WORKS ISSUED BY

The Hakluyt Society.
————
THE SECOND PART
OF THE
CHRONICLE OF PERU.
No. LXVIII.

THE
SECOND PART
OF THE
CHRONICLE OF PERU.

BY
PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON.
TRANSLATED AND EDITED,
With Notes and an Introduction,
BY
CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
MDCCCLXXXIII.

LONDON:
WHITING AND COMPANY, LIMITED, SARDINIA STREET, LINCOLN’S-INN-FIELDS.

COUNCIL
OF
THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

• Colonel H. YULE, C.B., President.
• Admiral C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE, C.B. Vice-President.
• Major-General Sir HENRY RAWLINSON, K.C.B. Vice-President.
• W. A. TYSSEN AMHERST, Esq., M.P.
• Rev. Dr. G. P. BADGER, D.C.L.
• J. BARROW, Esq., F.R.S.
• WALTER DE GRAY BIRCH, Esq., F.S.A.
• Captain LINDESAY BRINE, R.N.
• E. H. BUNBURY, Esq.
• The Earl of DUCIE, F.R.S.
• Captain HANKEY, R.N.
• Lieut.-General Sir J. HENRY LEFROY, C.B., K.C.M.G.
• R. H. MAJOR, Esq., F.S.A.
• Rear-Admiral MAYNE, C.B.
• E. DELMAR MORGAN, Esq.
• Admiral Sir ERASMUS OMMANNEY, C.B., F.R.S.
• Lord ARTHUR RUSSELL, M.P.
• The Lord STANLEY, of Alderley.
• B. F. STEVENS, Esq.
• EDWARD THOMAS, Esq., F.R.S.
• Lieut.-Gen. Sir HENRY THUILLIER, C.S.I., F.R.S.
• CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, C.B., F.R.S, Honorary Secretary.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

DEDICATION.
———
TO
ANDRES AVELINO CACERES
(General of Brigade in the Peruvian Army),

And to his gallant companions in arms, now heroically defending their native country against fearful odds, I dedicate this edition of the narrative of that scholarly soldier, Pedro de Cieza de Leon, who warmly sympathised with the people of the land of the Yncas, advocated their cause, and denounced their wrongs.

The natives of the valley of Xauxa, descendants of the Huancas mentioned by Cieza de Leon, have suffered most cruelly from the inroads of the Chilian soldiery, and on this classic ground the brave Caceres and his little army have striven to protect these people from robbery and outrage. Cieza de Leon mentions a fact relating to the Huancas of the Xauxa valley, which gives us a high estimate of their civilization. The cruelties and robberies of the Spanish conquerors, whose deeds are now outdone by their Chilian imitators, would have led to the complete destruction of the natives if it had not been for the excellent order and concert of their polity. They made an agreement among themselves that if an army of Spaniards passed through any of their districts, and did such damage as would be caused by the destruction of growing crops, by the sacking of houses, and other mischief of still worse kinds, the accountants should keep careful records of the injury done. The accounts were then examined and checked; and if one district had lost more than another, those which had suffered less made up part of the difference; so that the burden was shared equally by all.[1]

It is among the descendants of these Huancas that the Chilians are now committing havoc. With the Peruvians, with the men who are fighting in the noblest of all causes—the defence of their Fatherland—with General Caceres and his companions in arms, must be the hearty sympathies and best wishes of all who hate wrong and love patriotic devotion. Through that devotion, through the sacrifices and self-denials entailed upon the unfortunate people of the land of the Yncas, may be seen those rays of light which break the black cloud now hanging over the country and the race described by Cieza de Leon in the following pages.

May his narrative excite the interest of many readers, and so enlist sympathy for the descendants of that people whose story he tells so well.

June 1883.

INTRODUCTION.

THE present volume, which has been selected for issue by the Hakluyt Society, contains the Second Part of the Chronicle of Peru, by Pedro de Cieza de Leon. The First Part formed one of the Society’s volumes for 1864, having been translated from the Antwerp edition of 1554.

When I translated and edited the First Part, no other had been printed. I then had reason to believe that the author completed the second and third parts of his Chronicle, and that one of these parts had come into the possession of Mr. Lenox of New York, in manuscript. I lamented the disappearance of the Second Part, and referred to it as one of the greatest losses that had been sustained by South American literature.[2]

It has now been discovered that the manuscript narrative which Mr. Prescott frequently refers to, in his History of the Conquest of Peru, as “Sarmiento”, and which he considered to be one of the most valuable of his authorities, is in reality the Second Part of the work of Cieza de Leon. Mr. Prescott quotes the title in his critical notice,[3] “para el Illmo Señor Dn. Juan Sarmiento, Presidente del Consejo Rl. de Indias”, and assumes that this Don Juan Sarmiento was the author, who, after having travelled in all parts of Peru and diligently collected information from the Ynca nobles, subsequently became President of the Council of the Indies. In reality, the word para means “for”, and not “by”, and the manuscript is simply addressed to Dr. Sarmiento, who never crossed the Atlantic in his life, and who only held the post of President of the Council of the Indies for twenty months.[4]

Mr. Prescott made much use of both parts, and considered them to be works of great merit. If what he says in praise of the author he supposed to be Sarmiento,[5] is added to what he says of Cieza de Leon,[6] it will at once be seen that the latter, really the only author, is a very important authority indeed.

It is with a feeling of reverential regret that the present editor refers to any mistake, even one so slight as this, of the illustrious American historian. Some of my brightest and happiest memories are of the ten days I spent at Pepperell with Mr. Prescott, when I was on the eve of commencing my studies in the land of the Yncas. He it was who encouraged me to undertake my Peruvian investigations, and to persevere in them. To his kindly advice and assistance I owe more than I can say, and to him is due, in no small degree, the value of anything I have since been able to do in furtherance of Peruvian research.

The evidence that the work attributed by Prescott to Sarmiento is in reality the Second Part of the Chronicle of Cieza de Leon is quite conclusive. There are no less than ten occasions on which the author of the Second Part (Prescott’s “Sarmiento”) refers to passages in his First Part, which occur in the First Part of Cieza de Leon.[7] In one place there is a reference in the Second Part to the actual number of the chapter in the First Part.[8] In the Second Part, the author mentions having gone to Toledo to present the First Part of his Chronicle to the Prince Don Felipe;[9] and this statement is equivalent to having signed his name. For only one First Part of a chronicle relating to the Indies was dedicated to the Prince, namely that of Cieza de Leon. The author of the Second Part also mentions having been to Bahaire, near Cartagena, and to the province of Arma—places visited by Cieza de Leon, and mentioned in his First Part.

The manuscript of the Second Part was preserved in the library of the Escurial,[10] in a bad copy dating from the middle, or end, of the 16th century. The first sheet is missing, and the second begins in the middle of a sentence towards the end of the third chapter. Thus the two opening chapters and part of the third are lost.

The text of the Escurial manuscript has been printed by two accomplished scholars—the Peruvian Dr. Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa in 1873; and the Spaniard Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada at Madrid in 1880. Both, independently, detected the mistake of Prescott as soon as they began to examine the text critically. The text was reprinted by Dr. de la Rosa with scrupulous care; the spelling, imperfect punctuation, and capricious use of capitals in the manuscript being very carefully preserved. But instead of retaining the manuscript numbering of chapters, Dr. de la Rosa omits the fragment of chapter iii, and calls the fourth chapter, chapter i. An edition was printed off by Mr. Trübner, but soon afterwards Dr. de la Rosa left London for Peru, without completing the editorial work. So that this edition of the second part of Cieza de Leon has never been editorially completed or published, and remains on Mr. Trübner’s hands.

Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, to whom the student of Peruvian history is so much indebted for other precious editorial work, delayed his publication of the text of the Second Part of Cieza de Leon, because he had heard from Don Pascual de Gayangos that the learned Peruvian, Dr. de la Rosa, was engaged upon the same work. It was not until 1880 that the edition of Espada was published at Madrid.[11] The Spanish editor has corrected the spelling and punctuation, and has supplied many useful notes. Five copies appear to have been made of the Escurial manuscript. One, very carelessly executed, is in the Academy of History at Madrid. The second was in the collection of Lord Kingsborough, from which was copied, through Mr. Rich’s agency, the one supplied to Mr. Prescott, which is the third. The fourth and fifth are those from which the versions of Rosa and Espada were printed.

In the Prologue to his First Part, Cieza de Leon announced the plan of his great work:—.

Part I of this very complete Chronicle of Peru was published at Seville in folio, by Martin Clement in 1553. A second edition, in duodecimo, was printed at Antwerp by Jean Steeltz in 1554;[12] and another independent edition, also at Antwerp and in the same year, by Martin Nucio. In 1555 an Italian translation, by Agostino di Gravalis, appeared at Rome, and was reprinted at Venice by Giordano Ziletti, in 1560. A third Italian version was published at Venice in 1566. An English translation by John Stevens came out in London in 1576. The latest Spanish edition forms part of the second volume of the Historiadores Primitivos de Indias, in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles (vol. 26), and is edited by Don Enrique de Vedia. It was published at Madrid in 1853. Lastly, the Hakluyt Society issued a translation in English in 1864.[13]

Part II remained in manuscript until 1873, when the Peruvian editor, and in 1880 the Spanish editor, printed their versions. An English translation is now, for the first time, issued by the Hakluyt Society.

Part III, and Books I and II of Part IV, are still in manuscript and inaccessible, but Don M. J. de la Espada knows that they exist and where, although he has not seen them.

Book III of Part IV long remained inedited. The manuscript is in the Royal Library at Madrid, and is in handwriting of the middle of the 16th century. It includes the war of Quito, and is divided into 239 chapters. A copy of this manuscript was included in the collection of Don Antonio de Uguina, on whose death it passed into the possession of M. Ternaux-Compans of Paris. Afterwards Mr. Rich obtained it, and sold it in 1849 to Mr. Lenox of New York for £600. At length this Book III of Part IV was printed and edited in 1877, with an interesting and very learned introduction by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada.[14]

Books IV and V of Part IV, and the two Commentaries, are not known to be in existence; but they were written, for Cieza de Leon refers to them in his Prologue as completed.

Mr. Prescott was mistaken in supposing that Cieza de Leon only completed the First Part.[15] He worked so diligently, and with such ability, and sound judgment, that he was able to finish the whole of the grand work he had projected. He is thus the greatest and most illustrious among the historians of Peru. So that his fate has been peculiarly hard. For more than three centuries his First Part only has been credited to him. His most valuable Second Part, though used and highly appreciated by Mr. Prescott, was attributed to an obscure lawyer who never was out of Spain in his life. One book of his Fourth Part has also at length been edited, but all the rest of his work still remains in manuscript. The accomplished Spanish editor, Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada, was influenced in his labours and researches by a generous zeal to repair, in some degree, the great injustice which has been done to the memory of Cieza de Leon.

In my Introduction to the First Part, I gave some account of the author, all indeed that could be gathered from the part of his work then accessible; and I said that he was supposed to have been born in Seville.[16] This is an error. The Spanish editor has pointed out the authority for believing that the place of his birth was the town of Llerena in Estremadura.[17] In my former Introduction I suggested from the dates, and from the company in which we find him immediately on landing in America, that young Cieza de Leon, then a boy between 13 and 15, sailed from his native land in one of the ships which formed the expeditionary fleet of Don Pedro de Heredia, who had obtained a grant of the government of the region between the river Magdalena and the gulf of Darien. This fleet left Cadiz in 1532, and arrived at Cartagena in 1533. But the Spanish editor has shown that there are difficulties in the way of this conclusion, and Cieza himself is slightly contradictory in the matter of dates. He, however, mentions having seen the treasures of Atahualpa at Seville, when they arrived from Caxamarca,[18] which was in 1534. Señor de la Espada, therefore, concludes that our author did not sail for America until 1534, and that he embarked with the ships of Rodrigo Duran, which anchored at Cartagena in November 1534. At all events he was in San Sebastian de Buena Vista in 1537,[19] and was with the first Spaniards who opened a road from the north to the south sea. Thence he accompanied Pedro Vadillo in his expedition up the valley of the Cauca to Cali, and then joined Jorge de Robledo, who established towns in this Cauca valley, and conquered some of the cannibal tribes. It was at this time, in 1541, when at Cartago in the Cauca valley, that our author conceived a strong desire to write an account of the strange things that were to be seen in the new world.[20] “Oftentimes when the other soldiers were reposing, I was tiring myself by writing. Neither fatigue, nor the ruggedness of the country, nor the mountains and rivers, nor intolerable hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient to obstruct my two duties, namely, writing, and following my flag and my captain without fault.” In 1547 he joined the President Gasca in his march to Cuzco, and was present at the final rout of Gonzalo Pizarro. After a residence at Cuzco he undertook a journey southwards to Charcas, under the special auspices of Gasca, and with the sole object of learning all that was worthy of notice. Returning to Lima he finished his First Part on September 8th, 1550. He says he was then thirty-two years of age, and had passed seventeen of them in the Indies.

The Second Part was also nearly completed before Cieza de Leon left Peru, because he mentions having shown most of it to two learned judges at Lima, Dr. Bravo de Saravia and the Licentiate Hernando de Santillan. The latter was himself the author of a valuable work on the government of the Yncas, which also long remained in manuscript. It was first printed in Madrid in 1879, having been edited by Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. From incidental notices in the Second Part, we learn how diligently young Cieza de Leon collected information respecting the history and government of the Yncas, after he had written his accurate yet picturesque description of the country in his First Part. He often asked the Indians what they knew of their condition before the Yncas became their lords.[21] He carefully examined the temple of Cacha, and inquired into the traditions concerning it, from the intelligent native governor of an adjacent village.[22] In 1550 he went to Cuzco with the object of collecting information, and it was arranged by Juan de Saavedra, the Corregidor of that city, that one of the surviving descendants of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac, an intelligent and learned native named Cayu Tupac, should confer with him. At the very time when Cieza de Leon was diligently studying the history of the Yncas under the guidance of this Peruvian “Pundit”, the young Ynca Garcilasso de la Vega, then eleven years of age, was at school in the same old city of Cuzco, learning Latin under the good Canon Cuellar. The two historians must often have seen each other, the little half-caste boy playing in the streets with his schoolfellows, and the stately young Spanish soldier studying carefully with his noble Ynca friend. Cieza de Leon explains the plan of his Second Part, which was, first to review the system of government of the Yncas, and then to narrate the events of the reign of each sovereign. He weighs conflicting evidence, and gives the version which appears to him to be nearest the truth, sometimes also adding the grounds of his decision. He spared no pains to obtain the best and most authentic information; and his sympathy with the conquered people, and generous appreciation of their many good and noble qualities, give a special charm to his narrative.

Cieza de Leon is certainly one of the most important authorities on Ynca history and civilization, whether we consider his peculiar advantages in collecting information, or his character as a conscientious historian. His remarks respecting the Ynca roads and system of posts, on the use of the quipus, on the system of colonists, and on the ceremonial songs and recitations to preserve the memory of historical events, are of the first importance. He bears striking evidence of the historical faculty possessed by the learned men at the court of the Yncas. After saying that, on the death of a sovereign, the chroniclers related the events of his reign to his successor, he adds:—“They could well do this, for there were among them some men with good memories, sound judgments, and subtle genius, and full of reasoning power, as we can bear witness who have heard them even in these our days.”[23]

Students owe much to the labours of Don Marcos Jimenez de la Espada. He has not only edited the text of the Second Part of Cieza de Leon, and his War of Quito, but also the hitherto inedited narratives of Betanzos, Molina, Salcamayhua, Santillan, and an anonymous work, all of great importance with reference to the history and civilization of the Yncas. These additions to our knowledge are sufficient to show us how much there is to learn before anything approaching to a correct appreciation of this interesting subject can be attained. The future historian who will at last achieve this task, must be intimately acquainted with every part of the Yncarial empire, must be a thorough Quichua scholar, must have closely studied all early Spanish writers, and must possess the critical faculty to enable him to assign its proper weight to the varied evidence given by many different authorities. The present useful labour of editing and indexing will prepare the way for the future work. It is the accumulation, sorting, and preparation of the materials with which the noble edifice will some day be built.

The Index of the present volume is classified on the same principle as those in the volumes of Garcilasso de la Vega, Acosta, Molina, Salcamayhua, Avila, and Polo de Ondegardo. The student is thus able to see, without trouble, the Quichua words and the names of places and persons which are mentioned by each author. His studies will in this way be much facilitated, especially if he undertakes the task of weighing the respective value of facts and opinions given by different writers. Such an investigation is one essential step towards the comprehension of the history and civilization of the Yncas. A more important inquiry refers to the assignment of traditions, customs, beliefs, and words to the different races which were comprehended in the Yncarial empire. But this can only be attempted by students of the native languages. It is from Peru itself—from learned and painstaking Peruvian scholars—that we must look for future real progress in this most interesting field of research. Republican Peru has already produced many eminent writers who have devoted their talents to historical studies, and to the elucidation of the archæology and philology of their native land. The names of Rivero, Paz Soldan, Palma, Zegarra, Barranca, Mujica, and others, at once occur to the mind. Peru, in her undeserved misfortunes, has shown that her sons can fight bravely for their beloved fatherland. In literature, many of her sons have shed lustre on their country’s history. In no christian land is there warmer family affection; in none is there truer and more cordial hospitality. Those who know Peru best, most deeply regret her misfortunes, and most heartily desire her future welfare.

NOTE
ON
THE ANCIENT YNCA DRAMA.

THE reference of Cieza de Leon to the songs and recitations at the court of the Yncas suggests the question of the existence among the ancient Peruvians of a drama, or system of representing historical and other events by means of dialogues. This, therefore, seems a suitable opportunity for examining what light is thrown on the question in the works which, in a translated form, have been issued by the Hakluyt Society; and for considering the most reasonable conclusion to be derived from the materials now within our reach.

At page 32 of the present volume, Cieza de Leon says that the most learned among the people were selected to make known historical events by songs and recitations, which were handed down from memory. This is the germ of dramatic representation, which might be expected to attain fuller development; and that it did so is clear from the evidence of other historians. Garcilasso de la Vega says:—“The Amautas, or philosophers, were not wanting in ability to compose comedies and tragedies, which were represented before their kings on solemn festivals. The subject matter of the tragedy always related to military deeds, triumphs, and victories, or to the grandeur of former kings and of other heroic men. The arguments of the comedies were on agriculture and familiar household subjects. All the plays were on decorous and important topics, the sentences being such as befitted the occasion. They understood the composition of long and short verses, with the right number of syllables in each. They did not use rhymes in the verses, but all were blank.”[24] The native author, Salcamayhua, also bears witness to the existence of an ancient drama, and even gives the Quichua names of four different kinds of plays. “In the festival they represented plays called añay sauca,[25] hayachuca,[26] llama-llama,[27] and hañamsi.”[28] That the memory of the old dramatic lore was preserved, and handed down after the Spanish conquest, is proved by the sentence pronounced on the rebels at Cuzco in 1781, by the Judge Areche. It prohibited “the representation of dramas, as well as all other festivals which the Indians celebrated in memory of their Yncas.”[29] Dr. Justiniani, a descendant of the Yncas, who was eighty-five when I knew him, in 1853, told me that he could remember having seen, when a very little boy, a Quichua tragedy acted by Indians in the town of Tinta.[30]

The Spanish priests took advantage of this aptitude of the Indians for dramatic representation, and composed religious plays in the Quichua language, in imitation of the Autos Sacramentales then in vogue. Garcilasso says,—“The Jesuits composed comedies for the Indians to act, because they knew that this was the custom in the time of the Yncas.” He mentions three such plays,[31] and adds, “the Indian lads repeated the dialogues with so much grace, feeling, and correct action that they gave universal satisfaction and pleasure; and with so much plaintive softness in the songs, that many Spaniards shed tears of joy at seeing their ability and skill. From that time the Spaniards disabused themselves of the opinion that the Indians were dull, barbarous, and stupid.”

Several of these religious plays were written by the Spanish priests in the Quichua language, for the people to perform at great festivals, and they of course bear unmistakeable evidence of their Spanish origin. I possess two of these plays. One is by Dr. Lunarejo, a native of Cuzco, and a celebrated Quichua scholar, who flourished in the eighteenth century. It is entitled Comedia famosa del pobre mas rico, and is on the plan of the “Autos” of Lope de Vega and Calderon. The other is anonymous and appears to be of earlier date. The title is Usca Paucar, Auto Sacramental el Patrocinio de Maria.

We thus have evidence that the Yncas cultivated the drama in ancient times; that some of the plays were handed down and were acted as late as 1781; and that the Spanish priests, finding that the Peruvians possessed traditional aptitude for dramatic performances, turned this talent to account in the inculcation of religious dogma. It might, therefore, naturally be expected that one or more of the ancient Ynca plays, as distinguished from the religious “Autos” of Spanish times, would have been preserved. It has long been known that at least one such drama does exist, under the title of Ollantay, and Quichua scholars concur in the belief that it is really of ancient origin, and that it dates from pre-Spanish times.

The drama of Ollantay, as it now exists, was arranged for representation, divided into scenes, and supplied with stage directions in Spanish times; but competent Quichua students believe that most of the dialogues, speeches, and songs date from a period before the conquest; and that consequently it is an Ynca drama. The manuscript copies are probably numerous, some carelessly made by ignorant scribes, and containing modern words in substitution of what may have been illegible in the originals. But others are older and more correct versions, and these alone should be referred to in discussing the question of the date of this composition. A really critical text has not, however, been hitherto established, from which all modern interpolations have been excluded, and the readings in the most authentic and oldest versions alone retained.

The drama was first brought to notice by Don Manuel Palacios, in the Museo Erudito, a periodical published at Cuzco in 1837. The learned Peruvian mineralogist and antiquary, Don Mariano Eduardo de Rivero,[32] in his work entitled Antiguedades Peruanas, gave two specimens from it, in Quichua and Spanish. Señor Rivero says that copies of Ollantay, written in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, are preserved in private libraries at Cuzco.[33] The whole text was first printed by Dr. von Tschudi at the end of his Quichua Grammar, but without a translation, in 1853.[34] The manuscript used by the learned German was copied from one preserved in the Dominican monastery at Cuzco by one of the monks, between 1840 and 1845, for the artist Ruggendas of Munich, who gave it to Dr. von Tschudi, the original being much damaged and in parts illegible.

In April 1853 I had the opportunity of examining and transcribing a version of Ollantay, which, I was informed, contained the purest text. It belonged to Dr. Don Pablo Justiniani, the aged priest of the village of Laris, in the heart of the eastern Andes.[35] His father, Dr. Justo Pastor Justiniani, had copied it from the original manuscript belonging to Dr. Don Antonio Valdez, the priest of Sicuani in 1780, and the friend of the unfortunate Ynca Tupac Amaru. Dr. Valdez died in the year 1816. He is said to have been the first to reduce the drama to writing, and to arrange it for the stage,[36] but this is clearly an error, as there is a manuscript of 1730, and others dating from the previous century, according to Rivero. The manuscript of Valdez is, however, one of great value, as it preserves all the original forms, and the fame of the owner as a Quichua scholar is some guarantee for its accuracy. In 1853 it was in the possession of Don Narciso Cuentas of Tinta, the nephew and heir of Dr. Valdez. Another copy taken from the Valdez manuscript, was in possession of Dr. Rosas, the priest of Chinchero near Cuzco. I carefully collated the Justiniani and Rosas copies. In the year 1871 I published the text of my copy of the Justiniani version, with an attempt at a literal English translation.[37] But in three or four passages I adopted the reading of Von Tschudi’s version, and in all I was wrong. I should, as I have since convinced myself, have adhered closely to the Justiniani text. In this text, however, there are several additions inserted by a later hand when the drama was arranged for the stage. These I placed in brackets.

In 1873 the Peruvian scholar, Dr. Don Manuel Gonzalez de la Rosa, informed me that he had in his possession the manuscripts of Dr. Justo Sahuaraura Ynca, Archdeacon of Cuzco, and a descendant of Paullu, the younger son of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac. Among them is a version of the drama of Ollantay, which Dr. de la Rosa considers to be authentic and very accurate. This text has not hitherto been published.

Don José S. Barranca, in 1868, published an excellent Spanish translation, chiefly from the text of Von Tschudi, now called the Dominican text. It is preceded by an interesting introduction, and the author announced that he was preparing for the press a carefully edited Quichuan text, but I am not aware that this has yet seen the light.[38] In 1876 the Peruvian poet, Don Constantino Carrasco, published, in Lima, a version of the drama of Ollantay in verse, paraphrased from the translation of Barranca. It is preceded by a critical introduction from the pen of the accomplished Peruvian writer, Don Ricardo Palma, who expressed an opinion that the drama was composed after the Spanish conquest.

In 1874 the enthusiastic Peruvian student of the language of the Yncas, Dr. José Fernandez Nodal, printed the Quichua text with a Spanish translation in parallel columns. This version has several different readings.[39]

In 1875 Dr. von Tschudi published a second text of Ollantay, at Vienna, with a translation. His new version, like the first, is mainly from the Dominican text, but partly from another manuscript which bears the date “La Paz, June 18th, 1735”.[40] This important date proves that Dr. Valdez was not the author, as supposed by the editor of the Museo Erudito, but merely the possessor of one of the best manuscripts.[41]

Don Gavino Pacheco Zegarra published the text of Ollantay at Paris, in 1878; his version being taken from a manuscript found among the books of his great-uncle, Don Pedro Zegarra. He added a free translation, and numerous valuable notes. The work of Zegarra is by far the most important that has appeared on this subject; for the accomplished Peruvian has the great advantage of knowing Quichua from his earliest childhood. To this advantage, not possessed by any previous writer, he unites extensive learning, literary ability, and very considerable critical sagacity. He is fully convinced of the antiquity of the drama.[42]

In his Races Aryennes, Don Vicente Fidel Lopez refers to the drama of Ollantay, and discusses the meaning of the word. The editors and critics to whom I have referred, all being students of the Quichua language, have come to the conclusion that Ollantay is an ancient Ynca drama. Some of them, including myself, arrived at this conclusion after long study and much hesitation.[43] The following is the argument of the drama. Ollantay, General of Anti-Suyu, was deeply enamoured of the princess Cusi-Ccoyllur, the chief beauty of the court of the Ynca Pachacutec. In vain the High Priest, Uillac-Umu, endeavoured to dissuade him, and even performed a miracle to divert him from his illegal love. Pachacutec, the Ynca, rejected the suitor for his daughter’s hand, and Ollantay rose in rebellion, occupying the great fortress, consisting of colossal ruins, which has ever since been called Ollantay-tampu. Meanwhile, Cusi Ccoyllur gave birth to a child which was named Yma Sumac (“how beautiful”). For this transgression the princess was immured in a dungeon in the Aclla Huasi, or convent of Sacred Virgins, for ten years. Pachacutec died, and the sceptre passed to his son Ynca Yupanqui. Ollantay was at length conquered by a stratagem. Concealing his army in a neighbouring ravine, the general Rumi-ñaui came to the stronghold of the rebels, and appeared before Ollantay covered with blood. He declared that he had been cruelly treated by the Ynca, and that he desired to join the insurrection. Encouraging the insurgents to celebrate a festival with drunken orgies, he admitted his own troops and captured the whole party, including Ollantay. Next there is a touching dialogue between Yma Sumac and one of the virgins, who allows her to visit her mother in the dungeon. Finally the great rebel is pardoned by the magnanimous Ynca, and the unfortunate princess is restored to the arms of her lover. One of the characters, a facetious servant lad, named Piqui Chaqui, supplies the comic vein which runs through the piece.

There are ample proofs of the antiquity of the tradition, and that the name of Ollantay was known in the days of the Yncas, and was applied to the famous ruins near Cuzco. Father Cristobal de Molina, a very high authority, writing in 1580, mentions Ollantay-tampu in connection with a curious sacrificial ceremony.[44] Salcamayhua, a writer of the seventeenth century, also mentions Ollantay.[45] The name, therefore, was well known before the Spanish conquest.[46] The name of Rumi-ñaui, which means “stone-eye”, as that of the general who, by the stratagem of mutilating his face, deceived Ollantay, is not uncommon in Ynca history. A general of Atahualpa had the same name. It is a curious fact, as corroborative of this part of the story, that in 1837 an Indian presented to Don Antonio Maria Alvarez, then Prefect of Cuzco, an ancient earthen drinking vessel, moulded into the shape of a man’s head and bust. He said that it had been handed down in his family for generations, as the likeness of Rumi-ñaui. The person represented must have been a general, from the masccapaycha or ornament on the forehead, and wounds are cut on the face in accordance with the argument of the drama.

But the chief reasons for assigning a date before the Spanish conquest to the speeches and dialogues of Ollantay, have reference to the internal evidence. Throughout the piece there is not the remotest allusion to Christianity, an impossible phenomenon if the drama had been written in Spanish times, like the comedy of Dr. Lunarejo and the Usca-paucar. It contains songs of indubitable antiquity, and in use among the purest Quichua people. The language is archaic; there are many words which have long disappeared from the spoken Quichua, and are now only found in the earliest vocabularies. The grammatical forms, such as cca instead of pa for the genitive, are ancient. The state of society represented in the drama is entirely Pagan, without a sign of Spanish contact. The metre is octo-syllabic, like that of the Ynca song preserved by Blas Valera, and is the same as the most ancient verses in the collection of Dr. Justiniani. In the early and pure copies there is not an allusion to anything, or any animal, introduced by Europeans. All arguments must of course be based on the most authentic text, and not on later copies into which many errors have crept, such as the substitution of words like misi (a cat), and asna (a donkey), corrected in another copy to llama, for the original word, in both cases, atoc (a fox).

In the final decision of a question of this kind, it is always an advantage to have an able antagonist who will take the trouble to state all that can be said against the generally received opinion. In the present case the “Devil’s Advocate” is no less a person than General Don Bartolomé Mitré, the ex-President of the Argentine Republic. General Mitré maintains that the drama of Ollantay is entirely of Spanish origin, and that it was written in modern times.[47] His opinion is not to be despised; for he is evidently a man of extensive reading, and is possessed of critical insight of a high order. But his knowledge of the Quichua language and of the Spanish authors who wrote in the first century after the conquest of Peru is limited, as will presently appear. Nevertheless, the accomplished general and statesman would no doubt have proved his case if it had been possible. The facts, however, are too numerous, and too closely arrayed against him. His attack was well planned and gallantly delivered, but it has utterly failed.[48]

The General’s first assault is made upon the evidence of the existence of dramatic compositions among the Yncas. Garcilasso de la Vega is declared to be the sole authority, and he is unceremoniously set aside as unworthy of credit. Cieza de Leon and Acosta are then triumphantly referred to as being absolutely silent on the subject. But General Mitré had evidently only read the first part of Cieza de Leon, and was still ignorant of the contents of the present volume. He was equally ignorant of the work of Salcamayhua, where the names of four different kinds of dramatic compositions are given. There is, quite independently of the positive statement of Garcilasso, ample evidence of the existence of a drama of some kind in the time of the Yncas.

His next point is that Ollantay is throughout, in general form and minute details, a Christian and cavalieresque play de capa y espada, such as those of Lope de Vega and Calderon. Mr. Ticknor says that comedias de capa y espada excluded those dramas in which royal personages appear; their main and moving principle is gallantry; the story is almost always involved and intriguing; and accompanied with an underplot and parody on the characters and adventures of the principal parties, formed out of those of the servants and other inferior personages.[49] Ollantay is a historical play including royal personages; the main and moving principle is not gallantry of the capa y espada type, the story is simple and not intriguing, and it is not accompanied with an underplot. So that the Quichua drama is not only unlike a Spanish comedia de capa y espada, but it would be difficult to find two classes of compositions, both being dramatic, which are more completely distinct from each other.

Next, General Mitré objects that the sentiments prevailing in Ollantay are pride of caste, conjugal fidelity, military spirit, filial love, humanity to the vanquished, horror of polygamy, royal magnanimity, which are proper to European civilisation, but opposed to all that is known of Ynca social life. Yet pride of caste is described, by nearly all writers on the subject, as a noteworthy characteristic of the Ynca family. There are many touching stories told of conjugal fidelity and filial love among the Peruvians by writers contemporaneous with the conquest; and I am tempted to relate one of these stories at the end of the present critical notice. The military spirit was sedulously cultivated by the Yncas, who were always engaged in new conquests. The exercise of magnanimity and of humanity to the conquered was constantly inculcated, and was a part of the established policy of the Yncas, as we are told by nearly all the early writers. Polygamy is nowhere spoken of with horror in Ollantay. All the sentiments enumerated by General Mitré as peculiar to European civilisation, are those which went towards the formation of the best part of the Ynca character, and which would naturally be met with in a Quichua drama.

The next objection is that rebellion is approved in the drama of Ollantay, and that such countenance would be impossible at a despotic court like that of the Yncas. The remark applies equally to the court of Spain. It may be admitted that the encouragement of rebellion as a principle would not be tolerated unless it eventually redounded to the credit of the sovereign. Successful rebellion was not unknown in Ynca history, and Yupanqui Pachacutec himself, the sovereign of the play, deposed his brother Urco, according to Cieza de Leon. That story would not be heard with displeasure. Nor would that of Ollantay, where the rebel is subdued, and where the magnanimity of the sovereign is celebrated.

The whole of the arguments of the General, based on internal evidence afforded by words and passages in the play, may be set aside, because none of the words upon which he relies as evidence of Spanish origin are to be found in the true version. The true version must be considered as that which excludes all words and passages which are not common to all the older manuscripts. On this principle all the words relied upon by the General are corrupt readings which have crept in through the carelessness of copiers.[50]

General Mitré objects that the High Priest alludes to the broken thread of destiny, which is a strictly Greek image. He misunderstands the passage. The High Priest compares the consequence of the act, which will bring destruction on Ollantay, not with the thread of destiny entangled and severed, but with the wool and frame of a native weaving machine overturned and broken, a natural and indigenous figure suggested by things often before the speaker’s own eyes. The remainder of the General’s attack is occupied in efforts to find traces of old world ideas in Ollantay, most of his analogies being very far-fetched. There is a yaravi or song, describing the beauty of the heroine, which the General compares with the Song of Solomon. The only resemblance is that both describe personal beauty by comparisons with the beauties of nature, and this is common to nearly all poetry. But General Mitré, by using Zegarra’s somewhat free translation, attributes figures to the song which it does not contain, such as a “countenance white and transparent as alabaster, bosoms as white as pieces of ice, cheeks like roses fallen on snow, eyebrows like bows sending forth burning and slaughter-dealing arrows, fingers like bolls of opening cotton.” There is nothing of all this in the authentic text. In the real song all the similes are strictly and essentially Quichuan. Her forehead is compared to Quilla, the moon; her eyes, not to arrows, but to two suns; her eyebrows to rainbows, the insignia of the Yncas. Her tresses are black, mixed with gold, just as the plaited hair of an Ynca princess is represented in an ancient picture at Cuzco. The bloom of her cheek is compared with the achancaray, a red flower peculiar to Peru; her bosoms, not to snow, but to the utcu swelling out of the bolls, a simile which is also essentially Peruvian. These figures show that the yaravi could not possibly have been composed anywhere but in the land where the achancaray and the utcu flourish within sight of the snows of the Andes. General Mitré objects to a copper-coloured beauty being praised for her fairness, and to her skin being compared with snow. The Ynca princesses, as we know from some ancient pictures and descriptions, were naturally much fairer than the common people, and this striking difference would as naturally lead to fairness of skin being prized, celebrated, exaggerated, and, by a poetical licence, compared with the fairest thing in the Peruvian landscape.

Still referring to an erroneous reading, General Mitré objects that the Ynca says:—“Take this ring in thy hand, that thou mayest never forget that it is thy duty to show clemency to all. Rise, thou art a hero,”—which, he suggests, must be an idea taken from arming knights in the middle ages. Possibly; but the Ynca never makes such a speech in the authentic text[51] of Ollantay. He says:—“Receive this head dress, that thou mayest command my army, and this arrow, that I destine for you.” The presentation of a head-dress is a peculiarly Yncarial ceremony, and this passage is one among many which furnish strong internal proofs of the antiquity of the drama.

The critic then proceeds to refer to three more alleged anachronisms. The deceased Ynca is said to be spoken of as buried, when Yncas were always embalmed, and the bodies preserved in the temple; black is mentioned as the colour for mourning, when the Yncas used grey; and the city of Cuzco is said to have elected a new Ynca, though the Peruvian monarchy was hereditary. The replies are that the word pampasacta from pampani, to bury, is used, in the oldest songs, for interments of every kind; that the word for mourning, in the authentic version, is not yana (black), but ccica (grey); and that the great men of Cuzco, in the cases of this very Ynca Yupanqui (according to Cieza de Leon) and others, did select the sovereign under special circumstances.

The next objection is that the Ynca, after pardoning Ollantay, appointed him to be his successor and invested him with the fringe; which, it is contended, is historically false, and impossible in ancient Peru. But the Ynca merely invested Ollantay with the insignia of his rank as a great chief (the yellow fringe, not the crimson fringe peculiar to the sovereign), and appointed him to rule at Cuzco during the sovereign’s absence, a very different thing. Such appointments were of constant occurrence, and are recorded over and over again by Cieza de Leon.

Thus General Mitré fails to establish the existence of a single allusion to things of European origin in the drama of Ollantay.

Treating of the one comic character in the piece, the servant of Ollantay, and referring to his frequent use of puns and expressions with double meanings, the General contends that his wit is Andalusian, and that it is contrary to the genius of the Quichua language. In reality, the speeches of this servant, Piqui Chaqui, are so thoroughly native and of the soil, his allusions and double meanings are so hidden, that no Spaniard—no one but a native—could have written or even conceived them. In one of the Quichua plays, written by Spanish priests, in my possession, there is a “gracioso” named Quespillo, whose fun is broad and without a sign of double entendre. If Quespillo is a Spanish creation, Piqui-chaqui is as certainly of native conception. This is one strong proof that Ollantay, differing so completely in all respects from the Quichua religious dramas prepared by Spanish priests, is of pure native origin.

Next, General Mitré compares a simple speech of Urco-huaranca, the general of Ollantay, with an enumeration of forces in Homer; a reference to his services, made by Ollantay, to some speech in the Spanish drama of the Cid Campeador; and the election of Ollantay by his army, to an election by the Prætorian guard described by Tacitus. These allusions are too far-fetched and vague to need special replies; but they require wonderful erudition on the part of General Mitré’s imaginary Spanish author. Rumi-ñaui, in order to make Ollantay think that he had been ill-treated by the Ynca, mutilated his face. Zopyrus, in the story told by Herodotus, for a similar purpose, cut off his nose and ears, which Rumi-ñaui did not do. Nevertheless, General Mitré jumps at the conclusion that the idea must have been copied from Herodotus. It will be remembered that the story of the mutilation of Rumi-ñaui is preserved on an ancient piece of Ynca pottery.

General Mitré then quotes a speech of Ollantay, when he receives the Ynca’s pardon, from my book, a text which he had all along repudiated, in order to use the Dominican text as better suited to his purpose. His criticism on this speech is sound, but the lines I inserted were evidently interpolated by the person who arranged the drama for acting. I had, consequently, placed them in brackets as doubtful, and noted their omission by Von Tschudi and Barranca, a fact which the General does not mention. The passage is not authentic, and would be omitted in a properly revised version. It is in fact omitted by Zegarra. But this use, by General Mitré, first of one text and then of another, as it happens to suit his purpose, is not conducive to the proper object of criticism, namely, the discovery of truth. It shows also that his critical essay is premature, and that it should not have been attempted until all the versions had been critically examined and collated, and an authoritative text established.

The octo-syllabic metre in which the drama is written was also used by Spanish dramatists, and, consequently, according to General Mitré, the drama of Ollantay was written by a Spaniard. But it is also a native Peruvian metre. The ancient song given by Garcilasso de la Vega, though printed in lines of four syllables, is really octo-syllabic. These eight-syllable lines are composed with great facility in many languages, and are natural to the Quichua, most of the ancient songs in the collection of Dr. Justiniani being octo-syllabic. Consequently, though also used in Spanish literature, they do not therefore indicate a Spanish origin.

The greater part of General Mitré’s argument amounts to little more than this. There is a river in Macedon, and there is a river in Monmouth, therefore Macedon and Monmouth are the same place. It is a very old argument, but it has never been looked upon as conclusive. The General’s theory requires an unknown Spanish author living in the eighteenth century, and writing in the Quichua language, of portentous erudition, who borrowed his ideas from the Pentateuch, the Song of Solomon, Homer, Tacitus, Herodotus, Shakespeare, Lope de Vega, Mrs. Ratcliffe, and the ballads of the Cid; and who yet excluded the most distant allusion to Christianity or to anything Spanish. He could not have been a priest, for we possess Quichua plays composed by Spanish priests, and they are entirely and radically different from Ollantay, containing, as was inevitable, constant allusions to Christianity, and none to the classic authors of antiquity. Yet the imaginary author must have known Quichua perfectly, in its earliest and most archaic form, and have been versed in all the plays upon words and double meanings used by initiated natives. It may safely be affirmed that no such prodigy ever existed in the eighteenth century, and, consequently, the General’s theory falls to pieces like a house of cards.

At the same time, General Mitré has done good service to literature by the publication of this elaborate criticism. Every argument that the ingenuity of an accomplished scholar could bring forward against the authenticity of Ollantay has been adduced. Quichua students now know all that can possibly be said against the antiquity of the play, and they know that what is not based on incorrect readings, is far-fetched and fanciful. The former considerations which led them to the conclusion that most of the dialogues and songs dated from the time of the Yncas, remain in full force, unshaken by anything General Mitré has written. The new points he has raised, prove to be either based on corrupt readings, or to be of no validity in themselves.

It is gratifying to find that the rich and interesting language of the Yncas continues to be studied by ardent young Peruvian scholars. Among them is Dr. Martin Antonio Mujica, a native of Huancavelica, who is making Quichua a serious study, and has suggested some changes in the accepted orthography, based on sound principles.[52] There is much yet to learn in this important branch of investigation, and much useful work to be done. A really critical text of Ollantay is a desideratum. There are many ancient Quichua songs, possibly other dramas, in private libraries. These should be diligently sought out, edited, and printed, with translations. A dictionary should be undertaken, with references to all the words which occur in the writings of ancient authors. There is a wide field and a noble one, for young students in the land of the Yncas, which is well deserving of careful, diligent, and enthusiastic cultivation. Such discouraging criticisms as that of General Mitré should have no depressing effect. They should rather arouse the student to fresh efforts, both to secure the purity of his texts, and to illustrate their meaning by the acquisition of wider knowledge, and the cultivation of critical and accurate habits of thought.

Meanwhile, the conclusion that the drama of Ollantay is of Ynca origin, having withstood all the assaults of General Mitré’s criticism, remains more firmly established, and on securer ground than before. The unsuccessful attack is an additional source of strength.

A PERUVIAN LOVE STORY.

THE assertion of General Mitré that conjugal devotion was not among the virtues of the ancient Peruvians, induces me to relate a story which is told by Miguel Cavello Balboa.[53] The events it records took place during the war between Huascar and Atahualpa. It, therefore, illustrates the closing chapters of the present volume.[54]

On the death of the great Ynca Huayna Ccapac in the province of Quito, he was succeeded by his legitimate son Huascar at Cuzco; while the son who was with him, named Atahualpa, remained at the head of an army at Quito. But the body of the deceased sovereign was sent to Cuzco, accompanied by the widowed queen, Mama Rahua Ocllo, and her daughter the Princess Chuqui Uzpay, and by four venerable councillors who were executors of Huayna Ccapac. On approaching Cuzco these venerable men were arrested, ordered to explain why Atahualpa had remained behind, and, their defence not being satisfactory, they were put to death. The principal executor, who thus suffered, was named Auqui Tupac Yupanqui.

The Queen, Mama Rahua Ocllo, was much shocked at this cruelty on the part of her son Huascar. After the funeral ceremonies, the new sovereign desired to marry his sister Chuqui Uzpay, and, after much hesitation, the Queen Mother reluctantly gave her consent.

Young Quilaco Yupanqui, a son of the murdered executor, Auqui Tupac Yupanqui, was sent by Atahualpa as an envoy to his brother Huascar. On reaching the valley of Xaquixaguana, Quilaco received a secret message from the Queen Mother, who loved him dearly, for he was a foster-brother of her child, the young queen Chuqui Uzpay. The Queen Mother ordered a procession of damsels to come out and meet the envoy; among whom there was one more beautiful than all the rest, named Curi-coyllur.

At the coronation of Huascar, the chief of the valley of Yca arrived from the coast with a lovely daughter named Chumbillaya. She inspired the Ynca with a violent passion, and he gave her the name of Curi-coyllur, the “golden star.” She bore him a daughter and died soon afterwards. His sister Corvaticlla, a beloved friend of Curi-coyllur, brought up the child with great care in a house near Cuzco, and her beauty was so marvellous that she inherited her mother’s name of Curi-coyllur.

Curi-coyllur was fifteen when the girls assembled to meet the young envoy from Quito at Siquillabamba. Quilaco fell in love with her. He went on to Cuzco, and, finding that the Ynca Huascar had gone to Calca in the vale of Vilcamayu, he hurried thither, and laid the presents from the Ynca’s brother Atahualpa at his feet. Huascar spurned both envoy and presents, and dismissed Quilaco with disdain. Quilaco returned to Cuzco, and told the queens what had befallen him at Calca. The guardian of Curi-coyllur, on hearing of his love, allowed him to visit the young girl. A few days afterwards Huascar sent him back with a message to Atahualpa, to the effect that he would be closely followed by an army to enforce obedience.

One day, at early dawn, Curi-coyllur was praying for the return of her lover. When a labourer appeared with his taclla (plough) on his shoulder, she mistook it for the chuqui (lance) of Quilaco. At last a troop of strangers appeared on the hill, taking the way to Xaquixaguana. She was shedding tears, when her lover came out of a field of maize close by, and threw himself at her feet. Quilaco told her and her aunt all that had happened at Cuzco, and asked Corvaticlla for the hand of her niece. It was promised when the times had become more quiet, and Quilaco continued his journey to Quito.

The great war then broke out between the two brothers, Huascar and Atahualpa. Quilaco had promised to return to Curi-coyllur in three years, and four had elapsed. Huascar was on the point of marrying her to one of his captains. She cut her hair, put on the dress of one of her servants, painted her face according to the usage of those who go to war, and mixed herself amongst the camp followers of the army of Huascar. The Ynca’s general, named Huanca Auqui, had retreated to the valley of Xauxa, where he met the reinforcements from Cuzco, and was superseded by Mayta Yupanqui. The army of Atahualpa, under the command of Quizquiz, advanced to Tarma, and the hostile forces met between Tarma and Xauxa. The battle lasted all day, but eventually the army of Huascar was defeated with great slaughter. Quilaco was wounded by an arrow, and fell on a heap of dead, while his men were too much occupied in chasing the fugitives to notice his fall.

Quilaco would have perished miserably from loss of blood; but he saw a lad searching among the bodies, and cried for help. The boy ran to him, drew out the arrow, and staunched the wound. He carried the wounded man to the banks of a stream, and washed the dirt off his face and body. Quilaco asked the motive of such kindness in a follower of Huascar.[55] “Brother,” said the lad, “I am a native of this place; my name is Titu; I seek no advantage.” He collected sticks, lighted a fire to warm the wounded chief; and so they passed the night. Next day the boy conveyed Quilaco to a neighbouring hut until he should be cured. A search was made for him by order of Quizquiz, and his disappearance caused profound sadness in the host of Atahualpa.

For many months Quilaco was unable to rise from his bed, and in the interval great events happened. Huascar was dethroned, his family was massacred at Cuzco, the usurper advanced to Caxamarca, Pizarro arrived on the coast with his Spaniards, and Atahualpa was made prisoner by them. Titu used to leave the hut, and collect news from passers-by on the great road. One day he told Quilaco that the power of Atahualpa and his generals had departed, and that strange men from the sea were now the rulers of the country. Titu spoke of the noble bearing and of the justice of the Viracochas, as he called the Spaniards, looking upon them as messengers from God. He entreated and at last persuaded the chief, who was now able to walk, to appear before the Spanish leader, who had arrived in the valley. It was the famous Hernando de Soto. They went together, and Titu, with the aid of an interpreter, related his history to the proud but noble-minded conqueror. Quilaco now for the first time discovered that Titu was his long-lost love, his Curi-coyllur, whom he had never hoped to see again.

They were baptized under the names of Hernando Yupanqui and Leonora Curi-coyllur, and married in conformity with the laws of the Church. But the young chief only survived for two years. The widow afterwards lived with Hernando de Soto, and bore him several children—Leonora de Soto, who married Fernando Carrillo, notary to his Majesty, and lived at Cuzco; Juana de Soto; Pedro de Soto; and others.

I know not whether the story of Quilaco and Curi-coyllur was ever dramatised like that of Ollantay. But we need not doubt that the “brilliant erudition”[56] of General Mitré would, if the play were brought to light, soon announce to us that it was a “comedia de capa y espada”, with all the ideas and incidents borrowed from Homer, Herodotus, Tacitus, the Pentateuch, the Song of Solomon, Shakespeare, Lope de Vega, Mrs. Ratcliffe, and the Cid Campeador. Too much erudition is surely a dangerous thing.

The other story told by Balboa, of the love of Elfquen Pisan, Chief of Lambayeque, for the beautiful Chestan Xecfuin, is equally romantic, equally of native origin, and has as little to do with the old world classics as Ollantay. Among these people there was pride of caste, magnanimity towards the vanquished, a martial spirit, filial love, and conjugal devotion; and these sentiments found natural expression in their literature. Cieza de Leon, in the following pages, bears ample testimony to Ynca civilisation.

SECOND PART
OF THE
CHRONICLE OF PERU,

WHICH TREATS OF THE LORDSHIP OF THE INCAS YUPANQUIS, AND
OF THEIR GREAT DEEDS AND GOVERNMENT.
WRITTEN BY
PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEON.

SECOND PART
OF THE
C H R O N I C L E O F P E R U

CHAPTER III.

* * * * * *

* * * * * *

* * * * * *

* * * * * *

of them more than what I recount, go to a delightful place full of enjoyment and pleasure, where they all eat and drink and rejoice; and if, on the contrary, they have done evil, disobedient to parents, hostile to religion, they go to another place which is dark and dismal. In the first book I treated more fully of these things, so that I will now pass on, and relate in what manner the people of this kingdom lived before the Incas flourished and made themselves sovereign lords, in which time all affirm that they were in a state of anarchy, without any of the order, and reasonable government and justice which was afterwards established. I will also recount what there is to be said of Ticiviracocha, which is the name by which the Maker of all things was known.

CHAPTER IV.

Which treats of what the Indians of this kingdom say touching the state of things before the Yncas were known, and how they had fortresses in the hills, whence they came forth to make war one with another.

I OFTEN asked the inhabitants of these provinces what they knew of their condition before the Incas became the lords. On this subject they say that all men lived without order, and that many went naked like savages; that they had no houses, nor any habitations except the caves, many of which may be seen in the great cliffs and rocks, whence they came forth to eat what they could find in the fields. Others made fortresses in the mountains, called pucara, out of which they came forth, using strange languages, to fight, one with the other, over the cultivable lands, or for other reasons: and many were slain, the spoils and women of the vanquished being carried off. With all these things they went in triumph to the heights, where they had their castles, and there offered up sacrifices to their gods, shedding much blood of men and lambs before the stones and idols. All these people were in a state of anarchy, for they say for certain that they had no lords, but only captains to lead them in their wars. If some went about dressed, it was in slight clothing, and not such as they now use.

They say that the llautu or cords which they put on their heads that one tribe may be distinguished from another, were used then as they are now.

This people living in the condition that I have described, there rose up in the province of the Collao, a very brave lord named Zapana,[57] who so prevailed that he brought many people of that province under his rule. They relate another thing; but whether it be true or not, the most High God who understands all things only knows. As for me, I have no other testimony or authority of books for what I relate than the statements of the Indians. What I want to relate is that they affirm of a certainty that, after that powerful captain arose in Hatuncollao,[58] there appeared in the province of the Canas,[59] which lies between the Canches[60] and Collao, near the village called Chugara, some women who were like valiant men. Taking up arms they subdued those who were in the district where they lived, and, almost like what is told of the Amazons, they made homes for themselves, without husbands. These people, after this had gone on for some years, and they had performed some famous deeds, came to fight with Zapana, he who had become Lord of Hatuncollao; and to defend themselves against his power, which was great, they made fortresses and walls, which still exist. But after they had done all to the utmost of their power, they were taken and killed, and their name disappeared.

There is a citizen in Cuzco named Tomás Vasquez,[61] who told me that he and Francisco de Villacastin,[62] being in the town of Ayavire,[63] seeing these enclosures, and asking the natives what they were, the above story was told them. They also relate what I have written in the first part, namely, that there were people with beards, in the Island of Titicaca, in past ages, white like ourselves; that, coming from the valley of Coquimbo, their captain, who was named Cari,[64] arrived at the place where Chucuito now stands, whence, after having founded some new settlements, he passed over with his people to the island. He made such war upon the inhabitants that he killed them all. Chirihuana, the governor of those settlements, which now belong to the Emperor,[65] told me what I have now written; and as this land was so extensive, and in parts so healthy and well suited for man’s habitation, although they continued in the practice of petty warfare and indulgence of their passions, yet they established many settlements. Those captains who showed themselves to be valorous, continued as lords of several towns; and all, as is generally reported, had Indians of intelligence in their houses and fortresses, who spoke with the Devil. And the Devil, by permission of Almighty God, and for reasons known to Him, had very great power amongst these people.

CHAPTER V.

Touching what these natives say concerning Ticiviracocha, of the opinion held by some that an Apostle passed through this land, and of the temple there is in Cáchan, also what happened there.

BEFORE the Incas reigned in these kingdoms, or had ever been heard of, the Indians relate another thing much more notable than all things else that they say. For they declare that they were a long time without seeing the sun, and that, suffering much evil from its absence, great prayers and vows were offered up to their gods, imploring for the light they needed. Things being in this state, the sun, shining very brightly, came forth from the island of Titicaca, in the great lake of the Collao, at which every one rejoiced. Presently afterwards, they say, that there came from a southern direction a white man of great stature, who, by his aspect and presence, called forth great veneration and obedience. This man who thus appeared had great power, insomuch that he could change plains into mountains, and great hills into valleys, and make water flow out of stones. As soon as such power was beheld, the people called him the Maker of created things, the Prince of all things, Father of the Sun. For they say that he performed other wonders, giving life to men and animals, so that by his hand marvellous great benefits were conferred on the people. And such was the story that the Indians who told it to me say that they heard from their ancestors, who in like manner heard it in the old songs which they received from very ancient times. They say that this man went on towards the north, working these marvels along the way of the mountains; and that he never more returned so as to be seen. In many places he gave orders to men how they should live, and he spoke lovingly to them and with much gentleness, admonishing them that they should do good, and no evil or injury one to another, and that they should be loving and charitable to all. In most parts he is generally called Ticiviracocha,[66] but in the province of the Collao they call him Tuapaca, and in other places Arnauan. In many parts they built temples in which they put blocks of stone in likeness of him, and offered up sacrifices before them. It is held that the great blocks at Tiahuanacu were from that time. Although, from the fame of what formerly had passed, they relate the things I have stated touching Ticiviracocha, they know nothing more of him, nor whether he would ever return to any part of this kingdom.

Besides this, they say that, a long time having passed, they again saw another man resembling the first, whose name they do not mention; but they received it from their forefathers as very certain that wherever this personage came and there were sick, he healed them, and where there were blind he gave them sight by only uttering words. Through acts so good and useful he was much beloved by all. In this fashion, working great things by his words, he arrived at the province of the Canas, in which, near to a village which has the name of Cacha, and in which the Captain Bartolomé de Terrazas[67] holds an encomienda, the people rose against him, threatening to stone him. They saw him upon his knees, with his hands raised to heaven, as if invoking the divine favour to liberate him from the danger that threatened him. The Indians further state that presently there appeared a great fire in the heaven, which they thought to be surrounding them. Full of fear and trembling, they came to him whom they had wanted to kill, and with loud clamour besought him to be pleased to forgive them. For they knew that this punishment threatened them because of the sin they had committed in wishing to stone the stranger. Presently they saw that when he ordered the fire to cease, it was extinguished, so that they were themselves witnesses of what had come to pass; and the stones were consumed and burnt up in such wise as that large blocks could be lifted in the hand, as if they were of cork. On this subject they go on to say that, leaving the place where these things happened, the man arrived on the sea coast, where, holding his mantle, he went in amongst the waves and was never more seen. And as he went, so they gave him the name of Viracocha, which means “the foam of the sea.”

Soon afterwards they made a temple in this village of Cacha,[68] on the other side of a river which passes near, where they set up an idol of stone, very large, but in a somewhat narrow recess. This recess is not so large as those in Tiahuanaco, erected in memory of Ticiviracocha, nor does the figure appear to have the same kind of vestments. Some gold was found in holes near it.

When I passed through this province, I went to see the idol, for the Spaniards affirm that it may have been some apostle. I heard many declare that it had legends written on its hands. But this is nonsense, unless my eyes were blinded, for although I looked closely I could not see anything of the kind. The hands were placed over the haunches, the arms twisted, and on the girdle were indications that the vestments were fastened with buttons. Whether this or any other was intended for one of the glorious apostles who, in the days of his preaching, had passed this way, God Almighty knows. I know not, and can only believe that if he was an apostle, he would work with the power of God in his preaching to these people, who are simple and with little guile; and there would be some vestige of his visit. Yet what we see and understand is that the Devil had very great power over these people, God permitting it, and that in these places very heathenish and vain sacrifices were offered up. Hence I believe that, until our times, the word of the Holy Gospel was not heard. Now we see all the temples profaned, and the glorious Cross planted in all directions.

I asked the people of Cacha in remembrance of what god the temple had been built. The cacique, or lord, was an Indian of intelligence and good presence, named Don Juan, a Christian, who came with me himself to show me this piece of antiquity. He told me that it was built in honor of Ticiviracocha. Treating of this name Viracocha, I wish to disabuse the reader of the popular belief that the natives called the Spaniards by the name of Viracocha, which means foam of the sea. So far as the word is concerned it is true, for vira is the word for grease, and cocha is the sea. And seeing that the Spaniards came by sea, that name has been attributed to them. But this is a wrong interpretation, according to the explanation which I received at Cuzco, and which the Orejones give. They say that before Atahuallpa was taken prisoner by the Spaniards in the province of Caxamarca, there had been great wars between him and his brother Huascar Inca, the sole heir to the empire. At length, at the pass of Cotabamba over the river Apurimac, the king Huascar was taken prisoner, and cruelly treated by Chalicuchima.[69] Besides this, Quizquiz[70] did great mischief in Cuzco and, as is well known, killed thirty brothers of Huascar, committing other cruelties on those who were favourable to the legitimate heir and had not shown a desire to receive Atahuallpa. While these passions were at their height, Atahuallpa had been made prisoner and had agreed with Pizarro to give him a house of gold as his ransom. Martin Bueno, Zarate, and Moguer[71] went to Cuzco to receive it, the greater part being in the Sun temple called Curicancha. As these Christians arrived at Cuzco at the time when the party of Huascar was suffering under the above calamity, the oppressed Yncas rejoiced when they heard of the imprisonment of Atahuallpa, and with great supplications implored the aid of the Christians against their enemy, declaring that they must be sent by the intervention of their great God Ticiviracocha, and that they were his sons; and presently they called them so, giving them the name of Viracocha.

They ordered the High Priest and the other ministers of the temple to keep the sacred women there, and Quizquiz delivered all the gold and silver to the Spaniards. As these Spaniards were so free from all restraint, and held the honor of the people so lightly, in return for the hospitality and friendliness with which they were received, they corrupted some of the virgins; which was the reason that the Indians, who also saw how little reverence the Spaniards felt for the Sun, and how shamelessly and without the fear of God they violated the mamaconas,[72] which the Indians held to be a great sacrilege, began to say that such people were not sons of God, but that they were worse than Supais, which is their name of Devil. Nevertheless, to comply with the order of the Lord Atahuallpa, the captains of the city took leave of the Spaniards without showing any anger whatever, soon afterwards sending the treasure. But the name of Viracocha continued from that day, and it was given, as I was informed, for the reason I have already written down, and not owing to its signification of foam of the sea.[73] And now I will relate what I have been given to understand respecting the origin of the Incas.

CHAPTER VI.

How certain men and women appeared in Pacarec-Tampu, and what they relate touching their proceedings after they came forth from there.

I HAVE already stated more than once, how, as an exercise and to escape from the vices caused by idleness, I took the trouble to describe all that I obtained touching the Incas and their system and good order of government. As I have no other account nor writing beyond what they gave me, if another should undertake to write more certainly than I have, on this subject, he may well do so. At the same time, I have not spared pains to make what I write clear; and to ensure greater accuracy I went to Cuzco when the Captain Juan de Saavedra was Corregidor.[74] Here he arranged that Cayu Tupac should meet me, who is one of the surviving descendants of Huaina Capac. For Sairi Tupac, son of Manco Inca, has retired to Viticos, where his father took refuge after his great war with the Spaniards at Cuzco. I also met others of the Orejones, who are those that are held to be most noble amongst themselves. With the best interpreters that could be found, I asked these Lords Incas of what race they were, and of what nation. It would seem that the former Incas, to magnify their origin with great deeds, exaggerated the story they had received, in their songs. It is this. When all the races who lived in these regions were in a state of disorder, slaughtering each other and sunk in vice, there appeared three men and three women in a place not far from the city of Cuzco, which is called Pacarec Tampu. And according to the interpretation, Pacarec Tampu is as much as to say the House of Production.

The men who came forth from there were, as they relate, the one, Ayar Ucho, and the other, Ayar Cachi Asauca, and the other, they say, was named Ayar Manco. Of the women, one had the name of Mama Huaco, the other Mama Cora, the other Mama Rahua.[75]

Some Indians give these names after another fashion and in greater number, but I have put them down from the informations of the Orejones, who know better than any one else. They say that these people came forth, dressed in long mantles, and some vestments like a shirt without collar or sleeves, made of very fine wool, with patterns of different kinds, which they called tacapu, and in our language the meaning is “vestures of kings.” And each of these lords held in the hand a sling of gold with a stone in it. The women came out dressed very richly like the men, and they had much gold. Going forward with this, they further say, that they obtained great store of gold, and that one of the brothers named Ayar Uchu spoke to his brethren that they should make a beginning of the great things that they had to do; for their presumption was such that they thought they were to make themselves sole lords of the land. They were determined to form in that place a new settlement, to which they gave the name of Pacarec Tampu; and this was soon done, for they had the help of the inhabitants of the surrounding country. As time went on, they put great quantities of pure gold and jewels, with other precious things, into that place, of which the fame goes that Hernando Pizarro and Don Diego de Almagro the lad, obtained a large share.

Returning to the history, they say that one of the three, named Ayar Cachi, was so valiant and had such great power, that, with stones hurled from his sling, he split the hills and threw them up to the clouds. When the other brothers saw this they were sorry, thinking that it was an affront to them who could not do such things, and they were enraged by reason of their envy. Then they asked him sweetly and with gentle words, though full of deceit, to return and enter the mouth of a cave where they had their treasure, to bring out a certain vase of gold that they had forgotten, and to pray to their father the Sun that he would prosper their efforts so that they might be lords of that land. Ayar Cachi, believing that there was no deceit in what his brother said, joyfully went to do what they required of him, but he had scarcely got into the cave when the other two so filled the mouth up with stones that it could not be seen. This done, they relate for a certainty that the earth trembled in such a manner that many hills fell into the valleys.

Thus far the Orejones relate the story of the origin of the Incas, because they wished it to be understood that as their deeds were so marvellous, they must have been children of the Sun. Afterwards, when the Indians exalted them with grand titles, they were called Ancha hatun apu intipchuri![76] which means, “Oh very great lord, child of the sun.” That which, for my part, I hold to be the truth in this matter is that as Zapana rose up in Hatuncollao, and other valiant captains did the same thing in other parts, these Incas must have been some three valiant and powerful brothers with grand thoughts who were natives of some place in those regions, or who had come from some other part of the mountains of the Andes; and that they, finding the opportunity, conquered and acquired the lordship which they possessed. Even without this supposition it might be that what they tell of Ayar Cachi and the others was the work of magicians, who did what is told of them through the Devil. In fine, we cannot get from the story any other solution than this.

As soon as Ayar Cachi was secured in the cave, the other two brothers, with some people who had joined them, agreed to form another settlement, to which they gave the name of Tampu Quiru, which is as much as to say, “Teeth of a residence or of a palace”, and it may be supposed that these settlements were not large nor more than sufficient for a small force. They remained at this place for some days, being now sorry at having so made away with their brother Ayar Cachi, who was also called Huanacaure.[77]

CHAPTER VII.

How the brothers, being in Tampu Quiru, beheld him whom they had shut up in the cave by deceit, come forth with wings; and how he told them that he went to found the great city of Cuzco; and how they departed from Tampu Quiru.

PROCEEDING with the narrative that I took down in Cuzco, the Orejones say that, after the two Incas had settled in Tampu Quiru, careless now about seeing Ayar Cachi again, they beheld him coming in the air with great wings of coloured feathers, and they, by reason of the great fear that this visit caused them, wanted to flee away; but he quickly removed their terror by saying to them, “Do not fear, neither be afflicted; for I only come that the empire of the Incas may begin to be known. Wherefore leave this settlement that you have made, and advance further down until you see a valley, and there found the Cuzco, which will be of great note. For here are only hamlets, and of little importance; but that will be a great city, where the sumptuous temple must be built that will be so honoured and frequented, and where the sun will be so worshipped. I shall always have to pray to God for you, and to intercede that you may soon become great lords. I shall remain in the form and fashion that you will see on a hill not distant from here; and will be for you and your descendants a place of sanctity and worship, and its name shall be Guanacaure. And in return for the good things that you will have received from me, I pray that you will always adore me as God, and set up altars in that place, at which to offer sacrifices. If you do this, you shall receive help from me in war; and as a sign that from henceforward you are to be esteemed, honoured, and feared, your ears shall be bored in the manner that you now behold in mine.” And when he had so spoken they say that he appeared with ear ornaments of gold set round as with a gem.

The brothers, astonished at what they saw, were as men struck dumb and without speech. When their perturbation had ceased, they replied that they were content to do as he commanded, and presently they went in haste to the hill called the Hill of Guanacaure, which, from that time forward, was accounted sacred. In the highest part of it, they again saw Ayar Cachi, who, without doubt, must have been some devil, if there is any truth in what they relate; and, God permitting, he made them understand his desire that they should worship and sacrifice to him under these false appearances. They say that he again spoke to them, telling them to assume the fringe or crown of empire, such of them as were to be sovereign lords, and how they should order the arming of youths to make them knights and nobles. The brothers answered that they would comply with all his commands, as they had already promised, and in sign of obedience, with hands joined and heads bowed down, they made the mocha[78] or reverence, that he might the better understand them. The Orejones further say that the practice of assuming the fringe and of arming the knights began here, so I put it in this place, that there may be no necessity for repeating it further on.

This may be received as pleasant and very certain history, for Manco Inca assumed the fringe or sovereign crown in Cuzco, and many Spaniards are still living who were present at the ceremony, and I have heard it from them. It is true that the Indians say that the ceremony was more solemn and magnificent in former times, and was performed with such sumptuous riches as could not be enumerated.

It would seem that these lords arranged the ceremony for assuming the fringe or crown, and they say that Ayar Cachi dressed in the same manner, on this same hill of Guanacaure. He who was to become Inca was dressed, on one day, in a black shirt painted with red patterns and no collar, and on his head a fawn-coloured plait twisted round. And he wore a long grey mantle, in which dress he came forth from his lodging and went into the fields to gather a wisp of straw, and he had to stay out all day doing this, without eating or drinking, for it was his duty to fast. And the mother and sisters of the former Inca had to remain spinning with such diligence that, during that one day, they had to spin and weave four dresses, fasting all the time. One of these dresses consisted of a grey shirt and white mantle, and another had to be all white, and the other had to be blue, with cords and trimmings. He who was to become Inca had to wear these dresses, and to fast for the appointed time, which is one month, and they call this fast zaziy.[79] It is kept in a lodging of the royal palace, without seeing light or having connection with a woman. During this time of fasting the ladies of his lineage have to work very hard to make a great quantity of chicha with their own hands, making it from maize, and they must be richly dressed. After the time of fasting is passed, he who was to be lord came forth, carrying a halberd of gold and silver in his hands, and he proceeded to the house of some venerable relative, where his hair had to be shorn. Then, clothed in one of these dresses, he left Cuzco, where this festival was held, and went to the hill of Guanacaure, and performed certain ceremonies and sacrifices. He then proceeded to where the wine was kept, and drank. The Inca then went to a hill called Anaquar, and from the foot of it he ran, that the people might see whether he was agile, and would be valiant in war. Presently he came down, carrying a little wool on the halberd, in token that when he fought with his enemies, he would bring away their hair and the heads with it. This done, the Inca returned to the hill of Guanacaure. Here he and his courtiers gathered straw, and he who was to be Inca had a very large bundle of it, made of very fine gold of equal lengths. With this he went to another hill called Yahuira, and there he put on another of the dresses, and on his head a plait or llautu called pillaca,[80] which is like a crown, underneath which were ear-ornaments of gold, and on the top a tuft of feathers sewn like a diadem, which they call puruchuco.[81] On the halberd they fastened a girdle of gold which reached to the ground, and on his breast was placed a moon of gold. In this dress, and before all who were present, he killed a sheep, the body and blood being divided among all the principal people, to be eaten raw. The signification of the ceremony was that if they were not valiant their enemies would eat them, as they were eating the sheep that had been killed.

At this place they took a solemn vow, according to their usage, in the name of the Sun, that they would maintain the order of knighthood, and would die in defence of Cuzco, if it should be necessary. Next their ears were opened, and the apertures were so large that they could hold a geme each one in circumference. This done, they put on the heads of fierce lions, and returned to the square of Cuzco with great noise. In the square there was a great chain of gold going all round, and supported on prongs of gold and silver. Here they danced, and there were marvellous great festivities, according to their fashion. Those who had been made knights had on the heads of lions, as a sign that they would be valiant and fierce. At the end of the dancing the knights remained armed, and were called Orejones. They had privileges and enjoyed great dignities, and are worthy, if selected, to assume the crown, which is the fringe.

When this was given to the lord who was to be sovereign, greater festivities were held, a vast concourse of people assembled, and he who is about to be Emperor must first take his own sister for his wife, that no base lineage may succeed. He also performed the great zaziy, which is the fast. And during the intervals that these ceremonies occupied, the lord being engaged in the business of sacrifices and fasting, he could not attend to private or public concerns. It was, therefore, a law among the Incas that, when the sovereign died, or handed over the crown or fringe to another, one of the principal nobles was selected, who, with mature counsel and great authority, might govern the whole empire of the Incas, as if he were the lord himself, during these days, and he was allowed to have a guard and to be addressed with reverence.

These ceremonies being completed, and the blessings having been given in the temple of Curicancha, the Inca received the fringe, which was large and descended from the llautu that he had on his head, so as to fall over his eyes, and he was then held and reverenced as the sovereign.

At the festivals were present the principal lords for more than five leagues round, and there appeared in Cuzco very great store of gold and silver and precious stones, and rich plumes, all round the long chain of gold, and the marvellous figure of the Sun. This chain was of such size that it weighed, according to what the Indians assert for a certainty, more than four thousand hundred weights of gold. If the Sovereign did not receive the fringe in Cuzco, they looked upon it as an absurdity that he should be called Inca, for his possession was not assured. Thus Atahuallpa is not counted among the kings, although, owing to his great valour and to his having killed so many people, he was obeyed by many nations from fear.

Returning to those who were on the hill of Guanacaure, after Ayar Cacha had spoken of the order that was to be taken for the arming of knights, the Indians relate that turning to his brother Ayar Manco, he told him to go on with the two women to the valley he had pointed out, and to found there the Cuzco, without forgetting to come and perform sacrifices in that place, as he had commanded. And as soon as he had done speaking, both he and the other brother were turned into two figures of stone in the shape of men. This was seen by Ayar Manco, who, taking the women with him, went to the place where Cuzco now stands and founded a city, naming himself from that time forward Manco Capac,[82] which means the rich King and Lord.

CHAPTER VIII.

How Manco Capac, when he saw that his brothers had been turned into stones, went to a valley where he met some people, and how he founded and built the ancient and very rich city of Cuzco, which was the capital of the whole empire of the Incas.

WHEN Manco Capac had seen what had happened to his brothers, and had come to the valley where now is the city of Cuzco, the Orejones say that he raised his eyes to heaven and, with great humility, besought the Sun that he would favour and aid him in forming the new settlement. Then turning his eyes towards the hill of Guanacaure he addressed the same petition to his brother, whom he now held and reverenced as a god. Next he watched the flight of birds, the signs in the stars, and other omens, which filled him with confidence, so that he felt certain that the new settlement would flourish, and that he would be its founder and the father of all the Incas who would reign there.

In the name of Ticiviracocha, and of the Sun, and of the other Gods, he laid the foundation of the new city. The original and beginning of it was a small stone house with a roof of straw that Manco Capac and his women built, to which they gave the name of Curicancha,[83] meaning the place of gold. This is the place where afterwards stood that celebrated and most rich temple of the Sun, and now a monastery of monks of the order of St. Domingo. It is held for certain that, at the time when Manco Inca Capac built this house, there were Indians in large numbers in the district; but as he did them no harm and did not in any wise molest them, they did not object to his remaining in their land, but rather rejoiced at his coming. So Manca Capac built the said house, and it was devoted to the worship of his Gods, and he became a great man and one who represented high authority.

One of his wives was barren and never had children. By the other he had three sons and one daughter. The eldest was named Inca[84] Roca Inca and the daughter Ocllo. The names of the others are not recorded, nor is more said than that the eldest was married to his sister, and that he taught them how to make themselves beloved by the people and not hated, with other important matters. In those days the descendants of Zapana had made themselves powerful in Hatuncollao, and sought to occupy all that region by tyranny. But Manco Capac, as the founder of Cuzco, had married his sons, and brought into his service, by love and good words, some people who enlarged the house of Curicancha. After he had lived for many years, he died at a great age, and his obsequies, were sumptuously performed. Besides that, a figure of him was made, to be reverenced as a child of the Sun.

CHAPTER IX.

In which notice is given to the reader of the reason that the Author, leaving the account of the succession of the kings, prefers to explain the government of the people, their laws, and customs.

ALTHOUGH I might write the events of the reign of Sinchi Roca Inca, son of Manco Capac the founder of Cuzco, in this place, it has seemed to me that there will be confusion further on if the system of the government of these lords is not explained as one whole. For one ordered one set of laws, and others others. For example, one introduced the system of mitimae,[85] others the plan of having garrisons of soldiers in fixed positions for the defence of the kingdom. All these regulations are important and worthy to be remembered, that the learned statesmen who regulate the affairs of civilized governments may be informed of them, and may feel astonished at the knowledge that a barbarous people without letters should have been found to have had institutions such as we know that they possessed, both with reference to internal polity and to their plans of extending their dominion over other nations. Under a monarchy they obeyed one Lord, who alone was deemed worthy to reign in an empire which the Incas possessed, extending over more than one thousand two hundred leagues of coast. In order to avoid the necessity for saying that some assert that particular institutions were introduced by one lord, and others by another, on which points many of the native accounts differ, I will relate, in this place, what I understand and hold for certain, in conformity with the statements that I took down from their mouths in the city of Cuzco, which are corroborated by the remains that they have left, and which are visible to those who have travelled through Peru.

It should not appear to learned persons that, in adopting this course, I deviate from the plan of my work; for my aim is to make the matter more clear and intelligible, as I have declared. I propose to write with brevity, and not to dwell on minute details, and in the same way I shall afterwards proceed to narrate the events of the reigns of the Incas, and their succession, down to the death of Huascar, and the entry of the Spaniards which brought them to an end. I desire that those who may read my work, should understand that among all the Incas, the number of which was eleven, three were most capable of governing their lordships, insomuch that the Orejones who relate their history do not cease to praise them. These were Huayna Capac, Tupac Inca Yupanqui his father, and Inca Yupanqui, father of one and grandfather of the other. It may also be assumed that, as these monarchs flourished in recent times, the kingdom must still be full of people who knew Tupac Inca Yupanqui, and accompanied him in his wars, and that they heard from their fathers what Inca Yupanqui did during his reign; so that it may be said that the events took place almost before their eyes. They, therefore, have more light to throw upon this period, and are well able to relate the events; although much has been forgotten touching the history of the earlier reigns. Yet it is certain that they do not lose the memory of events for many years, although they know not the use of letters, as I have already observed in the first part of this Chronicle.[86] The use of letters has not been found either in any part of this kingdom or throughout the whole of the Indies. With these remarks we will now proceed with the narrative.

CHAPTER X.

How the lord, after he had assumed the fringe of sovereignty, was married to his sister the Coya, which is the name of the queen, and how it was permitted that he should have many women, although among them all the Coya alone was the legitimate and principal wife.

IN former chapters I have briefly explained how those who were to become nobles were armed as knights, as well as the nature of the ceremonies that took place when the Incas were crowned as kings, by taking the crown, which is the fringe falling as far down as their eyes. And it was ordained by them that he who became king should take his sister, being the legitimate daughter of his father and mother, as his wife; in order that the succession of the kingdom might by that means be confirmed in the royal house. It appeared to them that by this means, even if such a woman, being sister of the king, should not be chaste, and should have intercourse with another man, the son thus born would still be hers, and not the son of a strange woman. They also considered that if the Inca married a strange woman, she might do the same and conceive in adultery, in such a way that, it not being known, the child would be received as a natural born son of the lord. For these reasons, and because it seemed desirable to those who ordained the laws, it was a rule among the Incas that he amongst them all who became emperor should take his sister to wife. She had the name of Coya, which means the Queen, as when the King of Spain marries any princess, who before had her own name, she is called Queen so soon as she enters the kingdom, so they called those of Cuzco Coya. If by chance he who became lord had no sister, it was permitted that he should marry the most illustrious lady there was, and she was held to be the principal among all his women. For none of these lords had less than 700 women for the service of their house and for their pleasure. So that they all had many children by these women, who were well treated, and respected by the people. When the king was lodging in his palace or wherever he might be, the women were watched and guarded by porters and camayos,[87] which is the name of the guards. If any had intercourse with a man she was punished with death, and the man suffered the same penalty.

The sons whom the lords had by these women, as soon as they were grown up, received lands and fields, which they call chácaras,[88] and they were given clothes and other necessaries from the government stores for their use. But it was not thought fit that they should have lordships, because, in the event of any troubles in the kingdom, it was not desired that they should be in a position to be looked upon as legitimate sons of the king. Thus none of them was entrusted with the rule over a province, although in time of war many were captains and were preferred to those who were of purer lineage. The legitimate lord who inherited the kingdom favoured them; but if they joined in any revolt they were cruelly punished. None of them was allowed to speak to the king, even if he was a brother, without first putting a light burden on his shoulders and taking off his shoes, as was the custom with all other subjects.

CHAPTER XI.

How it was the custom among the Incas that they celebrated in their songs, and by making statues of those who were valorous and extended the bounds of the empire, and performed any other deed worthy of memory; while those who were negligent or cowardly received little notice.

I UNDERSTOOD, when I was in Cuzco,[89] that it was the custom among the kings Incas, that the king, as soon as he died should be mourned for with much lamentation, and that great sacrifices should be offered up in accordance with their religion. When these ceremonies were over, the oldest people of the country discussed the life and acts of the recently deceased king, considering whether he had done good to the country, and what battles he had gained over the country’s enemies. Having settled these questions, and others which we do not entirely understand, they decided whether the deceased king had been so fortunate as to merit praise and fame, and to deserve that his memory should for ever be preserved. They then called for the great quipos-camayos[90] who preserve the records, and understand how to give an account of the events that occur in the kingdom. Next they communicated with those who were most expert, and who were selected for their skill in rhetoric and the use of words. These knew how to narrate the events in regular order, like ballad singers and romance writers. These compose the songs, so that they shall be heard by all at marriage ceremonies and other festivities. Thus they were instructed what to say concerning the deceased lord, and, if they treated of wars, they sang, in proper order, of the many battles he had fought in different parts of the empire. And for other events, there were songs and romances to celebrate them on suitable occasions, so that the people might be animated by the recital of what had passed in other times.

Those Indians who, by order of the kings, had learnt the romances, were honoured and favoured, and great care was taken to teach their sons and other men in their provinces who were most able and intelligent. By this plan, from the mouths of one generation the succeeding one was taught, and they can relate what took place 500 years ago, as if only ten years had passed.

This was the order that was taken to prevent the great events of the empire from passing into oblivion. When a king died, if he had been valiant and a good ruler, without having lost any province inherited from his father, nor been guilty of mean or paltry actions, it was permitted and ordained that songs in his honour should be composed, in which he should be praised in such wise as that all the people should be astonished to hear of deeds so mighty. These songs were not to be recited always and in all places; but only on occasions when there was a great and solemn assembly of people from all parts of the empire, or when the principal lords met together before the king on special occasions, or when they held their taquis,[91] or drinking bouts. Then, those who knew the romances, standing before the Inca, sang, with loud voices, of the mighty deeds of his ancestors. If any of his predecessors had been negligent, cowardly, or vicious, or preferred pleasure to the labour of extending the bounds of the empire, it was ordered that such a king should receive little or no mention. If the name was preserved, it was merely to complete the line of succession. On other points there was silence concerning him, and the good and valiant alone were kept in memory.

The memory of those who were great and good was so venerated that the successor of such an one sought no inheritance from him, but he succeeded to the empire alone. It was the law that the riches and the royal insignia of one who had been King of Cuzco should never pass to another, and should never be forgotten. With this end, a figure was made in the resemblance of the deceased king, which was called by his name.[92] These figures used to be placed in the square of Cuzco on festivals, and round each figure stood the women and servants of the dead king, with his food and drink. For the Devil was accustomed to speak out of these figures. And each figure had its orators, who pleased the multitude with pleasant speeches. All the treasure which the deceased lord possessed was left in the care of his servants and confidential attendants, who brought it out at the festivals, with great ceremony. Besides this, the servants and attendants had their chacaras, which is their name for fields where they cultivate maize and other crops, and with these the women and family of the deceased lord were maintained, although he was dead and gone. No doubt this custom explains the fact that, in this empire, there was such vast treasure as we here beheld with our eyes. The Spanish conquerors heard that when, in discovering the provinces of the kingdom, they entered Cuzco, the figures of the deceased kings were there. This appears to have been true, for when Manco Inca Yupanqui, son of Huayna Capac, desired to assume the fringe, these figures were publicly brought out into the square of Cuzco, in the sight of all the Spaniards and Indians who were present on that occasion.

It is true that the Spaniards got possession of a great part of the treasure; but the remainder is concealed in such wise as that few or perhaps none know where it is. Of the figures and of their other wonderful things, there is now no memory except what is preserved in their songs.[93]

CHAPTER XII.

How they had chroniclers to record their deeds, and of the QUIPOS, what they were, and what we see of them.

WHAT I have written respecting the placing of the images in the square was done by order of the Incas, and some of the most learned of the people were chosen to make known the lives of those lords in songs, and the events of their reigns, with the object I have already described. And it is also to be noted that besides this, it was the custom among them, and a law much kept and observed, for each king, during his reign to select three or four old men, known for their intelligence and ability, who were instructed to retain in their memory all the events that happened in the provinces, whether they were prosperous, or whether they were the reverse, and to compose songs to be handed down, so that the history of the reign might be had in remembrance in after times. But these songs could not be recited or made public, except in the presence of the lord, and those who were charged with this duty, during the reign of the king, were not allowed to say anything which referred to him. But after his death they spoke to his successor in the empire, almost in these very words: “Oh! great and powerful Inca, the Sun, the Moon, the earth, the hills and the trees, the stones, and thine ancestors, may they all preserve thee from misfortune and make thee prosperous, happy, and successful over all that are born! Know that the events which occurred in the days of thy fathers are these.” Then, in the narration, they stood in great humility, with eyes cast on the ground and hands lowered. They could well do this, for there were among them some men with very good memories, sound judgments, and subtle genius, and full of reasoning power, as we can bear witness, who have heard them even in these our days.

As soon as the king understood what was related to him, he caused other aged men to be called, and charged them with the duty of learning the songs which were handed down from memory, and to prepare others touching the events which might occur in his own reign. The expenditure and the account of contributions from the provinces were recorded in the quipus, that it might be known how much was paid in the former reign, and also during that of the new lord. No one was allowed to treat of historical events, except only on days of great rejoicing, or on days of mourning and sadness for the death of some brother or child of the king. If the histories were recited on other occasions, those who did so were severely punished.

They had another method of knowing and understanding what had been received from the contributions in the provinces, what provisions were stored on the routes that the king would take with his army or when he was visiting the provinces, how much was in each place of deposit, how much was delivered out. And this method exceeded in artifice the carastes used by the Mexicans for their calculations.[94] The system of the Peruvians was by quipus. These were long ropes made of knotted cords, and those who were accountants and understood the arrangement of these knots, could, by their means, give an account of the expenditure, and of other things during a long course of years. On these knots they counted from one to ten, and from ten to a hundred, and from a hundred to a thousand. On one of the ropes are the units, on another the tens, and so on. Each ruler of a province was provided with accountants who were called quipucamayos, and by these knots they kept account of what tribute was to be paid in the district, with respect to silver, gold, cloth, flocks, down to fire-wood and other minute details. By the same quipus they could report to those who were commissioned to take the account at the end of a year, or of ten or twenty years, with such accuracy that so much as a pair of alpargatas[95] would not be missing.

I was incredulous respecting this system of counting, and although I heard it described, I held the greater part of the story to be fabulous. But when I was at Marcavillca, in the province of Xauxa, I asked the lord Guacarapora to explain it in such a way as that my mind might be satisfied, and that I might be assured that it was true and accurate. He ordered his servants to bring the quipus, and as this lord was a native, and a man of good understanding, he proceeded to make the thing clear to me. He told me to observe that all that he, for his part, had delivered to the Spaniards from the time that the Governor Don Francisco Pizarro arrived in the valley, was duly noted down without any fault or omission. Thus I saw the accounts for the gold, the silver, the clothes, the corn, sheep, and other things; so that in truth I was quite astonished.

There is another thing that should be known, for I take it to be very certain. The long wars, cruelties, robberies, and tyrannical treatment which these people have suffered from the Spaniards would have led to their complete destruction, if it had not been for the excellent order and concert of their regulations. But they, having been trained in the intelligent system of accounts which was established by their wise princes, made an agreement among themselves that if an army of Spaniards passed through any of the provinces, and did such damage as would be caused by the destruction of growing crops, sacking of houses, and other mischief of still worse kinds, all the accountants should make the best provision possible in the districts through which our people passed, in order that all might not be devastated. So it was arranged, and as soon as the Spaniards were gone, the chiefs assembled, the quipus were examined and checked, and if one province had lost more than another, that which had suffered less made up the difference: so that the burden was shared equally by all.

To this day these accounts are kept in each valley, and there are always as many accountants as there are lords, and every four months the accounts are made up and balanced. Through their former orderly government they have been able to endure such great oppression, and if God should be served by all ending with the good treatment that the people now receive, and with the decent order and justice that has been introduced, this kingdom might again be, to some extent, what it once was. But I believe that such a result will come tardily or never.

It is true that I have seen towns, and towns of considerable size, and after Christian Spaniards have passed through but one single time, they are left in such a state as to appear as if a fire had consumed them. And where the people were not so well trained, they did not help each other, and afterwards perished from pestilence and famine. For among some of them there is little charity, and each one is lord of his house and does not wish to take account of others. But this systematic order in Peru was due to the lords who commanded, and knew how to arrange all things as we see in those matters which have been described. And with this I will pass onwards.

CHAPTER XIII.

How the Lords of Peru were beloved on the one hand, and feared on the other, by all their subjects; and how no one, even a great lord of very ancient lineage, could come into the presence, except with a burden, in token of great obedience.

IT should be well understood that great prudence was needed to enable these kings to govern such large provinces, extending over so vast a region, parts of it rugged and covered with forests, parts mountainous, with snowy peaks and ridges, parts consisting of deserts of sand, dry and without trees or water. These regions were inhabited by many different nations, with varying languages, laws, and religions, and the kings had to maintain tranquillity and to rule so that all should live in peace and in friendship towards their lord. Although the city of Cuzco was the head of the empire, as we have remarked in many places, yet at certain points, as we shall also explain, the king stationed his delegates and governors, who were the most learned, the ablest, and the bravest men that could be found, and none was so youthful that he was not already in the last third part of his age. As they were faithful and none betrayed their trusts, and as they had the mitimaes[96] on their side, none of the natives, though they might be more powerful, attempted to rise in rebellion; or if such a thing ever did take place, the town where the revolt broke out was punished, and the ringleaders were sent prisoners to Cuzco.

Thus the kings were so feared that, when they travelled over the provinces, and permitted a piece of the cloth to be raised which hung round their litter, so as to allow their vassals to behold them, there was such an outcry that the birds fell from the upper air where they were flying, insomuch that they could be caught in men’s hands. All men so feared the king, that they did not dare to speak evil even of his shadow. And this was not all. If any of the king’s captains or servants went forth to visit a distant part of the empire on some business, the people came out on the road with presents to receive them, not daring, even if one came alone, to omit to comply with all his commands.

So great was the veneration that the people felt for their princes, throughout this vast region, that every district was as well regulated and governed as if the lord was actually present to chastise those who acted contrary to his rules. This fear arose from the known valour of the lords and their strict justice. It was felt to be certain that those who did evil would receive punishment without fail, and that neither prayers nor bribes would avert it. At the same time, the Incas always did good to those who were under their sway, and would not allow them to be ill-treated, nor that too much tribute should be exacted from them. Many who dwelt in a sterile country where they and their ancestors had lived with difficulty, found that through the orders of the Ynca their lands were made fertile and abundant, the things being supplied which before were wanting. In other districts, where there was scarcity of clothing, owing to the people having no flocks, orders were given that cloth should be abundantly provided. In short, it will be understood that as these lords knew how to enforce service and the payment of tribute, so they provided for the maintenance of the people, and took care that they should want for nothing. Through these good works, and because the lord always gave women and rich gifts to his principal vassals, he gained so much on their affections that he was most fondly loved. I remember having seen old Indians with my own eyes, when I was in sight of Cuzco, who gazed at the city and raised a great shout, followed by tears of sorrow at the contemplation of the present state of things, and the thought of what was passed, when for so many years they had lords in that city, of their own people, who knew how to receive their service and friendship after another fashion than that of the Spaniards.

It was a custom and inviolable law among these lords of Cuzco, for their grandeur and in recognition of the royal dignity, that when the king was in his palace, or travelling, either with his army or without it, no one, even if he should be the greatest and most powerful among the lords of the empire, could speak to him or enter into his presence without first removing his shoes, which they call oxotas,[97] and placing on his shoulders a burden, with which to appear in the presence of the lord. In the presence, no account was taken whether a man was great or humble; but only that he should understand the recognition he was bound to show to his lord. Having entered, he turned his back in the presence of the lord, having first made the reverence, which they call mocha;[98] and then he said what he had to say, or heard the command he was to receive. This done, if he remained some days at court, or was a person of importance, he did not again enter the presence with a load. For it was always those who arrived first from the provinces, by invitation or on other duty, who performed this ceremony on entering the presence of the lord.

CHAPTER XIV.

How the riches possessed by the Kings were very great, and how the sons of the lord were ordered always to be in attendance at court.

THE great wealth that we have seen in these parts enables us to believe what is said of the riches possessed by the Incas. For I believe what I have already affirmed several times, that there is no other country in the world so rich in metals. Every day they are discovering great veins both of gold and silver. They also collected gold in the rivers in many parts of the provinces, and obtained silver from the mountains, and all was for one king. So that he must have possessed very great riches. I am not, therefore, astonished at these things, nor even if the whole city of Cuzco and its temples had been built of pure gold. That which brings necessity upon princes, and prevents them from accumulating riches, is war. We have a clear example of this in the expenditure of the Emperor from the year in which he was crowned to the present time. For, having received more silver and gold than the Kings of Spain ever had, from the king Don Rodrigo to himself, none of them were in such necessity as His Majesty. Yet if he had no wars, and his residence was in Spain, in truth, what with his dues and with the treasure from the Indies, all Spain would be as full of riches as Peru was in the time of its kings.

I make the comparison because all the treasure of the Incas was expended in no other thing than in personal array and ornaments for the temples, and for the service of the houses and lodgings. In war time the provinces supplied all the men, arms, and provisions that were necessary; and if they gave some payment of gold to some one of the mitimaes during war, it was little more than had been extracted from the mines in one day. As the gold and silver was highly valued and much esteemed by them, they ordered it to be procured in great quantity, from many parts of the empire, in the manner and with the order that I will explain presently.

Such vast sums were collected because the son was obliged to leave all the wealth of the father with his image as a memorial, which had been amassed during many years. For all the service of the king’s house, including the vases for his use and the kitchen utensils, were of gold and silver. These treasures were not collected in one place, but were scattered, especially at the chief places in the provinces, where there were many workers in silver who made these things for the king’s service. In the palaces and royal lodgings there were plates and sheets of these metals, and the royal clothes were enriched with silver work, torquoises, emeralds, and other stones of great value. For the women they had still greater riches to ornament their persons and for their service; and their litters were encrusted with gold and silver. Besides this, there were vast quantities of gold in ingots, and of silver; besides many taquiras,[99] or beads, some very small, and other ornaments for their taquis[100] and drinking-bouts. For their sacrifices they also had great store of treasure. As they also had the foolish practice of burying treasure with the dead, it is incredible the quantity that was interred at the obsequies of a great king. In short, the drums and musical instruments and arms for royal use were of the precious metals. Moreover, to add to the grandeur of their capital, a law was made that neither gold nor silver that once entered Cuzco should ever leave it again, on pain of death to be inflicted on the transgressor. Owing to this law, the quantity that entered being great, while none went out, there was such store that if when the Spaniards entered they had not committed other tricks, and had not so soon executed their cruelty in putting Atahuallpa to death, I know not how many great ships would have been required to bring such treasure to Spain as is now lost in the bowels of the earth, and will remain so, because those who buried it are now dead.

As these Incas required so much, they ordered further that some sons of the lords of the provinces throughout the empire should reside at court all the year round, that they might understand the ceremonials and behold the great majesty of the sovereign, and they were assured that, as they obeyed and served, so they would inherit their lordships and curaca-ships;[101] and when those of one province departed, those of another arrived. Thus the court was always well attended, for besides these, it was never without many knights of the Orejones and aged councillors, with whom to consult touching what had to be provided and ordained.

CHAPTER XV.

How they built the edifices for the Lords, and the royal road along which to travel over the kingdom.

ONE of the things which I admired most, in contemplating and noting down the affairs of this kingdom, was to think how and in what manner they can have made such grand and admirable roads as we now see, and what a number of men would suffice for their construction, and with what tools and instruments they can have levelled the mountains and broken through the rocks to make them so broad and good as they are. For it seems to me that if the Emperor should desire to give orders for another royal road to be made, like that which goes from Quito to Cuzco, or the other from Cuzco to go to Chile, with all his power I believe that he could not get it done; nor could any force of men achieve such results unless there was also the perfect order by means of which the commands of the Incas were carried into execution. For if the road to be made was fifty leagues long, or one hundred or two hundred, and though the ground was of the most rugged character, it would be done with diligent care. But their roads were much longer, some of them extending for over one thousand one hundred leagues along such dizzy and frightful abysses that, looking down, the sight failed one. In some places, to secure the regular width, it was necessary to hew a path out of the living rock; all which was done with fire and their picks. In other places the ascents were so steep and high that steps had to be cut from below to enable the ascent to be made, with wider spaces at intervals for resting-places. In other parts there were great heaps of snow, which were more to be feared, and not at one spot only, but often recurring. Where these snows obstructed the way, and where there were forests of trees and loose clods of earth, the road was levelled and paved with stones when necessary.

Those who read this book, and have been in Peru, will remember the road which goes from Lima to Xauxa by the rugged mountains of Huarochiri and the snowy heights of Pariacaca, and will understand if they have heard or seen more than I write. Besides this, they will remember the path which descends to the river Apurimac, and how the road passes along the mountains of Paltas, Caxas, and Ayancas, and other parts of this kingdom where it is fifteen feet wide, a little more or less; and in time of the kings it was kept clean, so that there was neither a loose stone nor a growing weed on it, for it was always kept in good order. In the inhabited parts, near the towns, there were great palaces and lodgings for the soldiers. In the snowy wildernesses and plains, shelter-houses were built, where travellers could take refuge from the cold and rain. In many places, as in the Collao and other parts, there were distance-marks like the heaps in Europe which indicate boundaries, except that those in Peru are larger and better made. They called them topos,[102] and the distance between them is a Castillian league and a half.

The manner of making these roads and their grandeur being understood, I will explain the ease with which they were constructed by the natives, without increasing the death-rate, or causing excessive labour. When any king determined to have any of these famous roads made, much preparation was not necessary, but it was merely needful that the king should give the order. For then the overseers went over the ground to make a trace, and the Indians received instructions to construct the road from among the inhabitants who were on either side. One province completed the section within its limits, and when it reached the boundary it was presently taken up by the next: and if it was urgent, they all worked at one time. When they reached the uninhabited parts, the Indians of the nearest inhabited districts brought provisions and tools, in such wise that, with much rejoicing and little fatigue, it was finished. For there was no apprehension, and the Yncas or their servants interfered in nothing.

They also made great paved causeways of excellent construction, such as that which passes by the valley of Xaquixaguana, leading from the city of Cuzco to Muhina. There were many of these royal roads, both in the mountains and along the coast. Among them all there are four which are considered most important. They are those starting from the central square of the city of Cuzco, as from a cross-road, to the provinces of the kingdom, as I have mentioned in the First Part of this Chronicle, where I treat of the founding of Cuzco.[103] The lords were so respected, that when they travelled on these roads, the attendant guards went by one, and rest of the retinue by another. Their grandeur was so considered that, one being dead, the son, on occasion of a long journey, caused a road to be made for himself, larger and wider than that of his predecessor. This was when such a king set out on some conquest, or to achieve something worthy of memory, that it might be said that the road prepared for him was larger than any made before. This is clearly the case, for I have seen three or four roads near Vilcas, and I even lost my way on one, believing that I was on the one which is now in use. These roads are called, one the road of the Ynca Yupanqui, another that of Tupac Ynca; and that which is now used, and always will be hereafter, is that of Huayna Ccapac, reaching to the river Ancasmayu in the north, and to the south far beyond what we now call Chile; so long, indeed, that from one end to the other the distance is over one thousand two hundred leagues.

CHAPTER XVI.

How and in what manner they made the royal hunts for the Lords of Peru.

IN the First Part[104] I related how, in this kingdom of Peru, there was a very great quantity of flocks, both wild and tame, of urcos[105] sheep, pacos, vicuñas, and llamas, and excellent pastures in all parts, so that they could be well maintained. Although they were so numerous, it was forbidden by the kings, on pain of severe punishment, to kill females, and if the rule was broken, punishment followed, so that they were never eaten. They multiplied so that the number when the Spaniards arrived in the country is incredible. The principal reason for this order was to ensure the growth of sufficient wool to make clothing; for in many parts, if the flocks were wanting, I certainly do not know how the people could preserve themselves against the cold, if they had not any wool wherewith to make clothes. But by this arrangement there were many store-houses in all parts, where they kept the clothing, as well for the soldiers as for the rest of the people, and most of this cloth was made of the wool of guanacos and vicuñas.

When the lord desired to enjoy a royal hunt, it is noteworthy how many animals were taken and killed; as many as thirty thousand head. Tents were pitched in a position selected by the lord, on such occasions as he was pleased to amuse himself with the chase. For, on the high parts of the mountains, in whatever place was chosen, there were sure to be flocks in such quantities as we have stated. Having assembled fifty thousand or sixty thousand people, they surrounded the plains and broken ground in such sort that they gradually approached each other, at the same time descending from the steeper heights to the more level plains, and making the country resound with the noise of their voices. Gradually they approached each other, until they formed a ring with hands joined, and in the enclosed space bounded by their bodies the flocks were detained and secured. The lord was so placed as to witness the slaughter. Then certain Indians entered the enclosure armed with ayllos,[106] which are used to secure the legs, and others with sticks and clubs, and began to seize and kill. Among the great quantity of captured animals there were many guanacos, which are rather larger than small donkeys, with long necks like camels. They tried to escape by spitting into the faces of the men and rushing about with great leaps. They say that it was a marvellous thing to hear the noise made by the Indians in catching them, and to see the efforts made by the animals to escape in all directions. If the king wished to kill any of the chase without entering into the tumult, it was arranged in any way he pleased.

Many days were passed in these hunts, and a multitude of animals was killed. Then the overseers ordered the wool to be taken to the store-houses, and to the temples of the Sun, where the mamaconas were expert in making very fine cloth for the lords, the fineness being such that it appeared to be of silk, and of various colors. The flesh of the slaughtered animals was eaten by those who were present with the king, and some of it was dried in the sun,[107] to be kept in the storehouses, as provisions for soldiers on the march. All these animals, it must be understood, were in wild flocks and not domesticated. They also took many deer and biscachas,[108] as well as foxes, and some bears and small lions.

CHAPTER XVII.

Which treats of the order maintained by the Incas, and how in many places they made the waste places fertile, by the arrangements they made for that purpose.

ONE of the things for which one feels envious of these lords is their knowledge of the way to conquer the wild lands and to bring them, by good management, into the condition in which they were found by the Spaniards when they discovered this new kingdom. I often remember, when in some wild and barren province outside these kingdoms, hearing the Spaniards themselves say, “I am certain that if the Incas had been here the state of things would be different.” So that the advantage they were to us was well known. For under their rule the people lived and multiplied, and barren lands were made fertile and abundant, in such manner and by such admirable means as I will describe.

They always arranged matters, in the commencement of their negotiations, so that things should be pleasantly and not harshly ordered. Afterwards, some Incas inflicted severe punishments in many parts; but formerly, it is asserted on all sides, that they induced people to submit by great benevolence and friendliness. They marched from Cuzco with their army and warlike materials, until they were near the region they intended to conquer. Then they collected very complete information touching the power of the enemy, and whence help was likely to reach them, and by what road. This being known, the most effective steps were taken to prevent the succour from arriving, either by large bribes given to the allies, or by forcible resistance. At the same time forts were ordered to be constructed on heights or ridges, consisting of circles with high walls, one inside the other and each with a door. Thus if the outer one was lost, the defenders could retire into the next, and the next, until refuge was taken in the highest. They sent chosen men to examine the land, to see the roads, and learn by what means they were defended, as well as the places whence the enemy received supplies. When the road that should be taken and the necessary measures were decided upon, the Inca sent special messengers to the enemy to say that he desired to have them as allies and relations, so that, with joyful hearts and willing minds they ought to come forth to receive him in their province, and give him obedience as in the other provinces; and that they might do this of their own accord he sent presents to the native chiefs.

By this wise policy he entered into the possession of many lands without war. In that case, he gave orders to his soldiers that they should do no harm or injury, nor commit any robbery or act of violence; and if there were not sufficient provisions in the province, he ordered that it should be sent from other parts. For he desired that his sway should not appear heavy to those who had newly come under it, so as to know and hate him at the same time. If any newly conquered province had no flocks, he ordered that so many thousand heads should be sent there, to be well looked after, so as to multiply and supply wool to clothe the people; and none were to be killed for eating until the lapse of a certain number of years. If, on the other hand, they had flocks, but needed some other thing, a similar course was pursued to supply the want. If the people lived in caves or thickets, they were led, by kind words, to build houses and towns on the more level parts of the mountains; and when they were ignorant as regards the tilling of their land, they were instructed, and the method of making channels to irrigate their fields was taught to them.

In all things the system was so well regulated that when one of the Incas entered into a new province by friendly agreement, in a very short time it looked like another place, the natives yielding obedience and consenting that the royal governors and mitimaes[109] should remain with them. In many others, which were conquered by force of arms, the order was that little harm should be done to the property and houses of the vanquished; for the lord said, “These will soon be our people, as much as the others.” For this reason the war was made with as little injury as possible, although great battles were often fought, where the inhabitants desired to retain their ancient liberty and their religion and customs, and not to adopt new ways. But during such wars the Incas always had the mastery, and when the enemies were vanquished, they were not destroyed; on the contrary, orders were given to release the captives and restore the spoils, and allow them to retain their estates. For the Inca desired to show them that they should not be so mad as to revolt against his royal person and reject his friendship; rather they should wish to be his friends, as were those in the other provinces. In saying this to them, he gave them beautiful women, pieces of rich cloth, and some gold.

With these gifts and kind words, he secured the goodwill of all, in such sort that those who had fled into the wildernesses returned, without fear, to their houses, and all cast aside their weapons; while those who saw the Inca most frequently, looked upon themselves as most fortunate.

All were ordered to worship the Sun as their god. Their own customs and religious usages were not prohibited, but they were enjoined to conform to the laws and customs that were in force at Cuzco, and all were required to use the general language of the empire.

Having established a governor, with garrisons of soldiers, the army then advanced, and if the new provinces were large, it was presently ordered that a temple of the Sun should be built, and women collected for its service, and that a palace should be erected for the lord. Tribute was collected, care being taken that too much was not exacted, and that no injustice was done in anything; but that the new subjects were made acquainted with the imperial policy, with the art of building, of clothing themselves, and of living together in towns. And if they needed anything, care was taken to supply it, and to teach them how to sow and to cultivate their lands. So thoroughly was this policy carried into effect, that we know of many places where there were no flocks originally, but where there has been abundance since they were subjugated by the Incas; and others where formerly there was no maize, but where now they have large crops. In many provinces they went about like savages, badly clothed, and barefooted, until they came under the sway of the Incas; and from that time they have worn shirts and mantles, both men and women, so that they always hold the change in their memories. In the Collao, and in other parts, the lord gave orders that mitimaes should go to the mountains of the Andes[110] to sow maize and coca, fruits and edible roots, for each town the quantity that was required. These colonists, with their wives, always lived in the places where the crops were sown and harvested, and the produce was brought from those parts, so that the want of it was never felt. And no town, however small, was without these mitimaes in the valleys. Further on we shall treat of the lot of these mitimaes, and what they did, as well as how they fared.

CHAPTER XVIII.

Which treats of the order they adopted in the payments of tribute by the provinces to the Kings, and of the system by which the tribute was regulated.

AS in the last chapter I wrote of the method adopted by the Incas in their conquests, it will be well in this one to relate how they levied tribute from so many nations. It is a thing very well understood that there was no village, either in the mountains or in the valleys of the coast, which did not pay such tribute as was imposed by those who were in charge. It is said that when, in one province, the people represented that they had nothing wherewith to pay the tribute, the king ordered that each inhabitant should be obliged, every four months, to give a rather large cane full of live lice, which was a sign of the care taken by the Inca to make every subject contribute something. Thus we know that they paid their tribute of lice until such time as, having been supplied with flocks, they had been industrious enough to multiply them, and to make cloth wherewith to pay more suitable tribute in the time to come.

The system which the Orejones of Cuzco and the other native lords of the land say that the Incas adopted in imposing tribute was as follows: He who reigned in Cuzco, sent some of his principal officers to visit the empire, one by each of the four royal roads of which I have already written.[111] One was called Chincha Suyo, which included all the provinces as far as Quito, with all the valleys of Chincha towards the north. The second was Conde Suyo, which includes the provinces on the sea coast, and many in the mountains. The third was called Colla Suyo, including all the provinces to the south as far as Chile. The last road led to Ande Suyo, which included the lands covered with forests at the foot of mountains of the Andes.[112]

So it was that when the lord desired to know what tribute would be due from all the provinces between Cuzco and Chile, along a road of such great length, as I have often explained, he ordered faithful persons whom he could trust, to go from village to village, examining the condition of the people and their capacity for payment. They also took note of the productiveness of the land, the quantity of flocks, the yield of metals, and of other things which they required and valued. Having performed this service with great diligence they returned to the lord to submit their reports. He then ordered a general assembly of the principal persons of the kingdom to meet. The lords of the provinces which had to pay the tribute being present, he addressed them lovingly, saying that as they received him as their sole lord and monarch of so many and such vast districts, they should take it in good part, without feeling it burdensome, to give the tribute that was due to the royal person, who would take care that it was moderate, and so light that they could easily pay it. Having been answered in conformity with his wishes, the lords of provinces returned to their homes, accompanied by certain Orejones who fixed the tribute. In some parts it was higher than is paid to the Spaniards at present. But, seeing that the system of the Incas was so perfect, the people did not feel the burden, rather increasing and multiplying in numbers and well being. On the other hand, the disorder introduced by the Spaniards, and their extreme covetousness, have caused the prosperity of the country to decrease in such sort that a great part of the population has disappeared. Their greed and avarice will destroy the remainder, unless the mercy of God should grant a remedy by causing the wars to cease. Those wars have certainly been permitted as a just scourge. The country can only be saved by the taxation being fixed by moderate rules, so that the Indians may enjoy liberty and be masters of their own persons and estates, without other duty than the payment by each village of what has been fixed by rule. I shall treat of this subject a little more fully further on.

When the officers sent by the Incas made their inspection, they entered a province and ascertained, by means of the quipus, the number of men and women, of old and young. Then they took account of the mines of gold and silver, and, with so many thousand Indians at work, the quantity that should be extracted was fixed. An order was given that such quantity should be delivered to the overseers. As those who were employed to work at the extraction of silver could not attend to the cultivation of their fields, the Inca imposed the duty upon the neighbouring province to find labour for the sowing and reaping of the crops of the miners. If the mining province was large, its own inhabitants were able both to carry on the mining works and to cultivate the ground. In case one of the miners fell ill, it was arranged that he should return to his home, and that another should take his place. No one was employed in the mines who was not married, because the wives had to supply their food and liquor; besides which, arrangements were made to send sufficient provisions to the mines. In this manner, although men might be at the mines all their lives, they were not overworked. Besides, there was provision to rest for certain days in each month, for their festivals and for pleasure. But in fact the same Indians did not always remain at the mines; for there were periodical reliefs.

The Incas so arranged the mining industry, that they extracted great abundance of gold and silver throughout the empire, and there must have been years when more than fifty thousand arrobas of silver and fifteen thousand of gold were produced. It was always used for the royal service. The metal was brought to the principal place of the province, and in the manner that the mines were worked in one district in the same way were they ordered in all the others throughout the empire. If there were provinces where no metal could be extracted as a tribute, the people paid taxes in smaller things, and in women and boys, who were taken from the villages without causing any discontent. For if a man had an only child it was not taken, but if he had three or four children, one was required in payment of his dues.

Other provinces made their contributions in the form of so many thousand loads of maize, at each harvest. Others provided, on the same scale, a certain number of loads of dried chuñus,[113] in the same way as the maize, and others again paid in quinua,[114] or other products. In other provinces the tribute consisted of so many cloth mantles, and in others of shirts, according to the number of inhabitants. Another form of tribute was the supply of so many thousand loads of lances, another of slings and ayllos, and all other kinds of weapons that they used. Other provinces were required to send so many thousand labourers to Cuzco, to be employed on the public edifices of the city and of the kings, with supplies of their needful provisions. Other provinces contributed cables to move the great stones, while others paid tribute in coca. The system was so arranged that all the provinces of Peru paid something to the Incas in tribute, from the smallest to the most important. Such perfect regularity was maintained that while the people did not fail to provide what was required, those who made the collections never took even a grain of maize too much. All the provision and warlike stores that were contributed, were served out to the soldiers, or supplied to the garrisons which were formed in different parts, for the defence of the empire.

When there was no war, a large proportion was eaten and used by the poor; for when the kings were at Cuzco they were served by the anaconas,[115] which is the name for perpetual servants who sufficed to till the royal fields, and do service in the palaces. Besides which, there was always brought for the royal table, from the provinces, many lambs and birds, fish, maize, coca, edible roots, and all kinds of fruits.

Such order was maintained in the tribute paid by the Indians that the Incas became very powerful, and never entered upon any war which did not extend their dominions.

To understand how, and in what manner, the tributes were paid, and the other taxes were collected, it must be known that in each huata,[116] which is the name for a year, certain Orejones were sent as judges, but only with powers to inspect the provinces, and give notice to the inhabitants that if any felt aggrieved he was to state his complaints, in order that the officer who had done him the injury might be punished. Having received the complaints, and also ascertained whether any tribute had not been paid, the judges returned to Cuzco; whence others set out with power to inflict punishment on those who were in fault. Besides this, it was the rule that, from time to time, the principal men of the provinces should be permitted to appear before the lord, and report upon the condition of the provinces, on their needs, and on the incidence of taxation. Their representations then received attention, the Lords Incas being certain that they did not lie, but spoke the truth; for any deceit was severely punished, and in that case the tribute was increased. The women contributed by the provinces were divided between the service of the kings, and that of the temples of the Sun.

CHAPTER XIX.

How the Kings of Cuzco ordered that every year an account should be taken of all persons who died and were born throughout their dominions, also how all men worked, and how none could be poor by reason of the storehouses.

THE Orejones who gave me information at Cuzco concurred in saying that formerly, in the time of the Kings Incas, orders were given throughout all the towns and provinces of Peru, that the principal lords and their lieutenants should take note, each year, of the men and women who had died, and also of the births. For as well for the assessment of tribute, as for calculating the number of men that could be called upon to serve as soldiers, and for the defence of the villages, such information was needed. This was easily done, because each province, at the end of the year, was ordered to set down in the quipus, by means of the knots, all the men who had died in it during the year, as well as all who were born. In the beginning of the following year, the quipus were taken to Cuzco, where an account was made of the births and deaths throughout the empire. These returns were prepared with great care and accuracy, and without any fraud or deceit. When the returns had been made up, the lord and his officers knew what people were poor, the number of widows, whether they were able to pay tribute, how many men could be taken for soldiers, and many other facts which were considered, among these people, to be of great importance.

As this empire was of such vast extent, a fact which I have frequently pointed out in many parts of this work, and as in each province there were a great number of storehouses for provisions and other necessaries for a campaign, and for the equipment of soldiers, if there was a war these great resources were used where the camps were formed, without touching the supplies of allies, or drawing upon the stores of different villages. If there was no war, all the great store of provisions was divided amongst the poor and the widows. The poor consisted of those who were too old to work, or who were maimed, lame, or infirm; but those who were well and able to work received nothing. Then the storehouses were again filled from the obligatory tributes; and if, by chance, there came a year of great sterility, the storehouses were, in like manner, ordered to be opened, and the necessary provisions were given out to the suffering provinces. But as soon as a year of plenty came, the deficiencies so caused were made up. Although the tributes given to the Incas did not serve for other purposes than the above, yet they were well expended, and the kingdom was well supplied and cared for.

It was not permitted that any should be idle, or should profit by the labour of others, all being commanded to work. Each lord, on certain days, went to his farm, took the plough in his hand and made a furrow, besides working at other things. Even the Incas themselves did so, to give a good example to others; for they intended it to be understood that there must not be any one so rich that, on account of his riches, he could affront the poor: and by this system, there was no one in the whole land, being in good health, who did not work. The infirm were fed and clothed from the storehouses. No rich man was allowed to wear more ornaments than the poor, nor to make any difference in his dress, except the lords and the Curacas. These, as well as the Orejones, to maintain their dignity, could use great freedom in this respect, and they were made much of, among all the nations.

CHAPTER XX.

How Governors were appointed to the provinces, and of the manner in which the Kings visited their dominions, and how they bore, for their arms, certain waving serpents with sticks.

IT is well known that the lords of this kingdom had their lieutenants or representatives in the principal places, in the time of their sovereign power; such as Vilcas,[117] Xauxa,[118] Bombon,[119] Caxamalca,[120] Guancabamba,[121] Tomebamba,[122] Latacunga,[123] Quito, Coranqui,[124] and on the other side of Cuzco towards the south, in Hatuncana, Hatuncolla,[125] Ayavire,[126] Chuquiabo,[127] Chucuito,[128] Paria,[129] and others as far as Chile.

In these places there were larger houses and more resources than in many of the other towns of this great empire, so that they were the central positions or capitals of the provinces; for the tribute was brought into these centres from certain distant places at so many leagues distance to one, and at so many to another. The rules were so clear that every village knew to which centre it had to send its tribute. In all these capitals the kings had temples of the Sun, and houses with great store of plate, with people whose only duty it was to work at making rich pieces of gold and great vases of silver. There were also many soldiers as a garrison, and also a principal agent or lieutenant who was over all, and to whom an account had to be rendered of all that came in, while he was expected to keep the account of all expenditure. These governors were not allowed to interfere in the administration of any neighbouring province; but within his own jurisdiction, if there was any disturbance or uproar, he had the power of inflicting punishment, much more if there was any treasonable movement or rebellion of one denying allegiance to the king. For it is certain that full powers were entrusted to these governors.[130]

If the Incas did not make these appointments and establish colonists, the natives would often rise and assume the royal power for one of themselves. But with so many soldiers, and such resources, it was not easy to set any treason or insurrection on foot. For the governors had the full confidence of their sovereign and all were Orejones, generally with chacaras or estates in the Cuzco district, with their houses and families. If one proved to be incompetent as a ruler with an important charge, another was presently appointed in his place.

If the governors, at certain times, came to Cuzco on private business or to consult with the king, they left lieutenants in their place, not men selected by favour, but those who knew their duties and would perform them with greatest fidelity, and with most care for the service of the Incas. If one of the governors or lieutenants died at his post, the natives quickly sent a report of the cause of the death, with proofs, to the lord; and even the bodies of the dead were sent by the post road when it was considered desirable.

The tribute which was paid to the central station by the natives, as well gold and silver as weapons, clothes and all other things, was delivered to the camayos who had charge of the quipos, that an account might be taken. These officers kept the records with reference to the issue of stores to the armies, or to others, respecting whom they might receive orders, or to be sent to Cuzco. When overseers came from the city of Cuzco to examine the accounts, or the officers went there to submit their quipus for inspection, it was necessary that there should be no mistake, but that the accounts should be balanced. And few years were allowed to pass without these examinations of the accounts being made.

These governors had full authority to assemble soldiers and organize an army if any disturbance or rising should make it necessary to meet a sudden emergency, either to put down an insurrection or to oppose an invasion. The governors were honoured and favored by the lords, and many of them continued in perpetual command in the provinces when the Spaniards came. I know some of them who are now in office, and the sons of others who have inherited their posts.

When the Incas visited the provinces of their empire in time of peace, they travelled in great majesty, seated in rich litters fitted with loose poles of excellent wood, long and enriched with gold and silver work. Over the litter there were two high arches of gold set with precious stones, and long mantles fell round all sides of the litter so as to cover it completely. If the inmate did not wish to be seen, the mantles remained down, but they were raised when he got in or came out. In order that he might see the road, and have fresh air, holes were made in the curtains. Over all parts of these mantles or curtains there was rich ornamentation. On some were embroidered the sun and the moon, on others great curving serpents, and what appeared to be sticks passing across them. These were borne as insignia or arms. The litters were raised on the shoulders of the greatest and most important lords of the kingdom, and he who was employed most frequently on this duty, was held to be most honoured and in highest favour.

Round the litter marched the king’s guard with the archers and halberdiers, and in front went five thousand slingers, while in rear there were lancers with their captains. On the flanks of the road, and on the road itself, there were faithful runners who kept a lookout and announced the approach of the lord. So many people came out to see him pass, that the hill sides were covered, and they all blessed their sovereign, raising a great cry and shouting their accustomed saying, which was:—“Ancha hatun apu intip churi, canqui zapalla, apu tucuy pacha ccampa uyay sullull.”[131] This means, “Very great and powerful lord, son of the Sun, thou only art lord, all the world hears thee in truth.” Besides this they said other things in a loud voice, insomuch that they went little short of worshipping their king as a god.

Along the whole road Indians went in front, cleaning it in such a way that neither weed nor loose stone could be seen, but all was made smooth and clean. The Inca travelled as far as he chose each day, but generally about four leagues. He stopped at certain places where he could examine into the state of the country; hearing cheerfully those who came with complaints, punishing those who had been unjust, and doing justice to those who had suffered. Those who came with him, did not demand anything, neither did they go a single pace off the road. The natives supplied what was necessary, besides which there was more than enough of all provisions in the storehouses, so that nothing was wanting. By the way, many men and women and lads came to do personal service if it was needed. The lords were thus carried from one village to another, where they were taken up by those of the next village, and as it was only one day, or at most two, they did not feel this service to be any hardship. Travelling in this way, the lord went over his dominions for as long a time as pleased him, seeing what was going on with his own eyes, and giving necessary instructions on great and important matters. He then returned to Cuzco, the principal city of the whole empire.

CHAPTER XXI.

How the Posts of the Kingdom were arranged.

THE empire of Peru is so vast, that the Incas ordered a road to be made, as I have already stated on many occasions, from Chile to Cuzco, and even from the river of Maule[132] as far as the river Angasmayu.[133] If the king was at one of these extreme points, he could be informed of what had taken place at the other; but for one man to make such a journey, even by very long marches, it would take a considerable time. At the end of a journey, of a 1,000 leagues, there might be no time left to take the needful measures, and to remedy any wrong step that had been made. The Incas therefore, with a view to the efficient government of the empire, invented a system of posts, which was the best that could be thought of or imagined. The system is entirely due to the Inca Yupanqui, who was son of Viracocha Inca, and father of Tupac Ynca, according to the accounts given in the songs of the people, and in the statements of the Orejones. The Inca Yupanqui not only invented the system of the posts, but he did other great things, as I shall presently relate.

From the time of his reign, throughout all the royal roads, there were built, from half-league to half-league, a little more or less, small houses well roofed with wood and straw; and among the mountains they were constructed against the rocks. Thus the roads were lined with these small houses at regular intervals. The order was that in each house there should be two Indians with provisions, stationed there by the neighbouring villages.[134] They were not permanently left there, but were relieved by others from time to time; and the system of government was so efficient that it was only necessary to give the order, to ensure that these men should always be at their stations so long as the Incas reigned.

Each province took charge of the posts within its boundaries, including those which were on the coast deserts or in the region of snowy heights. When it was necessary to give notice to the kings in Cuzco, or in any other part, of any event that had taken place, or which was connected with their service, the men at the posts set out from Quito or Tomebamba, or from Chile or Caranqui, or from whatever other part of the empire, whether along the coast or in the mountains, and they ran with great speed, without stopping, each one over his half league. For the Indians who were stationed at the post houses, were chosen from among the most active and swiftest of all their countrymen. When one approached the next post house, he began to call out to the men who were in it, and to say:—“Start at once, and go to the next post with news that so and so has happened, which such a Governor wishes to announce to the Inca.” When the other runner heard what was shouted to him, he started with the utmost speed, while the runner who arrived went into the house to rest, and to eat and drink of what was always kept in store there; while the other did, in like manner, at the next post house.

So well was this running performed, that in a short time they knew, at a distance of 300 leagues, 500, and even 800, what had passed, or what was needed or required. With such secrecy did the runners keep the messages that were entrusted to them, that neither entreaty nor menace could ever extort a relation of what they had thus heard, although the news had already passed onwards. The roads pass over rugged mountains, over snow covered ridges, over stony wildernesses, and forests full of thorny thickets, in such sort that it may be taken as quite certain that the news could not have been conveyed with greater speed on swift horses or on mules, than by these foot posts. For the men on foot have no impediments, and one of them can do more in a day than a mounted messenger could do in three. I do not mean one single Indian, but one running for one half league, and another for the next, according to the established order. And it must be understood that neither storms nor anything else prevent the due service of the posts in the wildest parts, and as soon as one started another arrived to wait in his place.

In this way the lords were kept informed of all that happened in every part of the empire, and they arranged all that was needful for the ordering of the government, in the same way. In no other part of the world do we read of any such invention; although I am aware that when Xerxes the Great was defeated, the news was conveyed by men on foot, in a short time. Certainly this system of posts was very important in Peru, and by it we may well see how good was the government of these lords. At the present day some of these post-houses may be seen near the royal roads, in many parts of the mountains, and they bear testimony to the truth of what has been said. I have also seen some of the topos, which as I have already explained, are like heaps for landmarks, except that these are larger and better made, and were used for counting the distance, each interval between them being one and a half leagues of Castille.

CHAPTER XXII.

How the Mitimaes were established, and of the different kinds of them, and how they were highly esteemed by the Incas.

IN this chapter I wish to describe that which appertains to those Indians called mitimaes, for many things are related concerning them in Peru, and they were honoured and privileged by the Incas, being next in rank to the Orejones, while in the History which they entitle Of the Indies, it is written by the author,[135] that they were slaves of Huayna Capac. Into this error all those writers fall who depend upon the relations of others, without having such knowledge of the land concerning which they write, as to be able to affirm the truth.

In most, if not in all parts of the provinces of Peru there were and still are these mitimaes, and we understand that there were three classes of them. The system conduced greatly to the maintenance, welfare, and peopling of the empire. In considering how and in what manner these mitimaes were stationed, and the nature of their services, my readers will appreciate the way in which the Incas understood how best to order and regulate the government of so many regions and provinces.

Mitimaes is the name of those who are transported from one land to another. The first kind of mitimaes, as instituted by the Incas, were those who were moved to other countries, after a new province had been conquered. A certain number of the conquered people were ordered to people another land of the same climate and conditions as their original country. If it was cold, they were sent to a cold region, if warm, to a warm one, where they were given lands and houses such as those they had left. This was done that order might be secured, and that the natives might quickly understand how they must serve and behave themselves, and learn all that the older vassals understood concerning their duties, to be peaceful and quiet, not hasty to take up arms. At the same time, an equal number of settlers was taken from a part which had been peaceful and civilized for a long time, and sent into the newly conquered province, and among the recently subjugated people. There they were expected to instruct their neighbours in the ways of peace and civilization; and in this way, both by the emigration of some and the arrival of others, all was made secure under the royal governors and lieutenants.

The Incas knew how much all people feel the removal from their country and their home associations, and in order that they might take such banishment with good will, they did honour to those who were selected as emigrants, gave bracelets of gold and silver to many of them, and clothes of cloth and feathers to the women. They were also privileged in many other ways. Among the colonists there were spies, who took note of the conversations and schemes of the natives, and supplied the information to the governors, who sent it to Cuzco without delay, to be submitted to the Inca. In this way all was made secure, for the natives feared the mitimaes, while the mitimaes suspected the natives, and all learnt to serve and to obey quietly. If there were turmoils or disturbances they were severely punished. Among the Incas there were some who were revengeful, and who punished without moderation and with great cruelty.

The mitimaes were employed to take charge of the flocks of the Inca and of the Sun, others to make cloth, others as workers in silver, and others as quarrymen and labourers. Some also were sculptors and gravers of images; in short, they were required to do such service as was most useful, and in the performance of which they were most skilful. Orders were also given that mitimaes should go into the forests of the Andes to sow maize and to cultivate coca and fruit-trees. In this way the people of the regions where it was too cold to grow these things were supplied with them.

The second class of mitimaes were those who formed garrisons under captains, some of whom were Orejones, on the frontiers, in forests east of the Andes. For the Indians, such as the Chunchos, Moxos, Chiriguanas, and others whose lands are on the slopes eastward of the Andes, are wild and very warlike. Many of them eat human flesh; and they certainly came forth to make war and destroy the villages and fields of their neighbours, carrying off those they could capture as prisoners. To guard against this evil, there were garrisons in many parts, in which there were some Orejones. In order that the burden of war might not fall upon one tribe, and that they might not be able quickly to concert a rising or rebellion, it was arranged that the mitimaes should be taken from provinces that were conveniently situated, to serve as soldiers in these garrisons; whose duty it was to hold and defend the forts, called pucaras, if it should be necessary. Provisions were supplied to the soldiers of the maize and other food which the neighbouring districts paid as tribute. The recompense for their service consisted in orders that were given, on certain occasions, to bestow upon them woollen clothing, feathers, or bracelets of gold and silver, after they had shewn themselves to be valiant. They were also presented with women from among the great number that were kept, in each province, for the service of the Ynca, and as most of these were beautiful they were highly valued. Besides this, the soldiers were given other things of little value, which the governors of provinces were required to provide, for they had authority over the captains whom these mitimaes were obliged to obey.

Besides the frontiers already mentioned, they maintained these garrisons in the borders of Chachapoyas and Bracamoros, and in Quito, and Caranque, which is beyond Quito to the northward, next to the province called Popayan, and in other parts where it was necessary, as well in Chili, as in the coast valleys and the mountains.

The other manner of stationing mitimaes was more strange. The system of planting captains and garrisons on the frontiers, although done on a large scale, is no new thing, for there are not wanting other governments who have adopted a similar policy. But the other manner of colonising was different. In the course of the conquests made by the Yncas, either in the mountains, or plains, or valleys, where a district appeared to be suitable for cultivation, with a good climate and fertile soil, which was still desert and uninhabited, orders were at once given that as many colonists as would be sufficient to people it should be brought from a neighbouring province with a similar climate. The land was then divided amongst them, and they were provided with flocks and all the provisions they needed, until they had time to reap their own harvests. These colonists worked so well, and the king required their labours to be proceeded with so diligently, that in a short time the new district was peopled and cultivated, insomuch that it caused great content to behold it. In this way many valleys on the coast and ravines on the mountains were peopled, both such as had been personally examined by the Yncas, and such as they knew of from report. No tribute was required from the new settlers for some years; and they were provided with women, provisions, and coca, that they might, with more goodwill, be induced to establish themselves in their new homes.

In this way there were very few cultivable lands that remained desert in the time of the Incas, but all were peopled, as is well known to the first Christians who entered the country. Assuredly, it causes no small grief to reflect that these Incas, being gentiles and idolaters, should have established such good order in the government and maintenance of such vast provinces, while we, being Christians, have destroyed so many kingdoms. For wherever the Christians have passed, discovering and conquering, nothing appears but destruction.

It must be understood that the city of Cuzco was also full of strangers, all occupied in some industry. As there were many different tribes and lineages of men, it was necessary to guard against risings or other troubles which would be contrary to the wishes of the king. To this day there are in Cuzco men of Chachapoyas and Cañaris, and people from other parts, descended from the settlers who had been placed there.

It is held as certain, that these systems of colonisation have been in use since the days of Inca Yupanqui, the same who established the posts, and the first who planned the enrichment of the temple of Curicancha, as will be recounted in its place. Although some Indians say that the mitimaes were planted from the time of Viracocha Inca, the father of Inca Yupanqui, those may believe it who please to do so. For my part, I took such pains to ascertain the facts, that I do not hesitate to affirm the colonising system to have been instituted by Inca Yupanqui. Such is my belief; and this being the case we will now pass on to another part of the subject.

CHAPTER XXIII.

Of the great preparations that were made when the Lords set out from Cuzco on warlike expeditions; and how robbers were punished.

IN former chapters I related the manner in which the lords travelled, when they went to examine the condition of the provinces; and now I wish to explain to the reader the way in which the same lords set forth on their warlike expeditions. As these Indians are all brown and noisy,[136] and are so like each other, as we, who have dealings with them, can see at the present day; in order that they might be intelligible to each other, it was ordered that they should all speak the language of Cuzco. If this rule was not made, each man would talk in his native tongue when the Orejones visited the provinces. The same rules applied to the camps. It is clear that when the Emperor assembles a camp in Italy, and the army consists of Spaniards, Germans, Burgundians, Flemings, and Italians, each would speak in his own language. Here this confusion was avoided. Each tribe was also distinguished by differences in the head-dress. If they were Yuncas of the coast, they went muffled like gipsies. The Collas wore caps in the shape of a pump box made of wool. The Canas wore another kind of cap, larger, and of greater width. The Cañaris had crowns of thin lathes, like those used for a sieve. The Huancas had short ropes, which hung down as low as the chin, with the hair plaited. The Canchis had wide fillets, red or black, passing over the forehead. These and all other tribes were known, one from the other, by their head-dresses, and these were so clear and distinct that, when fifteen thousand men assembled, one tribe could easily be distinguished from another. To this day, when we see an assemblage of people, we presently say that these come from such a part and those from such another part; for in this way, as I have explained, they were known one from another.

The kings established the following order in their wars, that the great concourse of people might not cause confusion. In the great square of Cuzco was the stone of war, in the shape of a sugar loaf, well enclosed, and full of gold. The king came forth, with his councillors and favourites, to a place where the chiefs of provinces were assembled, to learn from them who were most valiant among their people, and best fitted to be leaders and captains. One Indian had charge of ten men, another received authority over fifty, another over a hundred, another over five hundred, another over a thousand, another over five thousand, and another over ten thousand. All these had authority over men of their own tribe, and all obeyed the captain-general of the king. Thus, if it was intended to send ten thousand men to any battle or campaign, it was only necessary to open the mouth and give the order; and the same with five thousand or any other number; and in the same way with smaller parties for exploring the ground or going the rounds, when fewer men were required. Each captain carried his banner, and some led men armed with slings, others with lances, darts, ayllos or slings, and some with heavily knobbed sticks.

When the Lord of Cuzco set out, the greatest order was preserved, even when there were three hundred thousand men in his army. The march was regulated each day, from tambo to tambo, where sufficient food was found for all, so that none were forgotten, besides arms, sandals, tents for the soldiers, and porters and women to carry the loads from tambo to tambo. The lord lodged in a house provided at each stage, with the guard near him, and the rest of the soldiers all round; and there were always dances and drinking bouts, the soldiers rejoicing among themselves.

The natives of the districts through which the army passed were not allowed to be absent, or to fail in supplying all that was wanted, on pain of severe punishment. But neither soldiers nor captains, nor even the sons of the Incas, were allowed to ill-use or oppress the people, or to take from them so much as a grain of maize; and if this command was infringed, the punishment was death. Robbery was punished by whipping with greater severity than in Spain, and frequently the punishment of death was inflicted. All things were ordered and regulated on an established system. The natives did not fail to supply the soldiers sufficiently, while the soldiers had no desire to do evil or to rob, fearing the punishment. If there were any outbreaks of rebellion or mutiny, the principal ringleaders were brought to Cuzco, well guarded, where they were cast into a prison full of wild animals, such as serpents, vipers, tigers, bears, and other evil creatures. If any one denied the accusation, it was said that those serpents would do him no harm, but that if he lied they would kill him; and this they held and kept for certain. In this dreadful prison they always kept many people for crimes they had committed, whom they looked at from time to time. If their fate had been that they had not been bitten by any of the wild creatures, they were taken out, great sorrow was shown at their evil case, and they were allowed to return to their homes. In these prisons there were keepers sufficient to guard the captives, and to give food as well to them as to the evil lizards. Certainly, I laughed heartily when I heard that they used to have this prison in Cuzco; but although they told me the name, I do not remember it, and for that reason I have not put it down.[137]

CHAPTER XXIV.

How the Incas ordered the people to form settled towns, dividing the lands concerning which there was any dispute, and how it was ordered that all should speak the language of Cuzco.

IN former times, before the Incas reigned, it is well understood that the natives of these provinces had no towns as is now the case, but only strong places with forts, which they call pucaras, whence they came forth to make war one with another; and so they always passed their time, living in great trouble and unrest. The Incas, reigning over them, considered their manner of living to be evil, and induced them, partly by menaces and partly by favours, to see the wisdom of ceasing to live like savages, but rather as reasonable beings, establishing themselves in towns, both on the plains of the coast and in the mountains, and settling on the land according to the regulations that were made. In this way the Indians abandoned the pucaras in which they originally dwelt, and formed themselves into communities in towns, as well in the valleys of the coast as in the mountains, and on the plain of the Collao. The Incas caused the boundaries of fields to be set up, in order to prevent quarrels, settling the land which each man was to occupy, for their knowledge and for that of those who might be born after them. The Indians at the present day clearly state that this division was made. They told me at Xauxa that one of the Incas divided the plains and valleys amongst them which they now hold, and that this arrangement was then in force, and would continue. In many places in the mountains there are irrigating channels taken from the rivers with great skill and ingenuity, while all the towns were full of lodgings and store-houses of the kings, as I have already stated in many places.

It was understood by them that it would be very troublesome to travel for great distances over the land, and at each league to have a new language; while it would be very difficult to find interpreters for all of them. Selecting the best language, the Incas ordered, on pain of serious punishment, that all the natives of the empire should understand the tongue that was spoken at Cuzco, as well the men as the women. Even a child had scarcely left the breast of its mother before they began to teach it the language which it was bound to know. Although this rule was difficult to enforce at first, and many only wished to talk in their own native tongue, yet the power of the kings was such that they succeeded in enforcing their intention, and the people found it to be best to comply with their order. So completely was this policy enforced, that in a few years the language was understood and used over an extent of more than twelve hundred leagues. Yet although this language was used, all the tribes also spoke their own, which were so numerous that if they should be written down it would not be believed.

When a captain of Cuzco, or some one of the Orejones, set out to take an account of the revenues, or to act as judge on commission among the provinces, or on any other duty, he did not speak any other language than that of Cuzco to the people, nor they to him. This language is very good, concise, and comprehensive, and composed of many words. It is so clear, that in the few days that I studied it, I knew sufficient to ask for many things in the part where I wished to travel. They call

I only insert these words in my chronicle because I now see, that even as regards the language that was formerly used in Spain, they are varying and altering it bit by bit; and as regards the days that are to come, it is only God that knows what will happen in them. If the time should come when a language which was used by so many people shall be forgotten, it should at least be known which words belonged to the first and general language, and whence they came. Further, I declare that it was a great advantage to the Spaniards to have found this language, for with it they could travel in all directions; but now in some places it is beginning to be lost.

CHAPTER XXV.

How the Incas were free from the abominable sin, and from other evil customs which have been seen to prevail in the world, among other princes.

IN this kingdom of Peru, the public fame among all the natives is that the abominable sin was practised in some of the villages of the district of Pueblo Viejo, as well as in other lands where there were evil people, as in the rest of the world. I shall record a great virtue in these Incas; for, being lords with such freedom, and with no one to whom to give an account, besides being able to take their pleasure with women, night and day, and enjoy themselves as their fancies dictated, it has never been alleged, or even hinted, that any of them committed the above crime. On the contrary, they abhorred those who were guilty of it, looking upon them as vile wretches for glorying in such filthy conduct. Not only were they free from such vices in their own persons, but they would not permit any one who was guilty of such practices to remain in the royal houses or palaces. I believe, also, and I have heard it related that, even if it came to their knowledge that any one had committed an offence of that kind, they punished it with such severity that it was known to all.

It therefore should not be doubted, but rather believed implicitly, that this vice was unknown among the Orejones and many other nations. Those who have written generally of the Indians, condemning them for being guilty of this sin, should retract what they have said as regards many nations who are innocent. With the exception of Puerto Viejo, sinners of this class were unknown throughout Peru, except that, as is the case in all countries, there may be eight or ten here and there who do evil secretly. Those who were kept as priests in the temples, with whom it was rumoured that the lords joined in company on days of festivity, did not meditate the committing of such sin, but only the offering of sacrifice to the demon. If the Incas, by chance, had some knowledge of such proceedings in the temple, they may have ignored them, thinking that it was enough if they ordered that the Sun and their other gods should be worshipped in all parts, without considering it necessary to prohibit other ancient customs and religions, to abandon which would have been as bad as death itself, to those who were born in their practice.

We understand that in ancient times, before the Yncas reigned, the inhabitants of many provinces went about like savages; coming forth to make war upon each other, and eating their prisoners, as is now the case in the province of Arma[138] and others in that neighbourhood. But as soon as the Incas began to reign, being a reasonable people, with good and holy customs and laws, they not only did not themselves eat such food, but they exerted their power to put a stop to it among all the people with whom they came in contact, with many of whom it was much esteemed. Such was their energy, that in a short time the practice was forgotten throughout their vast empire, where no such food had been eaten for many years before the Spaniards came. Those who have now succeeded the Incas give evidence that they conferred a great benefit by not imitating their ancestors in eating such food, in the sacrifices of men and children.

Some have published—among those who hastily write down what they hear—that the Incas, on their days of festival, killed a thousand or two thousand children, and a greater number of Indians. This and other things are proofs that we Spaniards falsely impute crimes to the Indians, using the stories they recount to us to justify our ill-treatment of them and the bad usage they have suffered at our hands. I do not say that they did not sacrifice, and that they did not kill men and children in such sacrifices; but it was not in the way that has been asserted, nor were the victims so numerous. They sacrificed animals from their flocks, but fewer human beings than I thought, as I shall explain in its place.

I know, from the statements of the aged Orejones, that these Incas were innocent of any abominable sin, that they did not practise the evil custom of eating human flesh, nor were they guilty of public vices and irregularities. On the contrary, they punished such crimes in others. If God had permitted that one influenced by Christian zeal, and not by avarice, should have given them complete knowledge of our sacred religion, they were a people who would have been impressed by it, as we now see in the good order in which conversion works. But we must leave what has been done to the judgment of God, who knows all; and in what may be done hereafter we must beseech Him to give us grace to enable us in some measure to repay those people to whom we owe so much, and who had given such slight offence to justify the injury we have done them, Peru and the rest of the Indies being so many leagues from Spain, and separated by so vast an ocean.

CHAPTER XXVI.

How the Incas employed councillors and executors of justice; and of their method of reckoning time.

AS Cuzco was the principal city in all Peru, where the kings resided during the greater part of their time, many of the chief people of the empire lived there also, whose knowledge and ability fitted them for royal councillors. All affirm that, before any measure of importance was decided upon, these councillors were consulted. The most trustworthy travelled much, in all parts, inspecting the roads, superintending the government of the city, seeing that no offences were overlooked, and that culprits were punished. The Incas understood so well the administration of justice that no one ventured to commit an offence. This is to be understood with regard to such crimes as robbery, rape, or conspiracy. But many provinces carried on wars, the one with the other, and the Incas were not always able to prevent them.

Justice was executed at the river which flows near Cuzco, on those who were taken there, or who were brought as prisoners from other parts. Here their heads were cut off, or death was inflicted in other ways. Mutinies and conspiracies were punished more severely than other crimes. Thieves, and those who were convicted as such, were also severely punished, and their women and children were looked upon as degraded.

In observing natural things these Indians were much advanced, as well the movements of the sun as of the moon. Some of them said that there were four great heavens, and all affirm that the seat and residence of the great God, the Creator of the world, is in the heaven. I often asked them if they understood that the world would some day come to an end, but at this they laughed. For they understand little on this subject; and if they know anything, it is what God permits the devil to tell them. They call the whole world pacha, understanding the movements of the sun, and the increasing and waning of the moon. They count the year by the moon, and call it huata, consisting of twelve moons. They had small towers, many of them near Cuzco, but now in a ruined state, and by the shadow which the sun threw from them they calculated the time of sowing and other matters.[139] These Indians watched the heavens and the signs very constantly, which made them such great soothsayers. When the stars fall, great is the cry that they make, and the murmurings between one and another.

CHAPTER XXVII.

Which treats of the riches of the temple of Curicancha, and of the veneration in which the Incas held it.

HAVING completed an account of some things that it is necessary for my purpose that I should describe, we will then return to the succession of the kings that ruled down to Huascar, recounting the events of each reign with great brevity. But now I will speak of the great, most wealthy, and most renowned temple of Curicancha, which was the principal one in all these kingdoms.

It is a received fact among the Indians that this temple is as ancient as the city of Cuzco itself. But the Inca Yupanqui, son of Viracocha Inca, increased its riches to the extent in which it was found when the Christians arrived in Peru. Most of the treasure was brought to Caxamarca for the ransom of Atahualpa, as we shall relate in its place. The Orejones say that after the doubtful war between the inhabitants of Cuzco and the Chancas, who are now chiefs of the province of Andahuaylas, the Inca Yupanqui found himself very rich and powerful, and people came to serve him from all parts, bringing presents; and the provinces contributed great service in gold and silver. For in those days there were very rich mines and veins of the precious metals. Finding himself so rich and powerful, the Inca resolved to ennoble the house of the Sun, which in their language is called Inti-huasi, and also Curi-cancha, meaning “the place of gold”, and to increase its wealth. That all those who may see and read this may understand how rich the temple at Cuzco was, and the merit of those who built and completed such great things, I here will preserve the memory of it. I will relate what I saw, and what I heard from many of the first Christians, who received the account from the three men[140] that first came from Caxamarca, and who saw everything. But the Indians themselves tell us so much, and are so truthful, that other evidence is unnecessary.

This temple was more than four hundred paces in circuit, entirely surrounded by a strong wall. The whole edifice was of excellent masonry, the stones very well placed and fixed. Some of the stones were very large. There was no mortar, either of earth or lime, but a sort of bitumen with which they used to fix their stones. The stones themselves are so well worked that no joining or cement can be seen. In all Spain I have not seen anything that could be compared with the masonry of these walls, except the tower which they call Calahorra, near the bridge of Cordova, and a work which I saw at Toledo, when I came there to present the First Part of my Chronicle to the Prince Don Felipe.[141] I allude to the hospital which the Archbishop of Toledo, Tavera, ordered to be built.[142] Although these edifices have some resemblance to those I have mentioned, yet they are the best as regards the masonry of the walls, the stones being so admirably worked, and placed with such great ingenuity. The encircling wall was straight, and very well traced out.

The stone appeared to me to be of a dusky or black colour, and most excellent for building purposes. The wall had many openings, and the doorways were very well carved. Round the wall, half way up, there was a band of gold, two palmos wide and four dedos in thickness. The doorways and doors were covered with plates of the same metal. Within there were four houses, not very large, but with walls of the same kind, and covered with plates of gold within and without, as well as the woodwork. The covering was of straw, which served as a roof. Against the wall there were two benches, from which the Sun could be seen when it rose. The stone in front was subtly bored, and the holes were adorned with emeralds and other precious stones. These benches were for the kings, and no one else was allowed to use them on pain of death.

At the doors of these houses porters were stationed to keep guard over the virgins, many of whom were daughters of great lords, the most beautiful and charming that could be found. They remained in the temple until they became old. If one of them had knowledge of a man, they killed her by burying her alive; and the same penalty was suffered by the man. These women were called mama-cunas. Their only occupations were to weave and dye woollen cloth for the service of the temple, and to make chicha, which is the wine they make, of which they always kept large full jars.

In one of these houses, which was the richest, there was the figure of the sun, very large and made of gold, very ingeniously worked, and enriched with many precious stones. This temple also contained some of the figures of the former Incas who had reigned in Cuzco, and also a vast quantity of treasure.

Round the temple there were numerous small dwellings of Indians who were employed in its service; and there was an enclosure where they kept the white lambs, children, and men for sacrifice. They had also a garden, the clods of which were made of pieces of fine gold; and it was artificially sown with golden maize, the stalks, as well as the leaves and cobs, being of that metal. They were so well planted, that even when there was a high wind they were not torn up. Besides all this, they had more than twenty golden sheep with their lambs, and the shepherds with their slings and crooks to watch them, all made of the same metal. There was a great quantity of jars of gold and silver, set with emeralds; vases, pots, and all sorts of utensils, all of fine gold. On other walls were sculptured and painted various notable things; and, in fine, it was one of the richest temples in the world.

The High Priest, called Villac Umu, resided in the temple, and offered up the ordinary sacrifices, accompanied by superstitious rites, with the help of the other priests, according to their custom. At the important festivals the Inca was present at the sacrifices, and there were great rejoicings. Within the enclosure of the temple there were more than thirty granaries of silver in which the maize was stored; and many provinces sent their tribute for the service of the temple. On certain days the devil was seen by the priests, who gave them deceptive answers, in conformity with what might be expected from him.

Many other things might be said of this temple, which I omit because it seems to me that I have said enough to shew what a grand place it was; so I shall not treat further of the silver work, of the chaquira, of the plumes of gold and other things, which, if I wrote down, I should not be believed. That which I have described has been seen, or the greater part, by Christians who are still alive, when it was brought to Caxamarca as a ransom for Atahualpa. But a great deal was hidden by the Indians, and is now buried and lost. Although all the Incas added to the adornment of the temple, in the time of the Inca Yupanqui its riches were increased to such an extent that when he died, and his son Tupac Inca succeeded, it remained in its complete state.

CHAPTER XXVIII.

Which treats of the other principal temples, and of their names.

MANY were the temples in this land of Peru, and some were looked upon as very ancient because they were founded before the time of the Incas, as well in the high mountains as in the valleys of the coast. During the reigns of the Incas many other new temples were built, where sacrifices and festivals were celebrated. It would take very long to enumerate each temple in the different provinces, so I have determined only to allude, in this place, to those which were held in most esteem.

Next after the temple of Curicancha, the second huaca of the Incas was the hill of Guanacauri, which is within sight of the city, and was much honoured and frequented. For some say that the brother of the first Inca was turned into stone in that place, at the time when they set out from Pacari Tambo, as was explained at the beginning of this work. In ancient times there was an oracle in this place from which the accursed devil spoke. A great amount of treasure was buried around it; and on certain days they sacrificed men and women, to whom, before they were put to death, the priest addressed a discourse, explaining to them that they were going to serve that god who was being worshipped, there in the glorious place that they, in their ignorance, believed that he inhabited. Those who were to be sacrificed also believed it for certain, and dressed themselves in clothes of fine cloth, with fringes of gold, and bracelets, and with gold lace in their sandals. After they had heard the discourse which those liars of priests addressed to them, they were given much chicha to drink, out of great vases of gold. The sacrifice was celebrated with songs, declaring that such lives were offered up to serve the gods, the victims holding themselves fortunate to receive death in such a place. Having thus celebrated the rites, the victims were strangled by the ministers. A ccepi[143] of gold and a small jar of gold were placed in the hands of each body, and they were buried in tombs around the oracle. These victims were looked upon as canonized saints, for the people believed that, without any doubt, they were in heaven serving their Guanacauri. The women who were sacrificed also came richly dressed in fine cloths and plumes of feathers, with their topus of gold, like spoons, and small breastplates all of gold. And they also, after they had drunk deeply, were strangled and interred, both they and those who killed them believing that they went to serve their demon or Guanacaure. They celebrated these and similar sacrifices with much dancing and singing. This idol was kept where they heard the oracle, with its farms, yanaconas or servants, flocks, virgins, and priests who profited by all the rest.

The third oracle or huaca of the Incas was the temple of Vilcañota, renowned throughout these kingdoms. Here the devil, our Lord God permitting it, had great power, and spoke by the mouths of the false priests who were there to serve the idol. This temple of Vilcañota was a little more than twenty leagues from Cuzco, near the village of Chungara. It was very much esteemed and venerated, and many offerings and gifts were presented to it, as well by the Inca and lord, as by the rich men of the districts whence people came to sacrifice. The temple had its priests, virgins, and cultivated lands, and almost every year the offering of capacocha was made, which is what I will now explain. They gave great credit to what the devil said in his replies, and on certain occasions they offered up sacrifices of birds, sheep, and other animals.

The fourth temple that was venerated and frequented by the Incas and the natives of the provinces was the huaca of Ancocagua, where there was also a very ancient oracle which was famous. It was in the province of Hatun Cana, and on certain occasions people came from many parts, with great veneration, to hear the vain replies of the demon. Here there was great store of treasure offered up by the Incas and other worshippers. They say also that, besides the numerous animals sacrificed to this demon, whom the people believed to be God, they also sacrificed some men and women, in the same way as I have described in recounting the offerings made on the hill of Guanacauri.

That the treasure alleged to have been in this temple was really there, seems clear from the following circumstance. After the Spaniards had occupied Cuzco for more than three years, and the priests and chief lords had produced the great treasures which all these temples contained, I heard that a Spaniard named Diego Rodriguez Elemosin took from this huaca more than 30,000 pesos of gold. Besides this, still more has been found; and there is a rumour that an immense quantity of gold and silver is in places which no one but God knows, and they will never be discovered, except by accident or good luck.

Besides these temples, there was another which was as much venerated and frequented by them, named Coropuna, in the province of Condesuyo. It is on a very lofty mountain which is covered with snow both in summer and winter. The kings of Peru, with the principal lords, visited this temple, making presents and offerings as at the others. It is held for very certain that among the gifts and capacocha offered to this temple, there were many loads of gold, silver, and precious stones buried in places which are now unknown. The Indians concealed another great sum which was for the service of the idol, and of the priests and virgins who attended upon it. But as there are great masses of snow, people do not ascend to the summit, nor is it known where these great riches are hidden. This temple possessed many flocks, farms, and service of Indians and yanaconas. There was always a large concourse of people in it, from many parts, and the devil talked here more freely than in the other oracles, for he constantly gave numerous replies, and not occasionally, as in the other temples. Even now, at the present time, for some secret reason known to God, it is said that devils visibly walk about in that place, and that the Indians see them and are much terrified. I have also heard that these devils have appeared to Christians in the form of Indians, appearing and disappearing in a very short space of time. Occasionally they offered great services to this oracle, killing many sheep and birds, and some men and women.

Besides these oracles there was that of Aperahua, where the oracle answered out of the trunk of a tree, and near it a large quantity of gold was found. Also that of Pachacamac, which is in the country of the Yuncas, and many others, as well in the provinces of Anti-suyu, as in Chincha-suyu, Omasayu, and other parts of this empire, of which I might say somewhat more. As in the first part of my work I treat of the founding of temples, I shall now only dwell upon the oracles. To those which the Incas and other nations held in most veneration, they sacrificed some men and women, with many sheep. But before those which were not so much respected, they did not shed human blood nor kill men, only offering up gold and silver. The huacas of little account, like our chapels, were worshipped by offering chaquira, plumes, and other small things of slight value. I say this owing to the opinion held by us Spaniards, that they sacrificed human beings in all the temples, which is false. What I have stated is the truth, so far as I have been able to obtain it, without deducting or putting down more than I myself understand and hold to be certainly true.

CHAPTER XXIX.

How the Capacocha was made, and to what extent it was practised by the Incas; by which is to be understood the gifts and offerings that were made to idols.

IN this place it will be well that I should explain what was understood by the Capacocha, as all that has just gone before related to the service of the temples. I speak on the authority of old Indians who are still living, and who saw what passed concerning this matter, and I shall write what I gather from them to be the truth.

It was the custom in Cuzco for the kings to cause all the statues and figures of idols in the huacas or temples where they were worshipped, to be brought to the city once a year. They were conveyed with much veneration by the priests and camayocs or guardians, and when they entered Cuzco they were received with great feasting and processions, being deposited in the places that were set apart for that purpose. A great number of people having come from the neighbourhood of the city, and indeed from all parts of the empire, as well men as women, the reigning sovereign, accompanied by all the Incas and Orejones, courtiers, and principal men of the city, inaugurated a succession of great festivals, drinking bouts, and taquis.

The great chain of gold which encircled all was brought out into the square of Cuzco, and such riches and precious stones as he is able to imagine who has read what has been written touching the treasures possessed by these kings. The business of this annual ceremony was to receive a forecast of the events of the year to come, from the statues and figures and their priests; whether it would be fertile or sterile; whether the Inca would have a long life or would die; whether enemies would come from any direction; and, in conclusion, other enquiries, of more or less import, were made, such as whether there would be any pestilence, or murrain in the flocks, and whether the flocks would be largely multiplied. These enquiries were not made of all the oracles together, but of each one by itself. If the Incas did not do this every year, they felt discontent and fear, and did not consider their lives to be safe.