Transcriber's note:
Errors and inconsistencies in accented words, mostly related to Arabic and Turkish names, have been taken care as much as possible, without attempting however to make a major revision and overhaul of the original text.

ANNALS
OF
THE TURKISH EMPIRE,
FROM
1591 to 1659 of the CHRISTIAN ERA.

BY NAIMA.
TRANSLATED FROM THE TURKISH,
BY
CHARLES FRASER.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND
OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND.
SOLD BY
John Murray, Albemarle Street; and Parbury, Allen, & Co., Leadenhall Street.
M.DCCC.XXXII.

LONDON:
Printed by J. L. COX and SON, Great Queen Street,
Lincoln’s-Inn Fields.

TRANSLATOR’S PREFACE.

History, it has been well observed, is, of all other branches of human knowledge, the most attractive, and best rewards the efforts of research. Even the history of the most ignorant and barbarous nations that have ever peopled the globe, may furnish something, either in their modes of government, in their forms of religion, or in their manners, customs, and laws, which is calculated to amuse or instruct. The knowledge of the springs and motives of human actions, and of their consequent effects, whether auspicious or inauspicious, and which operate more or less powerfully on the destinies of the human race, is, by this channel, conveyed to our minds with a distinctness, perspicuity, and force which cannot, by any possibility, be gained in any other way.

By the investigation of history we become acquainted with points of character of the utmost importance, and arrive at the conviction that good and evil are, in some way or other, combined and interwoven in the affairs of life: and we may often, without difficulty, trace the happiness or misery of millions of human beings to the act of a single individual; and perceive that impressions have thereby been made that stamp, for ages, the moral and intellectual character of mankind.

Without adverting to the rise and downfall of the Roman Empire, out of the dismemberment of which have arisen the principal States of Europe, we would merely refer, at present, to the rise, progress, and establishment of Mohammedanism, the followers of which conquered, sword in hand, the whole of the rich and fertile provinces possessed by that empire in the East.

To trace the rise, progress, and final establishment of the Mohammedan power, from its commencement under Mohammed Mustafa, the prophet of Islamism, and its successive triumphs under the Khalifs, his immediate successors, would be to detail a series of revolutions and successions of dynasties, the most eventful and extensive, the most disastrous and appalling, that have ever taken place on the theatre of our world.

On this department of deep and lasting interest, though it be amply fitted to remunerate the labour of investigation, it is not our intention, did we possess the vanity to conceive ourselves competent for the task, to enter. Moreover, it is unnecessary; because this department of history, in regard at least to its great and leading features, has already been fully and accurately traced and brought within our reach by others, whose talents and means of information rendered them qualified for the undertaking, and whose services, in this respect, can hardly be too much valued.

Our real purpose in offering these few general remarks, is with the view of introducing to the reader’s notice the learned and laborious Turkish annalist, Naima, who favoured his countrymen with a connected narrative of the most important and interesting events which had transpired within the Turkish dominions for the space of seventy years. In this he has given a detailed account of all the wars, offensive and defensive, foreign and domestic, in which the Turks had been engaged during that period, besides other incidents of importance, and negociations and treaties, friendly and commercial, with foreign powers. The importance and value of this author’s labours induce us to recommend to the reader’s perusal the annexed volume of Translation, which contains within its pages the first twenty-eight years of the above Narrative or History, or about one-fourth of the whole work. We shall reserve for a succeeding paragraph, our remarks on this work, and in the meantime proceed to observe in general, that the foundation of the Turkish power seems to have begun with the accession of Osmán or Othman I. to the rank of emír of the Oguzian tribe of Tátárs in room of Ortogrul, his father, the last sultán of Iconium, who died A.D. 1299. Osmán, at the head of this warlike horde, in the course of a very few years conquered and possessed himself of several of the provinces of Asia Minor, assumed the title of Sultán in 1300, and fixed his residence in Yení-Sheher, a city of Anatolia. Orkhan, his son and successor, acquired possession of Brúsa, Nice, and Nicomedia in Bithynia, by force of arms; the first of which the Osmánlí Sultáns made for a time their capital. In short, such was the success which attended the Ottoman arms, that, in the course of fifty or sixty years, they overwhelmed, and subjugated to their sway, the whole of the Roman empire in the east; absorbed the whole strength and energy of Moslem dominion; and became, and continue to be to this day, the chief bulwark of Islám and of Mohammedan despotism.

Naima commences his history of the Turkish empire with the year of the Hijrah or Hejeret 1000 (A.D. 1591), and brings it down to the year 1070 of the same era. This work was probably intended by its author to form the supplement or continuation of the history composed by Sa’d-úd-dín, which commences with the origin of the Turkish power, and brings down the narrative of events to 926 (A.D. 1526).

Naima’s Annals consist of two large volumes folio, which were printed at Constantinople in the year of the Hijrah 1147, being the twelfth printed work which issued from the imperial press of Constantinople. In six years afterwards, Ráshid’s History, and the Annals of Chelebí Zádeh, followed, having issued from the same press, and are a continuation of Naima.

Of Naima himself we have not been able to collect any certain information; nor do we know at what period he lived: but we conjecture he must have been contemporary, or nearly so, with Kátib Chelebí,[1] author of the Fezliké, to which work Naima sometimes refers. As a narrator of facts, however, we think, from what we have read of him, we have just cause to accuse him of partiality and occasional exaggeration, into which the historian ought never to be betrayed. But where, we would venture to ask, is there one of this class of writers who stands entirely acquitted of these defects? To a Turk, however, the Annals of Naima possess that same sort of importance which we, in similar circumstances, are accustomed to attach to a work of the like nature amongst ourselves. The Turk, we have no doubt, will consider, as sound doctrine, the defects to which we have referred, and that too without hesitation and without enquiry; because they are entirely congenial to his creed and modes of thinking.

Of the annexed translation we have only one word to say, and that is, that we have exercised all possible care to translate honestly and fairly, and this being all we undertook to accomplish, we leave it to speak for itself.

THE TRANSLATOR.

Edinburgh, May 24th 1832.

N.B.—In the following work the system of Sir William Jones, in the orthography of Oriental words, has been used as far as the nature of the Turkish language would permit. The accented vowels have the same sounds as in Italian; and the unaccented, the short sounds, as a in bat, i in lily, &c. The consonants have the sound usually given them in our own language.

AUTHOR’S PREFACE.

IN THE NAME OF THE MOST MERCIFUL AND MOST GRACIOUS GOD!

The thousandth year of the Hijrah commenced on the first of Moharrem—which is also the Sabbath-day (Saturday)—and is the three hundred and fifty-fourth thousand four hundred and ninety-ninth day of the Prophet’s flight.

This year of happy omen, connected with antecedent time, makes the 184693d year, and the 5350th of the Jewish era; but, according to Melek’l-mowid’s mode of reckoning, is the 7216th year. The thousandth year of the Hijrah is the 4974th from Noah’s flood, but which, according to the calculations of astronomers, falls short of that period by a space of 270 years: and the 2807th of the supreme conjunction; the 2338th of the era of Nebuchadnossar; the 1901st of the era of Alexander; the 1590th of the Christian era; the 1360th of the Copts; the 959th of the Yezdijerd (the ancient Persian era); the 533rd of Jellali (the modern Persian era); and the 167th year of the middle or intermediate supreme conjunction.

Writers of defective intelligence have introduced a multitude of opinions into their writings, which go on to say, among other things, that when the thousandth year of the Hijrah was once over, the day of the resurrection would immediately arrive, or if it should not then arrive, it would, most certainly, not extend beyond thirty lunar years (i. e. the intercalary and other years of that period of time). In this particular they not only assumed weak and ill-founded premises, but, as might be expected, have written incorrectly on the subject. Witness, for instance, their speculations concerning the completion of the moon’s revolutions, whence they affirm, that the Prophet (on whom be blessing and peace) should not remain in his grave till the thousand years expired, and other similar records, which, however, are at once at variance with true philosophy and sound theology. Several writers not attending to these things have, through ignorance or carelessness, given currency in their writings to statements which are utterly without foundation, and therefore contrary to the received canon.

CONTENTS.

ANNALS OF NAIMA;
OR,
A HISTORY OF THE TURKISH EMPIRE.
A. H. 1000–1070. A.D. 1591–1659.

EVENTS which happened in the Year 1000 of the HIJRAH.

The Grand Vezír Ferhád Páshá deposed, and the Vezírship conferred on Síávush Páshá.

The inhabitants of Erzerúm having earnestly requested, by letters, to be delivered from the oppression and tyranny of the Janissaries, who had been sent among them during the winter, Ferhád Páshá, to put a stop to these complaints, assured them in return that the Janissaries would be recalled to their own odás within the empire. The inhabitants, on receiving this intelligence, were elated: their proud and haughty spirits were roused; and without giving any due time to the Janissaries to prepare for their departure, or without exercising the least degree of patience whatever, and in violation of the Páshá’s letter, they commenced expelling the Janissaries, and loading them with every species of reproach. A tumult ensued. Some of the Janissaries fell by the hands of the inhabitants before the former had sufficient time given them to evacuate the place.

This treatment, which was wholly occasioned by Ferhád’s letter, awakened the wrath of the Janissaries, and led them to write letters to their own odás and commanders complaining of the author of the maltreatment they had met with. Accordingly the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, who knew what he had to fear from the malevolence of the Janissaries, rode boldly up to the Diván on the 20th of Jemadi II., and demanded to know whether the emperor (Sultán Murád Khán III.) had given his consent to the orders sent to the Janissaries at Erzerúm to murder him. The members of the council replied to this imperious demand by immediately commencing an assault on the grand vezír; and it was with no small difficulty that the officers of the vezír succeeded in quieting the tumult and uproar which this circumstance had occasioned. The members of the council, on peace being restored, retired to their respective homes: but the affair was not yet ended; for the emperor was no sooner informed of the disturbance which had taken place in the diván, than he issued a royal mandate requiring an explanation of the cause of it from his minister, Ferhád. The minister, however, found himself inadequate to give a satisfactory answer to the imperial demand; and therefore, instead of giving a fair and candid statement of the whole affair, had recourse, from a defect of judgment, to equivocation. Thinking the matter was now hushed, he proceeded to depose and maltreat the ághá of the Janissaries, Satúrjí Aghá; and appointed the armour-bearer, Khalíl Aghá, in his stead. The very next day, however, the emperor, who had become acquainted with his inconsistent and rash conduct, deposed him, and raised Síávush Páshá a third time to the premiership.

The Militia of Tabríz.

The militia of Tabríz, malicious, corrupt, oppressive, and obstinate, and ever skilful in stirring up rebellion, have always been disposed to throw off the authority of their governors. The vezír Ja’fer Páshá, who was this year governor of Tabríz and Azerbáíján, contrived and executed a stratagem against them however, which ought to have taught them ever afterwards to conduct themselves with propriety and good order. It was this: Ja’fer Páshá, under the pretext of being obliged to go and take cognizance of some other garrisons, left Tabríz, having secured a sufficient number of troops from the Kúrd chiefs to come and assault Tabríz. The Tabrízians on learning that an army of Kurds was come to attack them rushed forth to give it battle, but were defeated with the loss of 1,500 of their number. Ja’fer Páshá, on learning the success of the Kurds, joined them with the volunteers under his own command, and commenced a general slaughter of the Tabrízians, and thus punished them most severely for their wickedness and insubordination.

The Muftí Effendí, Bostánzádeh, deposed, and Zekeríá Effendí appointed in his stead.

Husain Beg Zádeh says (in his history), that several disgraceful complaints had been lodged with the emperor against the acute poet Bákí Effendí, the military judge of Anatolia. As soon as Bákí Effendí was made acquainted with this fact, and conjecturing that the mufti, in order to get his own brother, cazí of Constantinople, appointed in his room, would be excited to raise an accusation against him; he, with great boldness, raised his voice in the diván and demanded what these Bostáns (the mufti and his brother) wanted with him? The elder of them, he said, was forty years of age, and was not yet able either to repeat or read correctly. None of the decrees, continued he, which he (the mufti) has written are in accordance with those already collected and registered. Would it be just or wise, in order to get Jamús, the mufti’s brother, put into his office, and for which he was unfit, he asked, that complaints should be invented against him? This speech was communicated to the mufti, who was so much nettled that he instantly exhibited two hemistiches from Bákí’s poetical works, which he declared evident blasphemy. A man, he said, who did not keep himself free from that corruption ought by no means to hold any office, sacred or profane. If Bákí, continued he, be not deposed, and not only deposed but prosecuted, he (the mufti) would wander away to the utmost bounds of the empire. Bákí Effendí, seeing the mufti had commenced his vexatious proceedings against him, appealed to the grand vezír and Khoja Sudur-úd-dín Effendí, and proposed to them to raise Zekeríá Effendí to the office of mufti: or else to give that office to himself, assuring them that he was competent to give forth daily, if requisite, 500 fetvás (judicial or religious decrees).

The mufti, in the mean time, sent an account of the whole affair, by means of Dervísh Aghá, chief of the falconers, to his imperial majesty. The emperor, however, was so much displeased at the high-mindedness of the pontiff, who had said he would wander away to the utmost bounds of the empire if Bákí Effendí was not deposed, that on the night of the 28th of Rajab he issued his royal mandate for deposing the mufti, and appointed Zekeríá Effendí military judge of Romeili, to succeed him in the sacred office. Bákí Effendí succeeded Zekeríá in Romeili: the mufti’s brother was deposed from his office in Constantinople, and was succeeded by Siná-allah Effendí of Adrianople, who was succeeded by Abú-saúd Zádeh Mohammed Effendí.

This same year, however, on the 7th of Shevál, Bákí Effendí lost his situation, which was conferred on Menlá Ahmed, the late Mollah of Anatolia; and the jurisdiction of Anatolia was conferred on Siná-allah Effendí, cazí of Constantinople: and Shemish Effendí, of Adrianople, succeeded Siná-allah Effendí. Mohammed Aghá, one of the Kapújí báshís, on the day preceding the last-mentioned date was appointed ághá of the Janissaries, and his predecessor, Khalíl Aghá, was created beg of Kostamúní (in Anatolia).

In consequence of the late tumult which had taken place in Erzerúm, and which had been the cause of Ferhád’s removal from office, as before observed, the new grand vezír appointed a number of fierce Janissaries to accompany a Kapújí báshí to Erzerúm, and require an explanation. On the arrival of this body, and in consequence of the authority with which they were invested, they caused several of the inhabitants to be executed, and transmitted a number of others to Constantinople, where they met with that punishment which their crimes had merited.

Disturbance on the confines of Bosnia and Hungary.—Movements of the Infidels.

The Beglerbeg of Bosnia, Hasan Páshá, a brave and active man, continued unremittingly to harass the enemy’s territories; on which account, the Emperor of Austria sent his ambassador praying to have this officer removed, or otherwise an end was to the existing peace. The ambassador was told in reply, that it belonged to the grand vezír and to Dervísh Páshá, the emperor’s favourite, to repel their aggressions against the Ottoman empire; that, he was told, was a sufficient answer. Hasan Páshá, elated by the encouragement which this laconic answer afforded him, marched his Bosnian forces against Bihka, and after a siege of eight days, took it. After having placed a sufficient garrison in Bihka, he erected two other fortresses in its vicinity; the command of which he conferred on Rustam Beg, an officer who had had the command of Ferhád’s militia.

In the month of Jemadi I., Hasan Páshá again assembled his forces, a considerable host: erected a bridge across the Koopa, in the vicinity of Yení Hissár, and penetrated into the country of Croatia. The most famous of the Croatian frontier chiefs, the governors of castles, the Bani of Transylvania and the Croatian generals opposed him with a mighty army, and gave him battle. The conflict was not long doubtful: the Moslems were victorious; the infidel troops were broken, and obliged to retreat. A great number of the fugitive host perished by the edge of the sword: the whole of their fortifications, their stores, six large cannon and other warlike apparatus fell into the hands of the victorious Moslems. After having obtained this splendid victory, the Páshá sent out parties to scour the country, who returned with an immense number of captives and a great deal of spoil. Two thousand heads, and two hundred living infidels were sent under guard of cannon into the interior of the empire as trophies of the Moslem victors. A proclamation was issued by the Páshá, that if ever the infidels should again assemble such another host, they should meet with a similar or severer fate; but it had no effect.

News from the East.

The ungrateful Sháh of Persia marched this year, with a numerous army, from Kazvín, in Irák, against Abdulmumin, Khán of Uzbek, and proceeded as far as Khorassan. The Khán advanced to the borders of Jiorján to meet the invading army; but finding his troops not sufficiently strong to give the Sháh battle, he retreated to Nishapúr. The Sháh followed him as far as Damghan, and after having reduced the cities of Sebzevár and Isfaráyan in the district of Nishapúr, he returned victorious to Kazvín.

Concerning learned Men.

Al Mevleví Mustafa ben Mohammed.—Mustafa ben Mohammed, one of the most learned men of the age in which he lived, was born in the month of Ramazán 940 of the Hijrah, when his father was cazí of Ipek, in Romeili; and after having studied under the learned Kází Zádeh and Sachlí Emír, he attended, in 963, Abúlsa’úd Effendí, and was appointed head of an academy in 967, with a salary of twenty akchés attached to his office. In ten years afterwards he was salaried by Alí Páshá. In Shabán, A.H. 993, he fell into a lingering illness, which for some time prevented him from active duty. In 998 he was so far recovered as to be able to take upon himself the office of cazí of Tripoli. In the month of Sefer of this year he was deposed, and soon afterwards died at Aksheher, of a severe cold he had caught. He was much celebrated for his great learning, and was a man of generous and mild dispositions. He made a collection of all the common errors, and translated into Turkish Kútb Mekín’s History of Yemen (Arabia Felix). He left behind him also several poems in Turkish.

Mohammed Elvání, commonly called Ván Kúlí.—This venerable prelate was greatly celebrated for his attainments in learning. In his pursuit after knowledge he studied first under Hamid Effendí, and afterwards made the round of forty seminaries. In the end of 977 he became reader to Mohammed Páshá, and afterwards the same in Alí Páshá’s Khánegáh and ancient academies. In 979 he was appointed Muftí of Rhodes, and in 981 was removed from Thesalonica, where he had acted as chief judge, to Kutahia. In the end of 991 he retired on a pension of eighty piastres, but was created cazí of Medina in 998; and in the month of Rajab of this year he was translated into the eternal world. His virtues were no less conspicuous than his learning. His letters relative to evidence and the mode of government, as well as his splendid notes, are sufficient to shew his depth of learning and erudition. He translated the Seháhi Júheri (صحاح جوهري) into Turkish, which was placed in Sultán Mohammed Khán’s mosque. He translated also Imám Ghazáli’s Treatise on Alchemy.

Almevlevi Alí Ben Abdí, called also Bitlí Alí.—Bitlí Alí’s father was called Abdí Tchelebí, and was brother to Muftí Jeví Zádeh Sheikh Mohammed Effendí. Bitlí Alí was born in 938. He studied the lives of the learned doctors under Sinán Effendí. In 963 he became thoroughly acquainted with the ancients, and was soon afterwards competent for reading lectures in colleges. In the month Sefer of 981 he was made Fetva of Rhodes: in 983 he was cazí of Sehen: in 993 he held the same office in Brúsa: and in Shabán 998 he became judge or cazí of Constantinople. In the following year he was deposed, and in the month of Shabán 1000 he died. He was a man of highly respectable connections, and was possessed of marked sincerity and greatness of mind.

Abdulkádír Ben Emír Gísúdárí.—Yálánjek Effendí, son of Sachlí Emír, was helped forward in his career after learning by Sinán Effendí, and in 981 he became rector of Pírí Páshá’s academy. In 989, after having been one month president of the Consistory in Sehen, he was appointed cazí of Merœsh and Kutahia. In the month of Shevál, 995, he was translated to the jurisdiction of Tabríz; but in consequence of the violence of his tongue he was afterwards ejected. In 999 he was made cazí of Yenísheher, and in Rabia II. 1000 he was deposed, and soon afterwards died. He was a rash and violent man, and easily precipitated into passion. He wrote the Zeíli Shukáïk (زيل شقايق), but his composition is weak, and his style incorrect.

Almevlevi Mohammed Aïdín of Ak-Hisar.—This prelate, after having studied the various sciences, attended the lectures of Abú Iliás Isa, and afterwards was sent to study under the very able Ja’fer Effendí. In 963, after having perfected himself in every branch of useful knowledge, and having been for some time in the jurisdiction of Egypt, he was made high priest of Medina. He died about the end of the year 1000, and was buried in the burying-ground of Medina. Three years after his death his poems and other scientific works were collected together. His explanations of the sacred word (the Koran) are short but nervous. Besides a variety of other writings on various subjects, there are also two or three in Persic. The compendious discourse to silk merchants belongs to him.

Almevlevi Shemaï.—Shemaï, when once his mind was enlightened by the seeds of knowledge, though a partaker of human vanity, contemplated the end of his life and made the best of it. Free from all worldly cares and entanglements, he presented a lively picture of religion and virtue to all ranks. About the end of the year 1000 his glorious soul was translated into heaven. He was a very able instructor, and left behind him an excellent treatise on morals. He translated into Turkish the Diván of Háfiz, the Gulistán, and the Bústán.

Almevlevi Sevdí.—This worthy prelate was a native of Bosnia, and was much distinguished for his high attainments in learning. After having made himself acquainted with the various branches of education he retired on a small income, and taught the domestics belonging to Ibrahím Páshá in his own palace; and in this employment finished his earthly course towards the end of the year 1000. He left behind him remarks on commerce, which are of great importance to the merchant, besides a number of moral sayings, and various valuable translations.

Almevlevi Abdur-rahím.—This great man was the younger brother of Kanalí Zádeh Alí Effendí. After he had perfected his education he was employed in the service of Abdulkerím Effendí and Bostán Effendí; and from being intimate with Hasan Beg Effendí, rector in the Queen-mother’s academy, he became related to Abú-saúd Effendí, by which means he raised himself greatly in importance. But Abú-saúd, neglecting the respect due to him, sent him into the service of Arab Zádeh Abdulbákí, cazí of Brúsa. At length, however, in 959 he was appointed travelling judge by the Beglerbeg college of Adrianople, with a salary of twenty piastres. In the cities of Romeili, whither he had gone, he manifested his great zeal, and acquired public notoriety by his talents. He was raised to the cazíship of Ancora, and died towards the end of the year 1000, whilst he filled the same office in Begsheher. He was a man of excellent character, and was much regretted.

Al Sheikh Mohammed al Bokhárí.—This man was a native of Bokhárá, where he studied the divine sciences. After having made himself thoroughly acquainted with the learned men of his day, he travelled to Constantinople. In Romeili and in Silistria he made arrangements for founding several establishments. He died towards the end of the tenth century of the Hijrah, and was buried in the principal sepulchre in the Forum. His splendid achievements are well known to the world.

Al Sheikh Mohammed Effendí.—In the city of Brúsa he was distinguished by the appellation of Kowaklí Imám, and because he was the son of an Imám he was called also Kowaklí Zádeh, a name by which he was more generally known. After having perfected his education he was for some time in the service of the learned Merhebá Effendí, where he made himself eminent by reading and studying the belles lettres, and in making himself acquainted with the Persian language. His talents and acquirements brought him into notice, for he became tutor and companion to Alí Páshá, one of the beglerbegs of Egypt, and to Ferhád Páshá, the grand vezír. He was for a while, also, in the service of Sheikh Chelebí, the philosopher, and secured to himself, by his prudent conduct, the friendship and respect of the best part of society. He lived for some time, it is said, in a cell in Bokhárá in the exercise of devotion. Towards the end of the year 1000 he passed from this vain world into the next. Sivásí Shemsí Effendí collected his books, which show him to have been a most profound adept in the ocean of science. There were, besides those we have now mentioned, an immense number of learned men throughout the Ottoman dominions, such as Nasúhí Effendí of Aksheher and other great and celebrated orators like him, but of whom we cannot speak particularly. It is hoped, however, that in the course of writing this history, other great men may be adverted to. This much is sufficient to awaken the envy of the Christians.

If this does not please you—

Turn away your face: never mind it.

EVENTS of the year 1001, H.

Menlá Ahmed Effendí, about the end of the month Sefer, was deposed, and Bostání Zádeh Mohammed Effendí was appointed to succeed him in the jurisdiction of Romeili. On the 8th of Rabia I. the ambassador of the Sháh of Persia, and on the 25th the governor of Gilán, Ahmed Khán, reached Constantinople. The latter of these, Ahmed Khán, governor of Gilán, having come with the view of imploring the protection of the emperor, the great men of the state went forth with great pomp as he was coming into the harbour to meet him. He was conducted to the palace of Yúsuf Páshá, near Kirk-cheshmeh, where all the honours due to his rank and office were shown him. But as it was on account of escaping the molestations of Sháh Abbás he had taken refuge under the royal shadow, he conceived that the royal favour bestowed on him was less than what he had anticipated, and therefore, grieved and afflicted, he requested to be allowed to go to Baghdád. His request was complied with: a suitable salary was allowed him, and in the month of Rajab he set out on his intended journey. Having many friends and adherents in Shirván, however, he directed his steps thither with the view of endeavouring to effect a change in his own favour, but had no sooner reached the confines of Gunja than the governor of that place seized his person for having dared to depart from the path which had been assigned him, and put him in prison.

The Spáhís create a disturbance in the Diván.

Whilst the new grand vezír, Síávúsh Páshá, was actively employed in the duties of his office, a very serious disturbance took place. On the 23d of Rabia I. the pay of the troops was issued, when the Janissaries received the full amount of what was due to them; but there not being sufficient money to pay the Spáhís the whole of their salaries, they became discontented, raised a great noise, assaulted the royal diván, clamorously demanded the head of the high treasurer, Emír Páshá, who, on account of his great wisdom and prudence, was much respected by the emperor, and stoned their own ághás. The affair came before the royal presence, who ordered forthwith an advance of a hundred yúks (about 100,000 dollars) from the royal coffers, but the obstinate soldiery would not accept of it, whilst they became more violent and unruly. Three times did the chief of the royal messengers and the superintendant of the household troops go forth to try to pacify them, and to advise them to take their allowance. “Take your pay,” they said, “and leave off your unreasonable demand with regard to the head of the treasurer:” but this speech was replied to by a shower of stones. The military judges now stepped forward, and with the same view said, “Your pay has been advanced: the treasurer is a descendant of the Prophet: how is it possible that you thirst for his blood, contrary to all law and justice?” This had no effect. The military judges again advanced with the royal letter, containing an exhortation to obedience, which they read to the tumultuous soldiery, but these turned a deaf ear to it. The vezírs made the next attempt at restoring order, but they were met by a shower of stones, and were obliged to retire. The orator of the Suleimániyeh, Emír Mohammed Effendí, and the orator of St. Sophia, Ibrahím Effendí, with a number of other súfís, were now called, and being seated before the vezírs, were informed of the events which had just taken place. These sages, on learning the state of matters, made two attempts, by exhortation and advice, to still the tumult, but with no better result than the efforts had which had preceded. After all these fruitless attempts about twenty Seids (descendants of Mohammed) came forward, and remonstrated with the Spáhís about the guilt of seeking to encompass the death of an innocent descendant of the Prophet. But they, too, descendants of Mohammed as they were, were hailed with another volley of stones, which actually wounded two of their number. At length the high treasurer, seeing no effort whatever could restrain the soldiery, resolved on presenting himself before them. With this view he folded a green cloth round his turban, and said he would meet his fate, be it what it might. This resolution so alarmed the chaúshes and members of the diván, that they raised a tremendous lamentation, and thus deterred him from his rash purpose.

One of their number, however, who was any thing but friendly towards the lord high treasurer, addressed the grand vezír thus: “How long will it be that you will screen this treasurer? On a former occasion you did not hesitate to deliver up Mohammed Páshá, who was a beglerbeg and a vezír. This man is only a treasurer: deliver him up, and you will put an end to the present tumults.” One of the military judges, Bostání Zádeh, on hearing these sentiments was perfectly astonished, raised his voice and said, “What! is this diván become so far heretical, as even to agree to permit the head of a descendant of the Prophet to be struck off and hurled upon the ground? What madness and insanity is this! Cease, I beseech you, from this rashness, and let justice take her own course.” This short but energetic speech had the desired effect on the mind of him to whom it was directed.

In the mean time a royal mandate was sent to the ághá of the Janissaries, requiring him to repair to the diván, whilst the Janissaries were ordered to surround the forum. The immense multitude of ruffians who had rushed into the court continued their tumultuous noise and uproar till the afternoon; but at last the ághá of the household troops succeeded in awing this unwelcome concourse, and inspired them with such a degree of terror as caused them to give way. The members of the diván, and other servants of the court, perceiving the Spáhís were awed, seized what weapons they could find. One took hold of a cudgel, another of a culinary implement, and a third of a garden rake, and turned with fury on the Spáhís, who, through fear of the Janissaries, had turned their backs, and sought to make their escape as fast as they were able. Such, indeed, was the crush and pressure in trying to get out of the court, that three hundred and fifty persons were trampled to death, and the rest hardly escaped with their lives. Thus did God, in his wise providence, defeat the wicked purposes of this lawless multitude, and peace and good order was again restored. The ághá of the Janissaries dispersed the crowd of spectators which had assembled on this occasion, and thus cleared the way for the members of the diván, who all returned to their respective homes. The dead bodies of the insurgents were thrown into the sea.

The emperor was so very much pleased when he learned the fate of the insurgent Spáhís, and the conduct of the grand vezír, Síávúsh Páshá, that he presented him with a robe of honour. The money which had been furnished for paying the Spáhís was distributed as on former occasions; but the lord high treasurer was deposed, and Hájí Ibrahím Páshá was appointed in his stead. Borhán Effendí was made treasurer of Anatolia.

The Grand Vezír, Síávúsh Páshá, deposed.

After the insurgent Spáhís were chastised and punished, and the grand vezír was graced with the robe of honour, as a token of his majesty’s approbation, he (i. e. the grand vezír), next day rode round the city and laid a heavy tariff on commodities in the market-place, and then returned, with great pomp and show, to his palace. On the 25th day of Rabia II., however, the emperor’s chamberlain waited on him, demanded, in the name of his master, the seals of office, and sent them to the formerly exiled, but now renowned Khoja Sinán Páshá. Síávúsh Páshá, who but yesterday was clothed in a robe of honour, and admired, is to-day, to the astonishment of the vulgar multitude, debased!

Sinán Páshá, the new grand vezír, entered upon the duties of his office on the first day of Jemadi I. This is the third time he became premier. The following able councillors held their situations in the diván at this time, and were accordingly arranged as follows: Ferhád Páshá, who had been deposed from the office of grand vezír, held the second; Ibrahím Páshá, the third; Jeghaleh Zádeh Sinán Páshá, the fourth; Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, the fifth; Boyálí Mohammed Páshá, the sixth; and Khusur Páshá, the seventh.

On the 15th of Shabán the ceremony of circumcision was performed on the young prince, Mirzá Haider, and a splendid feast was given to the great men of the state in the palace of Mohammed Páshá.

A rupture between the Ottomans and the Austrians.

The rupture just now announced took place when Hasan Páshá, formerly mentioned, commanded on the frontiers of Bosnia. Before alluding directly to the result of this rupture, it is necessary to observe, first, that Mustafa Páshá, son of Ahmed Páshá, who had been formerly governor of Semendria, had his father’s palace in the At-maidán pulled down, on the ruins of which Sultán Ahmed’s mosque was built. This Mustafa Páshá, when he was commander in the Sanjak of Kilis, was in the habit of committing depredations on the frontiers of the infidels’ dominions; and this also provoked the Germans and Croatians to cross their respective boundaries, and to commit atrocities against the Osmánlís. The Beglerbeg of Bosnia, Hasan Páshá, entered the country of the Croatians, as we have already observed, and erected two fortresses there, which he named Novograde. On one or two occasions he succeeded in defeating the infidels, and thus acquired some considerable degree of glory. When he communicated this intelligence to the Ottoman court, he stated at the same time, that if the enemy should assemble in greater numbers in future, the Bosnian troops alone would not be able to cope with them, and therefore requested that the troops of Romeili might be sent to his aid. The former grand vezír, Síávúsh Páshá, conferred on a relative of his own, Kirli Hasan Páshá, the government of Romeili, and appointed him to afford the aid which Hasan Páshá deemed necessary. When Kirli Hasan Páshá, with his Romeilian troops, reached the Sanjak of Serim, he learned that Sinán Páshá had been created grand vezír. It is necessary to observe here, however, that when Sinán Páshá was formerly grand vezír, the válí of Bosnia, Hasan Páshá, gave him his house in Constantinople, but the Páshá refused to give it back when he was deposed. The circumstance of Hasan’s seeking back his house offended Sinán Páshá and put him into a complete rage.

About the end of the Ramazán of this year Kirli Hasan Páshá was translated to the vezírship of Temisvar, and his son, Mohammed Páshá, was made governor of Romeili in his father’s stead.

Hasan Páshá, proud of the succours he had reason to anticipate, and, in addition to his eruptions for the last two years, in violation of the existing treaty of peace, went and besieged a fortress called Siska, in the enemy’s country. The infernal infidels, in consequence of this infringement of the peace by Hasan Páshá, collected an immense army, the command of which was given to the accursed wretch, Zerín Oghlí, ruler of Katpaz. With this mighty army, furnished with all sorts of apparatus of war, he marched to the frontiers of Bosnia.

Hasan Páshá, in the mean time, becoming hopeless as to the aid which had been promised him, and not suspecting that the enemy was on his march to attack him, threw two bridges over the Kupa, near Yení Hisár, and marched over into Croatia. Hearing of the movements of the enemy, he hastened to prepare to give them battle, although he had only about ten thousand Bosnians under his command. Being a very brave and fearless man, he acquired very great glory by his skill in military tactics on this occasion.

The enemy having asked assistance from Maximilian, brother of the Emperor of Austria, received a large augmentation of forces, raised by the great princes of Germany, and thus became much more formidable. This vast multitude, many of whom were covered with steel, resembled the raging waves of the sea. The brave and veteran Páshá resolved on encountering the enemy, and commanded Ghází Khoja Mimí Beg, father of Serkhúsh Ibrahím Páshá, celebrated in war, to cross the river and reconnoitre the enemy. He did so; and when he returned, he assured Hasan Páshá that it would be altogether ruinous to give battle to so superior a force as the enemy possessed. When Ibrahím delivered this disheartening report Hasan happened to be playing at chess, and, after hearing him patiently to the end of his tale, said, with a stern voice, “Curse you, you despicable wretch! to be afraid of numbers: out of my sight!” and immediately mounted his horse, passed his troops across the bridges he had before erected, and prepared for the conflict, which was not long in commencing. The infidels gained, at the very commencement, an evident advantage; which Zerín Oghlí no sooner perceived than he gave orders for a general assault, which proved fatal to the Osmánlís. The Páshá of Kilis, Sultán Zádeh Mustafa Páshá, mentioned above, perished. The troops of Izvernick were routed: those of Usk fell into confusion and were repulsed; but the veteran troops of Novo, well skilled in the use of muskets, maintained their ground for a while, slew a great number of the opposing káfirs; but the son of Zerín, by an artful manœuvre, succeeded in driving them back, and cut them to pieces. The Moslems were now obliged to retreat to their bridges, when a most terrible conflict ensued, in which Khoja Ghází Mimí Beg perished. The brave Hasan Páshá himself also met with his fate, having fallen into the river with one of the bridges, which had been cut to prevent the pursuit of the enemy. Such was the result of this terrible day. Though Hasan had acted throughout with the utmost skill, and had fought with unequalled bravery; though his military prudence had never once forsaken him, yet such was the immense superiority of the enemy’s forces, augmented besides by forty thousand Germans, that it does not appear surprising that the Moslems were defeated. Eight thousand Moslems fell or were drowned. The nephew of Rustem Páshá, Mohammed Beg, and three other Sanjak princes, perished along with Hasan Páshá in the river at the falling of the bridge. The victorious infidels retired from the field of battle in triumph.

When intelligence of this unfortunate day reached the court of Constantinople, the ocean-like zeal of the emperor was stirred up within him, and at once led him to determine to prosecute the war with vigour and without delay.

The Grand Vezír, Sinán Páshá, determines on carrying the war into Hungary.

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, ambitious of acquiring fame similar to that which Ferhád Páshá, the conqueror of kingdoms, had acquired, found now a sufficient stimulus to awaken his zeal. The Austrians having, for the last twelvemonth, neglected sending their accustomed tribute; the defeat and discomfiture of the veteran Hasan Páshá by the most consummate general of the enemy, and in which defeat he himself, Mustafa Páshá, and several other princes, besides many thousand Moslems, had fallen martyrs, roused the indignation of the vezír, and at once led him to determine on carrying the war into the Hungarian dominions. Winter arrived, however, before the vezír had accomplished the whole of the preparations for the intended expedition, which he had resolved on conducting in person, and therefore was advised to postpone his departure till the spring. But the vezír was not to be moved from the resolution he had formed: none of the considerations which had been advanced to cause him to put off had the least effect in turning him from his purpose, and in fifteen days afterwards the whole of his apparatus was in movement, i. e. on the 12th of Shevál, 1001 of the Hijrah.

Although Sinán Páshá had succeeded, in so short a time, in making the necessary preparations for the war, yet it was not customary, unless the emperor himself went forth to war, that the lord high treasurer and ághá of the Janissaries should go forth; and therefore twelve thousand Janissaries, destined for the war, were put under the command of a deputy. Six regiments of paid troops remained behind. The salary of the troops who were on the eve of marching was paid to them at the vezír’s palace, and on the 18th of Shevál the grand vezír commenced his march, leaving behind him Ferhád Páshá as governor of Constantinople.

The grand vezír reached Adrianople about the beginning of the eleventh month of the year, where, after a few days rest, he recruited five hundred men, experienced in the use of arms, and sent them off with his other troops, and under proper leaders, for Belgrade. When he came to Wazansha, at the request of the inhabitants, he appointed proper persons to commence building a couple of inns, a mosque, two baths, and a magazine for merchants; for which splendid and beneficial purpose he advanced thirty thousand dollars from his own private purse towards defraying the expenses. The place was formerly a miserable wretched hole, but by transplanting the inhabitants of two villages to it, it acquired in time respectability. After passing through Philippopolis and Sophia, he caused a palanka and an inn to be erected at a place called Batchina, in the district of Yaghodina, a dangerous and difficult pass, and exposed to banditti. On the 7th of Dhu’lhijja he reached Belgrade, and after having ordered a distribution of provisions, &c. to the various troops, he sent off his military stores by water to Buda. On the 17th he reached the plains of Sirim, and on the last day of the month he arrived at Usk, where without loss of time he made preparations for attacking Besperim and Palaha. In the month of Moharrem, 1002, he crossed the bridge of Usk, and after four days’ rest he received information from Bodin (Buda), that the Emperor of Germany, and other infidel princes, were posted with an army of twenty thousand men below Yanuk. This information accelerated the Páshá’s movements; and after holding a council of war, it was determined that, without loss of time, they should march against Besperim and Palaha. The Beglerbeg of Romeili, Mohammed Páshá, was ordered to proceed to Buda and transport thence six large cannon, two field-pieces, and other stores, to Alba Julia (Weissenburg, in Siebenbürgen); and the commandant of Buda, Hasan Páshá, was also ordered, at the same time, to accompany him with the troops under his command.

The troops under the grand vezír halted two days in the plains of Mehaj, for the purpose of receiving their rations of provisions, and immediately after the distribution, the troops of Anatolia advanced first, and the others followed. The cannon and troops from Buda joined the main army when passing through Dallderese, and on reaching Alba Julia, the Beglerbeg of Bosnia, with the Anatolian troops, marched against Besperim, and encamped before it on the 20th of Moharrem. The commandant of Buda, Hasan Páshá, with the veteran borderers under his command, commenced the assault, and after three days’ hard fighting the infidels became disheartened and proposed to capitulate, which was acceded to by the Moslem conquerors. The Kapúdán of Besperim, his troops, and the whole of the inhabitants, evacuated the city, when it was immediately taken possession of by the Moslem troops: but the peasants in the surrounding country remained in their villages. On Friday of the first week, after taking possession of it, prayers were offered up, a Sanjak Beg was appointed, and Besperim was attached to the jurisdiction of Buda. After a rest of four days, the troops advanced to besiege Palaha which, though of no great strength, was surrounded with extensive suburbs. Around the whole was a kind of marsh, and on one side was a mountain or hill covered with wood. The Moslem troops, in their heroic ardour after conquest, lost no time in preparing for commencing their operations, and after two days’ struggle the place fell into their hands, on the 1st of the month of Sefer, and was afterwards attached to Besperim.

In the meantime information reached the Moslems that the enemy’s troops, which were posted below Yanuk, intended to march on Alba Julia; and that another body of the enemy’s troops was encamped in the plains of Tata. It was considered in a council of war, that as the Kasímgún (Michaelmas) was fast approaching, it would be more advisable to postpone any further attack upon the enemy till it was once over.

About this time Haram Aghá, ághá of the Spáhís, it is said, went with a party of his men to the mountain called Yakúah, about two leagues distant from the enemy’s camp. Next morning, however, at the hour of prayer, he was suddenly attacked by the enemy, who poured in upon him in great numbers, slew him on the very carpet on which he was offering up his devotions, seized his banners, and killed a considerable number of his men. The Aghá of the Salihdárs was appointed chief of the Spáhís in his room.

The Janissaries and Spáhís who were present at the late victories obtained over the enemy received an augmentation of salary for their valour, and were ordered to return to Buda; the plains of which they reached on the middle of Sefer, the day of Kásím, and where distribution of provisions was made to the various troops. After this was once over, the Ketkhodá of the Janissaries (i. e. the officer who commanded the Janissaries in room of their Aghá, who was not present in this war), placed two legions of Janissaries in the fortress of Buda, ordered his arsenal, waggons, and other heavy baggage to be moved forward to Pest, sent his remaining Janissaries to Segdin to remain there during the winter, whilst all the other Aghás and writers or secretaries remained with him at Buda. Ten days after Kásím day, the Serdár, or commander-in-chief, gave orders to strike his tents, and marched for Belgrade, where he went into winter-quarters, which, however, he did not reach till the 17th of Rabia II. Rezván Aghá was sent off to Constantinople to announce the victories which the Moslem arms had obtained over the infidels: the young Spáhís were sent to Nikboli (Nicopolis in Bulgaria), and the Salihdár of Widin was ordered to take up his winter-quarters to the left of Belgrade.

The Enemy advances to Belgrade.

The commander-in-chief, Sinán Páshá, had scarcely reached Belgrade, when the Austrians appeared before it and fought an obstinate battle, but were at last defeated. Many thousands of them perished, and their cannon fell into the hands of the victorious Moslems. After they were repulsed, Hasan Páshá collected all the troops scattered in Buda and Pest, and in the country round about, and advanced to meet the enemy, who had put themselves in order of battle. The enemy’s troops were covered with steel, and had a very singular appearance. Their horsemen had breast-plates of iron to shield them, and even their horses seemed to be bound together by chains of the same metal.

When the enemy perceived the efforts which had been made by the Moslems, and how they were preparing to meet them, they, thinking the moment had arrived when they might easily and without resistance seize on Buda, immediately after the first assault fled towards that city. The brave Hasan, however, pursued them; and falling on them in the rear hewed down a great many of them. The enemy, on perceiving the havoc which Hasan and his heroic associates committed amongst them, marked him out as the chief object of their hatred and vengeance, and their swords were directed against him; but being covered with a coat of mail, he for a while received no injury. Being excessively forward, and impatient in carrying destruction among the enemy, he received at last several wounds and fell from his horse. The commandant of the fortress, Ahmed Aghá, a man of great heroism, handed him another, and though wounded in several places he maintained his ground; and it was only after long and continued acts of the greatest bravery that those around him succeeded in getting him to retire from the scene of action. Those of his followers, and who fought on foot, maintained the struggle till night, and not one of them escaped alive from the field of battle. The rest of his troops fled towards Buda and Pest, and Hasan himself was carried in his wounded condition to Buda, whence he sent a report to the Serdár at Belgrade of what had happened, and requested immediate assistance.

Felk falls into the hands of the Enemy.

After the defeat of the army of Buda the enemy retreated, and after making a circuitous route, marched against Felk and besieged it. Sinán Páshá, son of Mohammed Páshá, who had been sent by the commander-in-chief, and a few strangers, five in all, moved slowly forward to Felk and perceived the extremity to which the besieged were reduced, and who in the end were necessitated to evacuate the fortress. This took place on the first of Rabia II. The execrated infidels robbed them of all the money and valuables they were possessed of before leaving the place; and what is very remarkable, notwithstanding this treatment, two or three hundred of them actually became apostates, and were content to remain in Felk. But it must be observed, however, that the majority of the people of Felk had a predilection for heresy, and therefore the conduct of the apostates now mentioned need not be much wondered at; though it must be confessed the innocent were also infected by them.

It is also very remarkable that the spring of that year commenced sooner than usual by two months, but it was short. The fruit trees were soon covered over with blossoms, and in a short time afforded abundance of fruit. By this fortuitous circumstance the hateful infidels were enabled to subsist and pursue their hostile purposes, and they were but too successful. Several castles and places of strength and importance fell into their hands.

Such of the inhabitants of Felk as chose to leave it went to Sitchan, but the commander and troops of that fortress were thrown into such a panic at hearing of the infidels that they all fled, carrying with them what they could conveniently take away. The enemy found it of course forsaken, and immediately placed a garrison of five hundred men in it. The troops in Sunta, in the country of Moravia, also fled for fear of the enemy, and went into the surrounding mountains; but their commander, and about ten men, had the courage to remain where they were. When the enemy appeared before Sunta, the commander and his ten men commenced firing their cannon, in order to lead them to suppose that the fortress was well supplied with men; and in fact this stratagem succeeded so far as to awe them; and a report happening to circulate that some thousands of Tátárs were on their march to aid the fortress, caused the enemy to retreat altogether, when the fugitive troops returned to their duty.

Those other faithless runaways and heartless Martlooses (a sort of Christians), who had fled when the above-mentioned and other places fell into the enemy’s hands, joined together and formed themselves into a band of robbers about Wáj, and commenced committing excess and villany against the peasants in the country. The Páshá’s deputy, however, soon dispersed them, and hanged five of their ringleaders as an example of terror to others. Such of those vagrant fugitives as actually joined the enemy met with no better fate. The enemy considered them as being neither useful to them nor to the Turks, and therefore caused their heads to be cut off.

In the meantime the enemy concentrated in the vicinity of Wáj, and after very much fighting reduced the fortress of Novograde. About the same time, also, some of the chiefs of Wáj failed in their courage and fled, when a troop of infidels came and set fire to the suburbs, and carried off what plunder they were able. On the 19th of Jemadi II., when the sound of the cannon ceased to be any more heard from Novograde, the Wajian chiefs, excited by curiosity, ran towards evening to Novograde, to see how matters stood there, and were sufficiently confounded when they saw the enemy rushing from all directions into the place, distressing the inhabitants, thrusting them forth naked and disgraced, and committing every sort of violence on these poor creatures. When these naked wretches, thus thrust out of Novograde, met the Wajian chiefs, they warned them of their danger. “Watch your villages and city,” said they, “the infidels will soon be at your heels. What do you want here? What are you gazing at? Have you not sufficient example in our fate?” The Wajian chiefs took the hint, and fled to Buda. Nevertheless, the governor of Wáj and four or five of his men had the courage to remain behind. The fortress of Sunta was afterwards burned to the ground by order of Hasan Páshá. Several of the Novogradians came to seek a retreat in the city of Wáj before its suburbs were burned by the enemy, but they were robbed and spoiled, even of their geese and hens, on that occasion of rapine and plunder. A party of horsemen came and surrounded Wáj, but the desperate inhabitants of the inner fortress were so excited at the conduct and rage of the infidels, that they exerted every nerve in self-defence, and by their heroic bravery dispersed their antagonists from their gates, many of whom went away wounded. The whole party afterwards returned to Novograde.

The Faithless are chastised.

Mohammed Páshá, son of the grand vezír and commander-in-chief, and Hasan Páshá, agreed together to send a report of the disasters which had happened; and also an account of those Begs and Aghás who had either fled from or had given up the cities and fortresses under their command to the enemy. The Aghás of Sunta, for not saving the cannon of Novograde before it fell into the hands of the enemy, were imprisoned and tortured. The Beg of Semendria, Wadanali Ramazán Zádeh, the commandant of Novograde, was degraded and imprisoned. The Beg of Novograde, Karah Kurahli Mohammed Beg, was secretly strangled by the Janissaries. But these severe measures were very grievous and distressing to the champions of the borders. The above-mentioned Mohammed Beg was one of the ancient heroes and most virtuous of that class.

In Súbúska Palanka, otherwise called Shúmushka, a few horsemen that garrisoned it killed with their own hands their women and children rather than let them fall into the hands of the infidels who had come to besiege the place, and then by a desperate sortie made their way through the enemy. One or two companies of the enemy’s swift cavalry pursued them a whole day and night, but were at length repulsed by the arrows and arms of the pursued.

The base and ignoble Infidels besiege Khutván.

When Novograde fell into the hands of the enemy, the Chaúsh of the deputy of Ramazán Zádeh was brought before the king (of Hungary, I suppose), but was afterwards set at liberty. This man returned to Buda in the month of Rajab, and informed his Moslem brethren that the emperor himself (i.e. the Emperor of Germany) was making preparations for coming to lay siege to the city and fortress of Buda with an army of 200,000 swine (i.e. Christians). The Budians lost no time in putting every thing in proper order for defence, and for giving the infidels a reception. Some time before the Moslem army was put in motion in the spring of that year, and before the new year had commenced, the enemy fitted out two armies: the one of which was sent against Osterghún and the other to Khutván. It was the one which was sent against Khutván that reduced the fortress of Novograde, and the siege of the former fortress commenced in the month of Jemadi II. The Beg of Khutván, Arslán Páshá, was a man of some levity, but a most excellent swordsman, and the whole of the inhabitants were warlike and brave. By their intrepidity and quickness in firing their cannon many of the enemy fell in the siege. They were under the necessity, however, of sending to Buda for assistance, when, in compliance with their request, Mohammed Páshá, Sinán’s son, the Válí of Buda, and Hasan Páshá, on the 8th of Shabán, hastened forward to their aid with their respective troops. Osterghún was besieged at the same time.

When this auxiliary army drew near to Khutván, they perceived a body of the enemy stationed on the banks of the river, which flowed a little below the city on the north side; and therefore, with the view of accomplishing their purpose, they on the 11th went about a mile further up the river in order to cross. The enemy thought, when they saw this, that the Moslems fled to escape them, and immediately pursued after them and got in front of them, when a tremendous carnage ensued. Mohammed Páshá and his corps of Spáhís stood back, whilst Hasan Páshá with his veteran borderers was left to cope alone with the infidel soldiery. In this desperate contest a very great number of the iron-cased infidels perished, and almost the whole of the heroic borderers fell martyrs. Hasan Páshá himself, like a furious lion, brought incredible numbers of them to the ground. His clothes unfortunately, in consequence of the bursting of a shell, caught fire, but were extinguished without difficulty. From the explosion of the gunpowder he was severely injured. The commander-in-chief of the Moslem troops, Mohammed Páshá, son of the grand vezír, when he saw his brave associates sorely pressed by the superior force of the enemy, heartlessly and cowardly furled his banners, and returned with his dastardly Spáhís to Buda. Just as the remaining Moslems were about to retire in despair, the Beg of Ancora, Neïrání Páshá, issued most fortunately from Khutván with a party, who attacked the enemy with such fury as to drive them back with considerable loss both of men and cannon. The larger guns he spiked. The enemy, however, soon recovered themselves, and returned with greater vigour and renewed strength, and continued the siege of Khutván till the month of Ramazán, when they became altogether disheartened. The prudence and skill of the besieged was too much for them.

In this battle 4,000 Moslems fell martyrs, and very many of the infidels perished. When the account of this day’s transactions was transmitted to the court of Constantinople, the glory and honour which Hasan Páshá had most certainly gained would have been honourably acknowledged; but by the grand vezír’s influence, the honour and distinction which ought to have been conferred on Hasan Páshá was awarded to his own son Mohammed Páshá. Besides an augmentation of authority, he received a splendidly ornamented sword set in jewels, and a handsome robe of fur, which was sent him by the emperor.

The Siege of Osterghún.

The body of troops sent to lay siege to Osterghún was afterwards largely augmented by those other troops which had been engaged against Khutván, and the siege began to assume a regular appearance in the month of Shabán. The peasants and villagers, encouraged by the presence of the enemy, declared in their favour, and committed enormous excesses. About the end of this month another body of the enemy attacked the city of Wáj, slew several of the inhabitants, and carried off about forty or fifty horsemen, besides a number of Martloos (Christian) women and children.

Some time previous to this, 2,000 horsemen, sent from Bosnia and Semendria, were appointed to settle themselves any where about Osterghún, and were allowed to profit by any thing the chance of war might put in their way. These perfidious wretches, however, entered into a treacherous correspondence with the enemy, who had, by that time, surrounded the city. They shot at the rate of 1,800 cannon-balls per day against the walls of the city and fortress.

In the mean time a body of experienced Janissaries and other troops were sent to their assistance. Three times did the Beg of Rhodes convey to them, in galleys and other boats, timely aid; and completely prevented the enemy from benefiting by any assistance sent them by water, besides a variety of other important services which he had rendered to the besieged.

The enemy, intent on reducing Osterghún, and after several days’ battering with their cannon, at length commenced an assault, but were driven back with immense loss. The Hungarians, who acted at some considerable distance, directed their guns against the place, and succeeded in laying several portions of the walls level with the ground. They now attempted to deceive. They told a thousand idle stories about the propriety of following the example of the people of Felk and Novograde, and thus to yield and give up the fortress; but the heroic Moslems answered: “We are Romelian heroes and true-hearted veterans, and shall never yield nor give up the place: we are resolved on continuing our resistance. Behold, you accursed! you deride us by saying that an army of Tátárs, riding on tortoises, are coming to our aid; but we are sure of immense succours from Buda, either to-day or tomorrow: and then we shall be swine if we don’t mount you all on tortoises and send you to hell.” Such was the reply of the besieged to the enemy, who finding their fraudulent attempts to deceive were in vain, pushed on the siege with all their vigour, and advanced to a third general assault. Among their leaders one was observed who was very active in stimulating the soldiery on to the assault, and who wore a breast-plate, and a gold chain suspended from his neck. The Beg of Osterghún observed to those around him, that if that execrated wretch could be disposed of, the infidel army would immediately retreat. “Whoever lays him flat in the dust,” said he, “shall receive a sanják, and whatever else he may ask.” This was so sooner uttered than one Osmán, a brave man, and an excellent marksman, levelled his piece at the gold-chained infidel, cried “Yá allah,” and in a moment shot him through the breast, when he sank from his horse, and was dragged along the ground. The besiegers were now panic-struck, and retired in the greatest precipitation towards their fortifications; but were hotly pursued by the veteran Moslems, who rushed out after them, and slew very many of them. The enemy, however, soon rallied again. Every peasant in the country round about, able to handle a sword, was collected; and with this augmentation of new strength they again returned to the siege and work of destruction. The unfortunate Moslems, notwithstanding the heroism they had displayed, and the firmness with which they had acted, were at length, by famine and hard labour, reduced to complete weakness; whilst the troops acting under the King (of Hungary) joined the besiegers. Thus strengthened, the enemy began to set the city on fire in several places.

At this critical moment an army under the command of the válís of Temishvar and Bosnia, and which had been sent off by order of the Serdár in the month of Ramazán, reached Pest in time enough to hear the sound of the cannon from Osterghún; but it was the middle of the month before the vanguard of this army advanced so far as to be discovered by the enemy. This new appearance of assistance in favour of the Moslems in the city of Osterghún so dismayed the enemy, that they immediately relinquished their object, forsook their tabúr or fortifications, and fled away in the utmost precipitation. Now was the time for taking revenge. The Moslems, like raging wolves, rushed out of their strong-hold, slew about a thousand of the enemy, did what damage they were able to their fortifications, took a number of captives, spiked their field-pieces, seized all the powder and goods they could easily carry, set fire to what remained, and returned to the city in triumph with the spoil they had taken. But the enemy, after recovering from the panic into which they had been put, and after the army which had come from Buda had returned back, retraced their steps, and again took possession of their tabúr or fortifications, exercising violence and cruelty on those who had been hired by the month in the villages belonging to Buda.

Before finishing this paragraph we must add, by way of postscript, that the enemy continued their hostile operations against Khutván and Osterghún till they learned that the grand vezír was marching with the royal army to Buda, when they removed to Komran, where they concentrated their forces. The Válí of Temishvar who had came to aid the city of Osterghún, and who was at this time in Pest, heard that a palanka in his own government had revolted and declared for the enemy. He returned and executed the whole of them.

The Request of the Prime Minister—the Succour of the Magnificent Emperor.

In consequence of the several disasters which the Moslem arms had sustained during the late spring, the evils and oppressions to which the garrisons on the frontiers had been exposed, and also because the contest was not yet ended, the mind of the grand vezír, when he considered all these things, was very much afflicted; and therefore, as the most effectual remedy for his grief, and for securing a more favourable state of things, he sent, at once, an account of the whole state of matters, and also a statement of the finances, and that of the army, to the court of Constantinople. The grand vezír found, it would appear, that military movements were a difficult thing to attend to, especially every time a fixed period was necessary to be observed with respect to those movements. Besides, the army of Romeili had been precluded from attending to their harvest. In short, all these things together had a powerful effect on Sinán Páshá’s mind, and led him to regret his having had any thing to do with the war at all.

In these circumstances, and being no way prepared to prosecute the war, he called together his emírs, commanders of castles, chiefs of the army, nobles, and other great and learned men, to consult them as to the steps which ought, in their situation, to be adopted. But fortunately, at this time, the succours, as to men and money, which his letters requested from the government of Constantinople, were hastening towards him.

It may be observed here, that it was not customary for the ághás of the Janissaries to go forth to war, except along with the emperor. On this occasion this rule was departed from, and Sáleh Mohammed Páshá was appointed to conduct the Janissaries to join the grand vezír Ibrahím Aghá, superintendent of the armoury, with a thousand men-at-arms, and a sufficient number of portable tents were attached to this expedition. They set out for Belgrade on the 1st of Rajab. On the Segbán Báshí, the commander of the guard, devolved the duties belonging to Sáleh Mohammed Páshá’s office during his absence from Constantinople.

Before these arrangements took place, however, Kapúdán Jeghala Zádeh was ordered out to sea with a fleet of five galleys carrying troops, who reached the Mediterranean before the middle of Shabán. Ghází Gheráí Khán of the Crimea, was also required to join the grand vezír, and assist him by his counsels and by his arms.

About the middle of the above-mentioned month, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, began to collect his troops from their winter quarters, and commenced pitching his tents in the plains of Serim, when he ordered distribution of provision, &c. to be made to the men under his own command; where also he was soon afterwards joined by the following chiefs: viz. Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Sivás; Mohammed Páshá, Válí of Merœsh; Alí Páshá, Válí of Vœrka; Ahmed Páshá, the serdár or commander-in-chief of Buda; and Ahmed Páshá, governor of Bosnia: and where, too, the ághá and his Janissaries, sent from Constantinople, joined his camp.

The grand vezír and his associates in arms, after having consulted as to the mode of commencing their operations, resolved on attacking Yanuk first, and accordingly sent off their heavy baggage towards Tata. Mohammed Páshá, the grand vezír’s son, was appointed to command the artillery; the Governor of Buda, Hasan Páshá, to head the Cherkají troops or Iägers; the Governor of Bosnia, the advance guard; the Beglerbeg of Anatolia was appointed to command the right wing; another Beglerbeg was to command the left wing; and the Páshá or Válí of Merœsh, in conformity to ancient custom, was appointed to command the rear-guard.

On the 14th of Shevál the grand army advanced to the plains of Tata. Tata lies in a plain in the vicinity of mountains near the Danube, opposite to Komran, an island in the Danube, about two leagues from Tata. The enemy, who had posted themselves on the opposite side of the river, had also extended their lines as far as Tata; but this place after three days’ siege, yielded to the conquerors. A garrison was thrown into it, and such of the enemy as escaped from it fled to Komran.

In the mean time the Khán of the Tátárs reached the royal camp. He was seated on a beautiful horse, and alighted from it at the door of the grand vezír’s pavilion. After having rested himself on a suitable sofa, and taken some refreshment, a handsome ewer ornamented with gold was presented before him, in which he washed his hands, and which was afterwards handed to his armour-bearer. The Khán was also presented with a sword adorned with jewels, a bridle ornamented with gold, a two-edged dagger, a club with an iron head, and a most beautiful charger. Five thousand pieces of pure gold were also presented to him. The whole of the begs or princes, and such of the ághás as were present on this august occasion, conducted the Khán to his own royal tent. The fortress of Semarin, in the neighbourhood of Tata, was evacuated by the enemy and taken possession of by the Moslem troops.

Yanuk besieged.

This fortress, formerly called Kilvár, is situate on the banks of the Raab, which pours its waters into the Danube, and was on this occasion surrounded on the land side by an immense ditch filled with water, across which was a drawbridge which led into the city and fortress.

The Moslem army commenced their offensive operations by first attacking those of the enemy on the outside, and seized a number of prisoners. On the 18th of Dhu’l Kada, after the siege was regularly formed, skirmishing became general. The division of the Spáhís under the command of the Salihdár watched the trenches, and two other divisions were appointed to guard the camp and money-chest. A thousand men were employed in carrying earth from two different quarters, who daily threw a thousand bedalooshkas into the fosse. On the opposite side of the Danube, the enemy erected their tabúr or fortifications, directly opposite the fortress, and constructed also a bridge which communicated with the tabúr and the fortress, but which was not allowed to remain open for either man or beast. Twenty days thus passed away in mutual hostilities and skirmishing, when, behold, Duke Mathias, the brother of the Emperor of Austria, encamped in the vicinity of Komran with an army of 100,000 German, Hungarian, and similar infidels. A man of high rank, a Count, son-in-law to the King (of Hungary), was governor of the city and fortress. On one of the first ten days of the lunar month (i.e. on the 10th of Dhu’l hijjah), ten thousand of these execrated wretches rushed out and slew three thousand Moslems, whilst engaged in performing the duties and ceremonies of their religion on that solemn day, and committed, besides, some other injuries. They were, however, soon obliged to retrace their steps and hide themselves within their strong-holds, but it was found impossible to get them to shut the gate and prevent annoyance from that quarter.

It appeared to have become necessary, from some reason or other, to effect some changes. Accordingly we find, that the offices held by the son of the grand vezír and Hasan Páshá were exchanged, the one for the other. The government of Romeili was, therefore, transferred to Hasan Páshá, and that of Buda to the vezír’s son. Hasan Páshá, in consequence of this exchange, entered the trenches opposite the gate, and by a well-directed fire of ten field-pieces, forced the besieged to close their gate. In short, Hasan manifested to every unprejudiced person what force, properly directed, might effect.

The Moslem Warriors begin an assault.

The appearance of the Duke Mathias with his many thousand infidels encouraged the besieged, and supported them in their obstinacy, and therefore it was evidently seen that, unless the Moslems crossed to the other side of the river and defeated this host, they would never be able to reduce the place. Accordingly, and in conformity to this view of the matter, materials which had been ordered from Buda and Osterghún for the purpose of erecting three bridges, were immediately put in requisition, and every effort made to get them ready for immediate use.

A party of Tátárs who had swam on their horses across to the enemy’s side, were no sooner discovered than they were checked by a body of horse and foot, which so frightened them that they turned about and swam back again. Several of them, however, perished. In order to prevent occurrences of this nature, the enemy made themselves trenches along the bank of the river: but their trenches were of no use to them. Two thousand men volunteered their services, and crossed over in boats; and before the enemy had time to look about them, they made themselves masters of these trenches, and completely routed their occupiers. The Moslems now commenced with all speed to erect their bridges; and to prevent their being annoyed in this work, and in order to scare the enemy, they placed some of their largest cannon on an eminence on the brink of the river, and commenced firing. The enemy, blind to their preparations, again endeavoured to gain possession of the brink of the river: but were repulsed with immense slaughter, when they were obliged to fall back on their fortifications. The Moslems, in consequence of this victory, succeeded in finishing their bridges, and, under covert of the night, accompanied by a body of Tátárs, crossed to the other side, approached the enemy’s fortifications, put the infidels to flight, who, it must be observed, destroyed the bridges which they themselves had erected in the vicinity of the fortress. The victorious Moslems returned with immense booty: such as cannons, powder, arms, waggons, and other heavy articles, besides a great number of loaded waggons full of valuable stores. Three hundred boats, and four hundred cannon, were taken possession of in the river, besides powder, ball, and three thousand tents: all which became the property of the Ottomans. The Archduke Mathias himself was wounded; and the brother of the Duke, who commanded the French troops, was shot dead by a cannon-ball, and ten thousand other infidels perished on this occasion. Many captives were also taken. After obtaining this singular and splendid victory over Mathias, the Moslems returned to the siege, and continued their operations against the city and fortress till the following year, when they took it; but of this more afterwards, when we have said a few things with regard to the notorious rebel Michael, Waiwode of Valachia.

The Waiwodas of Valachia were in the habit of providing horses and oxen for the purpose of conveying cannon and other apparatus of war when they were required to do so. But when messengers from Belgrade, in the name of the grand vezír, required them to supply the army before Besperim with three hundred of those animals, for the purpose of conveying provisions and money, they manifested no small degree of tardiness in complying, for which they were severely reprimanded. And again, when they were required to send four hundred waggons with food and money to the troops before Yanuk, they played the same trick, for which neglect the drivers were ordered to be executed; but by the intervention and intercession of the grand vezír’s son, Mohammed Páshá, their lives were spared, but the presents which they carried along with them were rejected with disdain. It was inconsistent, it was said, that a country like Valachia should be controlled by one or two indolent infidels, and therefore they might expect that next spring the war would be carried thither. The men who had their lives spared to them were kept prisoners, but were afterwards set at liberty. But the prevaricator Michael, and this is the chief point to be observed, became so enraged at the disgrace and dishonour thus manifested, that the incorrigible wretch raised the standard of defiance, and became the ostensible instigator of the rebellion which afterwards broke out in Valachia in the following year, and to which, when we relate the events of that year, we shall advert.

The arrival of Ghází Gheráí Khán from a country in which never infidel stepped, and whose splendid achievements in war it is impossible fully to delineate, relates chiefly to the same period.

About the middle of Rabia II., Fatima, daughter of the august and noble monarch of the world, was united by marriage to the vezír Khalíl Páshá in the old palace. At the commencement of the same month ambassadors from Abdullah Khán, sultán of Transoxania, arrived in Constantinople. About the same time, also, the admiral, Jeghala Zádeh, sailed with a fleet to Messina, put the inhabitants into great fear, carried off several galleys, and returned. The Jews and Christians hitherto wore blue and yellow turbans; but it having been determined to humble and disgrace them, they were ordered, in future, to wear fillets made of black and scarlet cloth.

EVENTS of the Year 1003 H.

The conquest of Yanuk.

The siege of Yanuk, at the commencement of this year, 1003 of the Hijrah, had continued a month. By the batterings of the cannon and the springing of mines, both the outside and inside of Yanuk were completely damaged. On the 17th of Moharrem (the first month of the year), and after an immense quantity of earth had been thrown into the fosse, and when a breach had been effected in the walls or ramparts, a general assault was announced. This news fearfully alarmed the besieged. They considered the defeat of the archduke’s army, and thought of the vast numbers that had already perished in the siege. Their fears increased; their condition, they saw, was perilous. To try to escape by means of planks would be both difficult and dangerous. Their courage altogether failed them; and many, for fear of the cannons of the Osmánlís, hid themselves within the inner works in ditches. In short, all resistance ceased.

Towards evening, two thousand of the most celebrated of these hateful infidels came forth and importuned the commander-in-chief to spare their lives. Their request was granted. Next morning their commander, the malignant count, came out with ten thousand men, all covered with steel, and said; “This German army, who have crept into holes in the earth, have been influenced by fear more than any thing else. Otherwise,” continued he, “so many thousands of muskets ought to have been adequate to prevent you from even looking at the place.” Thus saying, he wept and fell down dead before the conquerors. The remains of this royal count were afterwards put into a tomb and covered over with stone, when several rounds were fired over it. The rest of the prisoners were all shipped off in boats to their own country, and Senja Osmán Páshá and two thousand soldiers were appointed to garrison Yanuk for three years, at a stipulated rate of pay. A thousand Janissaries from Wáj, three hundred cannoneers, and a thousand armourers were also added to the above number; and every thing else necessary for defence was fully attended to.

After the defeat of the archduke, Ghází Gheráí Khán marched against the fortress of Papa. The infidels on the approach of the Tátárs fled, and left the place for them to take possession of it.

Komran laid siege to.

Information from Komran apprised the commander-in-chief that, in the event of Yanuk being taken, Komran would yield without resistance. This turned out, however, to be a false report; for when Yanuk did fall, they manifested no disposition to do as they had said.

The weather was awfully cold, and the Serdár determined that if he should be obliged to lay siege to it, it should not be said that it was taken at an easy rate. He did lay siege to it; but his troops, from what they had endured at the taking of Yanuk, were a good deal dispirited. The enemy made several sorties, went as far as the Moslem trenches, and slew a considerable number of the most heroic soldiers of the Serdár, who now began to be convinced of the difficulty of his undertaking, and resolved, as the day of Kásim was near at hand, to relinquish his object for the present. Accordingly on the 7th of Sefer, after having transported his provisions and heavy baggage to some of the nearest fortresses belonging to the Osmánlís, he raised the siege and returned to Buda.

It is related in the histories of Hasan Beg Zádeh, Alí, and Abdulkádír, secretary to the ordnance, that the governor of Komran cried out from the battlement, “Send us Hasan Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, and we shall deliver up the fortress.” The son of the grand vezír, however, paid no regard to him, and merely remarked, “Let him fire his cannons if he will;” but the Janissaries on his saying this immediately relinquished their trenches and retired. Kátib Chelebí[2] in his Fezlikeh denies this story altogether, and declares it to be a foul calumny invented by men who had been neither members of the diván of that day, nor present where the event is said to have taken place.

On the 5th of Sefer, two days before the siege was raised, permission was granted to Ghází Gheráí Khán to return home with his Tátár army, first giving him the robe of honour which in the spring of that year had been sent to him, and showing him the honours due to his rank. He left, however, one of his mirzás with a thousand Tátárs in winter quarters in the vicinity of Alba Julia, or Weissenburg in Siebenbürgen.

The grand vezír himself made his way to Buda, and after the lapse of a week he appointed his son, Mohammed Páshá, to remain in Buda with the Janissaries and the army of Romeili. Lála Mohammed Páshá was sent with the army of Anatolia into winter quarters in Weissenburg. The Beglerbeg of Bosnia was sent with his troops to Usk. The troops of Sivás, of Diárbeker, of Werka, of Haleb, and of Shám, were allowed to return to their respective homes. The artillery and other stores were all deposited in Buda, and after distribution of provision, &c. had been made to the troops, the grand vezír returned to Belgrade.

Before leaving Buda, however, he sent off Rezván Aghá to carry tidings to Constantinople of the fall of Yanuk, which he reached after fourteen days’ travelling. The news of the fall of Yanuk was the cause of great rejoicings in the metropolis, which were demonstrated by the roar of cannon and the firing of musketry. To the Serdár and to the Khán a robe of honour, a sword, and richly ornamented plumes, accompanied by royal letters, were sent to each of these personages; also robes of honour for each of the Beglerbegs and other dignitaries were sent off at the same time.

Concerning the bad management of the Commander-in-chief; his error and failure in some other matters.

There is no evidence from the records of the intendant of the finances what was the actual number of the troops employed in the war in Hungary; he merely states that thirty thousand household troops were sent thither. The army of Romeili was immense. After the death of Soleimán Khán, and before the war commenced in Hungary, the people thirsted for spoil. An army equal to that of Romeili, but destitute of the means of subsistence, was collected in that quarter. A swift, active body of troops, competent for every sort of depredation, and equal to a whole province in number, assembled. The Tátárs alone amounted to more than forty thousand. Such was the vast army the commander-in-chief had under his command: such also was their fitness for contending with the enemy, if properly and wisely directed.

When, however, the pensioned Janissaries entered their trenches, the rest needlessly wasted their time in idleness: when the Khán and other chiefs proposed to commit depredations in the enemy’s territories, they were checked by being asked what advantage would accrue by treading down one province? and yet it is a certain fact, that no power whatever could have stopped the army, especially after the victory gained at Yanuk, from reaching Vienna, had they been properly commanded. When a deputation came from the country about Buda, begging protection against rapine and plunder, they were told, that unless one province fell another could not rise. To this very evident defect and mismanagement in the government of the commander-in-chief is to be attributed chiefly every misfortune which happened to the Moslems. The peasants were made slaves, and villages were ruined. Some of the most powerful of these peasants were roused to seek revenge: five or six hundred of them seized on a palanka, and refused giving it up so long as one of them remained alive. When their villages and hamlets were robbed and plundered, they set fire to them and left them. The mills near Belgrade were taxed. No apology was offered to the Waivodas of Moldavia and Valachia for the heavy injuries done to them, but they were still more oppressed; and when they sent their usual presents they were rejected with disdain, and the bearers of them threatened with death; and this wicked and unreasonable conduct awakened the spirit of rebellion and revolt which afterwards manifested itself in these two provinces, as we shall see.

The Waivoda of Moldavia rebels.

At the time the war broke out in Hungary the Emperor of Austria sent letters to all the Christian chiefs, and even to the Pope, to come and aid him in attacking the followers of Mohammed. The Transylvanians, Valachians, and Moldavians entered with one consent into this confederacy, and commenced hostilities by making inroads on the Mohammedan population dwelling on the banks of the Danube. At this time the Waivoda of Moldavia was one who had been raised to that dignity by Sinán Páshá, but who, when Ferhád was deposed, was also deposed. His office was conferred on a young Moldavian prince who had been educated at Sinán’s expense, and who it was supposed had embraced Mohammedanism. When this young man went to take possession of his new government he was accompanied, according to custom, by a kapújí báshí, whilst a messenger was sent forward to announce his approach. Notwithstanding all this, however, his predecessor inspired him with such terror, that he found himself necessitated to apply for aid to the grand vezír, his patron. This aid was accordingly granted. One Mustafa Páshá, who had been governor of Merœsh, in Asia, was appointed to conduct a body of troops to his assistance: and some military ághás, of whom the grand vezír wished to get rid, were appointed to join this expedition, with two thousand Janissaries also. When this expedition reached the Danube they found it completely frozen, and therefore halted at Rusjuk in order to transport their field-pieces and heavy baggage to Yerkok on the opposite side. Whilst thus employed, and suspecting no danger, they were suddenly fallen upon by an army of infidels, headed by the deposed Waivoda, who slew their leader, a great number of his men, and carried off a number of others prisoners. From this time the rebellion in Moldavia increased day after day.

Concerning the insurrection occasioned by Michael, Waivoda of Valachia.

As the country of Valachia abounded with sheep, cattle, honey, and salt, the merchants and rich men of Constantinople were in the habit of advancing sums of money to every new waivoda on the condition of collecting from the peasantry articles of the above description in return. This practice occasioned frequently great contention. It happened sometimes, when the waivodas did not fulfil their engagements, that those who had advanced them money in the way above described, went and abused and harassed the begs, and created much disturbance. Michael, mentioned at the head of this article, was one of these waivodas who failed to fulfil his promises, and who was therefore one day visited by more than four thousand of this sort of creditors, chiefly Janissaries and principal servants of great men, who profited by this rapacity. They assaulted the waivoda in his own palace, seized upon every thing which fell into their hands, and beat and abused as many of his domestics as chanced to come in their way. This circumstance of violence and mode of assault completely wrought on the mind of the hateful infidel, and led him to the following method of settling with his creditors. He called them together, and by way of giving them his advice, at the same time appearing very polite, said: “If you kill me, you will of course lose all the property that is due to you: that is evident. Come, then, follow my advice, and go along with persons duly appointed into the province, collect what property you can, and pay yourselves out of it.” Manifesting for some time, however, some degree of hesitation and unwillingness, they at last agreed; but it turned out that the quantity they had collected was not sufficient to liquidate the whole of his debt, and they therefore pressed him to furnish the remainder. “Let the cazí of Yerkok,” said they, “be called, and let him examine the accounts. If he is unwell, his deputy, Alí Ján Effendí, may come in his stead;” for it was customary when any law-suit happened between any of the Mussulmans living in Valachia, that an appeal was made to the cazí of the above place. The cazí, or rather his deputy, Alí Ján, arrived and decided in favour of the appellants, whose receipts amounted to sixty thousand dollars. The contention was long, and a thousand obstacles presented themselves in settling this affair; but at last the sum of the debt was reduced to six thousand akchas.

The above Alí Ján relates the following story about himself: “On retiring from the tribunal, and when I was outside of the city,” he says, “I was met by an old acquaintance, an infidel, who accosted me thus: ‘Alí Ján, you have been my friend for twenty years: do not let the evening overtake you, nor remain at Yerkok; but hasten as fast as you are able to Rusjuk, for all hope of accommodation is at an end,’ and immediately went away.” The deputy, perceiving some strange commotion and troops hastening towards the city, mounted his waggon, and made the best of his way to Yerkok; but had scarcely time to give the cazí an account of the affair in which he had been employed, before these raggamuffian soldiery murdered every one of the Waivoda’s creditors and every Mussulman in the place, and thence marched to Yerkok, which they also attacked. “Seeing no alternative left me but either to fall into the hands of these infidels, or make my escape,” says Alí Ján in continuation of his story, “and being a good swimmer, I immediately swam across the Danube. Another person swam across at the same time, and we were the only persons of the inhabitants of Yerkok, amounting to four thousand men, women, and children, that escaped being either murdered or made prisoners. The city they afterwards burned to the ground.”

These events, now recorded, took place in Jemadi 1. of 1002. Those Musselmans that lived in Moldavia removed to Kili, to Ak-kermán, or to Korsú, as they found most convenient. Some of the people of Rusjuk who were present, and saw when these movements took place, sent an account of the whole state of matters to the court of Constantinople, but the Rusjukians themselves afterwards removed and dispersed themselves among the Balkan mountains.

It being the winter season when these accounts reached the metropolis, the operations of war were deferred till the spring of the year.

Death of Sultán Murád III.

In Jemadi I. of 1003 of the Hijrah, the constitution of the deceased emperor, now removed from this vain world to the distant light of God, became so shattered and altered, as to receive no benefit whatever from the skill and penetration of the medical faculty.

At the commencement of his disease, the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá went in to see him into the palace at the very time when the singers or chanters, and the females of the palace, were all collected in the royal apartment; and though it was an exceedingly rare thing to read or chant verses on such an occasion, yet, contrary to usual custom, the Emperor ordered the following distich to be chanted:

I am afflicted, O Fate!

This night me watch, and me sustain.—[3]

At the time the Emperor departed this life, two vessels from Egypt arrived before the royal fortress, and, according to ancient custom, commenced firing their guns in token of rejoicing. But such was the tremendous effect once and again which the concussion of the air, put in motion by the explosions, had upon the mirrors in the apartment next to the royal saloon, that they fell down from their places and were shattered to pieces. When these mariners, however, were made aware of what had taken place, and perceived the emblems of grief and affliction, their joy was turned into sorrow, and tears began to trickle down on their beards.

On the night of the 5th of Jemadi II., the remains of the Emperor were carried from the bed of state to the table or board on which the dead bodies are washed, and were afterwards consigned to a coffin and put into a vault.

For nearly two weeks the vezírs and military judges could come to no agreement among themselves how to act, with respect to settling the government. At length, the Aghá of the royal house, without informing any of the vezírs what he meant to do, and under the pretext of needing some water, called the Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá; informed him of the secrets that were going on, and sent him with letters to the heir-apparent, at that time in Magnesia, calling upon him to return and ascend the throne of his ancestors. Two days after the above messenger was sent off, one of the vezírs, Ibrahím Páshá, learning the steps which the Aghá of the royal house had taken, immediately sent off a letter to the prince by Súfí Osmán Aghá, who followed the previous messenger close at his heels. Ferhád also, the governor or Káímakám of Constantinople, on learning these manœuvres, wrote officially to the young prince about his father’s death, and also letters of congratulation: seeking by these means to screen himself from all suspicion, and, at the same time, to ingratiate himself into the prince’s favour. He also made several promotions; and the day after sending off the above letter, he caused several criminals to be taken out of prison and executed before the multitude, with the view of awing them, and left their bodies exposed. His officers of police went about the city and kept every thing quiet and in good order.

The young prince, Sultán Mohammed Khán, no sooner received intelligence of his father’s demise than he set sail from Medeyna on the 16th of Jemadi II., and landed near Sinán Páshá’s summer palace. Thence he immediately went into the royal harem, where he had an interview with his mother, and made arrangements for entering into mourning. His inauguration was completed before Friday, the day of assembly (i.e. the Mohammedan sabbath), when it was necessary for him to attend the mosque.

After all these things were once over, the remains of the late emperor were carried into the area of the palace, when Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí said, “We are now assembled to perform the last duty, to our late Emperor,” and then requested permission to perform the funeral rites. Ferhád Páshá obtained this permission for him from the new emperor. But before he and the reverend prelate had time to come out from the royal presence, the Muftí, Bostán Zádeh, in virtue of his office, proudly arrogated to himself this honour, and without further ceremony commenced performing the obsequies in question. When Sa’d ud dín Effendí saw this he was greatly displeased, and said, “The relation of the dead, the chief mourner, granted me the permission of performing what you, the Muftí, have taken upon yourself to do. It is right and proper to perform the service over again.” The Muftí, in reply, observed, “that it was the permission of the Lord of the whole universe he possessed, and therefore that what the other demanded was not only unnecessary, but prohibited him from attempting it.” This circumstance was afterwards the cause of much ill will and strife between these two reverend divines.

After this unpleasant discussion between the two prelates respecting the right of performing the funeral obsequies over the remains of the deceased emperor was finally ended, his Majesty, the Asylum of the World, returned to the royal harem, leaving his vezírs and other grandees to accompany the bier of his father to the vicinity of St. Sophia, where they interred it in a tomb previously prepared.

In a tumult which had taken place on this occasion, nineteen brothers of the emperor, all innocent and guiltless, were strangled and added to the company of martyrs. Early next morning the reverend Muftí performed the customary prayers over these martyred bodies, which were afterwards interred in a grave at the foot of their father’s tomb.

The late Emperor’s age.—The time of his reign.—Some of his virtues and good deeds described.

Sultán Murád Khán was fifty years old when he died, and reigned a little more than twenty years. He was the father of one hundred and two sons. Four of those princes who suffered martyrdom, namely, Sultán Mustafa, Sultán Báyazíd, Sultán Osmán, and Sultán Abdullah were the most distinguished, and were all of them instructed in the doctrines of Nawa Effendí. The others, too, were all graceful and virtuous. Sultán Mustafa was a man of an extensive genius, and a great orator. The glorious parent of these princes when despairing of life repeated the following lines:

“What the Almighty Notary has written on my forehead, I know not;

“Alas! I have never smiled in the rose-bower of this world.”[4]

The lamented emperor was a man of very extraordinary attainments. Owing to his wisdom and prudence, all parts of the empire felt, during his whole reign, the benefit of his solicitude and care, of his military skill and heroic bravery, both in governing the empire and in vexing and punishing the enemies of religion and of the state. In consequence of no impediment having been thrown in the way of the learned men and poets of that day, they have favoured the world with a sober account of his life, which is contained and set forth in a book of contemplation called the Fatúhát Síám (فتوحات صيام), in which is introduced Arabic, Persian, and Turkish poetry.

During the time the royal prince remained in Magnesia, the late emperor caused a noble mosque of two minarets, a school, and other religious establishments to be erected there, besides an inn and conservatory. He caused also the roof of the temple of Mecca to be supported by pillars, a canal to be made, and an edifice, where religious rites might be performed, to be erected. He transmitted many thousands of ducats to that city of religious fame. At Bektásh, over the grave of Yahiah Effendí, he caused a splendid arch to be raised to his memory.

Vezírs contemporary with Sultán Murád Khán.

Mohammed Páshá, who had continued in possession of the premiership ever since the days of Soleimán, was murdered in a scuffle with a furious mad fellow in the diván. He was succeeded in office by Ahmed Páshá, who died about four months after entering upon his duties in the grand vezírship. Lálá Mustafa Páshá, the conqueror of Cyprus and Shirván, died when he was governor of the Sublime Porte. Khoja Sinán Páshá, the conqueror of Yanuk, was his successor, and he was succeeded by Zál Mahmúd Páshá, who was proprietor of the temple called Zál Páshá in the neighbourhood of Ayúb-Ensári. He died in office. Vezír Hasan Páshá was also carried off by death. Síávush Páshá was Káímakám once, and three times grand vezír, but died without any office. Osmán Páshá, son of Timúr Páshá, one of the ancient heroes, was during his premiership commander-in-chief in the Persian war. He reduced Tabríz, and afterwards fell sick and died. Mesíh Páshá succeeded Osmán, but died out of office. Ferhád Páshá was twice commander-in-chief in the east, and for having afterwards effected an advantageous peace, was created grand vezír. He was Káímakám, or governor of Constantinople, when Sultán Murád Khán died, as we have already seen. Ibrahím Páshá was son-in-law to the emperor. Vezír Jeráh Páshá is well known. Jaghala, son of Sinán Páshá, was both vezír and admiral at the same time. Boyálí Mohammed Páshá, son of Pír Ahmed: he died after he was deposed from the beglerbegship of Haleb. He was successively Remembrancer, Reïs Effendí, Chancellor and Válí of Haleb, and twice in the privy council. He was a man of very extensive information and experience. He built a handsome mosque, a school-house, and another edifice dedicated to a religious purpose, in Constantinople, where he died in the month of Ramazán, in the year 1001 of the Hijrah. Khalíl Páshá was son-in-law to the emperor. Hazár Páshá was Válí of Egypt. Ja’fer Páshá was son-in-law to Mohammed Páshá. He was an excellent vezír: he died lamented in 995. Hasan Páshá, the eunuch, was a potent and brave man: he was a native of Shirván, but was raised to the office of grand vezír. Vezír Alí Páshá married the widow of Mohammed Páshá, and died in office. Mohammed Páshá was murdered whilst governor of Romeili. Vezír Yúsuf Páshá was by birth an European, but of noble descent. He died a martyr in the arms of his domestics in his own palace near Kirk Cheshmeh. Vezír Shemshí Páshá was a Persian: he died in 989. Vezír Hasan Páshá was joint governor in the government of Romeili with Mohammed Páshá, who was the son of Sinán Páshá, grand vezír at the death of Murád Khán. Between Hasan Páshá and Mohammed Páshá, who were both in active service under Sinán Páshá, in the late war in Hungary, existed no small degree of envy.

Learned Men contemporary with Sultán Murád Khán.

Hamid Effendí was mufti when Murád ascended the throne, and died three years afterwards. Khoja Saadín Effendí was tutor to the emperor when he resided in his Sanjak. After his elevation to the throne, Saadín Effendí became his counsellor in what concerned the well-being of the state and in the art of government. Cazi Zádeh Effendí was a mufti who wrote a comment on the law, and was a guide to salvation. Malúl Zádeh Effendí was military judge in Romeili and succeeded Cazi Zádeh as mufti. In consequence of having failed to show some acts of politeness to the emperor’s adviser and spiritual counsellor, Khoja Hasan Ján Zádeh Saadín, and for some mistakes which he had committed, he was represented to the emperor, and deposed. He died in 992. Tchoí Zádeh Effendí was an interpreter of the law, and his decrees were esteemed more excellent than any of those of his contemporaries. He succeeded Malúl Zádeh as the mufti. He was a remover of oppression and injustice. He died in 995. His son, Shúkhjí Effendí succeeded him in the high priesthood, but was afterwards deposed. Bostán Zádeh Effendí is well known. Zekeriáh Effendí is the most honourable of all the interpreters of the law. On going into the imperial palace one day to receive a robe of honour from his majesty Sultán Murád Khán, he was seized with fainting fits, in one of which he died, 1001. Abdur-rahmán was contemporary with Sultán Soleimán and Sultán Selím, and was one of the military judges of those times in which they lived. He died in Rabia II. 983. Násir Zádeh Effendí died suddenly in 984, whilst Cazi of Constantinople. Ahkí Zádeh Effendí retired from his jurisdiction in Anatolia with a salary of 150 akchas. He died in 989. Bokhárí Zádeh Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Tripoli, in Syria, and died in 986. Mehshi Sinán Effendí retired with a salary of 200 akchas from his office, as military judge, in Anatolia, and died in 982. Neshánjí Zádeh Effendí was deposed from his jurisdiction in Medina. Hemshíreh Zádeh Effendí died when he was lecturer in Sultán Selím’s academy, i.e. in 989. Sinán Zádeh Effendí died in 987. Kamí Ahmed Effendí died in the same year. Mualim Zádeh Mahmúd Effendí was raised from the academy of Sœhen to the office of recorder or chancellor. He was afterwards deposed, and died in 987, Bábá Effendí was tutor to Rustem Páshá. He was a pious and religious man. Sárí Kiris Zádeh Effendí died when he was Cazi of Haleb, in 987. Abdul Vafá Effendí was the son of Abú Saoúd. Ezumí Effendí was tutor to one of the royal princes. He died in 999. Hazár Beg Chelebí died in the academy attached to the convent of Brúsa. Khosrú Zádeh Mustafa Effendí was a man of various attainments, and an orthodox guide in religion. In 998 he was Cazi of Tripoli in Syria, where he caught a severe cold. He died at Aksheher, on his way to Turkey, in 1000. He was a well-informed, gentle, and humane man. He made a collection of all the vulgar errors, and translated the History of Kútb Mekí, and left several fine poems in Turkish. Vankúli Mohammed Effendí was a man of the most consummate skill and learning. From the academy of Sœhen he was raised to be Cazi of Magnesia. He held the same office, successively, in Thessalonia, in Kutahiah, and in Anatolia, and was afterwards raised to the chief Caziship in Medina. He retired from office with a salary of eighty akchés, and died in the latter city, in 1000. To his extensive information he added that of undaunted firmness, and was a perfect linguist. He wrote several pious epistles and translated the Seháh Júherí, which was deposited in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed Khán. He also translated the Kimiái Sa’ádet. Abdul Káder Effendí, son of Emír Gísúdárí, and known by the name of Yálánjek Effendí, was judge of Kutahiah, and afterwards held the same office in Tripoli. It was not with his will that he was restrained from denouncing the great men of his day; for which, in fact, he was at last banished the city. He was a man of great violence and excessive virulence. It is said in the Zeíli Shukáïk, that his composition is weak, and his sentiments incorrect. He was some time Cazi of Yení Sheher, but was degraded, and died in 1000. Mevlana Mohammed Aydin of Akhisar was some time Cazi in Egypt, and was afterwards chief-priest in Medina. He was a clever, excellent, and acute man. His poems were extant in the year 1003. There is also a translated compendium of his writings. He died in the year 1000, in Medina. Ismáíl Effendí was a complete separatist, and subsisted by teaching. He resembled a dervish: but having been a well-informed man, he wrote a commentary or paraphrase on the Mesnevi, the Diván of Háfiz, the Gulistán, and the Bostán, in Turkish. He died in 1000. Sevdí Effendí was a native of Bosnia. He was a person of great learning. After having travelled the whole path of literature, he was content to live on a small salary for teaching the domestics in the palace of Ibrahím Páshá. He died in the last-mentioned year. His explanations of the Mesnevi, and of the Diván of Háfiz, and his translations and explanations of the Káfi, the Sháfi, and the Gulistán, are still extant. Abd-ur-rahím Chelebí Kanáli Zádeh, was the younger brother of Alí Effendí. He too was a man of parts. He died in 1000. Mulla Abdul Kerím, a native of Magnesia, was Imám to the Sultán. He was studying in the academy of Magnesia when Sultán Murád Khán, son of Sultán Selím Khán, went to that quarter. The Imám of Magnesia having been removed by death at the time of the sultán’s visit, this man was appointed to succeed him in the office of Imám. After Murád ascended the throne of the Ottomans, he was created military judge. His learning and virtues, as well as his condescension to the poor and to strangers, are much celebrated. The following is one instance of his ingenuity and freedom. The Jews, both priests and laity, in contradistinction to all other people, would not wear orange-coloured turbans, and therefore could not be distinguished in the twilight of the morning and evening from others. On this account Mulla Abdul Kerím caused them to be obliged to wear scarlet bonnets. He was the means also of causing them to remove their dead in their burying-ground, near the Musselman streets in Kásim Páshá, to some other place; and, in one night, caused a mosque to be erected on the spot.

He was in the habit of making poor wretched apes to perform astonishing feats, alleging they were only made to be instruments of sport; and was thus the cause of many a poor innocent creature’s death. He died in 1002.

Reverend Doctors contemporary with Murád Khán.

Sheikh Yolluk Mohammed Chelebí was preacher in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed, and taught theology. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí was an illustrious preacher in St. Sophia, and, in fact, a brave fearless man. He was the cause of serious difficulties to Sheikh Emír Effendí, who was preacher in the Soleimáníyeh. Sheikh Khezr Effendí was the son of a chief of a cohort of Janissaries, and a pious chaste preacher and a good speaker. Sheikh Tátár Ibrahím Effendí was a practical man and a historian: he explained and taught extempore in the mosque of Sultán Mohammed. Sheikh Shabán Effendí was a painter. He perfected himself in Emír Bokhárí’s convent, and chose the life of a Dervísh. His imperial majesty was in the habit of paying him visits. Sheikh Kúrd Effendí was a very able expositor. Sheikh Hasan Effendí officiated in the mosque of Khoja Mustafa Páshá. Sheikh Mohammed Effendí, after the death of Bábá Effendí, by the recommendation of Siná Allah, military judge of Romeili, was appointed to the mosque of Sultán Mohammed, by Ferhád Páshá. He captivated, by his lofty eloquence, the heart and the affections of the great, and secured the respect of the emperor’s tutor and his family. These things caused his patron, Siná Allah, to regret his having recommended him. Jaghala Zádeh and other vezírs were assiduous in attending the assemblies on Thursdays and Fridays to hear his orations. In short, so great was his fame, that even the emperor and the great men of the state were included in the number of his hearers, which increased every day. The wife of Rustem Páshá built for him a mosque and a small meeting-house, when of course he ceased preaching any more in Sultán Mohammed’s mosque. Sheikh Abú-vafá was employed by the Khalifs in many cities for the purpose of extending religion. He was in great favour with the late lamented emperor Murád-khán when he was in Magnesia. In consequence of his great fame he was called from that city, after Murád’s inauguration, to Constantinople, put in possession of a splendid mansion, and allowed a suitable salary. He was generally known by the appellation Pádisháh Sheikhí (the emperor’s spiritual guide). He had a great deal in his power, being keeper, as it were, of the emperor’s conscience; and it was, therefore, an easy thing to secure offices of trust and importance for those who found access to him. In a certain sense he was a sort of asylum to the members of the diván. Doubtless those who had posts, and who were deprived of them, found it their interest to wait upon his eminence, and show him the respect due to him. He died in 998.

Facts relative to the new Emperor Sultán Mohammed Khán III.

On the third day after Sultán Mohammed Khán succeeded to the throne of his ancestors, i.e. on the third day after his return to Constantinople and after his father’s interment, the whole of the nobles and dignitaries of state laid aside their mourning, waited on his majesty to congratulate him on his elevation, and to receive tokens of his favour, which were liberally distributed on this occasion. To the Janissary body alone six hundred and sixty thousand pieces of gold were given. The Bostánjí Báshí, Ferhád Aghá, who brought the intelligence to Magnesia, where the young prince then was, of the late emperor’s demise, received in money and presents to the amount of twenty thousand ducats, and was, agreeably to his own request, confirmed in his office. Lála Mohammed Páshá, who accompanied Mohammed Khán from Magnesia, and who was the husband of the new monarch’s nurse, was rewarded with a vezírship. The soldiers who came along with him were registered, and a suitable provision made for them. Some of their ághás were made masters of the royal stables: others of them were made Kapújí Báshís; and others again were made colonels of regiments. As the office of chief judge happened to be vacant at the time we are speaking of, by reason of death, the emperor’s tutor, Sa’d ud-dín Effendí, was appointed to fill it.

On the 27th of the month (Jemadi I.) an official was sent by night to the Seven Towers, who dispatched Ibrahím Páshá, who had been degraded and sent thither from Diárbeker, in the former reign, for having been guilty of tyranny and oppression. The ághás, khojas, and others who had rashly meddled with the affairs of government, were also brought forth. Most of them were sent to Egypt, and a certain allowance was given to each of them by way of salary: the rest were set at liberty.

In Jemadi II. a royal order was issued permitting the pages to leave the royal harem (probably those pages who belonged to the late emperor), and to return to their own friends.

The Premiership conferred on Ferhád Páshá.

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, having become obnoxious to the emperor, in consequence of his hostility to Ferhád Páshá, who was, at that very time, governor of Constantinople, and who had free access to the royal ear, was deposed. On the 6th of Jemadi II. the premiership was graciously conferred on Ferhád, and an officer was dispatched to Sinán Páshá to take back the seals of office from him. This officer met Sinán Páshá returning from Belgrade, and received from him the object of his mission; whilst Sinán Páshá was ordered to retire to Mulghera. His deputy at Belgrade, vezír Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, and the treasurer, Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, sealed the whole of their papers and deposited them in the fortress of Belgrade.

Insurrection of the Valachians and Moldavians.

The Waiwoda of Moldavia having marched against Bender, attacked the emír of that place, and afterwards laid siege to Ak-kirman. But before the Waiwoda had succeeded in reducing it, he was repulsed by Adel Gheráí, sent thither with a body of Tátárs by Ghází Khán. The firmness of the besiegers, on the approach of this horde, was turned into feebleness. Some of them were killed, some fled, some were made prisoners, and the whole body was dispersed.

The accursed Waiwoda of Valachia, Michael, formerly mentioned, sent a body of troops to Ibrail, to distress and reduce that place. The inhabitants in the villages and suburbs, on the approach of these barbarians, fled into the fortress, leaving their dwellings to the rapacity of their invaders, who first subjected them to spoliation, and afterwards set fire to them. Having accomplished this, they erected fortifications against the fortress; but a body of about four thousand Tátárs crossed over the Danube on the ice, destroyed wholly these fortifications, and slew about one thousand of the Valachian army, or rather insurgents. These wandering insurgents, amounting to about twenty thousand naked wretches, collected chiefly out of Hungary, Transylvania, and Valachia, returned again to lay siege to Ibrail, and were accompanied by a number of field-pieces. The inhabitants, anxious to oppose them, went forth to give them battle, but being overpowered by numbers they returned to the fortress and annoyed them from thence. In consequence of the ice on the Danube having all melted before this second visit to Ibrail, and it being impossible to obtain aid from the Tátárs in sufficient time to stop the progress of these infidels, they commenced, without further resistance, to batter the fortress and to explode mines, which so alarmed the besieged, seeing their condition was desperate, as to lead them to propose a capitulation. Accordingly, Karah Shawesh Mohammed Beg and Mustafa Shawesh stepped out and met the Hungarian chiefs, who, according to their religion, swore solemnly that they should all be allowed to evacuate Ibrail, and retire across the Danube without molestation or sustaining any injury.

When these followers of Mohammed were on the eve of crossing the Danube, according to the terms of capitulation, they found themselves necessitated to leave behind them the greater part of their property—about one thousand loads, which caused a great out-cry. They determined, therefore, to take all, and made an effort to remove what was left; but the perfidious enemy opposed them. They surrounded the complainants, seized some of the most distinguished Moslems amongst them, and made them prisoners: others of them they entirely robbed, and others they murdered on the spot.

When this violence and perfidy was remonstrated against by Karah Shawesh Beg, the Hungarian chiefs answered by displaying their naked swords, murdering a number more in cold blood, and driving the remainder across the Danube.

The accursed Michael, already too often mentioned, having killed Mustafa Páshá, the Beglerbeg of Merœsh, went every where exciting insubordination and insurrection, and plundering and murdering where he could. With four thousand of his raggamuffin army he penetrated into Silistria, but was so firmly and effectually opposed by Mustafa Beg, the governor, that only about one hundred of the four thousand vagrants escaped the edge of the sword. Thus ample vengeance was taken on them.

Ferhád Páshá makes preparations for war.

After the above-mentioned Yerkok was destroyed, letters reached the Sublime Porte which imported that Michael was marching at the head of one hundred thousand men, collected from the neighbouring princes, and committing devastation and plunder in the villages on the banks of the Danube and on the shores of the Black Sea; thus exercising violence and cruelty on the servants of God. When this disastrous account reached the royal ear, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, who was also commander-in-chief, was ordered to make preparations for war against the insurgents by the time the spring season arrived. Letters were sent to those chiefs on the borders who had maintained their integrity to join the troops of war at a certain place; orders were issued to prepare bridges and other apparatus necessary for crossing the Danube at Rusjuk, opposite Yerkok; and an earnest request was sent to the chiefs of Silistria, Nicopolis, and Widin, to furnish a sufficient number of artificers for accomplishing this design. Until the arrival of the grand vezír the office of commander-in-chief was conferred on Lála Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Anatolia, who went to Widin. Mohammed Páshá, Beglerbeg of Romeili, son of Sinán Páshá, lately in the premiership, gave up his office of commandant in Buda to vezír Hasan Páshá, who had been at Widin and returned to Belgrade.

The Spáhís raise a tumult.

On the 12th of Shabán, as Ferhád was leaving the diván, and intending to return to his own palace, he was met by ten thousand of the troops, who were waiting for him at the gate of the diván. These complained of not having been duly paid for three years’ services performed in garrisoning the fortress of Ganjé, and demanded payment. The grand vezír told them in return that their wages would be paid them from the treasury of Tabríz and Ganjé. “Why,” said he, “do you break the law by raising a tumult? Do you not know that disobedience to the supreme authority involves in it the guilt of infidelity?” Thus saying, he dismissed them. They, however, began to speak publicly of their grievances, and sounded abroad that they were oppressed, and in fact effected a tumult in the city. Next day Ferhád’s embarrassments were increased, for the whole of the Spáhís, and some of the Salihdárs, sycophants of Sinán Páshá, who united with them, came in a tumultuous manner to the door of the diván, declared that until Ferhád Páshá’s head was cut off they would accept no wages, and stoned such of their companions as ventured to ask them. The ághás endeavoured by kind advice to soothe them, but without any beneficial effect. The chávush báshí and the deputy of the household troops tried what they could do in appeasing them, but were rewarded with a shower of stones, and of course were obliged to seek shelter. The tumult increased in noise and numbers. The insurgents were then told that the pay of the men of Ganjé would be forthwith advanced, and that all their wishes, whatever they might be, would be complied with. These promises also made no impression. The insurgents continued obstinate and determined, and threatened they would permit no member of the diván to stir out of the council alive before the head of Ferhád was given to them, and became more and more turbulent and vociferous.

When the emperor was made aware of these scenes of insubordination and turbulence, he sent two military judges to exhort them to return to their duty. These two prelates were the poet Bákí Effendí and Abúlsa’úd, a principal effendí; but their exhortation to the mutineers had no better result than the former. The mutineers stamped with their feet on the ground, and again vociferated “The head of Ferhád!” Ferhád was now induced to wait on his majesty and tell him how he had acted, and how he had spoken to the instigators of the riots about their want of subordination, which conduct manifested, he observed, their utter want of religion. “Lála Mohammed Páshá and other vezírs were present when I spoke to them,” said the grand vezír, “and I am sure nothing of all that I said ought to have offended them. I am only one of your slaves, and though I should be removed out of the world, that will not reduce the number of your majesty’s councillors. To comply with their demands will only have the effect of increasing their rebellious spirit and open a door for making similar demands in future, which will not be so easily resisted if their present one be complied with. At the present moment, when neither exhortation nor threatening can make any impression on them, it will be most advisable that your majesty authorise the ághá of the Janissaries to bring out a considerable number of his troops and station them below the arsenal, and order the most powerful of the Bostánjís to be in a state of readiness at the Tímúr gate. If, therefore, the vezírs be molested when they retire from the diván, these troops will immediately, on the first signal, advance and chastise the insurgents for their temerity.” The emperor approved of this advice, and promised to act accordingly. He desired Ferhád to remain with him, and that he would again send his vezírs to try to pacify them. “If they succeed, well; if not, then your method will be adverted to,” said he to his grand vezír, and ordered them to make the endeavour. The vezírs, however, no sooner showed themselves, than the audacious multitude commenced pelting them with stones as formerly. At this moment the Janissaries and Bostánjís were let loose upon the mutinous Spáhís, and dispersed them in all directions: not any two of them remained together, so completely were they awed and terrified.

In this tumult the brother-in-law of Khalíl Páshá had his head hurt, and Lála Mohammed Páshá his arms, by stones which were hurled at them. Both of them were carried into the diván in a wounded condition by the ághá of the Janissaries, who related to the members of the council how matters stood, after which they all dismissed: Ferhád mounted his horse and rode away to his own palace.

The grand vezír, reflecting on the disgrace done to him by the friends and sycophants of his enemies, Khoja Sinán Páshá and his son Jaghala, sought redress from the emperor. His importunity was not in vain, for a royal decree ordered Sinán Páshá to repair to Mulghera, where he had been before, and Jaghala Zádeh Sinán Páshá was ordered to Karahissar. Síávush Páshá, being also involved in raising the tumult we have described, was ordered to Iconium. Others who had taken a share in it were similarly punished.

After peace and quietness were restored the emperor next day ordered 100,000 dollars to be distributed among the Janissary troops, and ten of their chiefs were presented with robes of honour.

Ferhád Páshá prepares to set out for Valachia.

All the preparations for the war having been properly attended to, and all in a state of readiness, the grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, on the 17th of Shabán, marched at the head of his army from the imperial city, and halted at Dávud Páshá. The second vezír, Ibrahím Páshá, was made káímakám, or vice-governor of Constantinople. The chief ághá of the Janissaries remained at home according to custom, but the commander or ághá of the first legion of the Janissaries, with ten thousand Janissaries, accompanied the expedition to Valachia. Ten galleys were ordered up the Danube with cannon and other military stores as far as Rusjuk; but Ibrahím Páshá, the káímakám, in consequence of some secret enmity towards Ferhád, hindered as much as he could, and under various pretences, the dispatch of these and similar other articles necessary for the war, though he made it appear that he was every way active.

When Ferhád was on his way to the scene of action he wrote a very earnest letter to his majesty, requesting an augmentation of troops. “The enemy,” said he in his letter, “are at Bekrish, and we have advanced near to Rusjuk, on our frontiers. The troops under my command are too few, and they are also much weakened by the fatigues of the long journey and other privations incident to long marching. The number of the enemy is too great for us at present to take vengeance, and we must, before venturing to attack them, be made better acquainted with their actual force, and be put in circumstances to secure success.” These sentiments of Ferhád were more than once expressed. Ibrahím Páshá, on the contrary, represented to his majesty that the army under Ferhád was on the point of deserting him; that they were unwilling to act under him; that what at one time had appeared hopeful had vanished; in short, that the whole of the army would rather perish by the sword than choose to continue under his banner. The mufti, Bostán Zádeh, joined in the fraud; and Bákí Effendí from among the military judges, and Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Jaghala Zádeh, from among the vezírs, were carried away by this deceit and dissimulation. “It is not,” said the deceitful káímakám, “that I wish an investigation to be made in the case of Ferhád that I speak as I do, neither is it that I wish to be made grand vezír; nor is it the chief command of the army I seek. No: it is a duty I owe to religion, to the emperor, and to the empire, that forces me to express myself.” These sentiments, apparently good, were uttered with the view of affecting Sinán Páshá, the late prime minister, who was so well pleased with them that he was induced to distribute some thousands of gold among those who were present and heard this discourse. Ibrahím’s words soon found their way to the ear of his royal master, who was so much affected by them that he determined on deposing Ferhád Páshá.

Continuation of Ferhád’s affairs.

On the 21st of Shabán Ferhád Páshá marched from Dávud Páshá, and on reaching Chorlí he raised about a thousand sharp-shooters, and gave the command of this body to one Hasan, a Spáhí. The stages by which the army was to march were all written down, but the troops were to halt every day at mid-day and take rest.

About the 5th of Ramazán, the government of Moldavia was conferred on Ja’fer Páshá, who had been, formerly, Beglerbeg of Shirván, and that of Valachia, on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. The office of treasurer was conferred on Mohammed Beg of Yení Sheher. Twelve thousand men from these two provinces were ordered to be taken into pay.

Ferhád arrives on the Banks of the Danube.

The grand vezír, Ferhád Páshá, reached Rusjuk towards the end of Shevál, and immediately commenced preparations for erecting a bridge across the Danube. Artificers, brought from Nicopolis, were set to the work. From some prisoners who had been brought to the commander-in-chief he learned that the wicked and mischievous Michael had received a reinforcement, from Transylvania and Hungary, of about 70,000 troops, and that he was posted at Bekrish. About the commencement of Dhu’l Kadah, the Beglerbeg of Romeili, Hasan Páshá, joined the royal camp with four thousand troops, and brought along with him five hundred Valachian and Hungarian prisoners. The grand vezír and commander-in-chief, Ferhád Páshá, sat under a canopy supported by eight pillars, and superintended the erections which were carried on. The whole might have been completed in five or six days had it not been found necessary to extend the bridge to an island in the river, opposite Yerkok. To accomplish this object, the Sanjak chiefs were ordered to cut down trees suitable for the purpose, and to transport them to the spot where they were needed. Whilst these erections were going forward, arrangements were also made to pay four divisions of troops which remained in the garrison of Belgrade; the Serdár himself intending, after he had chastised the rebel Michael, to remove to that city.

Ferhád is deposed.—Sinán Páshá raised to the Premiership.

It has already been observed how Ibrahím Páshá, the son-in-law of Sinán Páshá, and other sycophants of the latter, had effected a change in the emperor’s mind towards Ferhád. They at last succeeded in moving him to remove him from office altogether. Accordingly the seals of office, at the close of the month Shevál, were sent to Sinán Páshá, who, on being raised to the premiership, set immediately to work in seeking the destruction of his predecessor. He insinuated that Ferhád maintained a secret correspondence with the apostate Michael: that he meditated the utter ruin and destruction of the Moslem army: he accused him of negligence, infidelity, and treachery, and importuned his warrant: and, in order to encompass his death, he took the royal seal and signed a commission, which he sent to the deputy of the Janissaries, Ahmed Aghá, desiring him to execute this diabolical but earnestly desired object. He issued another order for taking possession of the arsenal and other stores which Ferhád had provided for the war. Before either of these firmáns reached the place of their destination, however, a friend of Ferhád had hastened, with all manner of speed, to inform him what was going on against him. The information had such an effect on the unfortunate Páshá, that his life, for a while, was despaired of. He was, however, able to make arrangements for his return. He informed a diván, called for the purpose, that he found it necessary to return to Constantinople, and therefore required some men to accompany him. He, accordingly, selected about three thousand veterans from the most valiant of the troops, and delivered over, secretly however, to Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, his own seal, and all the stores to Mohammed Páshá. Having settled every thing relative to the troops that were to accompany him, he mounted his horse and set out for Constantinople. To avoid meeting the officer who had in charge the grand vezír’s firmán, he travelled by a different route, night and day, with the greatest speed.

When the officer reached Rusjuk, he learned, to his surprise, that Ferhád had set out two days before; but with the assistance of Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, he immediately transmitted an account of this circumstance to Constantinople.

Sinán Páshá was still in the metropolis. The Syrian troops, destined for the war, had arrived. Sinán informed them that a sentence of death had been issued against Ferhád. “His head is mine, his property yours,” said he, and sent off these fearless troops to intercept him.

In the mean time Sinán Páshá busied himself in making arrangements for carrying on the war in Hungary. The Syrian troops, just now mentioned, fell in with Ferhád’s treasures, which were carried on camels. These they seized, whilst Ferhád himself stood on a rising ground at a distance, and saw what was going on. There is another version of this story. It says, that when these Syrians met Ferhád, he had the presence of mind to scatter some purses of silver and gold amongst the rapacious fellows, and made off with himself whilst they were scrambling for the booty thus thrown amongst them. The story goes on to say that the Syrians began to quarrel about the division of the spoil they had so very easily acquired, and that instead of fairly dividing it, each man set off with what fell into his own hands.

Ferhád, in the meantime, succeeded in descending the mountains of Istrenj, and arrived at his own villa near Constantinople in the middle of Dhu’l hijja. Here he concealed himself, but sent all his treasures and jewels as a present to the emperor’s mother. This mode of applying his money had a wonderful effect, for the joyful news of his being about to be pardoned soon became public.

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, reached Rusjuk, on the borders of the empire, before these things had transpired, and had other objects to occupy his attention, independent of Ferhád. But his son-in-law, Ibrahím Páshá, was still governor of Constantinople, and when he heard the report that Ferhád was to be pardoned, formed another plot for effecting his destruction, which succeeded, as the sequel will show. He employed one Soleimán, a German Jew, a well-known fellow, who succeeded in finding out where Ferhád had secreted himself, and afterwards sent him (probably by the same infamous Jew) a letter, as from the emperor, which conveyed to him a free pardon. This, the poor man had no doubt, was an act of mercy from his sovereign, and therefore ventured out of his hiding-place and commenced paying visits to his friends. One morning, however, by break of day, his villa was surrounded, and himself made prisoner by the Bostánjí báshí, who conducted him forthwith to the Seven Towers. This took place on the 5th of Sefer, 1004. Ibrahím Páshá wrote out his indictment and laid it before the throne, and soon afterwards succeeded in obtaining the emperor’s warrant for taking away his life. Accordingly, Chobán Soleimán Aghá, a chávush báshí, strangled him in the Seven Towers that same night, before supper-time.

A Reflection.

The late Ferhád Páshá was a man who had rendered many important services to his country whilst employed in the Persian war, and was one of those who had forwarded the elevation of the then reigning monarch; but he was rewarded, as we have seen, with disgrace heaped upon him, and, at last, with an ignominious death. The late emperor knew his value, and always showed him peculiar honour and respect. Sultán Mohammed Khán was a man who was free from guile and duplicity, and unacquainted with cunning and deceit; but he had not reached that degree of penetration which so much distinguished his father, and which would have secured him from putting too much confidence in his advisers, and have kept him from committing himself before he had made proper and strict inquiry. The result of the want of these qualities we have seen.

Sinán Páshá’s Operations in Valachia.

The new grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, left the plains of Dávud Páshá on the 11th Dhu’l Kadah, passed through Adrianople, the pass of Chaluk Kovak, and, after encountering a thousand difficulties, reached the camp towards the end of the month. The above-mentioned bridge was in a state of completion, and about the middle of the month Dhu’l hijja, the grand vezír crossed over with his whole army. The troops of Romeili, with their Válí at their head, formed the advance guard: Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, at the head of the Syrian troops, formed the right wing: the chiefs of Thessalonica and Nicopolis were appointed to watch the bridge: the ten galleys which had been ordered to convey military stores had reached Rusjuk, and on the 17th the army removed from Yerkok, and halted near a wood about four leagues distant from a narrow pass which led to Bekrish. A party was led forward to reconnoitre this pass, but they had scarcely approached it when they observed a cloud of dust, and soon afterwards saw the enemy’s troops advancing. The party retreated to the camp: the grand vezír girded on his sword, ordered planks to be placed over a marsh which lay in front, by which he made the Janissaries pass, and stationed them in a part of the wood. On the top of an eminence he placed ten pieces of ordnance, which did great execution, and with the middle division of his army he succeeded in driving back those of the enemy which were advancing upon him, and spiked their cannon which they had been obliged to leave behind them. A few only of the enemy were killed, but every thing was in favour of the Moslems, who now advanced upon them, and took their position near Kalúgirvan. The whole of the enemy were concentrated in the pass or valley of Bekrish, where they during the night lighted fires, made a tremendous noise and stir, and, at the same time, brought forward a great number of buffaloes.

In the history called Bahjet, the account is thus related:—The Moslem army having halted in a marshy and woody spot near the bridge of Kalúgirvan, were soon attacked by a body of the enemy, whose cannon and small arms were most galling to them. In these circumstances, Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá, Haider Páshá, Hasan Páshá, and Mustafa Páshá, the son of Ayás Páshá, crossed the bridge with a considerable number of troops, and attacked them in return, and after a most dreadful conflict succeeded in securing ten of the enemy’s cannon, but were afterwards obliged to retreat, leaving their acquisition behind them. Mohammed Páshá, in the act of retreating, was wounded in the above-mentioned marsh. Hasan Haider and Mustafa sunk into the mud and perished. The grand vezír himself was also very unfortunate, for in this moment of confusion and retreat, he too was obliged to fly; and in doing so, fell into a morass. His body guards sought their own safety, and left him to shift for himself the best way he could. He got out, but soon fell into another; and in this predicament he continued till he was observed by a veteran Romeilian called Hasan, who advanced towards him, took him on his back, and thus carried him out of the marsh. This hero, the deliverer of the grand vezír, acquired public fame for his heroism, and had the word “marsh” affixed to his name ever afterwards. He was, therefore, called Hasan Bátákjí, and became afterwards the commander of a body of heroes under Khoja Murád Páshá, honourably mentioned in the sequel of this history.

On the night of the above-mentioned disastrous event, one of the Janissaries happened to lay down an unextinguished match upon some gunpowder, which, when it ignited, communicated itself to a great quantity of the same material which lay in its neighbourhood, and which produced so tremendous an explosion as to cause an universal cry of “Yá allah,” among the troops. The effect of this explosion on the infidel army was astonishing—for they supposed they were attacked by the Moslems, and to escape them they immediately retired. Michael hastened to Bekrish with the greater part of his army, whilst a smaller body made its way into Moldavia, but afterwards returned to join their infamous leader at Bekrish.

The Moslems unable, in consequence of the fatigues they had endured the preceding day, to take advantage of the flight of the enemy, and thus gain the open field, retreated a little. Here they remained two days, during which time some prisoners were brought in, who informed them that the enemy had concentrated at Bekrish. Encouraged by this information, Hasan Páshá, on the 18th of the month, crossed over with his division, gained the plain beyond the valley or pass, and sent out a foraging party through the country, who returned with provisions, prisoners, and cattle.

Michael, not thinking himself secure at Bekrish, retired to Terghúshta, and afterwards, from the same dread, penetrated the almost inaccessible mountains which form the boundaries of Transylvania. The grand vezír, now that the enemy had entirely disappeared, passed through the valley on the 20th and appeared before Bekrish, in the plains of which he pitched his tent. The churches of Bekrish were converted into mosques; and worship, according to Mohammedan usage, was performed in them. The ornaments and crosses which adorned the roofs of the churches, as well as the whole of the images and pictures which were placed in them, were totally demolished. Not a vestige of them was allowed to remain.

A Council held.—A Fortress built.

The nobles and princes having assembled in the grand vezír’s pavilion, they consulted as to the most effectual method they should adopt to prevent Valachia and Moldavia from falling into the hands of the infidels; and also as to the difficulty there existed in keeping the inhabitants of these provinces under subjection. After these matters were fully discussed, it was resolved and agreed to: 1st, That an impregnable fortress should be built at Bekrish; and 2ndly, That a similar one should be erected at the pass of Terghúshta. After the passing of these resolutions, it was thought proper to transmit a report of affairs to the court of Constantinople for its approbation; and at the same time, the government of the country was conferred on Satúrjí Mohammed Páshá. When once these things were thus settled, the grand vezír and his nobles proceeded to the suburbs of Bekrish and measured off double the space of ground on which Alexandra, the Waiwoda’s Monastery stood, and which was formerly a fortress, and made preparations for commencing the first fortress mentioned in the resolutions adverted to above. The whole was completed in the space of twelve days after it was fairly commenced. But what more relates to this fortress we must reserve till we relate the events of the following year.

Concerning the Enemy’s Operations on the Frontiers.

Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, having been appointed commander-in-chief on the frontiers, went, at the commencement of the month Shevál, to Buda, where he properly housed a quantity of provisions which had been sent from Belgrade; and afterwards distributed troops among the military stations along the frontiers in that quarter. He himself went to Kiris Elias, where he pitched his camp. The beglerbeg of Anatolia, of Karamania, of Sivás, of Buda, of Temisvar, of Haleb, and of Scutari, the deputy-ághá of the Janissaries, the salihdárs of the Spáhís, and all the various troops regular and irregular, assembled at Old Buda, where a distribution of provisions and of other necessaries was made to them.

About this time Osmán Páshá, beglerbeg of Yanuk, sent information that the Austrians were preparing to send a large army; and it so happened that, towards the end of Dhu’l Kada, an army of 50,000 foot and 20,000 horse laid siege to Osterghún. The Moslem serdár, or commander-in-chief, and the other beglerbegs, could muster no more than 10,000, and therefore prudently forbore attempting to offer battle to so immense a host. They accordingly took up their position on a hill opposite the enemy, and there meant to wait till they received more succour.

The Moslem Army advances to Osterghún, and are defeated.

About the commencement of the month Dhu’l hijja, the commander-in-chief, Sinán’s son, the beglerbeg of Buda; Súfí Sinán Páshá, the beglerbeg of Temisvar; Mikaeljelí Ahmed Páshá, the beglerbeg of Scutari; Teríakí Hasan Páshá, the beglerbeg of Haleb; Mohammed Páshá, and the beglerbeg of Yanuk, Osmán Páshá, advanced with the 10,000 lately mentioned to Osterghún, and took up their position immediately opposite the enemy. This was a fool-hardy step, and one for which they paid dearly: for that very day the battle commenced, and was continued for several days, when it ended in the discomfiture of the Moslem army, as might have been easily anticipated, considering the vast majority of the enemy. The following day, when the Moslems advanced to the conflict, they were encircled by a considerable body of the enemy, drawn up in regular order to receive them, but whom the Moslems, led on by Osmán Páshá, drove back, retaking at the same time Jegirdilen, a place of some strength, and spiked the whole of the cannon in it. Hitherto fortune seemed to declare for the orthodox army, but on the fourth day it experienced a reverse. In approaching Dipadilen, another place of strength, the Moslems were much annoyed by the small arms of the enemy, which played incessantly upon them. Here many of the brave Musselmans fell lifeless on the ground, and among them was Osmán Páshá. Another division of the Moslem army attacked the enemy’s trenches on the Danube, and got possession of them. Here they either slew or drowned in the river such of the enemy as fell into their hands: but alas! this act of heroism was dearly paid for; for on retiring from these trenches they were met by a strong augmentation of the enemy coming forward to the aid of those who had been in the trenches, when a most desperate and awful conflict ensued. The Serdár, thinking his Moslems were overpowered, turned his face towards Buda and set off. Others, seeing this, followed his example. Teríákí Hasan Páshá was no sooner made aware of the state of matters than he too ordered his tents to be struck, loaded his waggons with the heaviest of his baggage, caused oxen to be put to them and to his field-pieces—which had been kept as memorials of Soleimán—and moved off for Buda, whither the rest had fled.

After this signal superiority gained by the enemy they proceeded, without any further resistance from the scattered army of the Serdár, to effect their original purpose, the reduction of Osterghún. But we must defer any further account of this till we relate the events of the following year.

The Serdár Mohammed Páshá, after reaching Buda, and after his troops had found their way to that city, was in conformity to a resolution passed by a council of war, appointed to the government of Yanuk, and proper persons were also dismissed in order to assemble forces at Belgrade.

When the enemy, stationed about Novograde, heard of the defeat sustained by the Moslems they were emboldened to lay siege to Wáj, but were repulsed with great loss. Finding they were unable for the task they had undertaken, they contented themselves with carrying off what cattle they could seize or drive off. But this also belongs to the affairs of the following year.

The Apostate Michael gains a victory.

The grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, after having seen the fortress completed, which he had ordered to be erected of wood at Bekrish, as before observed, placed a garrison of one thousand Janissaries and a thousand other troops in it, besides cannon and other implements of war for defence, and on the 13th of Moharrem removed to the plains of Terghúshta. The inhabitants of this latter place having all fled before his arrival, he commenced building in it a fortress of wood, similar to the one erected at Bekrish, and ordered two deep ditches to be cut round it. The whole was completed in the space of a month; and after having placed a garrison in it, and supplied it with all kinds of necessary stores, he commenced his countermarch on the 12th of the month Sefer.

The grand vezír had scarcely reached the very first stage, however, before the atrocious Michael started out of the woods and surrounded Terghúshta with his troops. The sound of his cannon was distinctly heard in the grand vezír’s camp. After three days of violent effort he took the place. Alí Páshá, Khoja Beg, and other persons of distinction, he caused to be fixed on spits and roasted before a fire: the rest of the garrison he made prisoners, set fire to the place, and withdrew. Information of this disaster reached the grand vezír the day it took place, and awakened the grief and sympathy of the whole army. Whilst they stood deploring the fate of the garrison, and of their brethren who had fallen into the hands of their merciless enemies, three hundred of these infidels issued out of the wood, not very distant from the Moslem camp, but they were all dispersed by a party of the Romeilian troops. The army now began to retrace their steps. After consulting as to the propriety of returning to Terghúshta, about which there existed a variety of opinion, they at last resolved on going to Bekrish, which they accordingly did. During fifteen days which the army was ordered to remain there, all the traders, whether belonging to the army or otherwise, were requested to remove in that space of time with their effects out of Bekrish, and retire to some other place of greater security. After this and other matters of importance were fully attended to, the guns and other stores belonging to this garrison were put on waggons and removed, and itself, so lately built, set fire to about midnight, when the troops left it to perish. After hastily passing through the pass of Bekrish they arrived at Yerkok, where they halted three days.

On reaching this place, the grand vezír was confounded when he perceived that the bridge, which had been confided to a sufficient guard, across which ten thousand waggons and captives had passed, was now watched only by five. Formerly, the Moslem troops were in the habit of making excursions by this bridge into the country of Transylvania, and returning by the same with waggons loaded with spoil, thousands of captives, and with droves of cattle, sheep, and young horses, and which used to be sold in the Moslem camp. Here also a faithful custom-house officer used to sit and collect an impost which was levied on all such imports.

The grand vezír was but a very few days at the above place when he learned that the apostate Michael was at his heels. Without waiting the arrival of this rebel he crossed over by night, and permitted his troops to do as they might be able. Before morning they succeeded in getting over part of their ordnance, whilst they were obliged to leave the remainder behind them. Whilst all were in confusion, and petrified with terror at the recent information, each one, concerned about himself, sought to save himself the best way he could. In these circumstances of confusion and terror the enemy appeared in the vicinity of Yerkok, and arrived in sufficient time to seize on all which yet remained to be passed over to the Moslem side. A party of the enemy, more like enraged swine, hastened forward to the edge of the river, and from an eminence sufficiently near, played with their cannon against the bridge, which soon gave way in the middle. Such of the retreating Moslems and baggage as were crossing at the time, fell into the river along with it, and were lost. Some of the unfortunate wretches who got hold of pieces of the bridge were carried down the stream, and their shrieks pierced the skies. All who had not been able to make their escape from Yerkok were butchered without mercy, and their blood made to flow in rivulets. In short, the slaughter was terrible. The cannon which fell into the hands of the enemy were directed, after they had burned the city, against the fortress. So very disastrous a retreat, as well as defeat, has never been recorded in any history.

The fortress of Yerkok taken.

The troops who were stationed in this garrison at this time shut themselves up in it, but the rabble-army, after three days’ bombardment, took it by storm on the 10th of the month Sefer, put every Mussulman within it to death, and afterwards directed its cannon against the grand vezír’s camp on the opposite side of the river. About this time information was received from Ghází Gheráí Khán, khán of the Tátárs, which apprised them that he had entered Moldavia with his Tátár army, and had brought the inhabitants of that province under subjection and promise of obedience; and further, that they had promised to deliver up the apostate Michael, the sole author of all the evils and mischief which had taken place. In the letter which they addressed to the khán, they requested that one of his emírs might be appointed governor over them; but their chiefs not liking this arrangement, the thing was delayed.

Osterghún delivered up to the enemy.

In the month of Dhu’l hijja of last year the enemy, as we have seen, laid siege to the fortress of Osterghún, and after having defeated the army sent from Buda to oppose them, they redoubled their efforts against the above place, which at last the Moslems were necessitated to give up. This took place on the 1st, or about the beginning of the month Sefer. About forty or fifty Mussulmans, who were allowed to leave Osterghún, went by water to Buda.

Vishégrade is taken by the enemy.

After the reduction of Osterghún the enemy surrounded the fortress of Vishégrade, a place of considerable strength, not far from the above, and which, through the treachery of one Osmán, who had been degraded from the rank of an ághá of the Janissaries, was delivered over to the enemy; but the inhabitants and the garrison were allowed to retire to Buda. The above-mentioned apostate Osmán, in order to ingratiate himself with the King of Hungary, went and pointed out the vaults in which the Moslems had preserved their gunpowder, and which till then had not been discovered. The enemy carried the whole away in boats.

The Grand Vezír deposed.—Lála Mohammed Páshá made Grand Vezír.

When accounts of the ill fate of the expedition conducted by the grand vezír into Valachia, of the pusillanimity of his son, who permitted Osterghún to fall into the enemy’s hands; and who was the first who fled from the field of battle, and shut himself up within the fortress of Buda, were received at Constantinople, the whole of the Moslem population and the grandees of the state were roused to madness and indignation; and when the emperor was formally informed of these disgraceful circumstances, he immediately ordered the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, to be deposed and to go to Mulghura. On the 16th of Rabia II. the seals were transferred to Lála Mohammed Páshá, but who, on account of his bad state of health, was never able, with the exception of the day he had the honour of kissing the emperor’s hand, to attend to his duties in the diván. He died shortly after his elevation to the premiership.

Sinán Páshá is made Grand Vezír a fifth Time.

The káímakám of Constantinople, Ibrahím Páshá, of whom frequent though not honourable mention has been made, expected that on the death of Lála Mohammed Páshá, as well as on some former occasions, when a prime minister was degraded, that the emperor would confer the seals upon him. He was mistaken, and of course disappointed. The fact was, that the emperor had discovered before then that he was the principal cause of Ferhád Páshá’s murder, and was seized with a kind of horror and remorse, and therefore dismissed him from office and from his presence.

The friends of Sinán, lately deposed and banished, were not idle. They threw a cloak over his faults, and represented his virtues and high qualifications for government in such a light as to induce his majesty to recall him from his exile, and to reinstate him (a fifth time) in his former office. He took his place in the diván about the end of Rabia II.

A circumstance took place about this time which is worthy of being recorded. A great dispute having taken place between Ibrahím Páshá and his father-in-law, Sinán Páshá, the former accused the latter, in the presence of the diván, of maladministration, and charged him with being the cause of all the insurrections which had happened, by his having given places of trust and responsibility to men who were unfit to hold these offices. On another occasion Ibrahím spoke in the same strain in presence of the emperor, which so enraged Sinán that he said: “I am represented to your majesty as a person every way unfit to hold office, and though it be Ibrahím who has thought fit to do so, I challenge him to go down to the court, and there let us try the edge and strength of our daggers.” Thus saying, he seized him by his robes and thrust him out of the presence of the emperor. These were times in which rebellion and disorder, hatred and envy, reigned without; rudeness and asperity within; and had the effect of marring the tranquillity of all ranks and conditions.

Sinán Páshá’s counsel to the Emperor.

One day when the grand vezír was sitting with his imperial majesty he offered him the following counsel. “Sire,” said he, “it is inconsistent with sound policy to have a commander-in-chief in hostile countries, and it is incompatible for two to hold that office. In having a commander-in-chief, or a person of this description, it falls either to the grand vezír, or some other one of the vezírs, to hold it. If the grand vezír exercise this function, then the káímakám, in order to get himself into the vezírship, will throw all the hindrances he possibly can in his way, and no good will be effected. On the other hand, if it be a vezír who shall exercise that high office, then the grand vezír, for fear his services should, perchance, recommend him to hold the premiership, will, from mere envy, seek to hide what glory he may acquire in the service of his country. For how many years have ambition and envy of this kind been the cause of the ruin of our armies, and the wasting of our treasures, without producing the least benefit to the state, but, on the contrary, misfortune and disgrace! Do you, therefore, Sire, imitate the example set before you by Sultán Suleimán, and declare that you will, in person, take the chief command of the army in the present war with the infidels on the north of our frontiers. Do this, that, after you have gained victories, and restored the fading glory of the Ottomans, you may then have it in your power to make peace on honourable terms. The presence of the royal warrior in the midst of his camp will inspire the enemies of our religion and of our country with dread, and paralyze their efforts against us.” Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí, being of one mind with the grand vezír, confirmed his sentiments by an appeal to the practice of former emperors, who all commanded in person, and who, by their valour and heroism, extended the dominions of the Ottomans. The result was, that the grand sultán determined on joining his army, and on conducting it to battle in person.

Accordingly, every preparation for furthering the views of the royal warrior was promptly attended to. Khoja Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí was appointed to accompany the royal suite; and on the 1st of Rajab, 150,000 ducats were delivered out of the royal treasury to Kara Mohammed Páshá, who was commissioned to proceed to Belgrade and make the necessary purchases of provisions for the army. Artificers were also sent out to mend the roads and bridges every where. Orders were issued to have all kinds of vessels, and all sorts of apparatus in a state of readiness on the Danube. The whole of the royal tents, &c. were confided to the emperor’s chancellor, Hamza Páshá. To the chief master of the horse, Tarnákjí Hasan Aghá, in conjunction with a chávush, called Konáí Zádeh Mohammed, was committed the charge of collecting in Caramania and thereabouts the necessary number of beasts of burden for the war. In short, the preparations were decisive and complete.

Sinán Páshá’s death.—Ibrahím Páshá is made Grand Vezír.

Whilst the grand vezír, Sinán Páshá, was actively employed in carrying on the preparations alluded to in the preceeding section, death put an end to his blemished life. He did not survive the murder of Ferhád Páshá a full year. His death took place on the 5th of Shabán. Ahmed Aghá, Ketkhodá of the household troops, was deputed to carry the seals to Ibrahím Páshá, who happened, at the time they were sent to him, to be praying in St. Sophia. The learned and exalted men, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and others, besides vezírs, who were present in the temple when the seals were put into his hand, congratulated him on his elevation. After having finished their religious duties they accompanied the remains of the deceased grand vezír, and buried him in his own tomb, when the newly created one, Ibrahím Páshá, returned to his own palace.

Strife and contention between Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí and the Muftí.

On the third day after Ibrahím’s exaltation to the premiership, the reverend Effendí, Sa’d-ud-dín, went to pay him a visit, and to do him the honours due to his high office. Whilst the reverend father was sitting and holding friendly conversation with the grand vezír, letters were brought to his excellency, one of which was from Hasan Páshá, son of Mohammed Páshá. This letter informed him of the submission of the haughty Michael and of the Boyárs of Valachia. As the exalted vezír was in the act of beginning to read these communications, the Muftí arrived to congratulate the new minister, and formed one of the company. These two magazines of learning and science sat, the one on the right and the other on the left hand of the grand vezír, resembling two lofty but firmly based mountains. These two august personages, being noble, were permitted, of course, to sit and speak in the sublime council. The papers above alluded to were put into the hands of the reverend Effendí, who began to read their contents in a loud voice, and gave his opinion freely on the points submitted to their consideration and judgment. But the Muftí, from motives dictated by envy, opposed and contradicted his reverend brother without ceremony. To his grave, wise, and straight-forward advice he would give no place. This circumstance, unfortunately, was the cause of producing a most serious altercation between the two reverend prelates, which put a complete stop, for the time being, to all further reading and cool deliberation. “Why,” said the reverend Effendí, “if the Boyárs of Valachia, and Michael, have petitioned for pardon, let no discouraging answer be returned to them. Let them only be required to deliver up Michael’s son, as hostage, in proof of the sincerity of their repentance. It is in this way, I propose, their letters ought to be answered.” The superior priest, or Muftí, under the influence of envy, opposed this judgment, and in his turn maintained, that no offers whatever ought to be accepted at the hands of the apostate Michael. The storm increased: mutual accusations ensued. To such a length, indeed, did these reverend fathers carry their animosity and personal reproach, that they completely exhausted the patience of the other emírs present. At length the Muftí rose up from his seat, turned himself to the grand vezír, and thus addressed him: “If it please your excellency, we have come hither for the purpose of congratulating you on your recent exaltation; not for contention and strife: may the most high Allah, therefore, bless you in your high office.” Thus saying, he returned to his own house. The other prelate was very much offended at the Muftí for his outrageous conduct, who, at the very commencement of their deliberations, began to oppose his opinion and advice, and then marched off in a pet. This, he said, was far from being honourable. However, he had this consolation afforded him: his advice was adopted and followed. Orders accordingly were given to Músá Chelebí, the secretary, to prepare a suitable answer to Michael and the other Boyárs, and Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí returned home.

The Emperor of the Moslems prepares to set out for the scene of war.

By the time the spring arrived the preparations deemed necessary for the war were fully attended to, and on the 15th of Ramazán the different commanders were appointed. Immediately after the feast in the month of Shevál the royal pavilion was erected on the plains of Dávud Páshá. The ulemá and great men were ordered to join the royal suite, and record the deeds of the war. On the journey, Sa’d-ud-dín Effendí regaled the royal ear, in presence of his vezírs, by talking to him of foreign affairs. On reaching Adrianople, the reverend prelate’s second son, Izzet Effendí, a eunuch and cazí of Adrianople, applied to his father to importune the emperor in his favour for the cazíship of Constantinople. The father’s request was graciously granted. The grand army had scarcely commenced its march towards Philippopolis, when Izzet Effendí directed his course to the metropolis, but was disappointed. Abdul Helím Effendí, through the intercession of the queen-mother, was confirmed in the office of which Izzet thought himself sure, and was obliged to retrace his steps to the place whence he came. When his father had learned that his wishes respecting his son had been thwarted, he approached the grand vezír, and complained against the Káímakám Hasan Páshá, for his want of politeness, and of the disdain and contempt which had been shown to his son. The grand vezír went immediately and laid the affair before the royal presence, and added, that it had been owing to the intercession of the queen-mother the favour had not been granted: but something else he intimated ought to be conferred on the reverend priest as an equivalent. The monarch ordered his minister to create him a military judge, which was accordingly done. His father soon after this fell sick of a fever, but was fully restored to health by the time the city of Agria was taken.

On the 8th of the month Dhu’l Kadah, the emperor removed from Adrianople, and after reaching Philippopolis, the fifth stage, the cazí of that city, Chelebí Kází, inspector of the river Ebras, gave him a splendid entertainment in a large pavilion erected for the occasion. During four days which the emperor passed in this city, nothing was seen or heard but demonstrations of joy. Chelebí Kází was confirmed in his office for life.

When the emperor arrived at Batchina, Mohammed Páshá, son of Sinán Páshá, came with a choice body of troops and saluted him. Two days afterwards, Jeráh Mohammed Páshá, who was sent to Belgrade to collect provisions, &c. for the army, came out to meet the emperor, and had the honour of kissing his hand. Shortly afterwards the emperor entered the city of Belgrade, where every thing had been prepared for the reception of the royal guest.

Soon after his majesty entered Belgrade, his royal pavilion was erected on a small eminence opposite to the city, and demonstrations of joy were every where manifested by the roar of cannon and the firing of musketry. Provisions also were distributed among the troops, and a considerable quantity of the same article was sent in boats up the Danube to the fortresses on the frontiers. It is to be observed, however, that the emperor, who was exceedingly displeased with Mohammed Páshá, the son of Sinán Páshá, for having allowed the city of Osterghún to fall into the hands of the enemy, and for neglecting to watch the frontiers with greater vigilance than he had done, put him in prison, and confiscated the whole of his property. One Kishedhán Alí Chávush, a man lame in both his feet, and who had been appointed by the late grand vezír to be resident custom-house officer at Belgrade, was discovered to have been guilty of some crime or other, and therefore ordered to be executed before one of the gates of the city; but his majesty was satisfied with having him thrust into prison. Both these prisoners, however, were afterwards set at liberty, and Mohammed Páshá was reinstated in his vezírship. In consequence of the whole of his property having been confiscated, he was not in circumstances to enable him to accompany the army, and therefore remained at Belgrade. The munificence of his late fellow-prisoner, however, made up this deficiency to him, and he immediately set out and followed the royal camp.

A Council held.

His majesty, the asylum of the world, removed from Belgrade, crossed the Save, and on arriving in the neighbourhood of Islancúmin, called a general council of all his princes, great lords, and high vezírs. In this council it was discussed whether it would be more advisable to commence their operations by first laying siege to Komran, or to proceed directly to Agria. To Jaghala Zádeh the first of these two proposals seemed the most proper; but the other vezírs opposed this. They said that Komran was a place of no note, and of no great importance: neither would the reduction of it reflect any great credit to their royal leader, nor very much intimidate the enemy. Agria, they maintained, and justly too, was a place of great importance, it being one of the largest and most populous cities of the Germans, the chief or principal one within the limits of Hungary; famed also for the mines which abound in its neighbourhood, and which are held in much esteem by the infidels. The reduction of this city and fortress, continued the speakers, will extend the glory and promote the honour of the Moslem religion. This speech had the effect it was intended to have; and, accordingly, the army, in order to reach Segdin, in the enemy’s country, passed the fortresses of Tetul and Waradin, when the ághá of the Janissaries was ordered to proceed with carpenters and erect a bridge of boats across the Danube; which he accomplished in the space of four days. The emperor, vezírs, and the army, after having crossed this bridge, waited a whole day, until all the ordnance and heavy baggage were also safely got across, when they proceeded to the plains of Segdin, and pitched their camp opposite that fortress.

Here the royal camp was joined by the army of Romeilia with their beglerbeg, Hasan Páshá, a heroic vezír, at their head, and the sight of whom inspired the royal troops with animation and courage. His battering cannon he caused to be transported in boats along the Danube from Widin; and among other important services which he rendered on this occasion, he caused all the other Romeilian princes to be sent down the river Tisse to Segdin.

The army was not long at Segdin before a number of letters were presented before the royal presence by a deputation from the borders, which set forth the conduct of the detestable enemy in laying siege to Khutván, and many other grievances which these infidels had given occasion to complain of. The deputation added, that if immediate aid were not afforded, the besieged Mussulmans would inevitably fall into the hands of the enemy and perish.

To prevent, therefore, the disgrace of allowing these Mussulmans to perish by the enemy’s sword, Jaghala Zádeh was ordered to proceed with a party of troops to their aid, and beat off the besiegers. But Jaghala Zádeh, another son of Sinán Páshá, was too tardy in his movements, and before he had time to arrive to afford aid to Khutván, it was in the hands of the abject enemy. All the men, women, and children were put to death, and the fortress itself was made level with the ground. The conduct of Jaghala Zádeh on this occasion was such as deserved the severest punishment; but being highly esteemed and of noble birth, he not only escaped with impunity, but even without reproof, a circumstance which is truly marvellous and confounding.

About this same time, also, the troops created a tumult, and complained against Hájí Ibrahím Páshá, the treasurer, under the pretext of not receiving their dues; for which reason the treasurer was deposed and Kej Dehán Alí, a chávush báshí, was appointed in his stead. On the 18th of the Moharrem the troops were all paid their wages, each man receiving his usual allowance.

After the army had reached the vicinity of the fortress of Sonluk they disembarked their serpent and dragon-mouthed cannon, which they had conveyed thither by water, and transported them on sledges drawn by oxen towards Agria, as also their heavy baggage. The royal camp, after three other stages were accomplished, reached, without being observed, an open field in the skirts of the city, where the necessary quantity of arms and ammunition was immediately distributed among the troops.

Agria besieged.

It was on the 28th of Moharrem that the Sháhin-Sháh of the universe pitched his royal camp in the plains of Agria. The two first days were employed in arranging the machinery for making the ditches and raising mounds, and in examining the ground.

Agria appeared, in the distance, like a mountain. The top of the fortress was hid in the clouds; its towers rose one above another; and its lofty buildings and turrets filled the eye. The fortress itself was situated on a high hill, and three parts of it presented a rock, on which was built a wall so firmly constructed that cannon could hardly affect it. A huge mineral rock adjoined it on the south side, and as a guard to their outer works or fortifications, there was an immense deep ditch cut in front of them. In short, it was a place of the utmost strength—a first-rate fortress. There were in it at this time two princes; the one a relation of the Emperor of Austria, who was the commander of the Germans in it; the other the Prince of Hungary.

Before the commencement of hostilities the following communication was sent to the two above-mentioned chiefs, and to the inhabitants of Agria. “Be it known to the princes and all others in the city of Agria that we (the Emperor of the Ottomans) have come with the intention of reducing it. We, therefore, call upon you, in the name of the most High Allah, to embrace our religion. If you become Mussulmans, then we promise you shall sustain no injury from us, but shall be allowed to live in tranquillity and in the possession of all your property. If, on the other hand, you will not be converted, but continue obstinate at all hazard, then we command you to abandon your present position, and to set out for some other country. In the event of your not embracing either of the alternatives now proposed, and prepare to offer resistance; if you fire one cannon, musket, or mortar at us and our army, then, by God and by God’s prophet, we shall commence a general slaughter, and not one of you shall escape. Let this be known to you.” The person who carried the above to Agria was seized as a spy and put into prison.

In the meantime, however, the Moslem troops entered into the trenches they had before this prepared, and during the night planted their ordnance in the most proper position for annoying the walls and the sides of the citadel. When all was in a state of preparation the Moslems cried Allah! Allah! and commenced the work of destruction. Day and night the firing of cannon and musketry and the bursting of mortars ceased not. The sound and roar of these instruments of death from both sides shook the earth, whilst the volume of smoke formed a black cloud above and around them. The brave, the heroic, the orthodox Moslems relaxed not in their mighty efforts, nor once turned away their faces from danger.

After a whole week’s constant fighting, as above described, the Moslems succeeded in taking the outer line of the enemy’s fortifications, and drove the enemy within the inner one. The Moslems slackened not in pressing them hard; and by the constant springing of mines they at last effected a breach; but in consequence of a constant fall of rain for some days they found it impossible, though they made several heroic attempts, to scale the walls. The artillery, however, continued to play with effect.

On the 18th of the month Sefer the command of the Janissaries was conferred on Mustafa Aghá. Next day, which was the Sabbath, and the 19th of the month, the rain fell in torrents, and the difficulty of succeeding in reducing the place appeared to be greater than ever; yet by constantly and unweariedly, and under every difficulty, persevering in their efforts, they brought the besieged, about noon of that day, to capitulate for their lives.

Next morning two begs and eight sons of begs came forth to the trenches to the vezírs, whilst Begtásh Beg, beg of Sonluk, was sent into the city as a hostage till the articles of the capitulation were fully settled and signed. This negotiation being over the commissioners were conducted into the imperial presence, when they informed his majesty that one or two of them wished to embrace Islamism. Immediately they were clothed in white robes, and the drums throughout the camp began to beat in token of victory, and great rejoicings took place. The beglerbeg of Romeili, the ághá of the Janissaries, the commander of the artillery, and the head of the arsenal, entered the city and took possession of it in the name of the Emperor of the Ottomans.

On the 20th of the last-mentioned month, the commander of the Spáhís was ordered to conduct the weak and half-famished garrison of Agria, in conformity to the articles of capitulation, which guaranteed to them their lives, to the end of the first stage; but unfortunately for them, though the emperor had promised them every security, and even granted them passports, the men of the borders and the Tátár military, roused with indignation and thirst for revenge, when they remembered the fate of the inhabitants of Khutván, seized on what weapons lay nearest to them, and massacred them all before they got out from among the tents. Not one of them escaped, and their number amounted to about 5,000. The two princes who had the command in Agria were sent to Belgrade.

The victorious Moslems commenced repairing the breaches which their own artillery had effected in the walls of Agria, and on the same day, i.e. on the 20th, the beglerbeg of Caramania, Khezr Páshá, and the begs of Sonluk and Segdin, were ordered to repair to Khutván and commence rebuilding it. Dilsiz Aghá was sent off to Constantinople with tidings of the fall of Agria. On the 23rd provisions were distributed among the various troops. The guns in the trenches were all conveyed into the fortress. On the 25th, being the day of assembly (Friday), the emperor and his suite converted the large churches of Agria into mosques, in which public devotion was performed.

The Moslems are threatened by another immense host of Infidels.

Some captives, who had been seized by Moslem spies, informed the Osmánlí camp that Maximillian, with an army of 100,000 foot and horse, composed of Bohemians, Poles, Italians, Spaniards, and others, was encamped in the valley of Mehaj not far from Tokái, and only three stages distant from Agria, where he had erected fortifications. This information had only the effect of awakening more strongly the enthusiasm of the Muselmans, who all with one voice declared they would either bring renown on the Muselman name, or perish for their religion. The news, however, turned out to be true.