bark and conical in form.

Among the enemies of the Che-teg-ge-kah was a related Athapaskan tribe which they called Theng-tah-hahn (called Then-chah-tung by the Settenbiden) vaguely described as on the main Eel River between Island Mountain and Bell Springs.

TRIBELETS

The rest of the information on the Pitch Wailaki presented here concerns tribelet and village organization and is taken from Goddard (1924). He lists four tribelets among the Pitch Wailaki (Roman numerals, map 6).: I, t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ; II, t'okya kiyahAñ; III, tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ; IV, tcokot kiyahAñ.

VILLAGES

The villages belonging to each of these tribelets are listed below (Arabic number, map 6). All are from Goddard's lists.

I. t'odAnnAñ kiyahAñ

1. t'otcadAñ. On the N side of North Fork not far below the mouth of Hulls Creek. The site was sheltered by ridges on the E and W and by the main mountainside on the N. Four pits were counted.

This was the only site visited but the names of other villages of the group were obtained. In their order downstream from Hulls Creek they are AntcAnyacbAnnAñ, "pepperwood slope;" sEtcAmmi'; nEƚγindAñ; lawasonk'ait; t'AntcankyodAñ. At this last there is said to have been a large conical earth-covered lodge and many dwellings.

II. t'okya kiyahAñ

2. ƚEliñkyobi', "streams flow together large in." On the W side of North Fork just upstream from the mouth of Hulls Creek, situated close to the hillside on a bench about 50 ft. higher than the river. The site is divided by a gulch on the upstream side of which, it was said, there had once been houses. Four distinct pits and 3 less distinct ones were seen there.

3. tAntcInyasbAnnAñ. Nearly opposite nando'ndAñ on a point of land running toward the SW. About 75 ft. above the stream 2 pits, one above the other, were seen. No more could well have been accommodated.

4. nando'ndAñ. On the E side of the river and about 1/4 mi. above the mouth of Hulls Creek, 30 ft. above the bed of North Fork. Four house pits were counted there, one of which was 15 ft. in diameter and 5 ft. deep. This was the village of Goodboy Jack's father.

5. kAllata. Named for a big jagged rock standing N of the village site. It was on the W side of the river 1/4 mi. N of tAntcInyasbAnnAñ and 300 ft. higher than the river. A grove of oaks stands on a rounded point where 3 house pits were seen. A gulch on the southern side furnished water in winter.

6. tco'Ammi'. On the W side of the river about 1/4 mi. upstream from kAllata. The site is on a wide point of land covered with oaks and pepperwood trees. There is a sheer rock on the opposite side of the river. Three pits were seen here.

7. tAltcAskIñ. Named from a knoll, tAltcAs. Situated on the slope of a large ridge around the end of which North Fork swings, from flowing SE, to S. It was about 500 ft. higher than the stream and distant from it about 1/8 mi. Here once stood an earth lodge, the pit of which was 30 ft. in diameter. The center post was said to have been 18 ft. high. The doorway was toward the N. Goodboy Jack remembered going into this house when he was a small boy. Messengers had been sent out to invite people from a distance of two days' travel and Indians from the main Eel R. and from the north were present.

8. sAñ'AnyE. Named from a very large rock standing on the E side of the river. The village was on the W side a little downstream from this rock. On a bench 30 ft. above the river bed were seen 5 house pits and above were 6 more, one above the other, on the slope. In this village lived tAntcAnyacta', who had charge of the earth lodge at tAltcAskIñ, and si'idonta, who was "boss" of all the villages of the t'okya kiyahAñ, especially when they camped together in summertime.

Map 6. Villages and tribelets of the Pitch Wailaki. Roman numerals indicate tribelets according to Goddard (1929); arabic numerals mark village sites.

9. t'AntcAntantEƚdAñ, "pepperwood flat." About 100 yds. S of the large rock called kaiƚtsotci on a small bench on the mountainside about 1,000 ft. above North Fork. Three pits were found. A rock shelter higher on the hillside and to the S was pointed out. At this village, shortly before the coming of white people, lived dAγa'tco, "large beard," chief of this village and of annEnE'tcAñ, of all the t'okya kiyahAñ, in fact. He was succeeded by his son kissEkE', who was killed by the whites.

10. kaiƚtsotci canAndAñ. Named for the large rock kaiƚtsotci, under the shelter of which the village stood. Four pits were seen here and N of a small ridge were 3 others.

11. annEnE'tcAñ. On the NE side of the river stand two huge rocks, the upstream one called sEƚtcAnnAñ, the downstream one sAnAn. Between these two rocks flows a creek and on its N side, 75 ft. below the summit of the rocks, were 3 house pits in a hollow. A little S and 100 ft. higher were found in succession 3, 2, and 5 pits.

12. mAntc'aik'At. On the mountainside N of a large rough ravine and about 900 ft. higher than the bed of North Fork. Four pits were found.

13. mIstco'ca'nAndAñ. Up the hill from no. 12. It was not visited.

14. sEƚtcAnnAnt'a. Named for a high rock, sEƚtcAnnAñ, on the S side of which there are 5 pits and, 100 yds. below, 6 more. The site is about 700 ft. above North Fork and has a wonderful outlook on the valley of that stream.

15. k'AckAntEƚdAñ, "alder flat." On the W side of the river on a curving bench. Two pits were found close to the hillside, and 2 nearer to the stream. Downstream on a little bench there were also 2 indistinct ones, said by Jack to have been used long ago.

16. sEƚtcAnnAñ yE. At the base of the rock mentioned in no. 14. Three pits were found on a small bench.

III. tc'i'añkot kiyahAñ

17. lonbAstEdAñ. On a flat on the S side of Casoose Cr. a short way above its mouth. There were some unoccupied buildings there at the time of Goddard's visit. The place was seen from the trail on the N side of the creek.

18. sEƚkantcilai'. Mentioned as situated on the E side of the creek below no. 25.

19. Goddard gives no name or other information for this village but it is shown on his map.

20. sEttcitcikItdatdAñ, Named for a rock, settci. It was at the base of a mountain on the N side of the creek and just above the flood waters. It had a good SE exposure. Three pits in a row were found.

21. yIctAnnEbi', "wolf's road in." About 300 yds. below the large butte mentioned in no. 23. It was across an open knoll and back from the creek somewhat, so the sun reaches the spot. There are 2 pits there. Steelhead salmon are able to come up the creek this far.

22. kIlkokyodAn. On the S side of the butte mentioned in no. 23 and about 100 yds. distant. Four large pits were noticed.

23. kIkokyokInnEdAñ. Named for the bushy butte at the base of which the village stood. The site is 100 ft. higher than the creek, on its NW side just below a canyon. Three pits were seen.

24. mAñk'AtdAñ. Named from a small pond, near which are deserted buildings and an old orchard. A hundred yards NE of this pond, back against the hill, 4 pits were found in a row, 2 more above them, and 2 others near by, making 8 altogether. The last chief of this village was named tcAsnainIñaita'.

25. Iƚt'Aktcibi'. Named from black oaks. It is nearer the creek than no. 24. The number of pits was not recorded but signs of a village there were unmistakable.

26. t'AntcigIt'tcAñ. On the W side of the creek nearly opposite no. 27. It was N of a small creek with running water and of a ridge which runs down to the main creek and terminates in a great, nearly sheer cliff. The village site is about 500 ft. higher than the stream. Eight pits in two rows were counted.

27. k'aickontEƚdAñ. On the E side of Casoose Cr. on a flat 100 ft. higher than the creek, which flows just below it. The village site is near a post which marked the old boundary between Trinity and Mendocino counties. Two pits were seen.

28. tc'iañmiyE. On the E side of and 100 ft. higher than Casoose Cr. It was 100 yds. downstream from the beginning of the canyon. Five pits were counted.

IV. tcokot kiyahAñ

The winter villages of this group were on Red Mountain Cr. Goodboy Jack said that he did not know the village names. The impression had been received that Salt Creek V. was inhabited but Jack said it was too cold to live there in the winter. Presumably it was the hunting ground of the tcokot kiyahAñ.

LASSIK

The Lassik occupied the drainage of the main Eel River between the mouths of Dobbyn and Kekawaka creeks and the territory east of there to the crest of the Coast Range. There is almost no ethnographic information on this group in the literature except a few notes gathered by Essene (1942) when he was compiling a Culture Element List for the area. Even the geographic information on this group is weak. Merriam does not seem to have spent much time among them. Goddard may have recorded their villages but, if so, I have been able to find only a small part of his data. What there is I give below.

Merriam records only random notes on the Lassik. His informant from that group was Lucy Young, the same woman Essene worked with so effectively (Essene, 1942; see also Kroeber's data, App. II). According to Merriam, she lived with her daughter, Mrs. William Clark, on a ranch about two miles south of Zenia; Mrs. Clark's husband came originally from Hyampom. Merriam seems to have visited Lucy Young in 1922. His only statement on the group follows.

Sit-ten-biden keah ... Main Eel River from Fort Seward region on north, southerly to Harris and Kekawaka Creek; westerly to South Fork Eel River; easterly to Forest Glen and South Fork Trinity River near Kelsey Peak.

TRIBELETS

Merriam's notes contain no systematic information on the tribelets of this group but do give the following miscellaneous data.

Kos-kah-tun-den ka-ah is the Settenbiden name for a related tribelet in the Blocksburg region [the territory E of Alder Pt.], now extinct. Their language is the same as that of the Bridgeville group but with many words different from Settenbiden.

Sa-tahl-che-cho-be is the Settenbiden name for the band on the east side of the Main Eel River just below the mouth of Kekawaka Creek. This tribelet is the "sko-den ke-ah" of the Eel River Wailaki. Neither Merriam nor Goddard was sure whether the group ought not more properly to be included in the Lassik or the Wailaki.

Taht-so keah is the name of a tribelet to the north of the Eel River Wailaki which the latter said was related to them. This group, together with the sa-tahl-che-cho-be, is said to constitute the then-chah-tung tribelet of the Lassik.

VILLAGES

For the most part the Lassik villages recorded by Merriam (and listed below) cannot be located, hence they have not been placed on the map.

Kahsh-bahn. A Lassik village on the W side of the main Eel R. about 2 mi. above (S of) the mouth of Jewett Cr. This was a big town and there were lots of acorns near there.

Kes-tah-che. On the E side of the main Eel R. nearly opposite (a little above) the mouth of Jewett Cr.

'Ki-che-be. On the site of the present (1923) store at Ruth on the Mad R. This was a big town with many houses and a sweathouse. There were lots of deer, bear, and acorns in this area. During the cold weather, usually in January, a dance, which lasted three nights, was held in this village.

Sa-cho-yeh. A large village on the E side of the main Eel R. about 2-1/2 mi. S of Alder Pt.

Sa-tahl-che-cho-be. The name means "red rocks." On the E side of the main Eel R. about 1/2 mi. or a mile below the mouth of Kekawaka Cr. There were falls and a whirlpool there.

Tah-kah-ta-cho-be. On the E side of the Mad R. on a flat near the Hay place about 10 mi. above Ruth. It was a big town with a sweathouse.

Taht-so. On the Underhill ranch, which was owned by Glenn or Green at the time Merriam was in the area (1920's). Evidently it was somewhere in the Harris region W of the main Eel R.

Tha-cho-yeh. On the main Eel R. on a flat under a high standing rock. The rock is now called Cain Rock. It is on the E side of the river about 3 mi. S of Alder Pt.

Tha-ken-nes-ten. The name means "talking rock." The village was on the E side of the main Eel R. near a big rock which stood at a bend of the river at the Johnson place (near a big white house). It was a big town with a sweathouse.

Tha-tah-che. A large winter village in Soldier Basin on the North Fork of the Eel (near present Gilman place). This was a big town but had no sweathouse. In the winter they hunted deer and bear here.

To-be-se-a-tung. On the E side of the Mad R. above the Bushman place. It was about a mile above the river.

To-sos-ten. On the E side of the main Eel R. a mile or two above Alder Pt.

There is some ambiguity in Merriam's notes on the status of the Lassik living in the western part of their territory near the South Fork of the Eel. The Sinkyone George Burt told Merriam that a group called the To-kub´-be ke´ah or To´-kah-be held the land on the east side of South Fork from Rocky Glen Creek south to above Garberville. This tribe was said to be centered on the east branch of South Fork and in the Harris region and to be a different tribe from the one on the main Eel River at Alder Point and Kekawaka Creek, but Merriam himself has refused to accept this assertion.

Goddard's information indicates that the east bank of South Fork was owned by the Sinkyone, and it is so detailed that it has been accepted here (see p. [164]).

Goddard's unpublished material on the Lassik consists of a single map (here reproduced as map 8), which apparently shows the locations of 27 villages. A list of what are presumably the village names accompanies it, but Goddard changed the numbers on his map. Hence on our map the correct name may not be assigned to each site.

Goddard's Lassik Villages

1. gastcīkdûñ
2. kōnte^ltcīdûñ
3. satcinītcīdûñ
4. naslintce
5. ist'etatcīdûñ
6. tōkseye
7. kiñk'ûtekōnte^ldûñ
8. k'ûctōtōdûñ
9. dīyīckûk
10. nûndûkkatûndûñ
11. kōnte^ltcīdûñ
12. gōsnōlindûñ
13. tōtcadûñ
14. saitōtcī
15. nûnsûn^ltcīkkinne^εdûñ
16. yīstcûttcadûñ
17. toisībī
18. lesbatcītdûñ
19. k'ûstcīkdûñ
20. tcûggûstatcī^ε
21. lesbaitcī^ε
22. setatcī^ε
23. kastōntcī^εdûñ

Goddard lists other names, presumably for the Lassik villages, as follows: sekûƚne, tectatalindûñ, dûltcīkyacdûñ, t'o-todûñ, k'ûsnesdûñ, ne ga bī, kûttantcītcōdûñ. The sites corresponding to these names cannot be located.

Map 7. Presumed Nongatl villages in the Bridgeville region.

Map 8. Lassik villages in the Alder Point region.

NONGATL

The Nongatl are almost entirely confined to the drainages of the Van Duzen River and upper Mad River. Their culture is the least known of any group in northwestern California. Merriam evidently did not work in their area although he recorded a few of their words given him by George Burt's wife. George Burt was a Sinkyone, but his wife was born and raised near Bridgeville. Goddard recorded some villages for this group, whose names are given below. Nomland worked with someone from the Nongatl in 1928 (Nomland, 1938, p. 9), but her results have not been published.

The territory of the Nongatl lies, for the most part, east of the main redwood belt. It is therefore no doubt well supplied with oaks, and plant foods are thus readily available. Salmon are abundant in the Van Duzen River (pl. 10, c) and Yager Creek but not in the Mad River in eastern Nongatl territory. In much of their territory then, the subsistence patterns of the Nongatl must have differed from those of most of northwestern California, where fishing was of primary importance.

According to Merriam (1923) the word Nung-kah^hl is "a general or blanket name used by themselves for all the southern Athapaskan tribes, from Iaqua and Yager Creek on the north to the northern border of Round Valley on the south, thus including the Athapaskan Wilakke." In anthropological literature, however, especially in the work of Kroeber and Goddard, this name has come to be used for the group living between Iaqua Buttes and Mad River on the north and Dobbyn Creek on the south. Merriam's name for this group is Kit-tel´. He does not seem to have obtained any information from them although one of his notes mentions the fact that the wife of George Burt, his Lolangkok Sinkyone informant, was a Kit-tel´ woman.

At times Merriam seems to have confused the Nongatl with the Lassik. In his general statement on the Nongatl, which follows, he lists them as Lassik although the area in which he places them marks them as Kit-tel´ or Nongatl.

Las´sik ... Name (from Chief Lassik, now dead) in common use for a Non-ga´h^hl tribe occupying a rather large area, extending from Iaqua Butte in the latitude of the mouth of Eel River, southerly to Dobbyn Creek and to the head of Van Duzen River, and from the eastern boundary of the Lolahnkok of Bull Creek and South Fork Eel River easterly to Mad River and the crest of the long ridge known as South Fork Mountain, and southerly to within about two miles of Ruth on Mad River; to the headwaters of Van Duzen River (but not reaching Kettenshaw Valley), and to Dobbyn Creek on the main Eel; thus including the entire course and drainage area of Larrabee Creek.

There is doubt as to the northern boundary of the so-called Las´sik for the reason that I have not been able to obtain the necessary vocabularies for comparison. Goddard's information points to a division south of the Bridgeville region but I have been told by both the Nek´-kan-ni´ of Bear River and the Lolahnkōk of Bull Creek and South Fork Eel that the language is exactly the same from Iaqua Butte southerly and that the languages of the Nek´-kan-ni´ and Lo-lahn-kōk do not differ essentially from that of the Larrabee Creek region.

The Indians over whom Chief Lassik held sway had no common tribal name but consisted of a number of bands or subtribes, now mostly or quite extinct, said to have spoken the same or closely allied dialects.

However, since the entire drainage basin of Larrabee Creek is included in their territory, it may be desirable to adopt the term Kos´-ten ke´-ah, by which term the Larrabee Creek band was known to neighbors on the south—the Set-ten-bi´-den ke-ah.

SUBGROUPS

There is evidence of several subgroups among the Nongatl, but it is not known whether these were tribelets or dialect divisions. Essene (1942, pp. 90-92) got information from the Lassik woman Lucy Young indicating that there was a distinct group around Blocksburg, which the Lassik called Kuskatundun, and another group around Bridgeville they called Nai'aitci. This latter group is said to have been a roving band which preyed on all the neighboring peoples.

Goddard's village data indicate six other groups but do not give boundaries. These were as follows.

bûskōtkīya. In the neighborhood of Indian Cr. in the upper part of the drainage of Yager Cr. (map 9).

tcillûndûñ. On the upper reaches of North Yager Cr. (map 9).

bûstcōbīkīya. In the vicinity of the junction of North and Middle Yager creeks. The language of this group was said to be the same as that of the tcittelkīya (map 9).

senûñka. On upper Larabee Cr. in the vicinity of Blocksburg (pl. 10, e, f). This no doubt is the same as Essene's Kuskatundun, which was the Lassik name for the group (map 10).

tcittelkīya. On the Van Duzen R. above Bridgeville. Appears to be the same name as Merriam's Kit-tel´.

na'aitcikīya. On the Van Duzen above the tcittelkīya group. This name appears on the Goddard map from which map 1 was taken but is not otherwise recorded. This is evidently the same as Essene's Nai'aitci.

kōsdûñkīya. On the South Fork of the Van Duzen, including Larabee V.

VILLAGES

The Nongatl villages recorded below are all taken from Goddard's unpublished notes (maps 7, 9, 10). This is evidently far from a complete count but it is clear that there were about as many villages in the area covered by these maps as in other parts of the Athabascan area.

bûskōtkīya group (1-7, map 9)

1. In the swag of a large ridge running toward the SSE to the junction of the main components of Indian Cr., perhaps a mile from it. There is one deep pit. There is a flowing creek 200 yds. E.

2. A single pit found by Pete E of a small stream flowing south into Indian Cr. from the lowest place in the ridge at Big Bend of the Mad R. Nearly 1/2 mi. from Indian Cr. W of a hill above which the wagon road passes. This is where Goddard camped in 1906. He hunted all around here without finding other pits.

Map 9. Nongatl villages on Yager Creek.

Map 10. Nongatl villages in the Blocksburg region.

3. k'onûsebī'. On a point running down SSW toward Indian Cr. There were two pits near the creek and two more 200 ft. up the hill. A few large and small oaks were growing there. Water was to be had a few yards E. Pete saw a house there when he was a boy.

4. W of a small stream flowing into Indian Cr. from the N, and E of a large flat. There was a flat place with dirt thrown out in front of it but with no pit. About 1/8 mi. E on the round end of a ridge was a fairly evident pit and a sekal.

5. About 200 yds. E of the small stream mentioned in no. 4 were a few small pits.

6. One pit was on the W bank of a S-flowing branch of Indian Cr. Small ridges N and S of it form a small basin, giving it protection from the winds. Madrone and black oaks are growing there. It is possible that a depression on the southern ridge is also a house pit.

7. On a small ridge on the E side of the branch of Indian Cr., which flows from the S past Fork Baker ranch buildings. About 1-1/2 mi. north of these buildings Pete found 3 pits. He said there were small streams N and S of the ridge. Goddard did not visit the place but it was pointed out by Pete as W of a big Douglas spruce tree and a large rock. Goddard described it as above.

tcillûndûñ group (8-12, map 9)

8. On the slope N of North Yager Cr. close to the county road and about 100 yds. from the bridge. There are 2 pits close to the wagon road and 1 or 2 a little farther N. The site is 65 ft. higher than the bridge.

9. kactcōtcībī', "redwoods..?.. in." On the N side of North Yager Cr. at the W end of a flat of about an acre. There are a few redwoods on the opposite side of the creek. Six pits were found about 100 yds. back from the creek. Pete had heard of the flat but not that Indians lived there. A hunter told Goddard of the Indians being killed there by whites.

10. About 1/4 mi. up a branch which flows into North Yager Cr. from the north. On the W side of the creek on a rounded ridge were 3 pits, 2 of which were very distinct.

11. On a small flat on the N side of Yager Cr. and close to it Pete saw 2 large deep pits. They were about 1/4 mi. downstream from the branch where village 10 was found.

12. tse'dûttc^lbûtta'dûñ. A half-mile N of North Yager Cr. at the edge of Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber. Stones used by the Indians were lying near the water and 2 pits were found there. To the W, on the crest of the ridge, there were 5 pits at the S end of the timber. A cabin stands there.

Goddard lists five more sites found in this vicinity on North Yager Creek but they are not named and their locations are indefinite so they will not be given here.

bûstcōbīkīya group (13-18, map 9)

13. senindûscīmī. On the W bank of North Yager Cr. 1/4 mi. below a waterfall of the same name. Two pits were located 100 ft. above the creek in brush and timber. On the same side of the creek but 1/4 mi. downstream were 4 more pits, in one of which a sekal lay.

14. nakatōdûñ. On the E side of North Yager Cr., on a flat now covered with huckleberry brush. Pete found 2 pits here. On the W side of the creek, a little downstream, were 2 more pits. The flat had been badly washed away by freshets.

15. Two pits were found among the redwoods and thick brush at the junction of North and Middle Yager creeks.

16. ist'egabī', "madrones in." Just at the eastern edge of the timber on a point running down toward Middle Yager Cr. were 4 pits.

17. kōntcōwetcīkinnedûñ. About 1/4 mi. N of Middle Yager Cr. On a small flat on a hillside, facing SW in open timber above a small stream. There were 7 pits here. Pete had heard that there used to be a village so situated.

18. An overhanging rock on the N side of Middle Yager Cr. shows signs of occupation and there is a pit near by.

senûñka group (19-35, map 10)

19. On a little point 200 yds. N of Curless' house. There is one pit. Charlie Taylor's grandmother was born here, according to Curless, who showed the site to Goddard. This was the most northern village of the senûñka on Larabee Cr.

20. t'ōkintcabī'. On the hillside on either side of the stream which crosses the road about a mile S of Curless' place. It is nearly a mile from Larabee Cr. and is close to the timber. The village was in a line of Douglas spruce south of an oat-field. There were 7 large pits on the W side of the stream and 5 on the E side. With one exception these were N of the fence; others may have been filled by plowing.

21. t'ōkintcabī'. On the E side of Larabee Cr. a good-sized stream flows across the county road by a group of farm buildings. On the E side of the road close to the N side of this stream are from 4 to 6 pits. Douglas spruce and tanbark timber with brush obscured them. On the W side of the road is a large sheep barn. W of this barn are 4 pits, some quite uncertain because the ground has been cleared of large Douglas spruce timber. There is a large plowed flat 1/4 mi. W, near Larabee Cr. Andrew's wife told Pete of such a place where there used to be many Indians.

22. k'ûcna'aidûñ (?). In a swag on the W side of a gulch lined with Douglas spruce and tanbark oak timber with exposure toward the S. There are 5 distinct pits.

23. On a point 200 yds. N of the junction of the two main components of Larabee Cr., W of a small stream. There were 4 pits, only one of which was large. The end of a pestle was lying in this one.

24. On the E side of Larabee Cr., between it and the county road, on the S side of a small stream. There was one pit. The building of the road may have destroyed others.

25. On a large flat N of the junction of the two components of Larabee Cr. and a little to the E. There were 10 pits. There is a cabin and a corral here and many pits may have been filled in.

26. On the hillside N of the eastern component of Larabee Cr. Pete thought there were 3 pits. There had been slides there and Goddard was not sure of them.

27. On the N side of a large branch of Larabee Cr. from the E, 200 yds. N of where it is joined by a stream from the N. The stream from the E is bûstadûñkōt. There were 3 pits among the Douglas spruce and black oaks.

28. On the E side of the Eel R. about 3/4 mi. N of the mouth of Coleman Cr. at the edge of timber on a small bench. There were 2 small house pits.

29. On the E side Of the Eel about 300 yds. N of the mouth of Coleman Cr., 75 yds. back from the river and 40 ft. above it. There were 2 large deep pits. The exposure is SW.

30. canakī', "creek tail." On the E side of the Eel R. S of the mouth of Coleman Cr. There were 3 pits close to the creek but high above it on the bank, 2 on a flat 25 yds. S, and 2 more near a dry gulch 200 yds. S of the creek. Near the creek the brakes were so thick that many pits may have been overlooked. This place was mentioned by Charlie in 1908.

31. On the E side of the Eel R. about 500 yds. S of the mouth of Coleman Cr. on a flat close to the S side of a gulch lined with maple and peppernut trees. There were 8 pits here and 7 or 8 more from 50 to 75 yds. S.

32. N of the knoll which is just below the forks of Coleman Cr. There was 1 pit.

33. On the E side of the Eel R. about 300 yds. N of the mouth of Mill Cr. on a brushy point. There were 5 pits.

34. On the E side of the Eel R. N of the mouth of Mill Cr. just S of a big rock. There were 2 pits.

35. nadaitcûñ. This name was supplied by Charlie in 1908 as belonging to the village at the mouth of a large creek on the E side of the Eel R. above Coleman Cr.

SINKYONE

The Sinkyone occupied the territory on the west side of the South Fork of the Eel from Scotia south to Hollow Tree Creek. From the Mattole boundary at Spanish Flat south to the Coast Yuki line at Usal Creek they held the coast.

We have more ethnographic information about the Sinkyone than about most of the Athabascan groups. Merriam's material and Goddard's data combined provide a virtually complete village list for the northern, or Lolangkok, Sinkyone and a few villages for the southern, or Shelter Cove, Sinkyone. Kroeber's Handbook (1925a, pp. 145-150) gives a fair amount of general ethnography and this is well augmented by Nomland's paper (Nomland, 1935).

Sinkyone territory is in the redwood coastal zone and this location no doubt reduced somewhat the supply of vegetal food. The Sinkyone were, however, well supplied with fish products by the Eel River, which not only had an excellent salmon run but also provided quantities of lamprey eel.

On the basis of Merriam's linguistic evidence the Sinkyone have been divided into a northern group, called Lolangkok after the native name for Bull Creek, and a southern group, called Shelter Cove after a sheltered spot on the coast midway between the Mattole and Yuki boundaries. This division is rendered somewhat questionable by the unreliability of Sally Bell, Merriam's Shelter Cove Sinkyone informant. It is doubtful, however, whether Sally Bell's linguistic information could be falsified. In any case, the separation is partly verified by Goddard's data and I have therefore accepted it.

The Merriam notes contain a comparatively large amount of material on the Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following general statement on that group is taken verbatim from that source.

The Lo-lahn´-kōk. Information is from George Burt, a member of the tribe, who was raised on Bull Creek at the rancheria called Kahs-cho´-chin-net´-tah about seven miles upstream from Dyerville, at a place now known as Schoolhouse Flat, and who now lives near Fortuna (1922).

The territory of the Lo-lahn´-kōk began on the north at Shively and covered a narrow strip on the east side of the main Eel River to Dyerville, and a much broader area on the west side, and continued southerly on the west side of South Fork Eel River nearly to Garberville. On the west it not only covered the South Fork drainage, but continued over Elk Ridge to the head waters of Upper Mattole River.

The southern boundary ran a little north of Ettersburg, Briceland, and Garberville.

Informant states that on the east side of South Fork Eel River their territory included only the immediate river valley.

Merriam's informant from the Southern Sinkyone was Sally Bell. She had evidently lived at Briceland for more than thirty years when she was interviewed in 1923. Nomland (1935, p. 149) says of her that she was "born Needle Rock; reared from childhood by white settlers, married Coast Yuki, Tom Bell; blind, senile, sees spirits in rafters, etc." (See fig. 1, d.) This group Merriam describes only in a brief general statement, summarized as follows.

Fig. 1. Athabascan tattooing noted by C. Hart Merriam. a, b. Whilkut women, c. Bear River woman from a sketch made by Merriam in 1921. d. From a sketch made by Merriam of the Shelter Cove woman named Sally Bell.

To´-cho´-be ke´ah is their own name and the Lolahnkok name for the tribe (and village) in the Briceland region (between the South Fork of the Eel and the coast). It is used also in a larger sense for all bands speaking the same dialect from the west side of the South Fork of the Eel River (in the Garberville region) to the coast. The Set´tenbi´den [Lassik] call this group Yis-sing´-kun-ne. The name of the group is pronounced To-cho´-be ke´ah by the Lolahn´kōk and Taw-chaw´-be-ke´ah by themselves.

TRIBELETS

None of the tribelets of the Sinkyone is described or located specifically enough to permit the drawing of boundaries. Hence they are merely listed here, with available location data. Nomland (1935, p. 151) says: "Two informants always gave names of land areas in place of village names." These names are no doubt those of tribelets.

chi-chin-kah ke-ah (Merriam). This is the name for the tribelet between the upper waters of Bull Cr. and Elk Ridge. Nomland gives the name chacingu´k for the group in the ridge N of Briceland, which is evidently Elk Ridge.

yese'kuk (Nomland). This is given as the Mattole R. area, possibly a tribelet designation.

The two tribelets listed above are the only ones noted in the area of the Bull Creek or Lolangkok Sinkyone. The following, all from Merriam except where noted, are in the area of the Shelter Cove Sinkyone.

to-cho-be ke-ah (taw-chaw-be keah). Name for the tribelet and village in the Briceland region between the South Fork of the Eel and the coast. Used in the larger sense for all the tribelets from Briceland south to Usal Cr. totro'bē (Nomland, 1935). This was the name of the Briceland area.

nahs-lin-che-ke-ah. This was the name of the tribelet on South Fork S of Garberville. senke'kut (Nomland). This is given as the area "to the South Fork from Garberville."

tahng-ah-ting keah. This was the Bull Creek Sinkyone name for the Shelter Cove and Point Delgada tribelet. They were called tahng-i-keah by themselves and by the Briceland Sinkyone. Kroeber (1925, p. 145) gives tangating as the place name for Shelter Cove.

Usal (Yosawl). This is the southernmost tribelet of the Briceland Sinkyone, said to extend from Usal Cr. to Shelter Cove. According to Kroeber (1925, p. 145) "This word seems to be from Pomo Yoshol, denoting either the Coast Yuki or the Mankya, both of whom are north of the Pomo; but yo is 'south' and shol 'eastward' in that language."

The following names are given by Nomland for Sinkyone areas. They do not correspond to Merriam's tribelets and are probably just place names.

VILLAGES

Most of the Sinkyone villages given here are taken from Goddard's notes. A few are also given by Merriam. In the list the source is indicated by (G) for Goddard, (M) for Merriam. Merriam's notes contain, besides the village names, a list of place names on the Eel and on South Fork, running from Scotia to south of Garberville (see pp. 191-193, map 13). In areas where Merriam's material can be compared with Goddard's these place names nearly all turn out to be village names. It seems likely therefore that, in other areas also, nearly all are village names. In calculating population (see p. [216]), I have occasionally used these to augment the village count.

Lolangkok Sinkyone villages on the main Eel (map 11).—Of the following villages, the two north of the mouth of South Fork are from Merriam's notes, for which George Burt was the informant. Merriam also gives several place names for the area below the mouth of South Fork, and it seems probable that most, if not all, of these were actually villages rather than mere landmarks; this was certainly so farther south on South Fork.

Map 11. Villages of the Lolangkok Sinkyone.