REMINISCENCES OF THE
KING OF ROUMANIA

F. Mándy Bucharest. Art Repro Co. London.
Carol

REMINISCENCES OF THE
KING OF ROUMANIA

EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL WITH
AN INTRODUCTION BY

SIDNEY WHITMAN

WITH PORTRAIT

AUTHORIZED EDITION

NEW YORK AND LONDON
HARPER & BROTHERS
1899

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Volk und Knecht und Ueberwinder,
Sie gestehn zu jeder Zeit;
Höchstes Glück der Erdenkinder
Sey nur die Persönlichkeit.

Goethe (West-Oestlicher Divan).

It is said to have been a chance occasion which gave the first impetus towards the compilation of the German original[1] from which these "Reminiscences of the King of Roumania have been re-edited and abridged." One day an enterprising man of letters applied to one who had followed the King's career for years with vivid interest: "The public of a country extending from the Alps to the ocean is eager to know something about Roumania and her Hohenzollern ruler." The King, without whose consent little or nothing could have been done, thought the matter over carefully; in fact, he weighed it in his mind for several years before coming to a final decision. At first his natural antipathy to being talked about—even in praise (to criticism he had ever been indifferent)—made him reluctant to provide printed matter for public comment. On the other hand, he had long been most anxious that Roumania should attract more public attention than the world had hitherto bestowed on her. In an age of universal trade competition and self-advertisement, for a country to be talked about possibly meant attracting capitalists and opening up markets: things which might add materially to her prosperity. With such possibilities in view, the King's own personal taste or scruples were of secondary moment to him. So the idea first suggested by a stranger gradually took shape in his mind, and with it the desire to see placed before his own subjects a truthful record of what had been achieved in Roumania in his own time. By these means he hoped to give his people an instructive synopsis of the difficulties which had been successfully overcome in the task of creating practical institutions out of chaos.

As so often happens in such cases, the work grew beyond the limits originally entertained. But the task was no easy one, and involved the labour of several years. However, the result achieved is well worth the trouble, for it is an historical document of exceptional political interest, containing, among other material, important letters from Prince Bismarck, the Emperor William, the Emperor Frederick, the Czar of Russia, Queen Victoria, and Napoleon III. It is, in fact, a piece of work which a politician must consult unless he is to remain in the dark concerning much of moment in the political history of our time, and particularly in the history of the Eastern Question. "The Reminiscences of the King of Roumania" constitute an important page in the story of European progress. Nor is this all. They also contain a study in self-revelation which, so far as it belongs to a regal character, is absolutely unique in its completeness—even in an age so rich in sensational memoirs as our own.

The subject-matter deals with a period of over twenty-five years in the life of a young European nation, in the course of which she gained her independence and strove successfully to retain it, whilst more than trebling her resources in peaceful work. In this eventful period greater changes have taken place in the balance of power in Europe than in many preceding centuries. A republic has replaced a monarchy in France, and also on the other side of the Atlantic, in Brazil, since the days when a young captain of a Prussian guard regiment, a scion of the House of Hohenzollern, set himself single-handed the Sisyphean task of establishing a constitutional representative monarchy on a soil where hitherto periodical conspiracies and revolts had run riot luxuriously. Just here, however, our democratic age has witnessed the realisation of the problem treated by Macchiavelli in "Il Principe"—the self-education of a prince.

To-day, the man who thirty-three years ago came down the Danube as a perfect stranger—practically alone, without tried councillors or adherents—is to all intents and purposes the omnipotent ruler of a country which owes its independence and present position entirely to his statesmanship. Nor can there be much doubt that but for him Roumania and the Lower Danube might be now little more than a name to the rest of Europe—as, indeed, they were in the past.

II

King Charles of Roumania is the second son of the late Prince Charles Anthony[2] of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen: the elder South German Roman Catholic branch of the House of Hohenzollern, of which the German Emperor is the chief. Until the year 1849 the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringens, whose dominions are situated between Württemberg and Baden, near the spot where the Danube rises in the Black Forest, possessed full sovereign rights as the head of one of the independent principalities of the German Confederation. These sovereign rights of his own and his descendants Prince Charles Anthony formally and voluntarily ceded to Prussia on December 7, 1849. Of him we are credibly informed:

"Prince Charles Anthony lives in the history of the German people as a man of liberal thought and high character, who of his own free will gave up his sovereign prerogative for the sake of the cause of German Unity. His memory is green in the hearts of his children as the ideal of a father, who—for all his strictness and discipline—was not feared, but ever loved and honoured, by his family. He was always the best friend and adviser of his grown-up sons." His letters to his son Charles, which are frequently quoted in the present memoir, fully bear out this testimony to the Prince's intimate, almost ideal, relationship with his children, as also to the magnanimity with which he is universally credited.

Of the King's mother—Princess Josephine of Baden—we learn: "Princess Josephine was deeply religious without being in the least bigoted. Her unselfishness earned for her the love and devotion of all those who knew her. As a wife and a mother her life was one of exceptional harmony and happiness. The great deference which King Charles has always shown to the other sex has its source in the veneration which he felt for his mother."

Prince Charles was born on April 20, 1839, at the ancestral castle of the Hohenzollerns at Sigmaringen on the Danube, then ruled over by his grandfather, the reigning Prince Charles of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. The castle was not in those days the treasury of art and history which it is at the present day. The grandfatherly régime was of a patriarchal, almost despotic kind: every detail of household affairs was regulated with a view to strict economy. Though, perhaps, unpleasant at times, all this proved to be invaluable training for the young Prince, whose ultimate destiny it was to rule over one of the most extravagant peoples in Europe. Punctuality was strictly enforced: at nine o'clock the old Prince wound up his watch as a sign that the day was over, and at ten darkness and silence reigned supreme over the household.

Prince Charles was a delicate child, and was considered so throughout his early manhood, though in reality his health and bodily powers left little to be desired. The first happy years of his childhood were passed at Sigmaringen and the summer residences of Inzigkofen and Krauchenwies. This peaceful life was broken by a visit in 1846 to his maternal grandmother, the Grand Duchess Stéphanie of Baden. On this occasion Prince Charles attracted the attention and interest of Mme. Hortense Cornu, the intimate friend and confidant of Prince Louis Napoleon—later Napoleon III.

It cannot be said that the young Prince progressed very rapidly in his studies; but though he learned slowly, his memory proved most retentive. His naturally independent and strong character, moreover, prevented him from adopting outside opinions too readily, and this trait he retained in after years. For though as King of Roumania he is ever willing to listen to the opinion of others, the decision invariably remains in his own hands.

An exciting period supervened for the little South German Principality with the year 1848, when the revolutionary wave forced the old Prince to abdicate in favour of his son Prince Charles Anthony. Owing to the action of a "Committee of Public Safety," the Hohenzollern family quitted Sigmaringen on September 27. This the children used to call the "first flight" in contradistinction to the "second," some seven months later. Though Prince Charles Anthony succeeded in gaining the upper hand over the revolutionary movement of '48, the trouble commenced again in 1849 owing to the insurrection in the Grand Duchy of Baden. As soon as order had been completely restored, Prince Charles Anthony carried out his long-cherished plan of transferring the sovereignty of the Hohenzollern Principality to the King of Prussia, and in a farewell speech he declared his sole reason to be "the desire to promote the unity, greatness, and power of the German people." The family settled first at Neisse in Prussian Silesia, then at Düsseldorf, as Prince Charles Anthony was appointed to the command of the Fourteenth Military Division, while Prince Charles Anthony, and later on also his brother Friedrich, were settled with their tutor in Dresden, where Prince Charles spent seven years.

Before joining his parents at Düsseldorf, Prince Charles successfully passed his ensign's examination, though he was entitled as a Prince of the House of Hohenzollern to claim his commission without submitting to this test. As a reward for his success he was permitted to make a tour through Switzerland and Upper Italy before being placed under his previously appointed military governor, Captain von Hagens. This officer was a man in every way fitted to instruct and prepare the young Prince for his career by developing his powers of initiative and independence of action. In accordance with his expressed wish, he was gazetted Second Lieutenant in the Prussian Artillery of the Guard, but was not required to join his corps until his studies were completed. A thorough knowledge of the practical part of his profession was acquired at the fortress of Jülich, followed, after a visit to the celebrated Krupp Works at Essen, by a course of instruction at Berlin.

The betrothal of his sister, Princess Stéphanie, to King Pedro V. of Portugal, in the autumn of 1857, was followed by her marriage by proxy at Berlin on April 29, 1858, whilst another important family event occurred in November of the same year. William, Prince of Prussia (afterwards King William I., who had assumed the regency during the illness of his brother the King, Frederick William IV.), appointed Prince Charles Anthony, of Hohenzollern, to the Presidency of the Prussian Ministry. His son Charles developed the greatest interest in politics, and at that time unconsciously acquired a fund of diplomatic knowledge and experience which was to stand him in good stead in his future career.

In the midst of the gaieties of Berlin the Prince was deeply affected by the melancholy news of the death of his sister Stéphanie on July 17, 1859. Two years later the marriage of his brother Leopold to the Infanta Antoinette of Portugal afforded him a welcome opportunity of visiting the last resting-place of his dearly loved sister near Lisbon. On his return from his journey, Prince Charles requested to be transferred to an Hussar Regiment, as the artillery did not appear at that time to take that place in public estimation to which it was entitled. This application, however, was postponed until his return from a long tour through the South of France, Algiers, Gibraltar, Spain, and Paris. After a short stay at the University of Bonn, Prince Charles again resumed military duty as First Lieutenant in the Second Dragoon Guards stationed at Berlin, where he speedily regained the position he had formerly held in the society of the capital. The Royal Family, especially the Crown Prince, welcomed their South German relative most warmly, and the friendship thus created was subsequently more than equal to the test of time and separation.

A second visit to the Imperial Court of France in 1863, this time at the invitation of Napoleon III., was intended by the latter to culminate in a betrothal to a Princess of his House, but the project fell through, as the proposed conditions did not find favour with the King of Prussia. Prince Charles was forced to content himself with the consolation offered by King William, that he would soon forget the fair lady amidst the scenes of war (in Denmark). As orderly officer to his friend the Crown Prince of Prussia, Prince Charles took part in the siege and assault of the Düppel entrenchments, the capture of Fridericia, and the invasion of Jütland. The experience he gained of war and camp-life during this period was of inestimable benefit to the young soldier, who was afterwards called upon to achieve the independence of Roumania on the battlefields of Bulgaria.

The war of 1864 having come to an end, Prince Charles returned to the somewhat dreary monotony of garrison life in Berlin. This not unnaturally soon gave rise to a feeling of ennui and a consequent longing on his part for more absorbing work than that of mere subordinate military routine. Nothing then indicated, however, that in a short time he would step from such comparative obscurity to the wide field of European politics by the acceptance of a hazardous, though pre-eminently honourable, position of the utmost importance in Eastern Europe—the throne of the United Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, which, thanks to his untiring exertions and devotion to duty, are now known as the Kingdom of Roumania.

III

In starting on his adventurous, not to say perilous, experiment, Prince Charles already possessed plenty of valuable capital to draw upon. In the first place, few princes to whose lot it has fallen to sway the destinies of a nation have received an early training so well adapted to their future vocation, or have been so auspiciously endowed by nature with qualities which in this instance may fairly be said to have been directly inherited from his parents. His early and most impressionable years had been passed in the bosom of an ideally happy and plain-living family, and this in itself was one of the strongest of guarantees for harmonious development and for future happiness in life. Both his father and mother had earnestly striven to instil into their children the difference between the outward aspect and the true inwardness of things—the very essence of training for princes no less than for those of humbler rank. Also we find the following significant reference to the Prince and his feelings on the threshold of his career:

"The stiff and antiquated 'Junker' spirit which in those days was so prevalent in Prussia and Berlin, and more particularly at the Prussian Court, was most repugnant to him. His nature was too simple, too genuine, for him to take kindly to this hollow assumption, this clinging to old-fashioned empty formula. His training had been too truly aristocratic for him not to be deeply imbued with simplicity and spontaneity in all his impulses. His instincts taught him to value the inwardness of things above their outward appearance."

Nor was it long before he had ample opportunity of putting these precepts into practice. Neither as Prince nor as King has the Sovereign of Roumania ever permitted prosecution for personal attacks upon himself. The crime of lèse majesté has no existence—or, to say the least, is in permanent abeyance—in Roumania.

Anti-dynastic newspapers have for years persisted in their attacks upon the King, his policy, and his person—sometimes in the most audacious manner. Although his Ministers have from time to time strenuously urged his Majesty to authorise the prosecution of these offenders, he has never consented to this course. He even refused to prosecute those who attacked his consort, holding that the Queen is part of himself, and, like himself, must be above taking notice of insults, and must bear the penalty of being misunderstood, or even calumniated, and trust confidently to the unerring justice of time for vindication.

The King's equable temperament has enabled him to take an even higher flight. For let us not forget that it is possible to be lenient, even forgiving, in the face of calumny, and yet to suffer agonies of torture in the task of repressing our wounded feelings. King Charles is said to have read many scurrilous pamphlets and papers directed against him and his dynasty—for singularly atrocious examples have been ready to his hand—and to have been able sometimes even to discover a fund of humour in the more fantastic perversions of truth which they contained.

Speaking of one of the most outrageous personal attacks ever perpetrated upon him, he is reported to have said that such things could not touch or affect him—that he stood beyond their reach. Here the words employed by Goethe regarding his deceased friend Schiller might well be applied:

Und hinter ihm im wesenlosen Scheine
Lag, was uns Alle bändigt: das Gemeine.

His absolute indifference towards calumny is doubtless due to his conviction that time will do him justice—that a ruler must take his own course, and that the final estimate is always that of posterity.

IV

One who for years has lived in close contact with the Roumanian royal family gives the following sympathetic and yet obviously sincere description of the personal impression the King creates:

"King Charles had attained his fiftieth year when I saw him for the first time. There is, perhaps, no other stage of life at which a man is so truly his full self as just this particular age. The physical development of a man of fifty is long completed, whereas on the other hand he has not yet suffered any diminution of strength or elasticity. His spiritual individuality is also ripe and complete, in so far as any full, deep nature can ever be said to have completed its development. It is only consonant with that true nobility which precludes every effect borrowed or based on calculation, that the first impression the King makes upon the stranger is not a striking one: he is too distinguished to attract attention; too genuine to create an effect for the eye of the many. An artist might admire the handsome features; but the King lacks the tall figure, the impressive mien which is the attribute of the hero of romance, and which excites the enthusiasm of the crowd. On the other hand, his slender figure of medium height is elegant and well knit; his gait is energetic and graceful. His sea-blue eyes, which lie deep beneath strong black eyebrows—meeting right across his aquiline nose—now and then take a restless roving expression. They are those of an eagle, a trite comparison which has often been made before. Moreover, their keenness and their great reach of sight justifies an affinity with the king of birds."

It is not generally known—but it is true, nevertheless—that the King of Roumania is half French by descent. His grandmother on his father's side was a Princess Murat, and his maternal grandmother, as already mentioned, was a French lady well known to history as Stéphanie Beauharnais, the adopted daughter of the first Napoleon, and later, by her marriage, Princess Stéphanie of Baden. It is to this combination in his ancestry that people have been wont to ascribe some of the marked characteristics of the King. His personal appearance—notably the fine clear-cut profile—undoubtedly recalls the typical features of the old French nobility. Also the slight, symmetrical, and graceful figure is rather French Beauharnais than German Hohenzollern. His gift for repartee—l'esprit du moment, as it is so aptly styled—is decidedly French; and perhaps not less so his sanguine temperament, which has stood him in such good stead, and encouraged him not to lose heart in the midst of his greatest troubles, particularly years ago, when his subjects did not know and value him as they do now. An abnormal capacity for work and an absolute indifference towards every form of material enjoyment—or gratification of the senses—have also singularly fitted him for what posterity will probably deem to have been King Charles's most striking vocation: that of the politician. And his success as a politician is all the more remarkable, since his youthful training as well as his early tastes were almost exclusively those of the Prussian soldier. He even lacked the study of law and bureaucratic administration, which are commonly held to be the necessary groundwork of a political career. Yet not an atom of German dreaminess is to be detected in him; nor aught of roughness: little of the insensible hardness of iron; but rather something of the fine temper of steel—the elasticity of a well-forged blade—which, though it will show the slightest breath of damp, and bend at times, yet flies back rigid to the straight line. Thus I am assured is King Charles as a politician—not to be swayed or tampered with by influences of any kind, the sober moderation of an independent judgment has, in fact, never deserted him. It is also owing to a felicitous temperament that he has always been able to encounter opposition—even bitter enmity—without feeling its effect in a way common to average mankind.

He had to begin by acquiring the difficult art of "taking people," and this—as the King himself admits—he only acquired gradually. However, he possessed an inborn genius for the business of ruler. By nature he is a practical realist whose insatiable appetite for facts, faits politiques, crowds out most other interests. So he quickly profited by experience, which, added to an independence of judgment which he always possessed, has made him an opportunist whose opportunity always means the welfare of his country. In dealing with public questions he endeavours to start with the Gladstonian open mind: i.e., by having no fixed opinion of his own. He listens to all—forms his own opinion in doing so—and invariably finishes by impressing and influencing others. He even indirectly manipulates public opinion by constantly seeing and conversing with a vast number of people. For in Roumania there is no class favouritism so far as access to the monarch is concerned. Anybody may be presented at Court, and on any Sunday afternoon all are at liberty to call and see the King even without the formality of an audience paper to fix an appointment.

Personal favouritism has never existed under him. In fact, so thoroughly has he realised and carried into practice what he considers to be his duty of personal impartiality, that he once vouchsafed the following justification of an apparent harshness: that a ruler must take up one and drop another as the interests of the country require. In other words, he must not allow personal feeling to sway him—whereas in private life he should never forsake a friend. And yet withal King Charles is anxiously intent upon avoiding personal responsibility—not from timidity, but from an idea that it is irreconcilable with the dignity of a constitutional king to put himself forward in this way. Thus not "Le Roi le veut," but rather "I hold it to be in the public interest that such and such a thing should be done" is his habitual form of speech in council with his Ministers.

One of the King's favourite aphorisms is singularly suggestive in our talkative age: "It is not so much by what a prince does as by what he says that he makes enemies!" Like all men of true genius—or what the Germans call "geniale Naturen"—King Charles is of simple, unaffected nature;[3] without a taint of the histrionic in his composition, yet gifted with great reserve force of self-repression, and rare powers of discernment and well-balanced judgment.

With all the pride of a Hohenzoller, a sentiment which he never relinquishes, and which, indeed, is a constant spur to regulate his conduct by a high standard, he yet holds that nobody should let a servant do for him what he can do for himself. Also, he has ever felt an unaffected liking for people of humble station who lead useful lives, and have raised themselves honestly by their own merit. In fact, the man who works—however lowly his sphere of life—is nearer to his sympathies than one whose position gives him an excuse for laziness. He instinctively dislikes the "loafer," whatever his birth. He admits as little that exalted position is an excuse for a useless life as that it should be put forward to excuse deviation from the principles of traditional morality. And in this respect his own life, which has been singularly marked by what the German language terms "Sittenreinheit," "purity of morals," offers an impressive justification for his intolerance upon this one particular point.

V

It is said to be King Charles's earnest conviction that the maxims he has striven to put into practice are the only possible ones upon which a monarchy on a democratic basis can hope to exist in our time. But here he is obviously attempting to award to principle what, in this instance at least, must be largely due to the intuitive gifts of an extraordinary personality. Maxims are all very well so far as they go, but they did not go the whole length of the way. Did not even Immanuel Kant himself admit that, during a long experience as a tutor, he had never been able to put those precepts successfully into practice upon which his work on "Pädagogik" is founded? Also many of the difficulties successfully encountered by the King of Roumania have been of such a nature as cut-and-dry application of precepts or maxims would never have sufficed to vanquish. Among these may be cited the acute crises which from time to time have been the product of bitter party-warfare in Roumania. Thus, during the Franco-German War, when the sympathies of the Roumanian people were with the French to a man, his position was one of extreme difficulty. The spiteful enmity he encountered in those days taxed his endurance to its utmost limits, and even called forth a threat of abdication. A weaker man would have left his post. Again, in 1888, when a peasant rising brought about by party intrigues seemed to threaten the results of many years' labour, even experienced statesmen hinted that the Hohenzollern dynasty might not last another six months. The King was advised to use force and fire upon the rioters. This he declined to do. He simply dismissed the Ministry from office, and called the Opposition into power, and subsequent events proved that his decision was the right one. But by far the greatest crisis of his reign, and at the same time the greatest test of his nerve and political sagacity, was furnished by the singularly difficult situation of Roumania during the Russo-Turkish War of 1877: here, indeed, the very existence of Roumania was at stake. The situation may be read between the lines in the present volume.

The King, by virtue of a convention, had allowed the Russians to march through Roumania, but the latter had declined an acceptable alliance which the Roumanians wished for. When things in Bulgaria went badly with the Russians, they wanted to call upon some bodies of Roumanian troops which were stationed on the banks of the Danube. The King, or, as he was then, Prince Charles, with the instinct of the soldier—and in this case, moreover, of the far-sighted politician—was burning to let Roumania take her share in the struggle. But he was determined that she should only enter the fray—if at all—as an independent belligerent power. So he held back—and held back again, risking the grave danger which might accrue to Roumania, and above all to himself, from ultimate Russian resentment. In the meantime, the Russians were defeated in the battles round Plevna; still he held back; not with a point-blank refusal, but with a dilatory evasiveness which drove the Russians nearly frantic. For, during those terrible months of July and August 1877, in which their soldiers were dying like flies, they could see the whole Roumanian army standing ready mobilised, but motionless, a few hours away to the north, on the Danube—immovable in the face of all Muscovite appeals for assistance. At last the Russians were obliged to accept Prince Charles's conditions, to agree to allow him the independent command of all Roumanian troops, and to place a large corps of Russian troops besides under his orders. Then, indeed, the former Prussian lieutenant started within twenty-four hours, after playing the Russians at their own game for four months, and beating them at it to boot. Had Russia refused his demands, not a single Roumanian would have entered upon that struggle in the subsequent course of which their Sovereign covered himself with renown. It was no part of his business as the ruler of Roumania to seek military glory per se, although the instinct for such was strong within the Hohenzoller. Also on the 11th September, the battle of Grivitza—which was fought against his advice—saw him at his post, and sixteen thousand Russians and Roumanians[4] were killed and wounded under his command, probably a greater number slain in open battle in one day than England has lost in all her wars since the Crimea! Surely there was something of the heroic here; and yet it could hardly weigh as an achievement when compared with those Fabian tactics which preceded it, and the execution of which, until the psychological moment came, called for nerves of steel. Hardly ever has la politique dilatoire—of which Prince Bismarck was such a master in his dealings with Benedetti—had an apter exponent than King Charles on this eventful occasion. And its results, although afterwards curtailed by the decision of the Berlin Congress, secured the independence of Roumania and its creation as a kingdom.

VI

King Charles is peculiarly German in his passionate love of nature. At Sinaja—his summer residence—he looks after his trees with the same solicitude which filled his great countryman, Prince Bismarck. He spends his holidays by preference amid romantic scenery—at Abbazia, on the blue Adriatic, or in Switzerland. He visits Ragatz nearly every year, and thoroughly enjoys his stay among the bluff Swiss burghers. It is impossible for him to conceal his identity there; but he does his best to avoid the dreaded royalty-hunting tourist of certain nationalities, and finds an endless fund of amusement in the rough politeness of the inhabitants, with their customary greeting: "Herr König, beehren Sie uns bald wieder"—"Mr. King, pray honour us again with your visit."

He also loves to roam at will unknown among the venerable buildings of towns, such as Vienna and Munich, to look at the picture and art galleries, and gather ideas of the way to obtain for his own people some of those treasures of culture which he admires in the great centres of civilisation. He has even, at great personal sacrifice, collected quite a respectable gallery of pictures at Bucharest and Sinaja.

If I have dwelt somewhat at length upon the King's personal characteristics and his political methods, it has been in order to assist the reader to appreciate what kind of man he is, and so the more readily to understand cause and effect in estimating how the apparently impossible grew into an accomplished fact. This seemed to be all the more necessary as the "Reminiscences" themselves—far more of a diary than a "Life"—are conceived in a spirit of rarely dispassionate impartiality. The letters, in particular, addressed to the King by his father—whilst they afford us a sympathetic insight into a charming relationship between father and son—do credit to the fearless spirit of the latter in publishing them; and the frankness with which the most painful situations are placed on record can scarcely fail to elicit the sympathy and respect of the reader. In fact, the book contains passages which it would trouble the self-love of many a man to publish. This it is, however, which stamps it with the invaluable hall-mark of veracity, whilst, at the same time, it leaves the reader full liberty to form his own judgment.

SIDNEY WHITMAN.

REMINISCENCES OF THE KING OF ROUMANIA

CHAPTER I

THE PRINCIPALITIES OF MOLDAVIA AND WALLACHIA

After the conquest of the Balkan Peninsula by the Turks, who were intent on extending the Ottoman Empire even to the north of the Danube, there was little left for the Roumanian Principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia, deserted and abandoned to their fate by the neighbouring Christian States, except to make the best possible terms with the victorious followers of the Crescent. Each Principality, therefore, concluded separate conventions with the Sublime Porte, by means of which they aimed at domestic independence in return for the payment of tribute and military service. These conventions or capitulations were not infrequently violated by the Turks as well as by the Roumanian Hospodars or Princes. Though the rulers of Bucharest and Jassy were appointed and dismissed at the pleasure of the Grand Seignior, the very existence of the Principalities was due solely to the provisions of the treaties above mentioned, by virtue of which they escaped incorporation in the Ottoman Empire; nor were the nobility of Moldavia and Wallachia forced to follow the example of their equals in Bosnia and Herzegovina in embracing Islam, in order to maintain their power over the Christian population. Still the Principalities of the Danube did not entirely escape the ruin and misery which befell Bulgaria and Roumelia; but, since the forms and outward appearance of administrative independence remained, it was yet possible that the Roumanian patriot might develop his country socially and politically without threatening the immediate interests of the Turkish Empire south of the Danube.

Chief amongst the difficulties which beset the regeneration of Roumania was the rule of the Phanariotes,[5] to whom the Porte had practically handed over the territories of the Lower Danube. The dignity of Hospodar[6] was confined to members of the great Phanariot families, who oppressed and misruled the whole country, whilst the Greek nobles in their train not only monopolised all offices and dignities, but even poisoned the national spirit by their corrupt system. Even to-day Roumania suffers from the after-effects of Levantine misrule, which blunted the public conscience and confused all moral conceptions.

Since the end of the eighteenth century the Danubian Principalities have attracted the unenviable notice of Russia, whose objective, Constantinople, is covered by them. In less than a century, from 1768 to 1854, these unfortunate countries suffered no less than six Russian occupations, and as many reconquests by the Turks. It speaks highly for the national spirit of the Roumanians that they should have borne the miseries entailed by these wars without relapsing into abject callousness and apathy; and that, on the contrary, the memory of their former national independence should have continued to gather fresh life, and that their wish to shake off the yoke of their bondage, be it Russian or Turkish, should have grown stronger with the lapse of time. The Hospodars, appointed by the Russians, were hindered in every way by the Turks in their task of awakening the national spirit and preparing the way for the regeneration of their enslaved people. Besides this, many of these Hospodars were prejudiced against the introduction of reforms which could only endanger their own interests and positions. They were, therefore, far more disposed to seek the protection of foreign States than to rely upon the innate strength of the people they governed. Such were the causes that hindered the development of the moral and material resources of the Roumanian nation.

The ideas from time to time conceived by the rulers of Russia for the unification of the Principalities were based solely on selfish aims and considerations. Thus, for instance, a letter dated September 10, 1782, from Catherine II., who gave the Russian Empire its present shape and direction, to the Emperor Joseph II., shows clearly that the state then proposed, consisting of Wallachia, Moldavia and Bessarabia, was to be merely a Russian outpost, governed by a Russian nominee, against the Ottoman Empire. Even in this century (1834) Russia would have been prepared to further the unification of the Principalities, if only they and the other Great Powers had declared themselves content to accept a ruler drawn from the Imperial House of Russia, or some closely allied prince. As, however, this was not the case, the Russian project was laid aside in favour of a policy of suppressing the national spirit by means of the Czars influence as protector. The Sublime Porte, on the other hand, was straining every nerve to maintain the prevailing state of affairs. And finally, Austria, the third neighbour of the Principalities, hesitated between its desire to gain possession of the mouths of the Danube by annexing Wallachia and Moldavia, and its disinclination to increase the number of its Roumanian subjects by four or five millions, and thereby to strengthen those incompatible elements beyond the limits of prudence. At the same time Austria looked upon the interior development of Roumania with an even more unfavourable eye than Russia, and it seemed as though Moldavia and Wallachia, in spite of the ever increasing desire of their inhabitants for union and for the development of their resources, so long restrained, were condemned to remain for ever in their lamentable condition by the jealousy of their three powerful neighbours.

At length came the February Revolution of 1848 in Paris, the effects of which were felt even in far Roumania. An insurrection arose in Moldavia: the Hospodar was forced to abdicate; and a Provisional Government, the Lieutenance Princière,[7] was formed at Bucharest, and proceeded to frame a constitution embodying the freedom of the Press, the abolition of serfdom and all the privileges of the nobility. The earlier state of affairs was, however, restored on September 25 of the same year by the combined action of the Russians and the Turks, with the result that the Principalities for a time lost even the last remnants of their former independence, and the power of the Hospodars was hedged in with such narrow restrictions by the Treaty of Balta Liman (May 1, 1849) that they could undertake no initiative without the sanction of the Russian and Turkish commissaries, under whose control they were placed.

The Crimean War brought with it emancipation from the Russian protectorate, but although the situation was now improving, much was still necessary before the Roumanians could regain their domestic independence. A French protector had taken the place of the Russian. The pressure, it is true, was by no means so severe, nor was it felt so directly as formerly, yet the country perforce suffered no inconsiderable damage, both moral and material, from the half-voluntary, half-compulsory compliance with the wishes of the French ruler. Napoleon wished to elevate Roumania, the "Latin sister nation," into a French dependency, and thereby to make France the decisive factor in the Oriental question. A willing tool was found in the person of the new Hospodar of the now united Principalities, and thenceforth everything was modelled upon French pattern.

An international Commission assembled in Bucharest in 1857, together with a Divan convoked by an Imperial Firman for Moldavia and Wallachia, to consider the question of the future position of the Danubian Principalities. The deliberations of these two bodies, however, resulted in nothing, as neither the Sublime Porte nor the Great Powers were inclined to agree to the programme submitted to them, the main features of which were: the union of the two Principalities as a neutral, autonomous state under the hereditary sovereignty of a prince of a European dynasty, and the introduction of a constitution. A conference held at Paris, on the other hand, decided that each Principality should elect a native Hospodar, subject to the Sultan's confirmation.

The desire for national unity had, however, become so strong that the newly elected legislative bodies of both countries rebelled against the decision of the Great Powers, and elected Colonel Alexander Kusa as their ruler in 1859. Personal union was thus achieved, though the election of a foreign prince had, for the time being, to be abandoned. Still Prince Kusa was required to pledge his word to abdicate should an opportunity arrive for the closer union of the two countries under the rule of a foreign prince.

Guided by the advice of the Great Powers, the Sultan confirmed the election of Prince Kusa, but by means of two Firmans, a diplomatic sleight of hand, by which the fait accompli of the irregular union remained undisturbed, albeit unrecognised. Formal sanction to the union was not conceded by the Sublime Porte until 1861. Prince Kusa, whose private life was by no means above reproach, endeavoured to fulfil in public the patriotic ambition of furthering his people's progress. But Roumania at that period was not prepared for the purely parliamentary form of government it had assumed, and the well-meant reforms initiated by the Prince and the Chamber achieved no immediate result. Prince Kusa, therefore, felt himself compelled to abolish the Election Laws by a coup d'état, and to frame a new one, which obtained the sanction of the Sublime Porte, and eventually the approval of the majority of the nation.

The increased liberty of action gained by the Prince was utilised to the full in formulating a series of necessary and excellent reforms; he failed, however, to place the budget on a satisfactory footing, and the finances remained in the same unfavourable condition as before, whilst several of his measures were directly opposed to the interests of certain factions and classes of the population. In addition to these difficulties, scandals arose which were based only too firmly upon the extremely lax life which Prince Kusa led, and a conspiracy was formed for his overthrow which found a ready support throughout the land. The Palace at Bucharest was surprised on the night of February 22, 1866, by a band of armed men, who forced the Prince to abdicate and quit the country. This accomplished, the leaders of the various parties assembled and formed a Provisional Government under the Lieutenance Princière, or regency, which consisted of General N. Golesku, Colonel Haralambi and Lascar Catargiu.

The Chamber at once proceeded to elect a new ruler, and their first choice fell upon the Count of Flanders, the younger brother of the King of Belgium. Napoleon III., however, who was then still able to play the arbitrator in the affairs of Europe, hinted that the Count would be better advised to decline the proffered crown. The Emperor's wish was acceded to, and, although the Provisional Government for a time appeared to persist in the election of the Count of Flanders, Roumania was ultimately forced to look for a candidate whose election would not be opposed by any of the Great Powers.

The choice was difficult, if not impossible; for the Paris Conference, which had reassembled in the meantime, had decided against the union of the Principalities; and, unless Roumania could attain its object semi-officially by the favour of the Great Powers, the position was hopeless.

It was, indeed, a serious, not to say alarming, situation; for a war between Prussia and Austria for the hegemony of Germany was imminent, and threatened to lead to further complications in the East. If the election were delayed until after the outbreak of hostilities, one of the belligerent parties was certain to reject the candidate whose election the other approved, whilst Russia would take advantage of the interregnum to stir up the whole of Roumania, especially Moldavia, against the union; for anything that might tend to impede the Russian advance upon Constantinople could not fail to evoke the most lively hostility in St. Petersburg. It was, therefore, upon France and her Emperor that all the hopes of the Roumanians reposed: with Napoleon on their side everything was possible, without him nothing.

The leading Roumanian statesmen were well aware of the difficulties in the way, and eventually fixed upon Prince Charles of Hohenzollern as their candidate, for he was related to both the French and Prussian dynasties, upon whose goodwill and support he might confidently reckon. It was of the utmost importance, therefore, to move him to accept their offer at once, and to obtain the sanction of the nation by a plébiscite.

CHAPTER II

THE SUMMONS TO THE THRONE

The Roumanian delegate, Joan Bratianu, arrived at Düsseldorf on Good Friday 1866, to lay the offer of the Roumanian people before Prince Charles and his father. In an audience granted by the latter on the following day, March 31, Bratianu announced the intention of the Lieutenance Princière, inspired by Napoleon III., to advance Prince Charles Anthony's second son, Charles, as a candidate for the throne of the Principalities. Bratianu succeeded in obtaining a private interview with Prince Charles the same evening, in order to acquaint the latter with the political situation, and to point out the danger which must inevitably be incurred if the present Provisional Government remained in power. Prince Charles replied that he possessed courage enough to accept the offer, but feared that he was not equal to the task, adding that nothing was known of the intentions of the King of Prussia, without whose permission, as chief of the family, he could not take so important a step. He therefore declined for the moment to give any definite answer to the proposals of the Roumanian Government. Bratianu returned to Paris, after promising to take no immediate steps in the matter. Prince Charles Anthony without delay addressed a memorial regarding this offer to the King of Prussia, and clearly defined the circumstances which had led to his taking this step. A similar communication was forwarded to the President of the Prussian Ministry.

A few days later Prince Charles arrived in Berlin, and at once visited the King, the Crown Prince, and Prince Frederick Charles, as he reported in a letter to his father:

"The King made no mention of the Roumanian question at the interview, but the Crown Prince, on the other hand, entered into a minute discussion with me, and did not appear to be at all against the idea. The only thing that displeased him was that the candidature was inspired by France, as he feared that the latter might demand a rectification of the frontier from Prussia in return for this good office. I replied that I did not consider that the Emperor Napoleon had thought of such a bargain, but had been induced to take the initiative in this matter by family feeling rather than by any selfish consideration. The Crown Prince, moreover, considered it a great honour that so difficult a task had been offered to a member of the House of Hohenzollern. Prince Frederick Charles also at once started upon a minute discussion of the Roumanian question. He seemed to be intimately acquainted with the issue, and volunteered the opinion that I was intended for better things than to rule tributary Principalities: he therefore advised me to decline the offer."

The following telegram, published in the Press, was handed to Prince Charles as he was sitting with his comrades at the regimental mess-table:

"Bucharest, 13th April.

"The Lieutenance Princière and Ministry have announced the candidature of Prince Charles of Hohenzollern as Prince of Roumania, under the title of Charles I., by means of placards at the street corners; it is rumoured that the Prince will arrive here shortly. The populace appeared delighted by the news."

The Prince at once visited Colonel von Rauch, who had been entrusted with the delivery of Prince Charles Anthony's memorial to the King, and learnt that an answer would be sent on April 16. The following report was despatched to Prince Charles Anthony by his messenger on the 14th: "I was commanded to attend their Majesties at the Soirée Musicale yesterday evening. The King took me into a side room and expressed himself as follows: 'I have not yet replied to the Prince, because I am still waiting for news from Paris, as the Porte has declared its intention of recalling its ambassador from the Conference if the election of a foreign prince is discussed.

"'Should the protecting States have regard to this declaration of the Porte, the election of a Hohenzollern prince would be rendered impossible; on the other hand, should the majority decide for a foreign prince, and the coming Chamber in Bucharest follow their example, the whole matter would enter upon a new phase. However, that I may not keep the Prince waiting, I shall express my opinions shortly as to the future acceptance or refusal of the Roumanian crown.'"

The King of Prussia forwarded the following autograph letter to the young Hohenzollern prince early the next morning:

"Your father has, no doubt, imparted to you the enclosed (telegram from Bratianu). You will remain quite passive. Great obstacles have arisen, as Russia and the Porte are so far opposed to a foreign prince.

"WILLIAM."

The telegram ran thus:

"Five million Roumanians proclaim Prince Charles, the son of your Royal Highness, as their sovereign. Every church is open, and the voice of the clergy rises with that of the people in prayer to the Eternal, that their Elected may be blessed and rendered worthy of his ancestors and the trust reposed in him by the whole nation.

"J. C. BRATIANU."

The long expected reply from the Prussian monarch arrived at Düsseldorf on April 16. After discussing the probable moral and material bonds of union which would unite Prussia and Roumania in the event of the offer being accepted, the King continued:

"The question is whether the position of your son and his descendants would really be as favourable as might otherwise be expected? For the present the ruler of Roumania will continue as a vassal of the Porte. Is this a dignified and acceptable position for a Hohenzollern? And though it may be expected that in future this position will be exchanged for that of an independent sovereignty, still the date of the realisation of this aim is very remote, and will probably be preceded by political convulsions through which the ruler of the Danubian Principalities might perhaps be unable to retain his position! With such an outlook, are not the present position and prospects of your son happier than the life which is offered him?

"Even in the event of my consenting to the election of one of your sons to the throne of Roumania, is there any guarantee that this elective sovereignty, even if it becomes hereditary, will remain faithful to him who is now chosen? The past of these countries shows the contrary; and the experience of other States, ancient and well established, as well as newly created and elective empires, shows how uncertain such structures are in our times.

"But, above all, we must take into consideration the attitude of the Powers represented at the Paris Conference to this question of election. Two questions still remain undecided: (a) Is there to be an union or not? (b) Is there to be a foreign Prince or not?

"Russia and the Porte are against the union, but it appears that England will join the majority, and if she decides for the union the Porte will be obliged to submit.

"In the same way both the former States are opposed to the election of a foreign Prince as the ruler of the Danubian Principalities. I have mentioned this attitude of the Porte, and yesterday we received a message from Russia to say that it was not disposed to agree to the project of your son's election, and that it will demand a resumption of the Conference. All these events prevent the hope of a simple solution. I must therefore urge you to consider these matters again. Even should Russia, against its will of course, consent to the election of a foreign Prince, it is to be expected that intrigue after intrigue will take place in Roumania between Russia and Austria. And since Austria will more willingly vote for such an election, Roumania would be forced to rely upon her as against Russia, and so the newly created country with its dynasty would be on the side of the chief opponent of Prussia, though the latter is to provide the Prince!

"You will gather from what I have said that, from dynastic and political considerations, I do not consider this important question quite as couleur de rose as you do. In any case we must await the news which the next few days will bring us from Bucharest, St. Petersburg, and Constantinople, and we must see whether the Paris Conference will reassemble immediately.

"Your faithful Cousin and Friend,

"WILLIAM."

"P.S.—A note received to-day from the French Ambassador proves that the Emperor Napoleon is favourably inclined to the plan. This is very important. The position will only be tenable if Russia agrees, as she is influential in Roumania on account of her professing the same religion and owing to her geographical proximity and old associations. These constitute an influence against which a new Prince in a weak and divided country would not be able to contend for any length of time. If you are desirous of prosecuting this affair your son must, above all things, gain the consent of Russia. It is true that up to now the prospect of success is remote...."

Prince Charles Anthony replied, assuring the King that, although the examples of such enterprises in Greece and Mexico had proved disastrous, yet the complications which might arise from Roumania were not likely to affect the prestige of Prussia, and he therefore begged his Majesty not to refuse his consent so long as there was a chance of arranging the matter. A most important interview then took place between Count Bismarck and Prince Charles at the Berlin residence of the former, who was at that time confined to his house by illness.

Bismarck opened the conversation with the words: "I have requested your Serene Highness to visit me, not in order to converse with you as a statesman, but quite openly and freely as a friend and an adviser, if I may use the expression. You have been unanimously elected by a nation to rule over them; obey the summons. Proceed at once to the country, to the government of which you have been called!"

Prince Charles replied that this course was out of the question, unless the King gave his permission, although he felt quite equal to the task.

"All the more reason," replied the Count. "In this case you have no need for the direct permission of the King. Ask the King for leave—leave to travel abroad. The King (I know him well) will not be slow to understand, and to see through your intention. You will, moreover, remove the decision out of his hands, a most welcome relief to him, as he is politically tied down. Once abroad, you resign your commission and proceed to Paris, where you will ask the Emperor for a private interview. You might then lay your intentions before Napoleon, with the request that he will interest himself in your affairs and promote them amongst the Powers. In my opinion this is the only method of tackling the matter, if your Serene Highness thinks at all of accepting the crown in question. On the other hand, should this question come before the Paris Conference, it will not take months merely, but even years to settle. The two Powers most interested—Russia and the Porte—will protest emphatically against your election; France, England, and Italy will be on your side, whilst Austria will make every endeavour to ruin your candidature. From Austria there is, however, not much to fear, as I propose to give her occupation for some time to come!... As regards us, Prussia is placed in the most difficult position of all: on account of her political and geographical situation she has always held aloof from the Eastern Question and has only striven to make her voice heard in the Council of the Powers. In this particular case, however, I, as Prussian Minister, should have to decide against you, however hard it would be for me, for at the present moment I must not come to a rupture with Russia, nor pledge our State interest for the sake of family interest. By independent action on the part of your Highness the King would escape this painful dilemma; and, although he cannot give his consent as head of the family, I am convinced that he will not be against this idea, which I would willingly communicate to him if he would do me the honour of visiting me here. When once your Serene Highness is in Roumania the question would soon be solved; for when Europe is confronted by a fait accompli the interested Powers will, it is true, protest, but the protest will be only on paper, and the fact cannot be undone!"

The Prince then pointed out that Russia and Turkey might adopt offensive measures, but Bismarck denied this possibility: "The most disastrous contingencies, especially for Russia, might result from forcible measures. I advise your Serene Highness to write an autograph letter to the Czar of Russia before your departure, saying that you see in Russia your most powerful protector, and that with Russia you hope some day to solve the Eastern Question. A matrimonial alliance also might be mooted, which would give you great support in Russia."

In reply to a question as to the attitude of Prussia to a fait accompli, Bismarck declared: "We shall not be able to avoid recognising the fact and devoting our full interest to the matter. Your courageous resolve is therefore certain to be received here with applause."

The Prince then asked whether the Count advised him to accept the crown, or whether it would be better to let the matter drop.

"If I had not been in favour of the course proposed, I should not have permitted myself to express my views," was the reply. "I think the solution of the question by a fait accompli will be the luckiest and most honourable for you. And even if you do not succeed your position with regard to the House of Prussia would continue the same. You would remain here and be able to look back with pleasure to a coup with which you could never reproach yourself. But if you succeed, as I think you will, this solution would be of incalculable value to you; you have been elected unanimously by the vote of the nation in the fullest sense of the word; you follow this summons and thereby from the commencement earn the full confidence of the whole nation."

The Prince objected that he could not quite trust the plébiscite, because it had been effected so quickly, but Bismarck replied:

"The surest guarantee can be given you by the deputation which will shortly be sent to you, and which you must not receive on Prussian territory; moreover, I should place myself in communication with the Roumanian agent in Paris as soon as possible. I communicated this idea sous discrétion to the French Ambassador, Benedetti, after we had learnt that Napoleon wished to hear our views, and he declares that France will place a ship at your disposal to undertake the journey to Roumania from Marseilles, but I think it would be better to make use of the ordinary steamer in order to keep the matter quite secret."

As in duty bound, Prince Charles proceeded to the Royal Palace after this interview, to ascertain the King's views on the proposed course of action. His Majesty did not share Count Bismarck's view and thought that the Prince had better await the decision of the Paris Conference, although, even should this be favourable, it would still be unworthy a Prince of the House of Hohenzollern to place himself under the suzerainty of the Sultan! To this Prince Charles replied that, although he was ready to acknowledge the Turkish suzerainty for a time, he reserved to himself the task of freeing his country by force of arms, and of gaining perfect independence on the field of battle. The King gave the Prince leave to proceed to Düsseldorf, embraced him heartily, and bade him Godspeed!

Prince Bismarck sent for Colonel Rauch, who had played an important part in the negotiations with the King, and informed him on April 23 that the Paris Conference had decided by five votes to three that the Bucharest Chamber was to elect a native prince, and that France had declared that she would not tolerate forcible measures either on the part of Russia or of the Porte. The President of the Prussian Ministry then repeated the advice he had given to Prince Charles, viz., to accept the election at once, then proceed to Paris, and thence to Bucharest with the support of Napoleon, and to write at once to the Czar Alexander, hinting at the projected Russian marriage. If Russia was won, everything would be won, and the intervention by force of one or the other of the guaranteeing Powers would be no longer to be feared. As regards the consent of the King, which of course could not be given now, it would not be refused to a final fait accompli. Prince Charles must decide for himself whether he felt the power and decision to solve the problem in this straightforward fashion; but it must be understood that no other method offered any prospect, for the Powers would eventually agree upon a native prince, and the Roumanians must submit. "I spoke," he added, "to the Roumanian political agent in Paris, M. Balaceanu, in a similar strain yesterday evening, and laid stress upon the fact that the King cannot at present decide or accept the election of Prince Charles, because political complications might be created thereby."

From Paris came the news that nothing would be more agreeable to the Emperor and his Government than to see Prince Charles on the throne of Roumania, but that nothing could be done in the face of the decision of the Conference, and that the Prince's project of a fait accompli was so adventurous that the Emperor could not promise his support. An interview was then arranged at the house of Baroness Franque in Ramersdorf, with M. Balaceanu, who declared that the intention of the Roumanian Government was to adhere to its choice, and, if necessary, to carry on the government under the name of Charles I. Roumania would allow herself neither to be bent nor broken.

Two days later, on April 29, Colonel von Rauch returned from Berlin with the royal answer to Prince Charles Anthony's second memorial, which contained a repetition of the King's objections to the acceptance of the offer, and still more to the fait accompli, which was so warmly urged from Paris. The "Memorial Diplomatique" of the 28th contained this suggestive phrase: "... l'initiative de la France n'a pour object que les faits à accomplir!"

Prince Charles Anthony received M. Bratianu and Dr. Davila on May 1 at Düsseldorf. They came to announce the arrival of the deputation with the verification of the plébiscite, and to inquire whether or no Prince Charles intended to decline their offer definitely. It was then decided to telegraph in cipher to Bucharest that the Prince had decided to accept the offer, but only on condition that the King should give his consent.

In answer to a telegram from Prince Charles Anthony, the King of Prussia begged him to come to Berlin to discuss the question of the fait accompli. The result of the interview was that the King agreed to refrain from influencing the decision of Prince Charles directly and to permit the fait accompli to "take place." The Prince was to resign his commission as a Prussian officer after passing the Prussian frontier.

On the receipt of this news from Berlin, the Prince at once sent for MM. Balaceanu and Bratianu, and on their arrival informed them that he was prepared to set out for Roumania without delay. The question then arose as to which route was to be taken, since Prussia might declare war any day with Austria, whilst a sea journey viâ Marseilles or Genoa risked a possible detention at Constantinople. The Prince eventually decided on the shortest route, viâ Vienna-Basiasch; but this plan had to be reconsidered, as owing to an indiscretion the proposed itinerary became public.

The long expected mobilisation order of the Prussian Army was signed by the King on May 9, and Prince Charles in consequence received an order from his colonel to rejoin his regiment at once, from which, however, he was exempted by the six weeks' leave granted by the King himself. Balaceanu urged the Prince by letter not to delay his departure, and reiterated his entreaties on behalf of the Roumanian people, who were anxiously awaiting the arrival of their chosen ruler.

The last day at home was Friday, May 11, 1866, and with it came the inevitable anguish of parting with his dearly loved parents. Repressing the emotions which might otherwise have betrayed the pregnant measure he had undertaken, Prince Charles, clad for the last time in the uniform of the Prussian Dragoons, rode down the avenue towards Benrath Castle, where his eldest brother resided and awaited him. Upon arriving there, he exchanged his uniform for mufti and proceeded to the station with his sister, Princess Marie, who accompanied him for the first few hours of his journey, and at Bonn the Prince joined Councillor von Werner, with whom the momentous journey was to be undertaken. Zurich was reached at two o'clock in the afternoon, when the travellers broke their journey for the first time in order to arrange the difficult question of passports. Von Werner telegraphed to a Swiss official, whom Prince Charles Anthony had already asked about the passes, to arrange a meeting at St. Gallen, but as the official was not at home at the time, a delay of twenty-four hours occurred, which Prince Charles spent in writing to the Emperors of Russia and France and the Sultan of Turkey.

Baron von Mayenfisch and Lieutenant Linche, a Roumanian staff officer, who both joined the party in Zurich, set out independently, the former for Munich, the latter for Basiasch on the Danube. The Prince and Von Werner occupied themselves with erasing the marking of the Prince's linen and reducing the quantity of his baggage to indispensable limits. The following day (May 14) found the Prince and his companion at St. Gallen, where a passport was obtained for the former under the name of "Karl Hettingen," travelling on business to Odessa, and at the Prince's request a note was made on this document of the fact that Herr Hettingen wore spectacles. The acquisition of these passports, however, and the fact of his travelling second-class, were not alone sufficient to overcome all further difficulties and dangers, for on reaching Salzburg, on the Austro-Bavarian frontier, on the 16th, a customs official gruffly demanded the Prince's name, and he to his horror found that he had forgotten it. Luckily Von Werner, with great presence of mind, flung himself into the breach by insisting on paying duty for some cigars, and so diverted the intruder's attention, whilst the Prince refreshed his peccant memory with a glimpse at his passport. But this was not all, for scarcely had this little manœuvre been successfully carried out than several officers of the "King of Belgium's" Regiment, with whom the Prince had served in 1864 in Denmark, entered the waiting-room and caused him no little misgiving lest he should be recognised. Here fortune, however, again favoured him, and all passed off well, the travellers continuing their journey as far as Vienna, which they found crowded with troops. Pressburg, Pest, Szegedin and Temesvar found them still caged in the dismal squalor of a dirty second-class carriage, and suffering much discomfort from an icy wind which chilled them to the bone. The tedious railway journey at length ended at Basiasch, from whence they were to proceed down stream by steamer. The mobilisation of the Austrian troops had, however, completely disorganised the river service, and a most unwelcome delay of two days took place at this unsavoury spot.

Joan Bratianu arrived from Paris in time to accompany his future sovereign upon the last stage of his journey, but, as strict secrecy was still imperative, he was compelled to treat the Prince as a stranger. The Roumanian frontier was reached at last, and the boat lay alongside the quay of Turnu Severin. As the Prince was about to hurry on shore, the master of the steamboat stopped him to inquire why he should land here when he wanted to go to Odessa. The Prince replied that he only intended to spend a few minutes on shore, and then hurried forward. As soon as he touched Roumanian soil, Bratianu, hat in hand, requested his Prince to step into one of the carriages waiting there. And as he did so he heard the captain's voice exclaim: "By God, that must be the Prince of Hohenzollern!"

After the despatch of a couple of telegrams to the Lieutenance Princière and the Government, the Prince and Bratianu set out for the capital in a carriage drawn by eight horses at a hand gallop, which never slackened its headlong pace throughout the ice-cold, misty night. At four o'clock they reached the river Jiu, but lost some time there, as the ferry was not in working order. At Krajowa, where the news of his arrival had brought together an enormous and enthusiastic multitude, a right royal welcome awaited the new Prince, and, escorted by two sections of Dorobanz Cavalry (Militia hussars), he reached the prettily decorated town of Slatina at noon, where a halt of a couple of hours was made before proceeding to Piteschti. En route the Prince overtook the 2nd Line Regiment marching on Bucharest, and was greeted by them with enthusiastic cheers. A numerous escort of cavaliers, amongst them Dr. Davila, met the Prince outside Piteschti, where yet another most enthusiastic reception was accorded him. General Golesku and Jon Ghika, the President of the Ministry, were presented to the Prince, who expressed his pleasure at greeting the first members of the Government. The night was passed at Goleschti, where the Prince entered upon his duties by signing a decree pardoning the Metropolitan of Moldavia for his share in the Separatist riots of April 15. Prince Charles rose early the following morning to make all necessary arrangements for his triumphal entry into the capital, where the inhabitants were waiting impatiently to do him honour. The keys of the town were presented by the Burgomaster, who also addressed a speech to the new ruler. The procession then passed along the streets lined by soldiers of the Line and National Guard, until they reached a house outside which a guard of honour was posted. "What house is that?" asked the Prince in the innocence of his heart. "That is the Palace," replied General Golesku with embarrassment. Prince Charles thought he had misunderstood him, and asked: "Where is the Palace?" The General, still more embarrassed, pointed in silence to the one-storeyed building.

At length the procession halted at the Metropolie, the Cathedral of Bucharest, where the venerable Metropolitan received the Prince and tendered him the Cross and Bible to kiss. After hearing the Te Deum, the Prince, with his suite, proceeded to the Chamber, which stands exactly opposite the Metropolie. Here he took the oath to keep the laws, maintain the rights, and preserve the integrity of Roumania.—"Jur de a pazi legile Romaniei, d'a mentine drepturile sale si integritateā teritoriului!"[8] Then, after replying in French to the address of the President of the Chamber, Prince Charles repaired with his suite to the Palace to refresh himself after the exertions of the day. The rooms, though small, proved to have been tastefully furnished by Parisian upholsterers during the government of Prince Kusa, but the view from the windows was primitive indeed; on the one side stood an insignificant guardhouse, whilst the other offered the national spectacle of a gipsy encampment with its herd of swine wallowing in the gutters of the main road—it could hardly be called a street. Such were the surroundings amongst which the adventurous Hohenzollern Prince commenced his new career!

CHAPTER III

STORM AND STRESS

The first Roumanian Ministry under the new régime was composed of members of all political parties, Conservatives and Liberals, Moldavians and Wallachians, Right, Centre, and Left. Lascar Catargui was appointed President of the Ministry, which, amongst others, included Joan Bratianu (Finance), Petre Mavrogheni (Foreign Affairs), General Prince[9] Jon Ghika (War), and Demeter Sturdza (Public Works).

The chief task of the new Government was to secure the recognition of their new ruler by the Powers, but the telegrams from the Roumanian agents abroad showed very plainly that the fait accompli was only the first step towards the desired end. The initiative of the Prince found favour, it is true, with Napoleon, but his Minister, Drouyn de L'Huys, regarded his action as an insult to the Paris Conference, whilst the Sultan refused to receive the letter addressed to him by Prince Charles, and announced his intention of applying to the Conference for sanction to occupy the Principalities by armed force. To meet this possibility, the immediate mobilisation of the Roumanian Army was decided upon by the Cabinet, and the Prince seized an occasion for reviewing the troops on May 24. The Turkish protest against the election was submitted to the Conference on the following day, but the Powers decided that Turkey was not entitled to occupy Roumanian territory without the previous consent of the Powers, and also declared that they had broken off official communications with the Prince's Government. As the news from Constantinople became more and more threatening, a credit of eight million francs was voted by the Roumanian Chamber for warlike purposes, and orders were issued for the concentration of the frontier battalions and Dorobanz Cavalry. The former, however, mutinied and refused to leave their garrisons, whilst an inspection of the arsenal showed that there was scarcely enough powder in the magazines for more than a few rounds to each soldier.

The deputation sent to conciliate Russia met with a cold reception from Prince Gortchakoff, who complained that France had been consulted before the fait accompli. He further remonstrated against the collection of Polish refugees on the Roumanian frontier. On the other hand, he did not appear averse from an alliance between Prince Charles and the Russian Imperial family. Bismarck received the members of the deputation with cordiality, and recommended them to assume an anti-Austrian attitude in the event of an insurrection in Hungary. In the meantime, the Paris Conference declined to appoint commissaries for the Principalities, as had been done formerly under the Hospodars, and practically decided to leave Roumania an open question.

The finances of the Principalities were completely disorganised, as the Public Treasury was empty, the floating debt amounted to close on seven millions sterling, and it seemed as though the year 1866 would indicate a deficit of another six millions. To complete the financial ruin of the country, a proposal to create paper money was set on foot, but was thrown out by the Chamber.

The chief measure laid before the Chamber was the draft of a new Constitution. The Prince insisted upon an Upper and a Lower House as well as upon an unconditional and absolute veto, whilst the Chamber wished to grant a merely suspensive veto, such as is exercised by the President of the United States of America. Owing in great part to the efforts of Prince Charles, the report of the Committee upon the Constitution was presented on June 28, when a series of heated debates arose on the question of granting political rights to the Roumanian Jews. The excitement spread rapidly throughout Bucharest, and a riotous mob destroyed the newly erected synagogue. Thereupon, the unpopular sections of the Constitution were hastily abandoned by the Government in deference to the wishes of the Jews themselves. A better fate, however, befell the veto question, which was decided in favour of the Prince, and on July 11 the Constitution was unanimously passed through the Chamber by ninety-one votes.

On the following day the Prince proceeded, with the same ceremonies as before, to the Metropolie to attend the Te Deum before taking the oath to the new Constitution in the Chamber. He then seized the opportunity of reminding the representatives of the nation that Roumania's chief object must be to remain neutral and on good terms with the neighbouring Powers.

The Prince's daily routine at this period was calculated to tax to the utmost even his abnormal energy and strength. After a ride in the early morning, the correspondence of the day was gone through before the Ministers were received. Then followed miscellaneous audiences, and the inspection of some Government institution or school in Bucharest. The organisation of the Ministries and Courts of Justice was modelled on those of France: the hospitals, thanks to the liberality of former Hospodars, were well endowed, and able to treat patients free of charge. In many cases, however, the hospital buildings were insanitary; the prisons were in the most unsatisfactory condition, the food of the prisoners was of very indifferent quality, while, last, but by no means least, among the many points which demanded his close attention at this time, was the question of barracks and military establishments. At six o'clock the Prince dined with his household, and often some ten or twelve guests of opposite political opinions were invited, in order that he might become more closely acquainted with the views of the various parties. As, however, punctuality was at that time a custom more honoured in the breach than the observance in Bucharest, it frequently happened that the Prince had to commence dinner without one or other of his guests. After dinner Prince Charles generally drove along the chaussée, which, enclosed on either side by handsome gardens, formed the rendezvous of the fashion of the capital. On other days the Prince rode to one or other of the numerous monasteries and cloisters in the neighbourhood, such as Cernika, the burial-place of the Metropolitans, Pasere and Caldaruschan.

Prince Jon Ghika returned from Constantinople on the 15th of July with a draft of the conditions upon which the Porte was willing to recognise Prince Charles. A Council of Ministers was assembled the same evening to consider this project, which was then unanimously rejected, and a counter-project was drawn up and discussed in all its bearings on the 17th. The main features in dispute were as follows: The Porte wished to retain the name of the "United Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia," whilst the Ministry were in favour of either "Roumania" or "The United Roumanian Principalities." The Porte declared that the princely dignity must continue to be elective, whilst the Roumanians in return demanded the recognition of the right of hereditary succession and, in the absence of a direct descendant of the Prince, his brother's family was to succeed. In reply to the Turkish demand for military aid in any war, the Ministry declared that Roumania would only render assistance in a defensive war. The proposal of the Porte to send an agent to protect Turkish interests in the Principalities was rejected entirely, as was also the demand that Roumania should neither coin money nor confer decorations.

Acting on his father's maxim, "A wise and an honest ruler must never pursue a personal policy, but only a national one," Prince Charles declined to countenance a rebellion in Hungary advocated at a private interview by General Türr, the well-known Hungarian patriot and agitator. A similar course was pursued with regard to a Servian deputation, which assured the Prince that all the Eastern Christians rested upon him their hopes of deliverance from the Turkish yoke.

The first Ministerial crisis occurred on July 25, 1866, owing to the financial troubles and the disagreement existing between the President and MM. Bratianu and Rossetti. The Prince confided the task of forming the new Ministry to Jon Ghika, who had proved himself an able and energetic diplomat in conducting the negotiations with the Porte.

In the midst of these difficulties the sorrowful news of the death of his brother Anthony, from wounds received at Königgrätz, reached the Prince early on August 7. The sympathy which this family event evoked amongst all classes of the Roumanian nation was the surest proof of the affection and regard already inspired by their new ruler. Ministers, municipal authorities, officers of the Army and Militia, and all the notabilities of the country hastened to express their sympathy with the Prince's family in the warmest manner.

The serious condition of the finances forced the Prince to diminish the strength of the Army by 7000 men, although the attitude of the Porte still rendered it advisable to concentrate all available forces. Prince Charles also addressed the following letter to the Emperor Napoleon to induce him to favour a Roumanian loan in Paris:

"In accepting the throne of Roumania, I knew that the duties devolving on me were enormous: still I confess that the difficulties to be surmounted are even greater than I thought.

"The most complete disorder in the finances as well as in all the branches of the Administration gives rise to difficulties against which I have to struggle every day, and which render my task extremely painful....

"A greater power than that of man—the Divine—sends us fresh trials. The whole country, especially Moldavia, is threatened with a famine.... The only means of succouring the populace is by means of a loan.... Trusting, Sire, in the affectionate sentiments of your Majesty, I ask you for the aid of your all-powerful goodwill, because it is the knowledge of your Majesty's constant goodwill to the Roumanians and, I venture to say, to me personally, that has sustained me in the midst of the difficulties with which I have had to contend...."

The Prince concluded with the words: "The happiness of the Roumanian nation has become the aim of my life: I have devoted to this mission all my time and all my aspirations."

Owing to the active support of France, the Sublime Porte declared its willingness to concede certain points of the Roumanian counter-project, such as the election of the Prince, the hereditary succession in the Prince's family, and the establishment of the Army at 30,000 men, but demanded in return the recognition of Roumania as a partie intégrale of the Ottoman Empire.

On August 21, Prince Charles set out on a journey through Moldavia, accompanied by General Prince Ghika, Mavrogheni, and his aides-de-camp. The route ran through Buseu, Fokschani, which was devastated by cholera, and Ajud, where the long awaited rain first fell on the dried-up country, then through Kaitz to Okna, where the Prince inspected the great salt mines and the prison. The next important halts were made at Botoschani, an almost wholly Jewish town, and at the Moldavian capital, Jassy, romantically situated on the banks of the Bachlui. The town is built in terraces on the hillside, where the numerous domes and towers scattered amongst the green trees lend it a most picturesque and almost oriental appearance. The reception accorded to the Prince was brilliant and hearty in the extreme, the only discordant note being the refusal of the Rosnovanu family to share in the public rejoicings. It is, however, pleasant to note that in later years this family sought to show by every means how completely their opinions had changed.

Important and urgent news from Constantinople then forced the Prince to bring his tour to an end, and Cotroceni, near Bucharest, was reached on September 7, after some 920 miles had been traversed in seventeen days by means of about 3000 post-horses. The result of the journey was altogether favourable, for not only had the Prince gained a clearer insight into the affairs of Moldavia, but the Separatist faction had been considerably weakened by the intercourse of Prince Charles with the leading men of the Principality.

The following day the Prince received the English and French Consuls, who came to advocate compliance with the demands of the Sublime Porte, which, though couched in far more moderate language, still contained the disputed clauses of the former project. The Ministry thereupon decided to send Ministers Stirbey and Sturdza to Constantinople to negotiate better terms for Roumania.

The Prince received a letter from his father on September 14, 1866, containing the following significant paragraph:

"The political horizon is still very overcast; a war with France is unavoidable, although it will not take place this year. The 'chauvinism' of the French Press is colossal, and the Emperor, who is personally inclined for peace, will probably have to give way to the pressure!..."

The news from Constantinople now became more favourable, as both General Ignatieff and the Marquis de Moustier brought pressure to bear on Ali Pacha in favour of Roumania. Moreover, the condition of Crete, where an insurrection had broken out, aided and instigated by Greece, was in itself a reason why the Porte should come to a definite settlement with Roumania. Negotiations, however, suffered further delays owing to the departure of the Marquis de Moustier and the renewal of impossible demands by Ali Pacha, who was now supported by England and France. The last named believed that Prussian influence caused the Prince's reluctance to comply with the Emperor Napoleon's advice and proceed to Constantinople before receiving recognition by means of a firman, and the relations of Roumania to France became consequently cooler. The whole affair turned upon the words, "partie intégrale de mon Empire," which the Roumanian Ministry refused at first to accept, but now sought to modify by the addition of "dans les limites fixées par les capitulations et le Traité de Paris." This addition was at last agreed to by Ali Pacha, and the long struggle ended on October 20. An exchange of letters, as recommended by the French Ambassador, then took place between the Grand Vizier and Prince Charles, who announced his intention of proceeding to Constantinople to receive the firman from the hands of the Sultan.

The Prince granted an audience to the Consuls of the Powers on the following day to receive the congratulations of their Governments upon his recognition by the Porte before setting out on his journey to Constantinople. At Rustchuk the Governor of the Danubian vilayet, Midhat Pacha, received the Prince with the utmost ceremony. On arriving at Varna Prince Charles embarked at once on the Imperial steam yacht Issedin, which had brought Djemil Pacha and Memduh Bey to escort him to the Golden Horn.

On his arrival at Constantinople the Prince landed at Beglerby, where an imperial palace had been destined for his reception. Thence the Prince, in the uniform of a Roumanian general, proceeded to Dolma Bagdsche, where the Sultan came to the door of his cabinet to welcome him. Next the sofa on which the Sultan was to sit a chair was placed for the Prince, but he pushed it gently aside, and as a Prince of Hohenzollern sat down next to his Suzerain. The conversation which then ensued turned first upon the Prince's journey, and afterwards on the state of affairs in Roumania. At the conclusion of the audience the Sultan handed Prince Charles a paper, which he laid on the table without looking at it, and then asked for permission to present his suite, one of whom took charge of the firman. The Sultan took a hearty leave of the Prince, who then visited the Sublime Porte, where the Grand Vizier welcomed him and presented to him the various Turkish great dignitaries of the Ottoman Empire.

On October 26 Prince Charles received the Ambassadors of the Powers, amongst their number Lord Lyons, who had been of material assistance in obtaining the recognition of the Prince, but who was strongly opposed to any slackening of the bonds between Turkey and the Vassal States.

The impression left in the Prince's mind by the magnificent reception was that it was due more to his descent from the House of Hohenzollern than to the fact that he was ruler of Roumania, for the Hospodars had been treated merely as highly placed officials, and as a symbol of their vassaldom were obliged to hold the Sultan's stirrup as he mounted.

The second visit to the Sultan took place on October 28, and was marked by the same heartiness as before. Prince Charles, on leaving the Palace, en route for a review specially ordered in his honour, passed through the Marble Gates, which are generally opened for the Sultan alone. The review took place in pouring rain on the heights of Pancaldi, where six battalions, two cavalry regiments, and four batteries were drawn up. Ali Pacha entertained the Prince at dinner the same evening, when Prince Charles proposed the health of the Sultan, and expressed the wishes he shared in common "with all Roumanians" for the welfare of the Sultan and of the Turkish Empire. In reply the Grand Vizier laid special stress upon the deep interest his Imperial Majesty took in the Prince and "the Moldo-Wallachian population." Ali Pacha subsequently offered the Prince a number of Turkish orders of the various classes, adding that the patents would be sent to him in blank every year, and might be granted as the Prince thought fit. This offer was, however, declined, and the permission of the Porte was obtained for the institution of a medal for the Roumanian Army. After taking leave of the Sultan on October 30, Prince Charles returned to Varna in the Imperial yacht Issedin, arriving in Bucharest on November 2.

The impending elections now claimed the attention of Prince Charles, who, in a letter to the President of the Ministry, declared that "not even the shadow of influence" must be brought to bear on the electors. The Government, however, misconstrued the expression of this wish as a concession to the Liberal Opposition. The result of the elections was a bitter disappointment to the Prince and his advisers: one-third of the new Chamber was composed of partisans of the ex-Prince Kusa and Separatists, a second of supporters of the Government, and the third of Liberals. Not one of these parties, therefore, could dispose of a decisive majority. The Chamber was opened on November 27 by Prince Charles in person, who adjured the Deputies to lay aside all jealousies and personal interests, and to aid him in reorganising the country by "accepting the wholesome principles of honesty, industry, and economy, which alone can raise the civilisation, wealth, and power of the nation."

The failure of the crops in conjunction with famine and cholera had added to the already heavy financial difficulties of the country. The paper currency was at 30 per cent. discount, whilst the pay of the Army and the officials remained in arrears. In spite of the applause with which the Prince's speech was received, the Government measures were obstructed at every turn by incessant intrigues in the Chamber.

The following most interesting letter from the Prince's father, bearing on the difficulties of Napoleon's position, was received on December 24, 1866:

"The position of France is at present most insecure. Napoleon's dynasty must struggle with four immense difficulties:

"(1) The bitter resentment of the nation at Prussia's success in war. The Clericals do not cease to add fuel to this smouldering fire, and it will not be their fault if the national hatred does not break out into open flames. The Emperor is the most sober and reasonable of all Frenchmen, but it is quite possible that he may allow himself to be dragged into a war with Prussia in order to preserve his dynasty.

"(2) The Roman question is one of equal importance. The withdrawal of the French force from Rome will either lead to the instantaneous downfall of the Papal State, which would cause an unbounded agitation by the very strong Ultramontane party in France against the Emperor, and entail the most serious consequences for him, or else the withdrawal of the troops will not lead to the fall of the Papal State—in which case a great bitterness would arise amongst all the Liberal circles of France, which see the chief obstacle to national progress in the effete government of the Pope.

"Under any circumstances, the solution of this question is dangerous for the Emperor, especially as the Empress will materially hinder the settlement of the situation by her Spanish temperament and bigoted inclinations, just as she will probably achieve her unnecessary pilgrimage to Rome in spite of the Ministry, calculating on the domestic weakness of the Emperor.

"(3) The Mexican affair is the first and most flagrant defeat of the French Government. It is no longer a secret that the withdrawal of the French troops from Mexico is the result of an earnest, even menacing pressure from North America. If this pressure should be ignored in Paris, the weak French force in Mexico would be exposed to a Sicilian vesper. The troops must therefore retire, and with them probably all Frenchmen settled in Mexico.

"This is a terrible situation for the Emperor. He destroys his own creation, the throne of Maximilian, and so offers a most material point d'appui to the powerful Opposition in France. In other words, this is a personal defeat of the Empire, than which none greater can be conceived! Either a war or a disgraceful peace with North America must follow, against which a war with Germany, contrived in order to flatter the French and wipe out the bad impression, will be the only means of salvation and safety. Many millions of French money will be lost over this business, and the shaken and impoverished families will continue to fan the fire of discontent. The Opposition, which was opposed to the Mexican expedition from the beginning, will now be justified in the eyes of the nation, and the prestige of the Empire will be materially injured.

"(4) The bad condition of the French finances and a deficit increasing from year to year form another great danger. The French Court itself unfortunately does not set an example of wise economy, and is thereby morally responsible for the ever increasing immorality of the Administration....

"The Oriental question, though theoretically dangerous, does not at first appear to be a source of real danger. Russia, indeed, might make it so, but England, Austria, Italy, France, and Prussia have a too substantial interest in the status quo to exclude the hope that several years of peace will ensue so far as that is concerned....

"There can be no doubt now that Bismarck is not only the man of the hour, but that he is also indispensable. Prussia has become a power of the first rank, and from henceforth must be taken into consideration.

"The foreign policy of Prussia is firm, clear, decisive, and to the point. At home various elements of wavering and contradiction make their influence felt.

"The annexed territories might already have become more Prussian, were not the fear of democracy so great in Berlin.... The Chambers are willing, everything has been passed and sanctioned that the Government demanded—but unheard-of truths have been told, so much so that the feudal party has not quite the courage to glorify personal government beyond reasonable limits.

"The nation has obviously matured, politically speaking. Political extravagances have also decreased rather than increased in the army, owing to the consciousness of a gloriously ended war.

"In Southern Germany public opinion is still continually excited, especially in Württemberg; Bavaria sways like a reed. Prince Hohenlohe Schillingsfürst[10] may become President of the Ministry in place of Pfordten; his appointment would be a sign in favour of Prussia. Baden's attitude is the most correct; there they would prefer the supremacy of Prussia to that of Bavaria and Württemberg.

"A proof of the want of earnestness in the unity of Southern Germany is afforded by the fact that Bavaria is improving its Podewils rifle, Württemberg adopts the Swiss arm, Baden the Prussian needle gun, and the Grand Duchy of Hesse retains the Minié! And yet everybody is complaining of the want of unity amongst politicians and soldiers...."

In reply to a letter from Napoleon III. Prince Charles explained the chief difficulty of the situation thus:

"The Panslavonic party seeks to produce complications in the East by all possible means. They have already been able to influence Greece; the Cretans have rebelled, and, strong in the aid of nationalities which they cannot call upon in vain, claim the assistance of Europe. Agitators under Greek names are busy amongst the Christian populations and fan their latent courage.... Emissaries endeavour to incite the population of Moldavia, and even our Chamber of Deputies is prepared to create difficulties for us.

"If the interest and sympathy of the great Western Powers lead us to hope that the Eastern Question will be solved in our favour, we must confess that we are not yet ready to obtain advantage from the situation.... We must, therefore, expect everything from the support of our traditional protectors, and especially from the friendship of your Majesty. It appears to me, Sire, most desirable that France, England, and Prussia should from now come to an understanding on the matter of Eastern affairs. A close concert between these three Powers would be the surest guarantee of our national independence...."

Prince Charles received the following autograph letter from Queen Victoria on February 13, 1867, à propos of his recognition by the Sultan:

"My dear Cousin,

"I cannot possibly allow the formal answer to your letter to be despatched without adding at the same time a few lines to the brother of my dear and never-to-be-forgotten niece Stephanie and my dear nephew Leopold.

"I also desire to offer my sincere congratulations on the happy solution of the difficulties with the Sultan, as well as my warmest wishes for your future and lasting happiness and welfare.

"I shall always take the warmest interest in your success, and I do not doubt that you will continue faithful in the future to the principles of moderation and wisdom, which you have hitherto pursued.

"I remain always your sincere cousin,

"VICTORIA REG."

The condition of Crete and the consequent agitation in Greece formed the chief topic of a letter addressed to Prince Charles by the King of the Greeks. King George pointed out the difficulties caused by the patriotic excitement of his people, whose longing for war was so strong that they expected him to fight Turkey without money, troops, ships, or allies. He could not appear in the streets without being greeted with cries of "To Constantinople" from men and women of all classes. It was the special misfortune of his people that they thought every insurrection must bear golden fruit, because they themselves had always gained some end by revolution.

The Cretans formed three distinct Corps which were kept supplied with ammunition and recruits by Greek ships. This the Turkish fleet was powerless to prevent, as it had no coal, and was therefore forced to remain at anchor. The Greeks reckoned confidently upon an insurrection in Thessaly and Epirus, though, of course, they were well aware that Russia only fomented this movement in order that the Turkish efforts to suppress it might indirectly strengthen the Slav element by exciting sympathy in Eastern Europe. It was at this time that the Russian Government announced that it did not aim at the destruction of the Ottoman Empire, but only desired emancipation and humane treatment for the Christian subjects of the Sultan, and that it was awaiting a more favourable moment for the release from the onerous conditions of the 1856 Treaty and the re-acquisition of Bessarabia. The cession of Crete to Greece was, however, strongly advocated by the Russian diplomatists.

A ministerial crisis in Roumania was brought to an end on March 5 by the laconic motion: "The Chamber has no confidence in the Ministry!" which was passed by a majority of three votes. Eventually a new Ministry was formed under the presidency of Cretzulesku, a moderate Conservative, and was on the whole well received by the Chamber.

A Roumanian statesman sent on a confidential mission to Vienna by the Prince reported that the feeling of the Austrian Government was now far more friendly than formerly, and that the questions of extradition and commercial treaties, consular jurisdiction, and the appointment of an accredited agent in Vienna would find more favourable consideration with the Austrian statesmen.

A law was passed by the Chamber and promulgated in the official Moniteur conferring honorary citizenship on W. E. Gladstone, J. A. Roebuck, Jules Michelet, Edgar Quinet, St. Marc Girardin, J. E. Ubicini, and P. T. Bataillard, in recognition of their efforts on behalf of the Balkan States.

About this time Prince Charles Anthony wrote his son an interesting letter referring to the Luxemburg Question, which at that moment threatened to cause a war between Prussia and France. The Prince wrote as follows:

"Once more we are on the threshold of great events—it is possible that a continental war may soon break out again, and equally possible that we may enjoy a lasting peace. This much at least is certain, Napoleon's star is sinking and France is seething and fermenting."

A letter from Paris aptly described the views of the French Government on the subject of Roumania and Prince Charles.

"The Prince is very popular, much loved and highly esteemed personally, but his Government (that of Ghika) is unpopular, wanting in initiative, foresight, and firmness, so that its position is not solid. Reforms make no progress, Russian intrigues have ample play, because the indecision of the Government and its want of energy throw doubt on its stability. Only to-day a diplomat remarked to me that the Russian party is getting the upper hand, that Russophile officers, such as a certain Solomon and others, have regained their influence and position, and that those who helped to elect the Prince are discouraged at seeing Russia, the eternal enemy of the country, in the ascendant."

After alluding to the project of a Russian marriage, the letter continued:

"The Prince will soon be convinced that Russian ambition will not give way to sentiment or family ties. It marches straight to its goal in spite of opposition, and yields to nothing but superior force."

Another letter from the same quarter addressed to the Prince gives the following quaint definition of the faults of the German character:

"The German is never sympathetic to foreign nations, he is deficient in charm, in grace. The North German is too stiff; the South German is too heavy ever to awaken feelings of sympathy. This is as true as that the earth turns on its axis. Even admitting that in diplomacy one may be ungrateful, nevertheless the punishment seldom fails, as witness Austria, which has paid heavily for its ingratitude. It is most imprudent to alienate yourself from France."

An application for permission to return to Roumania was received on May 26, from the exiled Prince Kusa, who alleged that his presence was required in a lawsuit affecting his private interests. Though Prince Charles was inclined to grant this favour, the decision was left to his Ministry, who opposed the project, as they had reason to believe that Prince Kusa's presence might provoke troubles.

An unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the Czar was made on June 7, 1867, when the Prince wrote to congratulate his Imperial Majesty on his escape. The Czar replied as follows:

"I thank your Highness for the sentiments which you have expressed in your letter of June 10, on an occasion when Divine Providence has deigned to manifest its protection so clearly. You are right in not doubting the affectionate interest which I feel for you, and the warm solicitude which I have not ceased to consecrate to the welfare of my Christian brethren in the united Principalities. The hopes which I entertain regarding them are particularly founded on the fact that a spirit of order and authority will prevail over the passions which have excited them only too deeply during these last days. It is for your Highness to establish these principles firmly, for without them no society can prosper; and I like to believe that you will display therein a firmness equal to the wisdom which you have shown since your accession to power.

"ALEXANDER."

The news that Omar Pacha had at last gained a signal victory over the Cretan insurgents was of the greatest interest to Prince Charles, who was well informed as to the general situation in that quarter. Whilst the majority of the Powers had proposed as early as April the cession of that island to Greece, France had gone still further, and demanded the cession of Thessaly and Epirus as well. Austria and Russia were, however, opposed to this, for though Russia desired to weaken Turkey in every possible respect, it was no part of her plan to help in strengthening Greece. In such cases the diplomacy of the Turkish statesmen appears to lie in the art of giving evasive answers and in skilfully playing off one Power against the other.

The recently appointed Russian Ambassador to the Porte, General Ignatieff, made use of the energetic demand of France on behalf of Crete to persuade the Sublime Porte that the Western Powers were the greatest enemies of Turkey, whilst Russia was her only true friend and natural ally. His influence was, however, lessened by the Sultan's unexpected invitation to visit the Paris Exhibition, followed by another from England. Count Ignatieff was forced to content himself with the sarcastic reflection that, though every Court in Europe might in turn invite the Sultan, Russia would still have the satisfaction of seeing him ruined financially.

Prince Charles proceeded to Giurgiu, on August 5, on his way to meet the Sultan at Rustschuk, who was returning from Paris. The interview with his suzerain lasted about half an hour, and Ali Pacha acted as interpreter. The Sultan appeared in excellent spirits at the result of his visit, and delighted with the reception he had met with on his travels.

Owing to the continued hostility of France, especially as regarded the Jewish Question, J. Bratianu was forced to resign his portfolio, and a day later the entire Ministry followed him. The news of this step spread consternation throughout the country, and threw the greatest difficulties in the way of Stephen Golesku, who was entrusted with the formation of the new Ministry. The Separatists also seized upon this critical state of affairs to reproach the Prince openly with having sacrificed his Minister to pressure from abroad; indeed, the whole political situation appeared most threatening. Influential persons in France were inciting ex-Prince Kusa to agitate in Roumania: the Minister of Finance wanted to resign because there were no funds for most necessary expenses—e.g., the officers on the half-pay list had not received their pay for two months; the open hostility of the Austrian and French Press; the anti-dynastic and separatist movement in Moldavia, fomented by Russia: all these contributed to increase the difficulties which beset the path of the young ruler.

The state of affairs in Crete remained practically unaltered; supported by Greece and Russia, the Cretans demanded nothing less than incorporation with Greece, whilst England and France viewed this proposal with disfavour. Ali Pacha, the Grand Vizier, was sent to Crete with the most extensive powers to pacify the island; in addition to other reforms, a Christian Governor-General was to be appointed. A sudden change, however, took place in the views of the Porte, for the Sultan at last recognised the futility of constantly giving way to foreign interference, and determined to hold his own by force of arms. No fewer than 80,000 men were to be despatched to the island, though the season was by no means favourable to military operations.

In the meantime a special session of the Roumanian Chamber was convoked on November 6 to introduce reforms in the army, to confirm certain railway concessions, and to vote the supplies without which the administration had become impossible. In spite of the continued hostility of France towards J. Bratianu, the Prince appointed that statesman Minister of Finance. The Chamber was then dissolved by the advice of the Ministry, who gave the following considerations as their reasons:

The Chamber had been elected shortly after the accession of the Prince, at a period when the nation scarcely knew what policy their ruler intended to adopt, or, indeed, the details of the new Constitution. The consequence of this ignorance was a wrong application of the election laws—fully half the elections would have been annulled had they been strictly investigated. It was evident from the first that no Ministry could reckon upon a majority in a House so equally divided, and so it happened that the Budget could not be passed at the proper time. In February the factions had combined so far as to defeat the Ministry, but the new majority was again divided into three factions, and unable therefore to do its duty. The Senate was dissolved for the same reasons.

A complete victory was scored by the Liberal Government at the general election, both in the Chamber and the Senate. The speech from the throne on January 15, 1868, congratulated the Deputies on the peaceful course of the elections; and, after touching on the Jewish Question, insisted upon the necessity of legislating for the army, the Church, and finance, which all demanded their closest attention.

Count Bismarck pointed out to the Prince that Russian support would be of the greatest benefit to Roumania, an opinion shared by Prince Charles Anthony, who remarked that Russia was either a powerful friend or a dangerous enemy. The future of the Orient belonged to Russia in the probable development of European affairs. "France will continue to lose prestige; it is, therefore, only common sense to step voluntarily into the Russian sphere of influence before one is forced to do so, yet at the same time without falling out with France...."

In a letter, which crossed the above, Prince Charles wrote:

"The greatest danger for Roumania is a Franco-Russian Alliance. The former Power at present does its utmost to effect this. To-day France is forced to make friends of its enemies, for nobody sides with it. The whole Orient is against France.... Italy will have need of Prussia, and Prussia of Italy, for they both have only evil to expect from France.... France has lost much ground here, and if we did not remember that she has done much good for Roumania, we should break with her entirely...."

A Treaty—purely "platonic," as the Prince termed it—was ratified with Servia on February 2, 1868, to "guard the reciprocal interests of the two countries ... and to develop the prosperity of the countries in conformity with their legitimate and autonomous rights."

The ill-will and pique of the French Government led to an official request for information about the Bulgarian rebel bands, which were reported to be assembling along the Danube preparatory to invading Turkish territory, aided and abetted by the Roumanian Government. These accusations, it must be confessed, were partly founded on fact, for it was impossible to prevent the Roumanian nation from testifying in a practical manner to its sympathy with its oppressed neighbours. Besides this, many influential Bulgarian families had sought refuge in Roumania from the pressure of Midhat Pacha's iron hand. The wave of hatred and enmity of the Christian religion which at the time appeared to sweep over the whole Turkish Empire contributed materially to incite the Bulgarians in Roumania to undertake reprisals in revenge of the outrages inflicted upon their native country.

The following letter from Count Bismarck was received by Prince Charles:

"Berlin, 27th February, 1868.

"I had the honour to receive your Highness's gracious letter of the 27th inst., and make use to-day of the first secure opportunity of tendering your Highness my humble thanks for the gracious sentiments expressed therein. It will always be a pleasant duty, and the outcome of my personal attachment, to be of service to your Highness's interests here. I have endeavoured to show my devotion in the latest phase of politics by maintaining in London and Paris my conviction that the rumours about the warlike undertakings on your Highness's territory are malicious inventions. The origin of these reports appears to be a Belgian Consul, whom we had cause to complain of in Brussels. At the same time, it must be remembered that the rumours have been used in Paris to make your Highness feel that an entente with Russia does not accord with the intentions of France. This does not affect the fact that every stable Government of Roumania has need of friendly relations with Russia as much and, indeed, owing to its geographical situation, even more than with any other of the European Powers. Your Highness must expect the reaction which will result from pursuing your own course. I do not doubt that the mission to St. Petersburg will result the more favourably, as the Bishop of Ismail succeeds in enlisting the active sympathy of his brethren and fellow priests in Petersburg, and in publicly fostering the impression that this has happened....

"v. BISMARCK."

As foretold by Bismarck, the mission to St. Petersburg caused the Paris Government to look upon Roumania as lost to France. Bratianu was accused of having thrown himself into the arms of Russia, backed by his large majority at the recent elections. Again and again the young Prince was warned not to offend the French Emperor by base ingratitude.

Prince Charles Anthony wrote to his son that "Bismarck's ... observation that Roumania is the Belgium of South-Eastern Europe is perfectly correct. Roumania, like Belgium, must not attempt foreign politics, but must live on the best possible terms with her neighbours: she will then share in the fruits which in due season will fall from the tree of Europe. But she must not pluck them herself, especially while they are unripe.... The situation of the Jews, such as prevails on the Lower Danube, is an evil rash upon the body of the State; but it is as impossible to solve this Jewish Question with one blow as to drive a rash away at once. However, I have complete confidence in your ability to use the right means. The same applies to the dreaded declaration of independence. Such a one-sided action would be the most colossal imprudence: the force of circumstances and not the wish of the Roumanian nation will be the operative factor." This sage counsel prevailed, although the declaration of independence was strongly advocated by many of the Prince's advisers.

In June 1868 the arrival of Prince Napoleon on a visit to the Prince of Roumania was heartily welcomed by the whole nation, which was glad of an opportunity of expressing her sympathy and regard for France and the Imperial dynasty. Prince Napoleon, however, created a very indifferent impression, for not even the utmost enthusiasm, the deafening cheers, the showers of bouquets from the hands of fair ladies, were able to move him from the passive and icy demeanour which he displayed on his arrival. Although he had barely one word to say to the many persons presented to him, his manner to Prince Charles was very amiable, and he frequently repeated his offer of assistance to the Prince. The conversation did not take a political turn, with the exception of the one sentence: "Paris considers you wholly in the Russian camp."

The greatest confusion still prevailed in Crete, where the inhabitants persisted in their demand for union with Greece, and even elected sixteen Deputies to represent the island in the Athenian Chamber. This step, however, created a great difficulty for the Greek Government, for if these Cretan Deputies were allowed to sit, the censure of the European Powers would be incurred, whilst if they were sent about their business the excitement of the populace might easily precipitate a crisis.

The news of the assassination of Prince Michael of Servia, who had always preserved the most friendly relations with Prince Charles, was received on June 11, 1868, with consternation and sincere regret by the Roumanian nation. Prince Milan Obrenowitch was unanimously elected Prince of Servia, under a regency composed of MM. Blagnavatz, Ristitch, and Gavrilovitch, by the Skuptchina on July 5, 1868.

A band of one hundred and fifty Bulgarians assembled in Roumanian territory and crossed the Danube on July 16 near Petroschani, abetted by a farmer, who concealed their rifles on an island in midstream. Aided by the Bulgarians south of the river, the insurrection spread rapidly, until Midhat Pacha defeated the rebels at Letzwitza. A proclamation of the provisional government of the Balkans was found among them, calling the Bulgarians to shake off the Turkish yoke and found a Bulgarian kingdom. With barbarous severity Midhat Pacha thereupon ordered all prisoners to be executed in their native villages as a deterrent to the remainder of the population. The Roumanian Government was accused of fomenting the insurrection, or at least of having taken no steps to prevent the congregation of insurgents on Roumanian territory; but the real culprits were proved to have been Russian instigators. Prince Charles refers to the incident as follows, in a letter to his father:

"The insurrection appears to be wholly suppressed for the present, and the few insurgents still remaining in Bulgaria have retired to the Balkans. How long the peace will remain undisturbed I cannot say; but the fact remains that the bitter feeling of the Bulgarians has reached its climax, and can only be compared to religious fanaticism. Numerous bands of insurgents are still on Roumanian territory, but we are forcing them to disperse. Much anxiety is caused by guarding our extended frontier."... "Public works have now come to the front: a law has been formulated and passed by the Chamber that each Roumanian shall work three days or pay for three days' labour in the year on the roads of the country. This measure was at first opposed, as it was considered a corvée, but we succeeded in refuting this argument.... I fully realise your advice, that my chief aim must be directed to the development of the material interests of the country. I should prefer to leave politics severely alone, and cut myself off from the rest of the world for some time to come, but the foreign Powers will not permit it. France in particular is attempting to throw difficulties in my way; the Marquis de Moustier desires at all costs to fix some quarrel on Roumania and to turn out my Ministry, which no longer inspires confidence in France; for this I am sorry; but, nevertheless, it will not induce me to dismiss a Ministry which possesses my entire confidence. I forgot to mention that Bourée, à propos of the Bulgarian incident, expressed the opinion: 'This circumstance must be utilised to demand the fall of the Roumanian Ministry.' I think it more important to change the Ministers in France than in Roumania—the events in Paris, in the Sorbonne, the Rochefort trial in consequence of the violent article in the Lanterne, &c., are ominous portents. The Second Empire is severely shaken, and can only be maintained by radical means if the fatal sentence 'il est trop tard' is not to come true—as I am inclined to believe it will be. Sympathy with France has disappeared in the East, and she has only herself to thank if the Christian nations throw themselves into the arms of Russia. Turkish and French politics are identical here....

"Many irregularities and embezzlements still occur in the various branches of the administration, but by no means in the same degree as formerly; a considerable period will probably elapse before this evil can be wholly remedied.... The juries are not always capable of fulfilling their task; they often sentence those who have been guilty of minor offences and acquit notorious criminals.... I am against Press prosecutions in Roumania, for what the papers write is valueless; I am in favour of unlimited freedom of the Press; it is decidedly less dangerous than limited freedom, the consequences of which are visible in France to-day."

Events in Spain now appeared to be reaching a critical period, as Marshal Prim and Serrano were engaged in the task of selecting a ruler for the vacant throne. Rumour pointed to the following as possible candidates: The King of Portugal, the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern, Prince Philip of Coburg, and the Duc de Montpensier.

In a letter to the Crown Prince of Prussia, thanking him for a communication received through Colonel von Krenski,[11] Prince Charles remarked:

"The revolution in Spain came very much à propos, for France will now be forced to keep quiet. As an old acquaintance I deplore the fate of the poor Queen, but honestly confess it was no more than was to be expected. I should like to see an Orleans or Philip of Coburg ascend the Spanish throne, but on no account a regent put forward by Napoleon! If the Republic is victorious in Spain it will soon break out in France, and at the present time this would be a lesser danger for the development of Germany than the Napoleonic dynasty."

The repeated attacks of Austria, or rather of Count Beust, on the Golesku Ministry and on Bratianu in particular, proved that the retention of the latter might lead to the most serious consequences. The nature of these attacks may be recognised from the misstatements in the Austrian Red Book, which estimated the number of needle-guns sold to Prince Charles at 50,000 instead of 10,000, whilst Roumania was termed an "arsenal" by Count Beust. Shortly after the opening of the Chamber the Ministry resigned, and Prince D. Ghika was entrusted with the formation of a new Ministry. The most prominent member was M. Cogalniceanu, and the Ministry was composed of statesmen belonging to every political party. In a letter to the President Prince Charles praised his programme as truly national, and expressed the hope that he would succeed in effacing all differences of opinion and those intrigues so prejudicial to the interests of the State.

On December 9, 1868, the following letter was received from Prince Charles Anthony:

"The candidature for the Spanish throne has hitherto been discussed only in newspapers; we have not ourselves heard a single word about it, and even should this project be placed more closely before us, I should never counsel the acceptance of this hazardous though dazzling position. Moreover, France would never be able to consent to the establishment of a Hohenzollern on the other side of the Pyrenees on account of our relations with Prussia; nay, it is already swollen with jealousy because a member of that house rules the Lower Danube....

"Bismarck appears to me just now to possess rather less influence in Home questions.... In the Foreign Office, however, he continues undisturbed, although even there he has often to bow to the views of the King."

In a subsequent letter to his son congratulating him on the excellent results of the change in the Ministry, Prince Charles Anthony wrote:

"England, which now possesses a new Ministry, must be managed with tact, for the independence of the Porte is the corde sensible of both Tories and Whigs. If England is convinced that Roumania does not wish to emancipate herself, you will be able to reckon with confidence on England's sympathy and friendship for Roumania."

Since Greece on December 18 declined to accept the Turkish ultimatum, all Greek subjects living in Turkey were informed that they would have to leave the country in fourteen days' time, and a Conference assembled in Paris for the purpose of adjusting the differences of these two nations and preventing a war. Their efforts were crowned with success, for Greece accepted the declaration of the Conference on February 6, 1869.

Count Andrassy, the Hungarian statesman, endeavoured to convince the Roumanian Government that its chief source of danger lay in Russia and that the interests of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy were centred in a strong Roumania, which would be able to oppose a barrier to the Panslavonic element. After offering his services in the way of smoothing over the difficulties which had arisen between the two States, Count Andrassy expressed the opinion that the best solution of the Eastern Question would be a Confederation of the Eastern nations and the creation of various independent States, "to make the West understand that the question could be solved without the influence and beyond the aspirations of Russia."

In reply to a letter of Prince Charles regarding the entente cordiale with Hungary, Prince Bismarck wrote on February 2, 1869, as follows:

"I consider it a very fortunate and cleverly managed turn of events that your Highness's relations to the Porte should have improved. I am convinced that if the Porte believes that it has nothing to fear for its possessions from the Roumanian Government, it will be a more useful and perhaps a more sincere friend to your Highness than the majority of the European Powers, who can hardly interfere with your Highness so long as you are on good terms with the Porte. Turkey has much less to fear from a strong government in Roumania which maintains peace and quiet—than from a weak and revolutionary state of affairs in the Principalities. I therefore consider, if your Highness will graciously permit me to give expression to my long and active political experience, that the first requirement of your Highness's policy is the establishment of your authority in the interior, and the maintenance of confidential relations with the Porte. The means by which such relations can be promoted by personal intercourse with influential men in Constantinople will doubtless be known to your Highness's agents there. The maintenance of your Highness's authority at home rests principally upon the maintenance of an absolutely reliable force of a couple of thousand men able to enforce obedience wherever they are assembled. The result of such obedience will then render possible a regular administration and a certain execution of the law. If your Highness achieves this result, the glory and practical success of your Government will be greater and more lasting than any extension of the Roumanian rule in the East could make it. The ideal for Roumania appears to me to be the title de la Belgique des bouches du Danube, and for your Highness the glory and the gratitude of Europe such as King Leopold left behind him. The Roumanians, as we judge them from this distance, are neither essentially warlike nor ambitious to rule other nations....

"If this conception meets with your Highness's approval, amicable relations with Hungary would arise spontaneously. I by no means advocate the cooling of the entente with Russia; nor need it suffer through Roumania's friendly feeling for Hungary, if your Highness only succeeds in cultivating relations with the Czar and Chancellor in St. Petersburg, without employing the channel of excited and exciting consular agents. The Imperial Government itself is far more liberal and moderate than its agents in the East....

"The present demands of all nations and most of the Governments of Europe are secure conditions of peace, and everything that your Highness may do to maintain these, if you announce at the same time that it is done for the sake of peace, will receive the applause of Europe, though at first the hired papers of the intriguers for war may decry your action. But if your Highness believes that there is no power to render innocuous those who for foreign money endanger the peace and the stability of your Highness's rule, I cannot divine the motives which persuade a scion of so illustrious a house as that of your Highness to persevere in so ungrateful a task...."

Prince Charles described the motives which led to the dissolution of the Chamber as follows to his father:

"The conflict between the Chamber and the Ministry—sought by the former in the appointment of General Macedonski to the command of the Bucharest Division—shows clearly how the Chamber endeavoured to prevent the consolidation of the present Ministry in the hope of undermining all authority. I considered this a great danger, and the greater the danger, the more rapidly and energetically must one intervene. Europe desires peace; and it is not for us, a little State, which has such an endless labour of development yet before it, and so much to do before it can become strong—it is not for us to seek and agitate for war. I hope that in the next Chamber the quiet and reasonable element of the country will be represented, for this alone can ensure its future. The election struggles will, however, be hotly contested, as the opposition will employ every means to victory. Two days before the dissolution of the Chamber I had a five hours' conversation with Bratianu.... He thought that the situation at home was most serious, and that a catastrophe was imminent. I replied that I feared nothing. 'Un Hohenzollern ne se laisse pas si facilement renverser comme un prince parvenu.'"

Amongst other rumours, that of an intended abdication gained much credence at this time, whilst several letters were received threatening assassination. Prince Charles declined to pay the least heed to these menaces, and to show his confidence in his adopted country rode long distances daily in all directions. It was only natural that Prince Charles Anthony's paternal anxiety should be aroused by the gloomy picture of the affairs of Roumania and their effect on the Prince's health. He wrote:

"I have seen Krenski and learnt from him much that is new and interesting, but find that he regards matters in too gloomy a light and views everything with ultra-Prussian eyes. It is a real calamity that the Prussians, despite their qualities of spirit, character, and knowledge, are frequently deficient in objective conception and judgment!

"Krenski draws a gloomy picture of your situation, and I had to restrain him from painting the matter too darkly to your dear mother. You were looking ill, had no appetite, little sleep, and your exhaustion was patent to every one!...

"I consider it absolutely necessary that you should come here as arranged in April. It is of the utmost importance for two reasons: first of all, it will give the lie to the current reports that you dare not leave the country for a moment owing to imminent dangers. It is politically most important that it should be seen that you can safely venture, in spite of all, to be absent for a short time. Secondly, you will never be able to think of marriage unless you take steps personally in the matter....

"There is no news at all. I do not know whether I shall be able to go to Berlin for the birthday. My foot is better, but it is not completely cured, and the greatest caution is necessary. It is depressing for me to feel myself an invalid when otherwise in perfect health.

"After a spring-like winter we are now having a winter-like spring. It is to be hoped that April will bring us the inexpressible happiness of a reunion with you!"

Prince Charles replied to this letter as follows:

"I hope you are not angry because I have not complied with your urgent invitation to come to Germany. I do not think it can be necessary to assure you how much my heart draws me to my deeply loved parents, my dearest possessions on earth. But he who assumes so great a responsibility as I have must not be ruled by his heart, but by his head. I fear Krenski has described the situation here in too gloomy a light—it is not so serious as he thinks. With patience, endurance, and energy everything can be attained, and I am convinced that I shall reach my appointed goal. It is true that during the time Krenski was here I had an enormous amount of work, little peace, and much annoyance. This, however, did not discourage me for a moment, whilst Krenski, who has much too soft a heart for a man and a soldier, often despaired. It was only natural that I should have no appetite or sleep, as the many wearisome tasks, without any distraction, exhausted and excited me. At present I am in excellent health, and await the result of the elections with calmness and less excitement than my entourage, for I know what I have to do, if it should come to a serious conflict. Most decidedly I shall not draw the shorter lot...."

The news of the death of the former Hospodar of Wallachia, Barbu Stirbey, was received from Nice in April 1869. Only a few weeks before he had written to the Prince, thanking him for some photographs of his native country. "God will bless the labours of your Highness and will grant you the glory of being the founder of a new Roumania. Nobody knows better than I the difficulties in the path of a Roumanian Prince who endeavours to attain what is right; they will not discourage your Highness, though they may defer the realisation of your hopes. To conquer all these difficulties at once would be impossible...."

Prince Charles spent his thirtieth birthday (April 20, 1869) on a tour in Moldavia, where he inspected the progress of the railways. Thanks to the initiative of the Prince, the great bridge over the Buseu, 550 yards long, had been completed, and communication between the two great provinces was no longer exposed to interruption by bad weather or floods. No less than five bridges in all had been constructed for the line to Fokschani, and it was with the greatest pleasure that the Prince noticed the expression of the gratitude of Moldavia in the inscription on the triumphal arch at Bakau: "Welcome to the founder of the Roumanian railways."

A report from Paris informed the Prince that an intrigue was on foot there to instigate a revolution in Bucharest, and that this project was also known at Vienna. A suitable pretender had been sought for in the Roumanian capital, ever since the recall of the French military mission, and a son of a former Hospodar was now said to have been selected to replace Prince Charles. The alleged reason for this Parisian intrigue was the complaint that since Bratianu's resignation Prussia practically ruled the Principality through the North German Consul-General.

It was, therefore, with the greatest joy that Prince Charles turned from these sordid affairs and devoted himself for a time to his elder brother Leopold. After a separation of a long and anxious three years the brothers met on April 27, shortly before Easter, at the capital of Moldavia, Jassy. Prince Leopold was thus able to witness a striking episode, which occurred as the venerable Metropolitan quitted the Church on Easter morning to announce, in accordance with traditional custom, to all the world: "Christ is risen." At the same moment Prince Charles stepped forward on the daïs, before which some thirty convicts in chains stood waiting the clemency of the Sovereign, and ordered their fetters to be struck off to commemorate the holy hour. It was an affecting moment! The clatter of the falling chains imparted a bitter-sweet tone of gladness and sorrow amidst the universal rejoicings of the great festival of the Eastern Church.

The visit of the Hereditary Prince was, however, spoilt by the terrible downpour of rain, which prevented most of the festivities in his honour. Many of the smaller bridges were carried away by the floods, and on one occasion the Hohenzollern Princes were in imminent danger of being swept away by a mountain torrent. Prince Otto[12] of Bavaria passed through Bucharest on his way to Constantinople; but, strangely enough, his arrival was announced through the Consul-General of Austria and not by the North German Consul. At a dinner given in his honour the Prince displayed great amiability, but Prince Charles noticed with regret the great melancholy with which Prince Otto's mind appeared to be surrounded.

Prince Leopold, accompanied by his brother, set out on his homeward journey on June 7, and visited Kalafat, Turnu Severin, and Orsowa, where a monument had been erected to commemorate the recovery of the stolen crown of Hungary. After taking an affectionate farewell of his brother, Prince Charles returned, lonely and rather downcast, to his work in Bucharest.

Prince Ypsilanti, the Greek Ambassador at Paris, awaited the return of the Prince to lay before him the draft of a treaty between Roumania and Greece. The proposals aimed at nothing less than the "complete independence of Roumania and the Greek provinces of Turkey" by means of a combined action of the two rulers, which was to take place six months after the necessary arrangements had been settled. The numbers to be employed, and the support of an insurrection in Bulgaria were also touched upon.

Prince Charles, however, adopted the same reserved attitude towards these startling proposals as he had done on a previous occasion, when Prince Ypsilanti, as early as May, brought a letter from the King of Greece thanking Prince Charles for his sympathy in the late crisis, and excusing the delay in replying.

"I have not hesitated to comply with the decision of the Paris Conference on being confronted by the alternative, due to the ill-will of Europe towards the heroic struggle in Crete, of either allowing the insurrection to extend in that island without any practical result, or of commencing a war with Turkey, which was fraught with disadvantageous conditions for Greece." This bitter decision would not have been in vain if it sufficed to prove to the Christian nations of the East that they must first be strong enough to achieve their rights by force before they could attempt to throw off the Turkish yoke.

Prince Charles's reply ran thus:

"You cannot doubt, Sire, that I share with all my heart the sentiments expressed in your letter, and sympathise with the painful impressions which you recall. The community of interests in politics and religion between Greece and Roumania, as well as the identity of their commercial interests in so many points, naturally imposes upon us the duty of endeavouring zealously on both sides to strengthen the bonds which already unite the two nations. This tendency will respond to my dearest wishes."

CHAPTER IV

MARRIAGE AND HOME LIFE

Early in the summer of 1869 Prince Charles received a very cordial invitation to visit the Czar at Livadia in the Crimea. This mark of regard was the more welcome as a project was on foot in St. Petersburg for the abolition of consular jurisdiction in Roumania, a measure which Prince Charles was most eager to see adopted. In writing to his father he gratefully referred to this topic: "Russia has very wisely taken the initiative in this most important question, which will be unwelcome to France; but tant mieux, for the French Cabinet is still very conservative, as it wishes to keep in with Turkey. But why should it agree with Turkey only about Roumania and not about Egypt? Why does it side with England in Roumania, and oppose England à couteau tiré in Egypt? This policy, in one word, is based upon interest—material interest. It is, therefore, only politic to endeavour to attract French capital for our great undertakings: I have already discussed this idea with several people. England is, on the whole, neutral to Roumania, and we have nothing to expect from that quarter. Its Eastern policy is by no means favourable to the Christian nations."

The Ministry were empowered by a decree, signed on August 9, to act as regents during the first absence of Prince Charles from Roumania, and the Prince set out for the Crimea on August 14. After a smooth sea passage Odessa was reached on the 16th, and the Prince continued his journey to Sebastopol the following day on board the imperial yacht Kasbek. The aspect of this once prosperous port was melancholy in the extreme, and it almost seemed as if time had stood still since the date of the terrible siege. All the large buildings near the harbour, such as barracks and warehouses, remained in the state in which the British and French shells had left them. In riding round the south front of the fortress the Prince easily recognised the approaches and parallels of the Allies: the Malakhoff Tower had been so effectually bombarded that it was difficult to believe how strong a work it had once been; the Redan, on the other hand, which had cost England so many lives, was in comparatively good condition.

Continuing his journey by carriage the next morning, Prince Charles reached Livadia at five in the afternoon after a long and fatiguing drive. The Czar received him with the greatest cordiality, and remarked at once that the courteous attitude of the Prince was enough to attract the animosity of the whole of Europe. The conversation then turned upon the affairs of Roumania, about which the Czar showed himself well informed on every point. Prince Charles was then presented to the Czarina, a cousin of his mother, to the Grand Duchess Marie, and later on to the Czarevitch and his wife, as well as to the Grand Duke Alexis. Unfortunately the tropical heat affected both the Czar and his guest to no slight degree, and the pleasure of the meeting was thus materially discounted. As early as August 22 Prince Charles was forced to bid his hospitable hosts good-bye, that he might attend the Roumanian manœuvres before his visit to his parents in Germany.

The fears, which had been openly expressed, for the safety of Roumania during the Prince's absence proved to have been utterly unfounded, for, though the papers, the Romanul and the Trajan, emulated each other in their attacks upon the dynasty, their revolutionary efforts met with no response at all, and it was therefore with a light heart that Prince Charles set out on September 7 to rejoin his dearly loved parents in South Germany. Before he quitted the territory of Roumania an amnesty was granted for all political and Press offences, in order to show the Prince's confidence that no intrigue was able to shake his hold upon the hearts of his people.

The journey to the West, which was to exert so potent an influence on the Prince's life, was broken first at Vienna, where the Emperor of Austria had announced his intention of receiving the Roumanian Prince. For the first time since the war of 1866 the Emperor wore the ribbon of the Black Eagle, as a compliment to the house of Hohenzollern. Prince Charles seized the opportunity of assuring his Majesty that it would always be the policy of Roumania to stand on the best terms with Austria. Count Beust, who ventured to remark that the cost of the Roumanian Army was out of all proportion to its Budget, received the apt retort that the arsenals were unfortunately empty, a reference to the Count's statement that "Roumania was simply a large arsenal." The reception accorded to the Prince was so hearty that the Viennese Press expressed the opinion that Prince Charles would later on have to answer to the Porte for his assumption of sovereign bearing.

After a short stay in Munich, where he met Prince Hohenlohe Schillingfürst [the present German Chancellor], Prince Charles rejoined his parents on September 16, after a separation of more than three years. The peace and quiet of home life, however, was interrupted the very next day by the arrival of a delegate of the Spanish Cortes, Don Eusebio di Salazar, who came to offer the Hereditary Prince the Crown of Spain. The idea was by no means new, for several papers had, in October 1868, mentioned the Prince Leopold as a likely candidate on the ground that he was not only a Catholic and the son-in-law of the King of Portugal, but the very opposite of his "amiable brother, the Roumanian Prince Carol, by the Grace of Bratianu." There was no lack of candidates for the vacant throne. Napoleon favoured the aspirations of the Prince of Asturia, the Empress Eugénie those of Don Carlos, and the Spanish Ambassador in Paris those of the Duke of Genoa. Don Salazar mentioned that the eyes of the Spanish nation had first turned towards Prince Charles, who had shown such courage and talent in a similar position. The Hereditary Prince declared that he would only consider the offer if he was elected unanimously and without rivals.

On September 28 Prince Charles left the Weinburg for Baden, where he was to meet the Prussian Royal Family. The Crown Prince urged him to lay aside all other views, and to seek the hand of Princess Elisabeth of Wied, whom he knew intimately, as one who would bring the same devotion to the duties of her position as the Prince himself. He concluded by offering to arrange a meeting, as if by chance, at Darmstadt on the 13th, to which proposal Prince Charles at once assented.

In the meantime, the Prince paid a promised visit to the French Emperor, whom he found much altered in personal appearance since the last time he had seen him in 1863. Napoleon received him with great cordiality and presented him with the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour. Prince Charles was commissioned to inform King William of the peaceful intentions of France, and of the Emperor's sincere wish to remain on the best terms with Prussia. Napoleon declared that no one could understand the difficulties of Prince Charles's position better than he, for to rule a Latin race was no easy matter. On hearing of the projected marriage, Napoleon expressed his satisfaction, and added with emphasis: "The German princesses are so well brought up!"

As the interview with Princess Elisabeth was to take place at Cologne instead of Darmstadt, Prince Charles set out for the former city on October 12. The meeting took place at the Flora, where the Dowager Princess of Wied was dining with her daughter before proceeding to Madame Schumann's concert. Prince Charles and Princess Elisabeth, who had already met once or twice before in Berlin society, walked a little ahead of the remainder of the party, talking over old times in Berlin. Before the promenade came to an end, Prince Charles had fallen sincerely in love with Princess Elisabeth, and was resolved to risk all, and to ask for her hand. A private interview with her mother the Princess of Wied was arranged, and resulted in the Princess consenting to ascertain her daughter's wishes. After a long quarter of an hour the answer "Yes" was brought to the Prince, who at once hastened to receive the reply from the lips of the young Princess herself. Affairs of State of an urgent nature, however, prevented the Prince from obeying the dictates of his heart and remaining in the company of his betrothed.

After an absence of forty-eight hours Prince Charles returned from Paris to Neuwied, where the betrothal was celebrated on October 15, 1869. An enormous number of congratulatory telegrams were received by the young couple, including messages from the King and Crown Prince of Prussia and the Emperor Napoleon. The general impression created by Prince Charles's choice was extremely favourable, as an alliance with a reigning House would have evoked much jealousy and intrigue. As the marriage was purely one of inclination this danger was avoided; and the political neutrality of Roumania was by no means affected.

Affairs of State demanded the speedy return of the Prince to the land of his adoption, and the wedding-day was fixed for November 15. A numerous and distinguished company, including the Queen of Prussia, accompanied by the Grand Duchess of Baden, attended the ceremony at Neuwied, which was first celebrated in the Roman Catholic Chapel and afterwards according to the rites of the Protestant Church. The text of the sermon was aptly chosen, as alluding to the difficulties and troubles which were to be encountered in the far-off Eastern country: "Whither thou goest, I will go: and where thou lodgest, I will lodge; thy people shall be my people, and thy God my God."

Only a few days remained before the stern call of duty summoned the happy pair to their life-work in Roumania. The journey to the Princess's new home in Bucharest was commenced on November 18. After a short stay in Vienna the travellers reached Roumanian territory on the 22nd. Every town through which they passed was profusely decorated, and the enthusiasm of the Roumanian nation appeared to surpass even that with which they had welcomed Prince Charles on his accession. A hundred and one guns announced the arrival of the Prince and Princess in Bucharest, and the town had put on all its finery in honour of the occasion. After a Te Deum had been celebrated by the venerable Metropolitan Niphon, fifty happy couples who had been married at the cost of the State defiled past their Highnesses.

The following day deputations from all parts of the country were received in the throne-room, when the Princess wore for the first time the diamond coronet presented by the people of Bucharest.

Princess Elisabeth at once commenced to take an active share in her husband's labours, and visited with him the various charitable and educational establishments in the capital. The innate generosity and liberality of the Prince had, however, made such inroads upon his purse, that many of their cherished designs had to be abandoned for the time being for lack of funds. At this moment, however, the most prominent members of the Chamber were on the point of introducing a measure granting the Princess a yearly sum of £12,000, but Prince Charles declined to accept this offer until the financial situation of Roumania had improved. The Opposition at once seized the opportunity of representing such a proposal as a "robbery," and their organs vied with each other in the most violent and unworthy attacks on the Prince and Princess. Some even lowered themselves so far as to send the grossest of these attacks to the Princess in registered letters! The violent scenes and the obstruction in the Chamber left the Budget unvoted, and again placed the Ministry in a most unenviable position, from which they were only released by their resignation in February 1870.

The new Ministry under A. Golesku displayed its weakness from the day of its formation. The Opposition openly used threats such as: "This dynasty cannot be endured," "Golesku will be the last of Prince Charles's Ministers," and declared that a "bloody tragedy" would shortly be enacted in the streets of the capital. A far-spreading conspiracy against the peace of the country made itself the more felt, since there were no police worthy of the name; the National Guard also was a source of real danger, whilst the apathy of the Ministry permitted these evils to flourish unchecked.

The question of the Spanish throne appeared to have been satisfactorily dismissed, to judge from a letter from Count Bismarck: "The political horizon, seen from Berlin, appears at present so unclouded that there is nothing of interest to report, and I only hope that no unexpected event will render the lately arisen hope of universal peace questionable." Eight days later, on March 1, Prince Charles received the news that Don Salazar had been despatched to Berlin to urge once more upon Prince Leopold the acceptance of the Spanish crown, but both he and his father felt disinclined to accept this offer, unless it was considered absolutely necessary to the interests of the Prussian State. Bismarck, on the other hand, warmly supported the offer of the Spanish Regency, and pointed out to the King the benefits which must ensue if an allied country lay upon the other side of France. The commerce of Germany would also receive a great impetus if the resources of Spain, with its enormous sea-board, were developed under a Hohenzollern. King William, however, did not agree with his Minister's opinion, and left the decision entirely in the hands of Prince Leopold, whose chief objection appeared to be the number of pretenders to the throne. The Crown Prince of Prussia had also warned him that, though the Government might support him at first, it was by no means certain that this support would be continued afterwards! On March 16 Prince Leopold informed the King that he felt compelled to decline the offer; but, as Bismarck still insisted upon the throne being accepted by a Hohenzollern, his younger brother, Prince Frederick, was recalled from Italy by telegram to take the place of his brother. The young Prince, however, also refused to accept the offered crown unless ordered to do so by the King. Nevertheless, in spite of opposition, the Chancellor persisted in declaring that the necessities of politics demanded that a Hohenzollern Prince should accede to the wish of the Spanish Regency.

"From Prince Charles Anthony, March 20, 1870.

"I have been here [Berlin] for a fortnight on most important family business: nothing less was on the tapis than the acceptance or refusal of the Spanish crown by Leopold, which was offered officially by the Spanish Government, though under the seal of a European State secret.

"This question preoccupies everybody here. Bismarck wishes it to be accepted for dynastic and political reasons; whilst the King asks whether Leopold will willingly accept the summons. A very interesting and important council took place on the 15th, under the presidency of the King, the Crown Prince, ourselves, Bismarck, Roon, Moltke, Schleinitz, Thile, and Delbrück being present. The unanimous decision of the councillors was in favour of acceptance, as fulfilling a Prussian patriotic duty. For many reasons Leopold, after a long struggle, declined. But since Spain desires avant tout a Catholic Hohenzollern, I have proposed Fritz in the event of his consenting. He is at present between Nice and Paris, but has not been reached or found by telegraph. We hope, however, to communicate with him shortly, and I hope that he will then allow himself to be persuaded.

"But all this is in the future and the secret must be preserved for the present...."

Prince Charles Anthony informed his son of the course of events in a letter dated from Berlin, April 22:

"The Spanish Question has again brought me here; it is now approaching its decisive stage. After Leopold refused the offer for weighty reasons, the candidature of Fritz was seriously taken in hand. An immediate settlement was necessary, as pressure was brought to bear from Madrid; your brother, however, most decidedly declared that he could not undertake the task! The matter must therefore be allowed to drop, and an historical opportunity has thus been lost for the house of Hohenzollern, an incident which has never occurred before and which probably will never occur again.... If the King had given the order at the last hour, Fritz would have obeyed; but as he was left free to decide, he resolved not to undertake the task.... The Spanish secret has been kept wonderfully well; and it is of the utmost importance that it should remain unknown in the future—at least so far as we are concerned. Olozaga[13] in Paris was not initiated. Serrano and Prim were the men who held the matter in their hands."

A month later Prince Charles Anthony wrote: "Bismarck is very discontented with the failure of the Spanish combination. He is not wrong! Still the matter is not yet completely given up. It still hangs by a couple of threads, as weak as those of a spider's web!"

To return, however, to the affairs of Roumania; Prince Charles opened the new mint at Bucharest in March, when the first Roumanian coins bearing a profile of the Prince and the inscription "Prince of the Roumanians" were struck. The coins consisted of Carols d'or in gold and one leu (franc) in silver. Ali Pacha at once protested formally against the illegal coinage with the Prince's likeness, and refused to allow it to circulate in Turkey. Owing, however, to the support of Austria and France, this difficulty was eventually smoothed over satisfactorily.

Financial difficulties, coupled with the unsatisfactory reports on the Roumanian railway concessions, led to the fall of the Golesku Ministry in April. M. E. C. Jepureanu succeeded in forming a new Cabinet, which received cordial support from abroad as well as at home. The vexatious Jewish question and the very serious state of the railway finances, for which the Opposition sought to make the Prince personally responsible, were the chief of the many difficulties of the Government.

The result of the general election was by no means as favourable as the Prince had been led to expect, and a serious riot occurred at Pitéschti. The troops were called out and ordered to fire upon the mob, several of the soldiers having been wounded by stones. Similar occurrences took place at Plojeschti, a regular hot-bed of seditious intrigue, and the National Guard of that town had to be subsequently disbanded for taking part in the political demonstrations.

The attention of Prince Charles was suddenly averted by a change in his eldest brother's views with regard to the Spanish throne. Prince Leopold had at last decided to accept the crown under certain definite conditions, as he had become convinced of the great services which he could thus render to his Fatherland. King William at once gave his consent, and Don Salazar returned to Madrid on June 23 with the news of Prince Leopold's readiness to accept the crown. An unfortunate mistake in a cypher telegram caused the Cortes to be prorogued from June 24 to October 31, and the election of Prince Leopold was therefore delayed until late in the autumn, thus offering ample opportunities to malcontents for the prosecution of intrigues and agitations against the Hohenzollern candidature.

The Agence Havas reported from Madrid on July 3 that the Spanish Ministry had decided upon the candidature of the Hereditary Prince of Hohenzollern, and that a deputation were already on their way to the Prince. This news caused the greatest excitement throughout Paris, and the French Ambassador at Berlin was commissioned to express to the Foreign Office the "painful surprise" caused by these tidings. The Prussian Secretary of State replied that the matter did not concern the Prussian Government. The excitement of the Parisian Press increased from hour to hour, whilst the Duc de Gramont, in an interview with the Prussian Ambassador, declared that the Emperor would never tolerate the candidature of a Hohenzollern Prince; and M. Ollivier, who was also present, expressed the same opinion. Gramont also openly accused Prince Charles of having induced his brother to take this step, and remarked to M. Strat, the Roumanian agent: "As soon as Prince Charles conspires against the interests of France, it is only fair that we should do our best to overthrow him, and we shall at once commence action in the event of a war with Prussia, in order to satisfy public opinion, which has so often reproached the Emperor with having sent a Hohenzollern to the Danube."

King William wrote to Prince Charles Anthony on the 10th, mentioning that France was obviously bent upon war, and that he was as willing to sanction Leopold's withdrawal as he had formerly been to assent to his acceptance of the offered throne. Two days later the Hereditary Prince withdrew his name by means of a telegram from his father to Marshal Prim:

"Having regard to the complicated interests which appear to oppose the candidature of my son Leopold for the Spanish throne, and the painful position which recent events have created for the Spanish people by offering them an alternative where their sense of liberty alone can guide them, and being convinced that under such circumstances their votes, on which my son counted in accepting the candidature, can neither be sincere nor spontaneous, I withdraw from the position in his name.

"PRINCE OF HOHENZOLLERN.

"Sigmaringen, July 12th, 1870."

The unexpected and unheard-of demands which Benedetti was forced by his Government to submit to King William at Ems shattered the last hopes of peace, and France declared war against Prussia.

In spite of the nationality of their Prince, the Roumanian nation sided entirely with France: "Wherever the banner of France waves, there are our sympathies and interests." The Chamber demanded that the Government should explain the policy it intended to adopt with regard to the belligerent parties, but, though the Ministry adhered to a strictly neutral attitude, a motion was passed to the effect that the sympathies of Roumania would always be with the Latin race.

The Roumanian agent in Paris, M. Strat, telegraphed to know whether, in the event of Russia taking part in the war, the Roumanian Government would conclude a treaty with France or not! The apparently peaceable intentions of Russia pointed to a treaty merely on paper, notwithstanding which Roumania would reap advantages at the conclusion of peace. Austria had been sounded on this question, and approved of supporting Prince Charles.

The Roumanian Government replied: "If France categorically demands from us the signature of a treaty to influence our attitude towards Russia in the event of Oriental complications, you are empowered to conclude such a treaty on the following basis: the Roumanian Government is resolved to oppose any hostile movement of Russia hand-in-hand with the Western Powers and Turkey. Mavrogheni has been specially sent to England to negotiate to the same end. We can place a well-equipped army of 30,000 men into the field."

The Times, on July 26, published a draft of a treaty drawn up in 1867, in which France offered Prussia the union of the North German Confederation with South Germany and a united Parliament in return for the sacrifice of Belgium and Luxemburg. This epoch-making announcement was confirmed by a despatch from Count Bismarck, received on the 29th. Count Benedetti, in whose handwriting and on whose paper this draft was written, maintained that he had merely put down the Chancellors ideas, "as it were at his dictation," a statement which caused the greatest surprise even in the French Press.

The minor engagement at Saarbrücken, the "baptism by fire" of the unfortunate Prince Imperial, was reported as a great French victory, and greeted as such with unbounded enthusiasm by the inhabitants of Bucharest. These rejoicings were, however, cut short by the news of the German victories at Weissenburg, Wörth, and Spichern, when the Imperial Army was forced to retreat on Metz. In consequence of these disasters the Gramont-Ollivier Ministry was defeated, and a new Cabinet formed under Count Palikao.

A most interesting letter from Prince Charles Anthony was received at Bucharest on August 16:

"I decidedly support Strat, for he has proved himself a devoted and faithful servant to you and to our family.

"He arrived at Sigmaringen at a moment when the French Government was peculiarly exasperated. It was from him that I learnt the actual spirit and intention in Paris; it was due to him that I published Leopold's renunciation twenty-four hours earlier perhaps than I should have done without his urgent advice. In neutralising the French pretext for war, by making the renunciation public at the right moment, the Franco-Prussian War has, perhaps, become a popular, i.e., a German, war. Any delay on my part would have given the war a dynastic complexion, and the whole of Southern Germany would have left Prussia in the lurch.... Napoleon has brought about the unity of Germany in twenty-four hours."

The excitement in Roumania culminated in an attempted revolution in that hot-bed of sedition, Plojeschti, on August 29, when the militia barracks were stormed and a proclamation issued, deposing Prince Charles and appointing General A. Golesku regent ad interim. A deputy, Candianu Popesku, at the head of the mob, entered the telegraph office and, revolver in hand, threatened to shoot the clerks, unless they telegraphed the news of the deposition of the Prince to the foreign countries and the larger towns of Roumania. With admirable presence of mind the clerks reported the occurrence to the Ministry at Bucharest instead of complying with the insurgents' demands. A battalion of Rifles under Major Gorjan was immediately despatched to the scene of the insurrection, which they promptly quelled. Both General Golesku and J. Bratianu, who appeared to be implicated in these affairs, were arrested at once, but were soon released by order of Prince Charles, who expressed his conviction that the insurgents had used their names without any authorisation. On being arrested, Bratianu begged that his papers might be left undisturbed, for, as he remarked with a smile, he was "too experienced a conspirator" to retain possession of compromising documents. Some twenty persons were arrested in connection with this affair, though, as Prince Charles wrote to his father, it seemed improbable that there was sufficient evidence to convict them.

The news of a great battle fought near Sedan caused the wildest excitement in Bucharest, and elaborate arrangements were made to celebrate a French victory. Rumours were current that King William had been taken prisoner with a force varying from 20,000 to 60,000 men, but a telegram announcing the voluntary surrender of the Emperor seemed to point, at any rate, to an undecided action. When the truth became known the greatest consternation prevailed in the Roumanian capital, where, in spite of the earlier German victories, the hope of the eventual success of the French arms had never been quite relinquished. The crowning defeat of the Imperial Army was followed by the flight of the Empress-Regent and the fall of the Napoleonic dynasty.

The birth of a daughter, Marie, on September 8, at a moment when the whole of Germany stood shoulder to shoulder against their foe, was welcomed by the Prince and Princess as a happy omen for the future. In accordance with the Constitution the child was baptised according to the rites of the Orthodox Church in the church of Cotroceni, on October 13, in the presence of the heads of the military and civil departments. A salute of twenty-one guns announced the moment of the ceremony to the capital.

The joyful news of the birth of a Princess was communicated to the various Courts and to the deposed French Emperor, who replied as follows:

"My dear Prince,

"I thank you for the letter which you have kindly written to inform me of the birth of Princess Marie. I shall always take a lively interest in all that contributes to your happiness; and I pray that family joys may sweeten the bitterness inseparable from power. I am much touched by the memories you have preserved of your visit to Paris, and I again assure you of the sentiments of sincere friendship with which I remain

"Your most Serene Highness's cousin,

"NAPOLEON."

The call of duty, however, prevented Prince Charles from devoting as much time as he otherwise would have done to his wife and daughter, for the disquieting effects of the German victories upon French soil were felt only too plainly in Roumania. The work on the railways, too, had suffered in consequence of the war, whilst the exports of grain had practically fallen to zero. Farmers and peasants were unable to sell their produce except at ruinous prices, and were wholly unable to pay their taxes. As the Prince had prophesied six weeks before, the Plojeschti insurgents were all acquitted by the jury. The Ministry wished to resign as a proof of their disapprobation, but Prince Charles was unable to accede to their request.

The acquittal of those who had sought to overthrow the Government confirmed the Prince in his intention to abdicate as soon as he could assure himself that the country would not lapse into absolute anarchy. He had already assured the representatives of the Great Powers that the present state of affairs in Roumania could not and must not continue. Prince Charles, however, did not inform them that he would not be beholden to any foreign intervention for his future career, and that, in his father's words, he would relinquish his self-imposed task if he could not "anchor his power solely and exclusively in Roumania." He felt that it would be impossible for him to govern the country after foreign intervention had taken place.

Prince Charles had taken a solemn oath to the Constitution, and therefore could not depart from it, though Roumanian statesmen of both parties had frequently represented to him that, when a choice had to be made between a "sheet of paper and a country's ruin," one must not hesitate to tear up the paper. It was, however, impossible for Prince Charles to agree to this view, for the Constitution was more to him than a piece of paper, even though it offered him no means of securing the prosperity and development of the country.

In the meantime the action of Russia in declaring its intention of disregarding the neutralisation of the Black Sea, decreed by the Treaty of Paris in 1856, threatened to create yet another European crisis. When the Note containing this information was handed to the Grand Vizier, he at once asked whether M. de Stahl was bringing him war. "On the contrary," replied the Ambassador, "I bring you eternal peace." Before this General Ignatieff had endeavoured to persuade the Turkish statesmen that, though the Western Powers endeavoured to represent Russia as the evil genius of Turkey, she was in reality the most sincere ally of the Ottoman Empire. The Sultan would never be able to reckon on Germany, whose policy would always be selfish and ambitious. Austria, too, was only intent on annexing Bosnia and Herzegowina, whilst France, on the other hand, as soon as she had recovered from her reverses, would, next to Russia, be the most effective supporter of Turkey. The Sublime Porte was convinced that Russia had obtained the consent of Germany, though Count Bismarck had telegraphed that the Russian declaration had been a painful surprise to him.

The Note created a storm of indignation in Austria and England, which Bismarck increased still more by proposing the assembly of a Conference in London to settle the vexed question.

After a long discussion with the President of the Ministry, Prince Charles decided to explain the situation in Roumania to the guaranteeing Powers. The wording of the document, however, caused great difficulties, for, if the Prince declared his firm intention of abdicating, the country would be exposed to the danger of annexation, whereas the Prince wished above all things to preserve the autonomy of the State, and to assure its future prosperity by strengthening the hands of the Government. Prince Charles in these letters expressed his regret that he was no longer able to curb the passions of the various Roumanian parties, and therefore suggested that the future of Roumania should be regulated by the proposed Congress. Only a stable and a strong government could remedy the internal and external evils of the country, which at present was in the most deplorable condition, despite the wealth of its resources. The letters for the sovereigns of the guaranteeing Powers were handed to their representatives on December 7, except that addressed to the Sultan, which was kept back until a reply was received from the British Ambassador, who had been asked to present it to the Sultan, to ensure the document being kept strictly secret.

These letters had hardly been despatched when the following telegram was received from Count Bismarck by the Prussian Consul-General: