WORKS ISSUED BY

The Hakluyt Society.

THE WAR OF CHUPAS

SECOND SERIES

No. XLII

ISSUED FOR 1917

COUNCIL

OF

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

Albert Gray, Esq., C.B., K.C., President.

The Right Hon. The Lord Belhaven and Stenton, Vice-President.

The Right Hon. The Lord Peckover of Wisbech, Vice-President.

Admiral of the Fleet The Right Hon. Sir Edward Hobart Seymour, G.C.B., O.M., G.C.V.O., LL.D., Vice-President.

Bolton Glanvill Corney, Esq., I.S.O.

M. Longworth Dames, Esq.

William Foster, Esq., C.I.E.

F. H. H. Guillemard, M.D.

Edward Heawood, Esq., Treasurer.

Arthur R. Hinks, Esq., F.R.S.

Sir John F. F. Horner, K.C.V.O.

Sir Everard im Thurn, K.C.M.G., C.B.

Sir John Scott Keltie, LL.D.

Sir Frederic G. Kenyon, K.C.B., F.B.A., Litt.D.

Sir Charles Lucas, K.C.B., K.C.M.G.

Admiral Sir Albert Hastings Markham, K.C.B.

Alfred P. Maudslay, D.Sc.

Lieut.-Colonel Sir Matthew Nathan, G.C.M.G., R.E.

H. R. Tedder, Esq.

Lieut.-Colonel Sir Richard Carnac Temple, Bart., C.B., C.I.E.

Basil Home Thomson, Esq., C.B.

Sir Reginald Tower, K.C.M.G., C.V.O.

J. A. J. de Villiers, Esq., Hon. Secretary.

CIVIL WARS OF PERU

BY

PEDRO DE CIEZA DE LEÓN

[PART IV: BOOK II]

THE WAR OF CHUPAS

TRANSLATED AND EDITED, WITH NOTES AND
AN INTRODUCTION,

BY

SIR CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM, K.C.B.

F.R.S., D.SC. (CAMBRIDGE AND LEEDS)

LONDON:

PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY

MCMXVIII

CHISWICK PRESS: CHARLES WHITTINGHAM AND CO.
TOOKS COURT, CHANCERY LANE, LONDON.

[CONTENTS]

LIST OF PLATES AND MAPS

CORRIGENDA

• [Page 49, line 13], for "Alvarado" read "Alvaro."
• [Page 51, line 9], for "García" read "Gómez."
• [Page 52, line 10 from bottom], omit "de" before "Balsa."
• [Page 79, line 6 from bottom], insert "he" after "Thence."
• [Page 108, last line], for "Billar" read "Bilbao."
• [Page 111, line 4 from bottom], for "Gómez" read "López."
• [Page 149, line 18], for "Francesco" read "Francisco."
• [Page 260, line 7 from bottom], for "emergency" read "exigency."
• [Page 280, lines 2 and 3], transpose "Guevara" and "Vergara."
• [Page 293, line 9], insert Salazar, at the beginning.

NOTE

The late Sir Clements Markham translated Cieza de León's "Guerra de Chupas," and wrote the Introduction to the present volume, at the advanced age of eighty-five years. His manuscript was accepted by the Council of the Hakluyt Society in November, 1915; but, though the printing was already in a forward state at the time of Sir Clement's lamented death, none of the proofs were available for submission to him. In these circumstances the Council invited us to undertake the necessary revision—a responsibility which we accepted in the light of a privilege, and have discharged, to the best of our ability, as a tribute to the memory of the late venerable President of the Society, who honoured each of us by many years of personal friendship.

Alfred P. Maudslay.

B. Glanvill Corney.

London,

January, 1918.

[INTRODUCTION]

Pedro de Cieza de León was, on the whole, the most important historian, and is now the best authority, on ancient Peru, so far as his work has reached us; for he was a great traveller, and an eye-witness of much that he described. For all the events at which he was not present he received evidence from many actors in them. He was an intelligent observer, humane and conscientious, striving after impartiality; and though an enthusiastic admirer of the valour and endurance of his countrymen, he was horrified at their acts of cruelty, which he denounces in no measured terms.

Unfortunately only one part of his great work was published near the time; other parts long lost have been found and published in recent years, and some yet remain to be discovered. I, the first part, published in 1553, was the "Cronica," which is mainly geographical. II, the second part, was the History and Religion of the Incas; III, the Conquest of Peru; IV, V, VI, and VII, the Civil Wars, viz.—1 War of Las Salinas, 2 War of Chupas, 3 War of Quito, and 4 War of Huarina and Sacsahuana. III and VII are still lost to us. Cieza de León also wrote a book entitled "Libro de Fundaciones," to which he frequently refers the reader for fuller details respecting habits and customs of Indian tribes and other particulars. That work is also lost.

The Council of the Hakluyt Society selected the first part of the "Cronica" of Cieza de León to form a volume of its series in 1864, and the translation and editing were entrusted to me. It is a valuable contribution to the geography of the Cauca valley in Colombia, and of Peru; while the author's account of the coast almost amounts to a book of sailing directions. In 1880, II, the history of the Incas, was brought to light, and texts were printed by the late Dr. González Rosa in 1873, and also by Jiménez de la Espada in 1880. This exceedingly valuable account of Inca civilization was known to Mr. Prescott, and he frequently quotes from it; but he was not aware of Cieza de León being the author.[2] This part was chosen by the Council to be included in the Hakluyt Society's series in 1883, and I again undertook the work of translation and editing.

Quite recently three of the volumes on the Civil Wars of Peru by Cieza de León have been discovered in manuscript, and published at Madrid. "The War of Quito," covering the period from the arrival of the Viceroy Blasco Núñez Vela to his death at Anaquito, was translated and edited by me, forming one of the Hakluyt Society's volumes for 1912. I have also translated and edited the "War of Las Salinas," giving a detailed account of the dispute between Pizarro and Almagro, which ended with the battle of Las Salinas and the execution of Almagro by Hernando Pizarro.

The present volume, by Cieza de León, is entitled "The War of Chupas," and contains a detailed narrative of events from the battle of Las Salinas to the final overthrow of the Almagro faction at the battle of Chupas, including the murder of Pizarro, the arrival of Vaca de Castro as governor, the campaign against Almagro the younger, the promulgation of the New Laws, and the appointment of Blasco Núñez Vela as viceroy to enforce them.

These Civil War volumes contain a great deal that is of geographical interest, especially in the detailed accounts of expeditions of discovery into the forests to the east of the Andes, which to this day are not fully explored. Cieza de León gives connected narratives of the expedition of Pedro de Candía into the montaña of Paucartambo, of that of Pedro Anzures de Camporredondo who entered by Marcapata and returned by one of the Caravaya ravines, of Diego de Rojas into the Gran Chaco, of Alvarado and Mercadillo in the valleys of the Marañón and the Huallaga, and of Gonzalo Pizarro into the "land of cinnamon." I translated and edited for the Hakluyt Society in 1858 the account of this last expedition in the Royal Commentaries of Garcilaso Inca de la Vega. The independent account by Cieza de León contains many details obtained by him at Quito from members of the expedition very soon after the event, and is therefore of special interest.

The present volume opens with an account of the extensive journey from Cuzco to the Collao made by Francisco Pizarro, who had been created a Marquis for his great services, and treats of his visit to Arequipa when he founded that city. He had founded Guamanga previous to this journey. He returned, prematurely old and broken with disease, to welcome rest in his house at Lima, or Los Reyes, as the city was then called, devoting himself mainly to business connected with the grants of estates to his followers and with the improvement of the city he had founded, interesting himself in the introduction and cultivation of new plants, the erection of mills, and the supply of provisions.

Cieza de León then, in the next fifteen chapters, makes a digression which must be acknowledged as such, for these chapters have nothing to do with the war of Chupas. They contain a narrative of discoveries and conquests in the region of the Upper Cauca, with Popayán and Cali as bases of operations, chiefly conducted by a leader named Jorge Robledo. They are to a certain extent connected with the history of Peru, because Pizarro nominated the governors who despatched the expeditions. The real cause of the digression was that Cieza de León was serving in these expeditions himself. He was an eye-witness of the events he describes in detail. This gives them a very special interest, and may well be accepted as a sufficient excuse for the digression. The story of the famous expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro follows, and our author then enters upon the events at Lima which led up to the murder of the Marquis Pizarro.[3]

In the question between Pizarro and Almagro our author strove hard to be impartial, as well as in his account of the murder of the Marquis; but his bias on the side of Almagro is apparent. In the case of Pizarro he tells the authentic story, but he adds any lying gossip that reaches his ears. In the case of Almagro he never does.

I should be the last to defend Pizarro as the destroyer of the Inca empire. As such I execrate his memory. He had no right to execute Atahualpa, although that ruthless usurper and fratricide richly deserved his fate. Pizarro was guilty of several acts of cruelty, his worst crime being the order to put Manco's wife to a cruel death when he was enraged at receiving defiance from the Inca; but I feel that in affairs connected with his countrymen his memory should receive even justice, and that he has been misjudged.

Pizarro was no longer the ruthless soldier of the days of Pedrarias. With great responsibilities and a great position he rose to the occasion. His proceedings were statesmanlike; his efforts to govern wisely the country entrusted to him were able and judicious. In the question which arose when the Spanish king resolved to divide the vast conquered area between Almagro and himself, he was in the right throughout. Almagro, with a number of captains anxious for opportunities to enrich themselves, had set out on an expedition to Chile. Before starting Almagro took a solemn oath on the Sacrament that he would maintain his friendship for Pizarro and never injure him or his interests. Meanwhile there was a great native rising. Pizarro himself was besieged in Lima, while his three brothers held Cuzco against a great army led by the Inca Manco. Pizarro received aid from Mexico and Santo Domingo. The siege of Lima was raised, and Pizarro sent a force under Alonso de Alvarado to help his brothers at Cuzco, of whom he had received no news.

It was at this time that the royal order arrived for the division. The northern part of the conquered empire was to be called New Castille, and to be governed by Pizarro. The southern half, to be called New Toledo, was to be Almagro's government. The boundary between them was to be fixed by a royal arbitrator, not of course by one of the parties concerned. The rules for the guidance of the arbitrator were clear and precise. A certain position on the coast north of the equator was to be fixed by observations for the latitude. A direct line was then to be taken on a meridian due south for a given number of leagues; at the end of that line there were to be other latitude observations, and from the point thus fixed the line west to east was to be the boundary. Mr. Prescott says that there was ambiguity in the document, that it was not clear whether the line was to be along the coast or on a meridian, and he appears to think there were, therefore, excuses for Almagro's conduct; but there was no ambiguity. The instructions were quite clear, and it is distinctly stated that the line was to be on a meridian.[4] Mr. Prescott could not have seen the original document, which is given in full by Cieza de León. Besides, this begs the question. The point is that the boundary was to be decided by a special arbitrator, not by Almagro.

A copy was at once sent to Almagro, who was then returning from Chile, his captains being much disappointed with the region they had visited in the northern part of that country. They thought that the provinces of Cuzco would offer much better chances of enriching themselves, so they at once declared, and induced Almagro to declare, that Cuzco was within the boundary of New Toledo. No positions had been fixed, no line measured, no observations taken; but Almagro and his needy followers wanted Cuzco—therefore it was in New Toledo. They even claimed Lima also. The point is not what Almagro thought; for the decision was not entrusted to him, but to the royal arbitrator. In point of fact, Cuzco was well within the boundary of Pizarro's province of New Castille. Long afterwards the Governor Vaca de Castro caused careful observations to be taken, and Cuzco was found to be fifteen leagues north of the boundary.[5]

Hernando Pizarro and his brother Gonzalo, having lost their brother Juan in the siege, were resting after a long, toilsome, and hazardous defence of Cuzco. Hernando was in a perfectly legal position as the Marquis Pizarro's deputy at Cuzco until the boundary should be settled by the arbitrator.

Suddenly the army of Almagro appeared before the city of Cuzco, claiming it as part of the province of New Toledo. Hernando Pizarro, terribly outnumbered, prepared to defend it. A truce was agreed upon, and Hernando for the first time for many days took off his armour and went to bed. His brother Gonzalo and a handful of attendants were in the house with him.

Almagro perjured himself, broke into Cuzco in the dead of night, and attacked the Pizarros in their house.[6] They made a heroic defence, which is well described by Cieza de León.[7] Finally they were seized and thrown into prison; while Orgóñez, Almagro's chief captain, incessantly urged him to behead them. By this time Alvarado was nearing Cuzco with succour for Hernando Pizarro. Almagro attacked and routed him, throwing him into prison, and threatening him with death.

It can hardly be contended that Almagro was not guilty of perjury, and of numerous acts of illegality, tyranny, and treason.

The Marquis Pizarro was very anxious to receive tidings from Cuzco, for he had heard nothing even of the results of the siege. He had gone southward along the coast to Nasca. There he received the astounding news that Almagro had seized Cuzco and imprisoned his brothers. The report of the defeat and imprisonment of Alvarado quickly followed. The Governor hurried back to Lima, expecting an attack from his false and perjured friend. It was not long in coming. Almagro marched down to the coast and advanced as far as Chincha, on the way to Lima. He was induced to agree to an arbitration to establish a modus vivendi until the royal arbitrator should arrive and fix the boundary line. The Provincial of the Fathers of Mercy (Mercedarios) named Bobadilla, was selected by Almagro himself. There could only be one fair decision. It was that Almagro should retire from Cuzco until the boundary was fixed by the royal arbitrator, that the starting point for measuring the meridional line should have its latitude fixed by careful observations, and that the illegal imprisonment of Hernando Pizarro should cease. Almagro refused to abide by this arbitration, although he had solemnly promised to do so and the choice of an arbitrator was his own. Soon afterwards Captain Pedro Anzures brought out a royal order to the same effect, that both Governors should remain well within their respective provinces, until the boundary was fixed. Almagro again refused to obey.

The Marquis Pizarro was in great anxiety for the safety of his brother Hernando. He knew him to be in danger, as Orgóñez was incessantly urging Almagro to put him to death. At this time the Marquis, in his well-founded anxiety for his brother's safety, was certainly guilty of making some concessions, verbally, which he had no intention of observing.

Almagro was very efficient in his prime, as Pizarro's partner and assistant, but he was now bowed down by age, as well as by infirmities the seeds of which he had contracted during a dissolute youth. His good qualities, which endeared him to his captains, were lavish generosity and a kindly disposition. He had become very ambitious, and it is clear that he was quite unprincipled. His own independent judgment scarcely existed, and he was swayed one way or the other, as the more violent or the more moderate of his captains had his ear. For instance, following the advice of Orgóñez, he had actually ordered the execution of Alvarado when the more moderate counsels of another captain prevented it.

The weak character of Almagro explains the liberation of Hernando Pizarro, urged upon him by the moderate party among his captains. It was certainly unwise if Almagro intended to persevere in his treasonable practices; and Orgóñez was most strongly opposed to it. Hernando Pizarro had been kept in close and illegal confinement for months, and he knew that the most influential of Almagro's captains was constantly urging that he should be beheaded. It was enough to try any one's nerves. But Hernando Pizarro's nerves were of iron. The moment he was released negotiations ceased. The Marquis, owing to advancing age and infirmities, returned to Lima, while his brother Hernando took command of the army in the field. He was by far the ablest soldier then in Peru. Almagro, suffering from a dreadful disease, retreated with his forces to Cuzco, intending to hold that city in defiance of all decisions against him. Such was the resolve come to by his captains.

Hernando Pizarro was certainly in the right when he marched to Cuzco to resume the position of deputy for his brother in that city, from which he had been unlawfully and treacherously ejected. He entirely defeated the Almagro faction in the battle of Las Salinas, and returned to his post at Cuzco, making Almagro his prisoner, and keeping the old man's captains under a loose arrest.

Hernando Pizarro was a stern, resolute man, inexorable when once his mind was made up, but not cruel. He always disapproved of the ill treatment of the natives, and took measures to prevent it. At first he had no other intention with regard to old Almagro than to leave his case to be decided by his brother on his arrival at Cuzco. But there was a conspiracy among the officers who had served in the expedition of Pedro de Candía, and the troops under their command, to kill Hernando Pizarro and liberate Almagro. They were outside Cuzco and needed help from within. If they had written to one of the more turbulent Almagrist captains, the plot would probably have succeeded. But they chose Diego de Alvarado, a strictly conscientious person who told everything to Hernando Pizarro. That vigilant deputy at once went to the camp of Pedro de Candía and nipped the plot in the bud.

But he came to the conclusion that there could be no permanent peace while Almagro lived. When he had made up his mind nothing would move him. He looked upon it as a political necessity. He resolved to take the whole responsibility upon himself. The charges were drawn up in detail, and when the old man begged for his life Hernando urged him, as it was inevitable, to end his life as became one who had served as he had done. Hernando Pizarro certainly did not communicate with his brother on the subject, because, though convinced of the political necessity himself, he knew that the Marquis would not consent. He took the whole responsibility, which was quite in character with all we know of this remarkable man. He returned to Spain soon afterwards with the royal fifths, but several members of Almagro's party had arrived before him. Articles were drawn up against him, and he never received a fair hearing. Charles V could not possibly attend personally to the affairs of all his vast dominions. Much was necessarily left to others. In Spain a clever intriguer had gained his confidence. This was the Secretary, Francisco de los Cobos, who had much power during the Emperor's absence, and he often used it corruptly and to please his friends, especially the females of his own family. There was a flagrant instance in the supersession of the illustrious discoverer of New Granada, for the sake of such an infamous thief as Alonso de Lugo, because he had married a sister of the wife of Cobos. The persecution of Hernando Pizarro was a parallel case. Don Alonso Enríquez de Guzmán, a violent partisan of Almagro, had hurried back to Spain, so as to spread his version, and do all the mischief he could before the arrival of Hernando Pizarro. He was an old friend of the Secretary Cobos, and when Hernando Pizarro arrived it was a foregone conclusion against him. Charges had been drawn up, the chief one being that he had given the young Inca Manco leave of absence, ignorant of the native plot for an insurrection. At the worst this was an error in judgment which might well have been condoned after Hernando's brilliant defence of Cuzco. The main points were slurred over, for the answers to them would have been conclusive. Hernando Pizarro was unjustly condemned to imprisonment, first at Madrid, then in the castle of Medina del Campo.[8]

As soon as the Marquis received tidings of the victory of Las Salinas, he resolved to leave Lima and make the journey to Cuzco, accompanied by the Bishop of Quito and other friends. At Jauja he met young Diego de Almagro, who had been sent to Lima in charge of Gómez de Alvarado, one of his father's captains. Pizarro received him very kindly, promised him that his father's life should be spared, and ordered that the lad himself should be hospitably lodged in the Marquis's own house at Lima. Continuing the journey, it was not until they reached Abancay, three marches from Cuzco, that Pizarro received news of the death of Almagro. He sat apart for a long time, looking on the ground, and thinking of bygone days with his old friend.

Mr. Prescott and others maintain that the Marquis knew and approved of the execution of Almagro, and must share the responsibility with his brother. For this view the only shadow of evidence is that there would have been time to obtain his approval. But there is clear and distinct evidence that Pizarro did not know. It consists in the statement of his travelling companion, the Bishop of Quito.

Throughout this Almagro business, the conduct of the Marquis Pizarro was correct. Almagro, or rather his captains, were the aggressors, acting illegally, and treasonably, with a view to their own enrichment.

We next come to the detailed account which Cieza de León gives of the assassination of the Marquis. Naturally the captains and soldiers of Almagro's army could hardly expect to receive rewards. Yet Pizarro very kindly offered repartimientos to at least three of Almagro's old captains[9] and a good appointment to another.[10] They were ready for any plot that would secure a change, and they looked to young Diego de Almagro as the possible leader of a rising in their favour. They, therefore, came crowding to Lima, where Diego was. The plea of vengeance for Almagro's death did not influence more than a very few. Perhaps old servants like Herrada and Balsa, may have mingled some vindictive feeling with less worthy motives. Those who might really have had such thoughts, however, were Almagro's intimate friends—his old captains; yet not one of them[11] would have anything to do with the plot of the assassins. Vaca de Castro was on his way to examine and report on the whole subject, and they would await his decision. It was a plot evolved by the scum of Almagro's faction, headed by Juan de Herrada, an old servant who saw his way to a higher position as the chief adviser and protector of young Diego who was himself too young to take an active part. The poverty of Almagro and his followers has been grossly exaggerated. The extensive purchases by them of arms and armour and horses, proves that there was no want of money.

In this volume Cieza de León gives the best and most authentic account of the murder of the Marquis. Pizarro's heedlessness, in spite of numerous warnings, is indeed surprising. He went for walks outside Lima quite alone, especially when he wished to inspect the progress of a mill he was building. On these occasions he might easily have been assassinated, and perhaps his immunity led him to disbelieve in the danger.

It was in June 1847, when I was at a ball in the President's Palace at Lima, that I first began to enquire into the exact locality of Pizarro's house. I was dancing with a lady named Elespuru who said it was not there, but on the opposite side of the plaza. Two aides de camp told the same story, that it was on the site of the present Callejón de Petateros. I still adhered to my own conviction—that the palace of the Viceroys, now that of the Presidents, is on the site of the residence of the Marquis. The question is at last set at rest by the publication of the Libro primero de cabildos de Lima, and of the geographical official reports. My conviction proved to be right, and I was dancing with the Señorita on or near the very spot where Pizarro fell. I have made a plan of part of Lima in those days, showing the residence of the Marquis, and those of citizens who had received solares or building lots near his house; and another of the house itself, according to the descriptions recorded by Cieza de León and others.

It is clear that Juan de Herrada and his gang of assassins were the scum of the old Almagro's army. All but one of his former captains held aloof, disapproving of the murder, and declining to serve under such a ruffian as Juan de Herrada. The younger Diego de Almagro was thus under every possible disadvantage. The captain Sotelo alone stood by him, and Sotelo was murdered by one of the same gang of assassins before he could be of any great use to the ill-fated youth. Several of his father's old captains, to whom Pizarro's murder was hateful, were serving against the son at the battle of Chupas. This lad was the first mestizo who rose to a very prominent position, and I have, therefore, written a note on his career, at the end of the chapter (LXXXIV) containing an account of his execution. I believe that he was innocent of the murder. He thought that the object was to seize the Marquis, not to kill him. He said so in his letter to the Audiencia of Panamá.

Cieza de León gives a very interesting account of the voyage of Vaca de Castro to Buenaventura, and his journey thence into Peru, where he was joined by all the loyal captains. He also relates in detail, the murder of the captain Sotelo at Cuzco, the death of his murderer, and the proceedings of young Almagro until his final overthrow at the battle of Chupas and subsequent execution at Cuzco. The account of the battle of Chupas by Cieza de León is very interesting. It is as good as, but not better than, that of Zarate, who also came to Peru soon after the event. Neither of these authors knew the ground. Mr. Prescott writes of "the bloody plains of Chupas." There are no plains near the position; it is a very mountainous broken region. I spent a whole day carefully examining the site, on October 27th, 1852, and I have therefore added a special note on the position, to accompany our author's account of the battle (chapter [LXXVII]).

Mr. Prescott condemns the number of executions after the battle in the civil wars of Peru, referring especially to Chupas. But in the case of Chupas, out of twenty-six executions, fourteen were those of assassins, the rest were aides and abettors of the criminals, also guilty of treason. The assassination of a royal governor was no common crime. After the battle of Las Salinas there were no executions. That of Almagro was months afterwards, and for a different reason. The executions and barbarities of that cunning and cruel priest, Pedro de la Gasca, were, it is true, unjustifiable after Sacsahuana; but Mr. Prescott did not condemn them.

The final chapters of the present work are occupied by two very different subjects—the expedition led by Felipe Gutiérrez and Diego de Rojas, told in much detail, and the promulgation of the New Laws, with some account of their reception and of the appointment of Blasco Núñez Vela as Viceroy of Peru to enforce them. Cieza de León gives the complete text of the New Laws.

The Emperor Charles V was a statesman of ability and good intentions; but it was impossible, as has been already observed, for one man to give sufficient attention to all his vast dominions. Those numerous kingdoms, dukedoms, counties, and lordships are enumerated in the preamble to the New Laws. When at last he found time to attend to the affairs of the Indies it was twenty years too late. He was convinced by Las Casas and others that the Spaniards, in their haste to enrich themselves, were treating the Indians with such cruelty that it must needs lead to a serious diminution of the population in the near future. As a statesman, he saw clearly that the value of the Indies must depend on the preservation and good treatment of the native races. His view of the course it was best to adopt was statesmanlike. Probably without knowing it, Charles wished to adopt the policy which the experience of ages had shown to be the best in all the countries of the East. The cultivator should be a vassal of the Crown; and what Charles V called the "tribute" of the Indians was simply the land tax of eastern countries, the ryotwari system of Sir Thomas Munro in Madras. It was also the system of the Inca government, and was well understood by the people. As a rule, the State took two-thirds of the produce or its equivalent, and the cultivator retained one-third. In some cases the cultivator received seeds and implements. This land tax, or tribute, as the Spanish Government called it, should have been the main source of revenue. So far the Emperor's plan was excellent, but it came too late. It should have been announced and enforced from the very first, and rewards to the conquerors should have come from the State. In 1542 a very different and most tyrannical and ruinous system was in force. The land tax, with liberty to treat the natives as they pleased, had been to a very large extent alienated and granted to adventurers, usually for two or three lives. The Emperor hoped to obviate this almost insuperable difficulty by ordering all official bodies, whether civil or religious, to surrender their grants at once; and all others to cease on the death of the grantee, whether granted for two or three lives or not, some maintenance being allowed to widows and children. All grants that were considered too large were to be reduced to what a judge should decide to be a moderate size. For Mexico the names of those whose huge grants ought to be cut down are given. In these ways Charles V seems to have intended that all the natives of the Indies should become vassals of the Crown, be well treated, and pay the land tax direct to the State. He trusted, for obedience, to the loyalty of his subjects in the Indies. He was disappointed; loyalty had no chance against self-interest. Don Antonio de Mendoza, the Viceroy of Mexico, did not enforce the New Laws. He explained that it would cause an insurrection. This excellent statesman was one of the very few really good men whom the home government selected. As a rule their choice fell on the most unfit man they could find in Spain. It would be difficult to choose a worse governor than Pedrarias. But the home government persisted; and Blasco Núñez Vela was even more unfit. This first viceroy of Peru was sent out to enforce the New Laws, and did his best to enforce them. But he was an incapable martinet without judgment, without tact, passionate, suspicious, listening to no representation; and he was at last guilty of a foul murder which gave rise to a formidable insurrection in which he lost his life.

Cieza de León gives an account of the appointment of Blasco Núñez Vela, and describes him in most flattering terms. He also relates how the New Laws were received in the Indies, and fully admits the cruelties perpetrated by the Spaniards on the natives. Indeed, he does not hesitate to notice and denounce those cruelties. But it must not be supposed that all the Spaniards who received grants of Indians and their land tax were equally cruel. There were many noble and chivalrous knights among them, who deplored the existing state of things and treated their own dependents well. Lorenzo de Aldana, Garcilaso de la Vega, Mancio Serra de Sequidano did not stand alone in that respect; and, as a persistent advocate of the Indians, and a denouncer of the cruelties perpetrated on them, we must include our worthy author, Pedro de Cieza de León.

C. R. M.

NOTE.

There are certain terms which constantly recur in the text and require explanation, namely, encomienda and encomendero, repartimiento, and Juez de Residencia.

An encomienda was the grant of a district, with fixed boundaries, to a Spaniard, with power to appropriate the land tax (called tribute) of the Indians, or to exact personal services from them, or both. Pizarro made such grants when he formed the first settlement at San Miguel de Piura, soon after landing, in 1532.

An encomendero was the recipient of an encomienda. Encomenderos were expected to reside in the district granted to them.

Repartimiento was the apportionment of a conquered region or people among the conquerors as encomenderos. The word is often used as equivalent to encomienda.

A Juez de Residencia was a Judge or Commissioner sent by the Home Government to examine into the administration or conduct of a colonial Viceroy, Governor, Adelantado, or any other official, and submit a report.

Alcalde, Justice of the peace.

Regidor, Municipal councillor.

Alguacil, a Constable.

Cabildo, a Municipality, Municipal body, or even a Municipal building.

The name by which Cieza quotes the capital of Peru, except in one or two instances, is "Los Reyes" ("the Kings"), it having been founded at Epiphany. I have substituted the present name "Lima," as more convenient to the reader. The phrase Los de Chile (They of Chile) is constantly used in Cieza's text in reference to the members of the Almagro faction; it was the current expression for Don Diego's adherents at the time, because the leaders of his party were men who had served under the elder Almagro in the expedition to Chile which led up to his disaster.

There were two captains, men of very different type, with exactly the same name—Francisco de Chaves. This is confusing. One was a friend of Pizarro, but also a friend of the natives—a man of sound judgment and high honour. He was struck down by the assassins outside the door of Pizarro's sala, when remonstrating with them. The other, said to have been a cousin, was the worst of Almagro's captains, and a thoroughly bad character: to distinguish them I have called the first Francisco de Chaves (the good), and the second, Francisco de Chaves (the bad).

THE WAR OF CHUPAS

BY

CIEZA DE LEÓN

[CHAPTER I]

How the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro went to the province of Arequipa, to found a city there, and divided the natives among the persons who would remain there as citizens.

THE Governor, Don Francisco Pizarro, determined to go and found the city of Arequipa. The affairs of the town of Plata were in good order, the captain Pero Anzures having made arrangements for the maintenance of the settlers, and for the orderly service of the Indians. Having visited the province of Collao the Governor set out with the Spaniards who were in attendance on him. He travelled so well that he arrived at the district where the city was to be founded. Then messengers arrived with news that the Inca Manco wished to make peace. This was not true. The captain Gonzalo Pizarro having departed from Cuzco in search of the Inca, some events happened between them. Gonzalo occupied a rocky eminence, destroyed two bridges, and pursued the Inca so closely that he was on the point of falling into his hands. The Inca was so pressed that he sent messengers to the Governor. Don Francisco Pizarro was anxious to bring the Inca into obedience to his Majesty, so he determined to return to Cuzco to secure that end. While he was on the journey from Chuqui_apu[12] to Arequipa, he reflected that the affairs of Quito were very important, that three or four cities were already founded there, while there were reports of provinces where as many more might be founded. So he resolved to send Gonzalo Pizarro there in accordance with a commission from his Majesty authorizing him to send one of his brothers as Governor of those parts if he should think it desirable. Having come to this decision the Marquis wrote to his brother with orders presently to set out for Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro, on receiving the command of the Marquis, set out for Quito with some followers, by the royal road. He intended to penetrate into the land of cinnamon, where great riches were reported.

As the Marquis had resolved to return to Cuzco, he directed the batchelor Garci Díaz Arias, who is now Bishop of Quito, to look out for the best site on which to found a city. He then, with a small company, set out for the valley of Yucay, when he sent messengers to the King Manco Inca Yupanqui, proposing that he should come and treat with him, as he was waiting for him in that valley.

Manco Inca received the news, and showed a desire for peace on his part. He, likewise, sent messengers to the Marquis that he should make peace and depart. The Marquis, believing in what the barbarian had no intention of doing, tried to increase his good will by sending him a very handsome pillow[13] and clothes of silk. When the Inca heard of this, he came out on the road, and in place of rewarding the two messengers, he killed them both and returned to Viticos. They were two Christian servants of the Marquis. The Inca placed no value on the friendship of the Spaniards nor on their promise. When the Marquis was informed of this, he was enraged to find that the barbarian would yield no obedience to the King, and that he was in such a position that submission could not be enforced. For this an expedition against the Inca was not then undertaken.

In this valley of Yucay the Marquis put the principal wife of the Inca to death. This was looked upon as a great cruelty. The Marquis had taken her prisoner, and some even say that he, or else Gonzalo Pizarro, had had more than friendship with her. They even say the same of Antonio Picado, the secretary. As the Inca would not make peace, the greatest insult that could be put upon him would be to kill the wife he loved most. So she was put to a cruel death. She was terrified and asked why they were going to kill her, when she had done nothing deserving of death. Finding herself in this extremity she distributed all her jewels among the principal women who were with her, without keeping any at all. Then she begged of them that, when she should be dead, they would put her remains in a basket and let it float down the Yucay river, that the current might take it to her husband the Inca. When he learnt this, great was his sorrow. This done, the Marquis returned to Cuzco.

Soon afterwards the news came that the batchelor Garci Díaz Arias and those who had remained with him had gone down towards the sea coast, seeking for a site on which to found the new city; but every place was difficult and with many defects. All came to the conclusion that Arequipa was the best place, and so they wrote to the Marquis. He approved; and he made a distribution, indicating those who were to become citizens, also naming the magistrates and municipal officers. He gave the appointment of Lieutenant Governor to Garci Manuel de Caravajal, a native of Truxillo. After the Marquis had made this distribution, provisionally until the general distribution could be made at Lima in concert with the Bishop, he sent orders to Pedro Anzures at Plata, to take great care about the conversion of the Indians, and to explore the mines which were reported to exist near that town. He then set out for the city of San Juan de la Vitoria,[14] where the inhabitants welcomed his arrival with much content, and he stayed with them for some days. After he had made arrangements conducive to good government there, he proceeded to Lima, where the citizens came out to receive him, and he was very honourably welcomed by all.

At this time fresh despatches arrived for the Marquis from his Majesty and from several Grandees of Spain. Their date was previous to the arrival of news of the death of the Adelantado. Among them there was a commission, with the seal, in which his Majesty, being informed of the holy life of Garcí Díaz Arias, appointed him Bishop-elect of Quito. All were rejoiced, for he was much beloved, and they made great festivities in the city in his honour.

[CHAPTER II]

How the General Lorenzo de Aldana determined to send an expedition to settle in Anzerma, a place discovered by the captain Belalcazar, and how he chose Jorge Robledo to be captain of this new settlement.

THERE was such order in the government of the cities that, although Aldana had been but a short time in charge,[15] it seemed quite a different state of affairs from what had preceded it. Being in the city of Cali, Pedro de Añasco went as captain and lieutenant-governor at Timaná. Aldana charged him to treat the Indians fairly, and not to allow the Spaniards shamelessly to rob, or seize their lands, and to punish any one so offending with the utmost rigour. He wrote to Juan de Ampudia at Popayán to the same effect. After he had attended to these affairs, seeing that there were still many men left in Cali, including veterans well versed in the service of conquest, he resolved to form a settlement in the provinces of Anzerma, which lie further west than the city of Cali, and border on the very rich and forceful river of Santa Marta. They had been discovered by the captain Sebastian de Belalcázar. And although Aldana understood that much profit might result from such an expedition to any captain who should undertake it, he cast avarice aside; for he cared more about the good government of the territory entrusted to him, and considered very carefully what captain he should send on this enterprise. Though, among those who came from Cartagena, were Melchor Suer de Nava, Alonso de Montemayor, the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa, and other men of ability who might have performed the service, Aldana did not see fit to give it to any of these who had recently come from another government, and had not fought under any banner in Peru. Among those present in the city of Cali there were few who complied with that condition. He finally selected Jorge Robledo. Certainly he did not err, for Robledo was such a man as would serve the King well, and might well be employed on such a service.

I have seen the power which Aldana received from the Marquis for making this appointment, and though some asserted that it was frivolous and without proper authority, they deceive themselves. It was approved in Spain; and in Panamá Dr. Villalobos, a Judge who was there at the time, told me that Aldana had a full right to appoint Robledo. The document of the Marquis states: "That as he had been informed that there were some provinces discovered but yet to be settled, if Aldana were occupied in the government and reformation of the cities, he might nominate such a person as should seem good to him, to go in his place to make a settlement, and that he himself gave requisite powers to the person so appointed." As Aldana held this commission he determined to send Jorge Robledo. First he made a repartimiento of the Indians subject to the city of Cali, among fewer citizens than were then at Cali. The rest, and those of us among the men who had come from Cartagena with Vadillo who most desired to go, enlisted with Robledo: all being well contented. Lorenzo de Aldana ordered that the new city that was to be founded, should be called the city of "St. Anne of the Knights."[16] He appointed Melchor Suer de Nava and Martin de Amoroto as Alcaldes, and Ruy Vanegas as Alguacil Mayor. Having made these appointments, and given the captain Robledo his orders, he instructed them to leave Cali, taking as few native servants as possible, and he dismissed many of those they had engaged. He himself went with them as far as a village called Meacanoa, seven leagues from Cali, and then returned. The captain Jorge Robledo continued his journey, having started on the 8th of July 1549.[17] In this expedition I served. After he had arranged these matters, Aldana departed for the city of Popayán, leaving Miguel Muñoz as Governor's lieutenant at Cali, and having given the citizens lists of the Indians they held in repartimiento. When he arrived at Popayán he did the same as at Cali, where, having left Juan de Ampudia as Governor's lieutenant, he set out for Quito.

At this time Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda obtained a commission from the Marquis Pizarro to found a town in Pasto, but it was not to derogate from the powers of Aldana; only that if the latter were absent Pineda might act. When at Quito Pineda heard that Aldana was coming, he set out with some Spaniards to found the town; but Aldana had already arrived at the valley of Guapuanquer where he then founded Villa Viciosa de Pasto, afterwards moved to the valley of Atris, where it now is. At the time of the founding an act was ordered to be recorded, which said that "Lorenzo de Aldana desired to consider Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda as his colleague in that foundation." Although this is so, in my first book I did not mention any founder but Lorenzo de Aldana, for it is clear that he alone had the necessary power for the affair of those cities. As for saying so of Gonzalo Díaz enough has been written.

When Aldana had founded Villa Viciosa de Pasto he left as Governor's lieutenant one Rodrigo de Ocampo, a man who well understood a war with Indians, and he divided the Chiefs and villages among the settlers who were to remain there. We have written all that relates to the foundation and site of that town and customs of the natives, in the Book of Foundations. After he had seen to the good order of this town, Aldana proceeded to the city of Quito, where he remained until Gonzalo Pizarro arrived; and at present we have nothing more to say about Aldana.

[CHAPTER III]

How his Majesty nominated Don Pascual de Andagoya to be Governor and Adelantado of the river of San Juan; and how Robledo proceeded to establish the town of Anzerma.

THE Licentiate Caspar de Espinosa, he whom we mentioned, some way back,[18] as having died in the city of Cuzco, was a citizen of Panamá in Tierra Firme. He received great accounts of the valley of Baeza and the river of San Juan, so he sent to his Majesty to petition for the government of that territory; but just when a grant of the government was sent to him he died. It was then granted to Don Pascual de Andagoya, with the condition that he was not to trench on any part that had been discovered or settled by the Marquis Pizarro, or any of his captains. After Andagoya's business was settled at Court he went to Seville and embarked, landing afterwards at Nombre de Dios, and going thence to Panamá. Although he there got news that the captain Belalcazar, with the title of the Marquis's Captain-General, had marked off and settled three or four cities, not on that account did he cease to covet, and soon he began to collect men and fit out ships for the voyage. Some people urged him to devote himself to the exploration and settlement of the territory that was granted to him and leave the rest, for to do otherwise would be an error. His Majesty would not deprive the Marquis of what was within his government. Taking little heed of this advice Andagoya pushed forward his preparations for departing from the city of Panamá.[19]

Returning to the proceedings of Robledo. After leaving Meacanoa he made all possible haste to arrive at the region which was his destination. He made Ruy Vanegas his ensign, and, as in the valley below there flowed the great river of Santa Marta, the baggage was got across on a raft, and in a very large canoe. They marched on until they came to a village which was named Pescado, situated on the banks of that river. Nothing had happened worthy of record, except that a Portuguese named Roque Martín killed a negress he cohabited with, by stabbing her. He fled from justice to Timaná, but was killed by the Indians and eaten. It was a judgment of God, which was clearly seen in this punishment, for this Roque Martín, without fear of God, had fed his dogs upon Indians' limbs, which dogs were used by him to hunt down native men and women. At last, albeit his delight was to kill so many Indians, yet his end was to die at their hands, and to find a tomb in their bellies.

From this village Robledo continued his march. His followers numbered a hundred Spaniards, horse and foot. He went on until he came to the borders of the province. The natives, having had notice of the approach of the invaders, had hidden their supplies, and had concealed themselves in ravines, and in the most secret places of their land. The captain, after having sent up the baggage from the river to the heights where they were, and having got all the Spaniards together, ordered the swiftest among them to make ready, and then sent them out to search for the natives. Although the latter were well concealed the runners took more than 200 persons. The captain spoke very kindly to them, through the interpreters he had brought with him. These were three Indian women named Barbola, Antona, and Catalina. As the captain knew that I was curious to learn the secrets of the Indians he gave Catalina to me, that I might more easily acquire the knowledge I sought. He told the Indians that they should render obedience to the King and be friends with the Christians, and that it was desirable there should be conferences on the subject. In order that they might understand that faith would be kept with them, he ordered them all to be set free, telling them to ask their Chiefs to come and confer with him.

When the people throughout the province understood that the Spaniards had set their prisoners free, and that they had come to form a new settlement, several Chiefs and principal men came and were well received by the captain, who began to treat with them, hoping that it would please God to bring all the natives of the province to an attitude of peace. From these Indians it was ascertained that Spaniards like themselves were coming from the Ocean Sea, that they had many horses, and were capturing and killing the Indians. Robledo, on hearing this, consulted with his principal officers, and it was decided to seek out a site and found a city; for, peradventure, it might not be people of Cartagena who were coming, and it would be well to anticipate them, and be first to form a settlement. So the captain Ruy Vanegas, with twenty Spaniards, horse and foot, set out to find a site, followed by Robledo and the rest. Before we go on any farther, it will be well to relate what people those were who were coming.

[CHAPTER IV]

How the Licentiate Santa Cruz sent captains and troops in pursuit of Vadillo, of the differences there were between them, and how they joined Robledo.

I SHOULD be well pleased if I could continue my writing without digressions, for it is quite long enough without treating of other histories, yet I am obliged to do so that my narrative may be understood. For I want, above all, to satisfy my readers. Therefore, with the brevity which is my wont, I will relate the events that we are following up. The reader is sure to remember that, in an earlier part of my history I mentioned how, when Don Pedro de Heredia was Governor of Cartagena, the Licentiate Juan de Vadillo came to hold a residencia. After several things had happened, an account of which I omit for reasons already given, he set out with followers in the way I have described in the part where I treated of him.[20] As Heredia remonstrated, his Majesty appointed as Judge the Licentiate Santa Cruz, who governed the province of Cartagena well, and founded there the city of Mompox. As Vadillo would not submit, the Judge ordered troops to be got ready, and sent Juan Greciano as his lieutenant in charge of them, with powers to administer justice to the men Vadillo had raised, and orders to send them back to Cartagena. But now, when the troops were about to start. Judge Santa Cruz made a great mistake. This was to appoint one Luis Bernal as captain to carry on a war with the Indians wherever he might pass. Thus with one holding a commission as lieutenant and the other as captain, the expedition left Cartagena. Having arrived at the port of Urabá early in the year 1538, they began the march, and from the first few days parties were formed, each captain wanting to be superior to the others, while the soldiers joined those who had most to offer, so that although the men were few, the confusion was great, and as suspicions increased, the quarrels became worse. I am not astonished at this for whether in an army, or a company, or in the smallest province or the widest kingdom, if there are two heads it is impossible that there can be good government. And thus, too, said Alexander, when Darius sought for peace by offering a part of his dominions, that the world could not be governed by two heads, and that only one could hold the empire.

Marching in the way I have described, the expedition from Cartagena arrived at the mountains of Abibe, and, as the road had been opened by us when we came with Vadillo, they crossed the range without much difficulty. In this forest some young men killed a snake or serpent, which was so big that it had an entire deer with its horns in its inside. In what way can the creature have swallowed it! The Spaniards, and their quarrels, travelled with all possible haste, and after having gone through great hardships, and suffered much from hunger, they arrived at the borders of the province of Anzerma. As they found plenty of provisions they remained there for several days. The quarrels among them came to such a pitch that Juan Greciano, in the name of the King, wanted to arrest Luis Bernal, and Luis Bernal, in the same royal name, wanted to arrest Greciano. Some of their followers joined one side, and some the other, all taking up arms. At the time that this happened the captain Ruy Vanegas arrived at a hill called Umbra, on which a town was afterwards founded, and being very near the other party of Spaniards, they could see each other. This was why those from Cartagena did not come to blows, which evil would have been inevitable until one or other of the leaders was killed. When the two parties of Spaniards saw each other their delight was great.

Ruy Vanegas sent the news to the captain Jorge Robledo who, at a village called Garma, had founded the city of Santa Ana de los Caballeros, now called the town of Anzerma. Thither went the Spaniards from Cartagena and gave their obedience to Robledo. The lieutenant Juan Greciano, complained of the conduct of Luis Bernal and the others, who were banished. Robledo sent messengers to Lorenzo de Aldana with an account of all that had happened; and Aldana wrote a very full report to the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro. As the site for the town presented some difficulties, the new town was removed to the hill called Umbra where it now stands.

[CHAPTER V]

How the captain Jorge Robledo induced the Chiefs in the neighbourhood of the new city to remain at peace, and how he sent Suer de Nava to Caramanta.

AFTER the usual proceedings at the founding of new cities, steps were taken to build some houses and sow seeds, and the captain sent messengers to all parts of the province to invite the Chiefs to come to him. Among the Chiefs there were two principal ones named Umbruza and Ocuzca. Later on, one Gómez Fernández, being lieutenant to Belalcazar in this province, was so cruel as to burn these two Chiefs for some very slight cause, and he did the same to other Chiefs and Indians, without any mercy. Some Chiefs came to see Robledo, who showed skill in bringing them to adopt a peaceful attitude, and to serve the Emperor. He was desirous of becoming acquainted with the people who might be serviceable for the new city. So he sent Captain Suer de Nava with fifty Spaniards, horse and foot, to the province of Caramanta to see what villages of Indians there were in that direction. Suer de Nava departed, while Robledo himself started off from Ocuzca's village, whither, at the end of a few days, he came back, bringing with him, in friendly fashion, over two thousand Indians and many women.

The captain ordered the Spaniards to be prepared, so that they might not be found unready in case the Indians should think of committing any treason. At this time the chief Ocuzca came from the wilds and arrived where the captain was, who received him very well, and let his coming be known, returning to the city with him, but keeping him as it were under guard, so that he might not escape. The Chief was grieved at being kept a prisoner, and one day when some soldiers were on watch, he saw that they fell asleep. So he departed, and his flight caused great excitement. We went out in search in every direction, but could not find any traces to show which way he had gone. At this time the captain Suer de Nava, who had been at Caramanta, crossed the range and reached some valleys, where he saw the villages of Metia, Palala, and others; and having given the Indians to understand what they should do, he returned to report to the captain. Robledo then resolved to visit the province, leaving Martín de Amoroto to guard the new city. For all the rest of the Chiefs had submitted, though at first there had been some punishments, such as cutting off the hands and noses of Indians who were brought in to him from the vicinity.

Being in the village of Garma the captain Ruy Vanegas went in search of the Chiefs of that place, and came upon a prayer house or sanctuary that they had constructed as a hiding place. In it were found many very pretty women, great quantities of coloured cloth and more than 12,000 pesos in gold, which the Christians seized. To pacify the province the captain ordered most of it to be returned to the Indians. Ocuzca, the Chief who had escaped, seeing that the captain was absent, gathered together all the principal Chiefs of his lineage, and with a large force which they assembled, marched to destroy the new city of Anzerma. Amoroto, who had been left to guard it, made great preparations for defence, for an Indian girl belonging to me, a native of those villages, told me, in great secrecy, about the movements of the barbarians, and that they were about to attack the city. I at once reported this to the Alcalde, and we were all under arms, night and day, waiting for the enemy. But the Indians, either not daring or for some other reason, after having given us some bad nights, dispersed and returned to their homes.

[CHAPTER VI]

How the captain Jorge Robledo sent Gómez Hernández to explore the province of The Choco, and also how Ruy Vanegas went to the village of Pirsa.

AFTER the captain Jorge Robledo had ordered the spoils that were taken in the house I mentioned to be restored to the Indians, and established a peace with the Chiefs of the valley of Apia, which was the largest and most populous of the districts subject to the city that had been founded, he received news that Ocuzca and Umbruza, with other Chiefs, had sworn to destroy the new city and kill all the Spaniards. So he decided to proceed to Santa Ana de los Caballeros, for so the city was named, as we stated when we recorded its foundation. He arrived there after a few days, and despatched messengers in all directions urging the native Chiefs not to be mad, nor to act without considering the consequences, but to render obedience to his Majesty and be friendly to the Spaniards, and in such event he would secure to them their lives and possessions, and would see that they were not ill treated. Some of them thought it best to comply, and came, bringing materials for building the houses of the Spaniards. Robledo now wanted to divide the villages among the Spaniards who had come with him. He had news that, beyond the cordillera of Cima, which lies to the north of Anzerma, there was a thickly peopled region and much wealth. So, to ascertain the truth, he resolved to send and explore. He ordered Gómez Hernández to set out with fifty Spaniards, cross-bow men and shield bearers, and explore this region of El Choco. When they were ready the captain Robledo went with them as far as the valley of Santa María. Here an Indian came in friendly guise, alleging that he was the Chief, Umbruza. As he was known not to be that Chief he was ordered to be burnt, which was an excessively cruel punishment.

Gómez Hernández left this valley with the Spaniards, but took no horses with him because of the rugged character of the country, and proceeded until he reached the forest of Cima, which is very wild, with a dense growth of trees, and where it rains during the greater part of the year. It contains many noxious animals and night birds. The monkeys are numerous, and the natives go naked and are very savage. The Indians have their houses very strongly built in trees, and they make war upon each other owing to the scarcity of food. The Spaniards with their cross-bows came to one of those barbacoas, or fortified places, and one of them named Alonso Pérez caught an Indian girl. She was so overcome with grief and abhorrence at finding herself a prisoner to a Christian, that she threw herself down a precipice and was dashed to pieces, her soul going to hell. Gómez Hernández advanced for some days through these forests, than which there are none more rugged and impassable in the world, until he came to a river which flowed into the Ocean Sea and which, according to the most general opinion, must be the river of Darien.[21] They found some edible palms, and on them that singular fruit called pixibays, which they liked. There also were many turkeys and pheasants,[22] and many tapirs which are the size of a mule, and would seem to be like those they call zebras. Proceeding with his discoveries, Gómez Hernández advanced until he arrived at the crest of a rise whence they saw that the country everywhere appeared level and much less mountainous. No open plain was visible, but undulating country with many and much larger barbacoas or fortified houses than had been found in Cima. When the natives perceived the Christians they sounded many drums and flutes, making a great noise and preparing to come out and give battle.

These Indians also go naked but they are well disposed, their women beautiful, and they all have gold. It is believed that there are great riches in these regions, but until now they are unexplored. Gómez Hernández, and all his followers, being unmounted, were in some danger of falling into the hands of the Indians who, seeing that they had come without horses, which are what they so greatly fear, held the intruders cheap, and rose up in arms to oppose an entrance into their country. The Spaniards had reached one of those strongholds, and in it they found plenty of food, and wanted to take some of it. But the Indians came against them, thinking to lay hold of them. When the Spaniards saw their approach, they commended themselves to God, and prepared for battle. Then came a great disaster, which was that the cords of several cross-bows were broken. The Indians shot off arrows and darts and the battle was joined. The Spaniards fought well, though some did better than others, and many were wounded by the Indians. The affair reached such a point that the Indians, after having mortally wounded a Frenchman who was there, seized Antonio Pimentel, a veteran in these Indies, who was near, gave a tremendous shout, and transfixed his body with a dart. This Pimentel, and another named Vera, were saved miraculously. For being desperately wounded they commended themselves to our Lady and, though many Indians passed by, it was her pleasure that they should not be perceived by them, and so, strengthened by her aid, they were able to rejoin their comrades. The Spaniards, being without horses, seeing the number of Indians increasing, and most of themselves wounded, thought it best to retreat with their faces to the foe. They were followed for a whole day when the Indians, satisfied at having driven the enemy out of their country and wounded most of them, returned. The Indians had captured the wounded Frenchman, and put him to a most horrible death by cruel tortures. The Spaniards made speed to return to Anzerma, and report to the captain what had happened. Robledo then ordered Ruy Vanegas to proceed to the village of Pirso and try to arrange for terms of peace with the Chiefs.

Ruy Vanegas set out with those that were necessary, and with horses, and I went with him. When we arrived at the place we found the natives in arms. They had deep holes dug in the approaches, and in them were many spikes. These holes were covered over with grass, so that the horses and Christians might fall into them. As we entered the village the Indians fled into the ravines and among the rocks behind the village. Because a horse fell into one of the holes and was killed on the stakes, the Spaniards threw into two of them over fifty Indian men and women, to teach them not to try another deceit like that, as it would be to their own hurt in the end. After having been some days in this district, Ruy Vanegas had sent messages to the Chiefs to come as friends, and we went on to the province of Sopia. Here, though the barbarians were proud, yet, knowing the power of the Spaniards, they came in peaceably and gave obedience to his Majesty, which they have observed ever since. After Ruy Vanegas had settled those provinces he returned to Anzerma, and reported to the captain what he had done.

[CHAPTER VII]

How the captain Jorge Robledo assigned the Chiefs among the settlers who had to remain in the city of Santa Ana, and how he departed and discovered another part of the great river of Santa Marta.

THE events we have related having passed, the captain Jorge Robledo desired to cross the great river Santa Marta, and explore the regions on the other side. He first divided the native Chiefs among those who had to remain as settlers; and then, having assigned them, he left the captain Ruy Vanegas in his place, and departed from Anzerma early in the year 1540, taking with him as his ensign Suer de Nava, a native of Toro. We set out, a little over a hundred Spaniards, horse and foot. The Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa was camp-master. We arrived at the village of Irra, which is on the banks of the river of Santa Marta, where the current flows with great velocity. The natives made rafts on which the horses and baggage crossed. The Spaniards made contrivances for crossing consisting of two bamboos as thick as a leg, to the head of which a pole was fastened. One man went in front with a reed, hauling on the bamboos, and two others behind to guide them. Thus, with great risk and much hard work the Spaniards crossed this great river. I certainly believe that if the Romans had undertaken the conquest of these parts, even at the time of the most flourishing period of their empire, when they ruled the world, they would not have been powerful enough to do what a few Spaniards have achieved. As for the hardships and hunger they have faced, no other nation in the world could have endured it. For they are worthy to be counted as scions of the most excellent nation in the world and the one which is foremost in all things.

Having crossed to the other side of the river we went to sleep on the rising ground, whence the captain sent messengers to Carrapa, which is a large and rich province with abundant supplies of provisions, to persuade the inhabitants to receive him as their friend and to yield obedience to his Majesty. As the fame of the Spaniards' valour, their great power, and the endurance of their horses had reached all these districts, the natives agreed, in order to escape being wounded by swords or torn to pieces by dogs, to admit them to their territory and supply them with provisions; and this they sent to say. Next day we entered Carrapa. The Chiefs came to see the captain, and presented many golden ornaments, and vases, among them a salver which weighed over 2,000 pesos. We were there more than a month. The Indians said that after crossing the cordillera of the Andes there was a very populous plain country where there were great and very rich Chiefs, and that that country was called Arbi. They also said that near it were the provinces of Picara, Paucura, and Pozo, all great and powerful, and hostile to each other. At that time those of Carrapa were at enmity with Picara. After we had stayed for the time mentioned the captain asked for guides to advance further, also that some principal natives should come with the number of men he might want, to make war on those who refused to be friendly. The people of Carrapa were content, and gave 600 Indians to carry the baggage on their shoulders and 4,000 armed men to help in the war. Thus we left Carrapa and went to the province of Picara, which is larger and more populous. When tidings came of our approach, the natives of Picara armed themselves for war, but after they had made a tremendous noise, they grounded their arms and fled. Those of Carrapa pursued them, and killed many in the ravines. Others they made prisoners, and ate them all without sparing any. Such is the cruelty and savagery of these people!

Our camp was formed on a plain. The captain Robledo, the first discoverer of these regions, sent messengers to all the villages of that province to warn the natives that they must come in and render obedience to his Majesty, for that otherwise he would wage war with ruthless cruelty. Most of them, fearing their cruel enemies of Carrapa, determined to come and offer peace to the Spaniards. During the few days that we were encamped on that plain, the principal Chiefs, named Picara, Chanvericua, Chuscuruca, and Ancora, came to our camp. When the repartimiento was made, this last one was given to me in encomienda, with other principal men, I being a conquistador of these parts. These Chiefs brought many gold ornaments, rich and of much value, which they gave to the captain, who took possession for his Majesty, and for the royal crown of Castille. Having made some agreement convenient for them and for us, the captain ordered the men of Carrapa not to kill any more people, nor to do any more harm than they had done already. After having been in this province twenty-five days, we set out for Pozo, which is situated among some breaks in a mountain range, the Chiefs having their houses and compounds on the slopes higher up. At the approaches there are fortifications of stout bamboos, and above these are barbacoas or platforms for making their sacrifices upon, and for use as watch towers.

These Indians are the boldest and most valiant in all the Indies of Peru. None of them are ever in their plantations, sowing or gathering the produce, without having their arms ready at hand. They were feared by all their neighbours and they would not keep at peace with any one. Both men and women go naked. They have much gold. Their territory extends to the river of Santa Marta. They came originally from among the people of Arma. Their weapons are lances, darts, and slings; but of this I treat more fully in my Book of Foundations. They had news of our entrance into Picara, and of what we had done in Carrapa, but they trusted in the strength of their fortified places, and held the Spaniards of little account. Having made great sacrifices and prayers to their gods, and having spoken with the devil in accordance with their customs, more than 6,000 of them assembled, with their arms, on the summit of their mountains, to defend the pass. We set out from Picara, as I have said, with more than 5,000 Indians of that province, led by their principal Chiefs, all eager to attack the province of Pozo and kill its inhabitants.

[CHAPTER VIII]

How the captain Jorge Robledo arrived in the province of Pozo, where he was severely wounded, and of the most cruel punishment that was inflicted, also of the great quantity of human flesh that was there eaten.

TO go from the province of Picara to that of Pozo one follows a river, down stream. It is fringed on either side by woody groves and fruit-bearing trees, and 'tis certain that, if the Inca kings should extend their conquests so far, and the opposing parties should not eat each other up, they would find here the best and richest thing in all the Indies, the rivers and mountains being so prolific in gold, as those who have visited it will tell. We were going along, careless of the fact that we were at war, advancing without order, and rejoicing to see that there was such a good land to explore. The captain was in front, and with him were Alvaro de Mendoza, Antonio Pimentel, the ensign Suer de Nava, Giraldo Gil Estopiñan, Francisco de Cuéllar, trumpeter, and a cleric named Father Francisco de Frias, besides some other mounted esquires, and gentlemen on foot. Suddenly the war cries of the barbarians were heard. In great haste orders were given to call up the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa who, as squadron commander or camp-master, came in the rear guard with the men on horseback. He hurried up to the front, and so did Pedro de Velasco and I, and others, all being without a thought that the Indians would be so eager to fight. The captain, with his ensign Suer de Nava, climbed up the mountain side with great intrepidity, as did the other Spaniards: while the barbarians made a tremendous noise, and called us umes, which means women, also making use of other more insulting expressions.

The Indians of Carrapa and Picara, although they numbered over 8,000, were so afraid of the Pozos that they hardly dared open their mouths. At this juncture we came to a very difficult mountain pass. The captain, with much boldness and with the heart of a hero, put spurs to his horse and, in spite of the foe, nearly reached the summit: the Spaniards following and invoking the apostle Santiago. They then began to wound the Indians, and these shot off many darts and arrows. The captain gave his shield to the trumpeter, because he saw that the man had none, and taking a cross-bow, he killed three or four Indians; then, dropping it, he took a lance and prepared to attack them, having first, before all this, called upon them, in presence of the notary Pedro Sarmiento, to submit. When the Indians saw the execution the captain had done amongst them, one of them pointed a dart which hit him on the right hand, and passed right through it. While stooping down to recover his lance the Indians shot off another dart, which hit him in the back, and entered more than a palmo. The Spaniards then pressed onwards, to put the Indians to flight, and gained the heights. The captain lay on the ground, much afflicted by his wounds, so that we all thought he was dead. Indeed, as for his living, it would have been better for him had he died there and then, for at least his body would not have lacked a tomb, nor would it have become food for Indians, as happened later, owing to the savagery of those who did kill him.[23] None of the Spaniards were either killed or wounded here except the captain.

The friendly Indians killed some of the enemy, whom they ate that same night. We occupied the native buildings which were on the hill. They were large, and there were a great number of wooden images in them, of the size of men, but in place of heads they had skulls with faces of wax. They served us for firewood. The captain was so ill that we really thought he would die, and all showed deep sorrow, for, in those times, Robledo was so much liked for his goodness to us, that we looked upon him as a father. At night the ensign, Melchor Suer de Nava, the Father Francisco de Frias, a native of Castro Nuño, Alonzo de Mendoza, Antonio Pimentel, Pedro de Velasco, Estopiñan and others of the officers who were there, slept close to him without leaving the house where he was. Such hatred was felt for the Indians of Pozo who had done this deed, that the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa, with seventy Spaniards and about 4,000 friendly Indians, set out in search of the enemy (who were said to have taken up a strong position on a rock placed on the summit of some crags) intending to kill as many of them as possible. The Indians of Carrapa and Picara were delighted on finding their dreaded enemies in such straits, and that the valiant Spaniards were so bent on killing them. They all brought stout cords to secure the prisoners. The Comendador went out with the Spaniards to do what I have said: and it pleased God that the captain should recover from his wounds, which gave no small pleasure to us all.

[CHAPTER IX]

How the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa came to the rock, and of the number of people he captured and killed, and of the great cruelty perpetrated on those natives.

IT is my well-used custom to praise the good deeds of the captains and people of my nation, but also not to pardon their evil deeds. How much affection soever I may feel for some of them, it may be believed that I shall not fail to blame their errors. I saw this conquest and war and was present at it, and I shared in the love which all felt for Robledo: the more so because I used to go to his house at that time. And I speak the purest truth, though many things also happened which I do not mention, because I am so tired and bored with treating of the provinces to the westward. Although, as I say, I care so much for the honour of Robledo, I shall not hesitate to affirm that there was committed, in this province of Pozo, one of the greatest acts of cruelty that have been perpetrated in these Indies. This was that, because the unlucky natives wounded Robledo, the Spaniards felt such hatred towards them that those who went to inflict punishment resolved to kill them all.

At the time when they were defeated on the first hill, their principal Chief, much disturbed at such a calamity, retreated to the banks of the great river, with his women and principal followers, while others of his captains went to form a garrison on the summit of a very inaccessible rock, which rose from the crest of one of the hills. Here a thousand persons were collected, men and women with many children, boys and girls, and a supply of provisions. The Christians, who came with the Comendador, sent the news of how they had beleaguered those people in their fort, and they marched towards it. When they were near, those of Pozo wished to defend themselves, but they were astonished and dismayed at so many coming against them. Our friendly Indians, from below, encircled the rock, and the Christians farther up sent forward the dogs, which were so fierce that in two bites with their cruel teeth they laid open their victims to the entrails. It was no small grief to see that, for taking up arms to defend their country against those who came to deprive them of it, they were treated in that manner. The little children, terrified at the noise and confusion, running hither and thither, were torn to pieces by the dogs, a horrible sight to witness. The cross-bows also made holes through their bodies, through which their souls could depart, while they groaned and cried for help to their parents and their gods; or in fleeing from the Spaniards they threw themselves over the cliffs. Those fugitives who escaped from these perils fell into a worse danger, namely, into the power of the Indians of Carrapa and Picara, who treated them with even greater cruelty. For they spared none, neither ugly nor beautiful women, neither old nor young, killing all. They took the children by their feet, and dashed their heads against the rocks, and promptly, like dragons, ate them raw. They killed most of the men they took, and the rest, with hands securely tied, they carried off. Baltasa de Ledesma and the Comendador acted here in such a manner that one must believe it was for this crime that they were killed in course of time at this same place, when they and the captain were eaten by these very Indians.

After this no people remained on the rock. More than three hundred of those who had been there were killed. The Comendador, with the other "Christians," returned to the camp. Our native friends made more than 200 loads of human flesh, and with it and their prisoners they also returned to their camp, eating the lungs and hearts raw, as they went, and entrails too. When they arrived at the buildings they sent to their villages large presents of this flesh, as well as many of the Indians they had kept alive. Those who remained were forced to bend their heads and were killed by blows on the occiput with cudgels. And the only reproach they got from us was to be laughed at and asked whether that food tasted good to them. I saw that they brought more than twenty pots as big as our large earthen jars, and filled them all with this human flesh, which they devoured among them, sending the heads to their villages. A time came, when God permitting, the Pozos did more damage than this to their enemies, as we shall relate farther on.

When the news of the great injury the Christians had done spread to all parts of the province of Pozo, the people were astounded and afraid, and, that there might not be such a sad day again, the Chiefs determined to send to the captain and ask for peace. This was done. They came to the camp with presents of gold ornaments, and were well received by the captain, who promised them peace, provided the principal Chiefs came in, and rendered obedience to his Majesty. After some negotiation they did so, and after begging pardon for having taken up arms they asked the captain that no more harm might be done to them. The captain agreed, the Indians of Carrapa and Picara returning to their own countries. When the captain's wounds were healed, he arranged to depart from Pozo, and they brought him many Indians to carry the baggage of the Spaniards. And so, leaving all in peace, we departed from Pozo.

[CHAPTER X]

How the captain Robledo discovered the province of Paucura, how the ensign Suer de Nava returned to Pozo, and how he perpetrated other cruelties worse than the former ones, and how Robledo left Paucura to explore the great and very rich province of Arma.

WHAT I have related in the last chapter having taken place, and the captain having recovered from his wounds, we departed for the province of Paucura, where the principal Chief was one named Pimaná, who was also an enemy of the people of Pozo, but allied by lineage, speech, and customs to those of Picara, a populous and very fertile province. As they had heard what the Christians had done in Pozo, and were friends of Pimaná's relations in Picara, they agreed to submit peaceably and to bring in plenty of provisions, and so it was done. We arrived at Paucura in the afternoon of a Wednesday, and they showed much joy at our coming. So we lodged there as friends. When all our force had arrived, a soldier named Miranda said that certain pigs, which had gone amissing from the men who were bringing them, had been stolen by the Indians of Pozo. It was no great crime, nor ought it to have been punished with the cruelty which we must now describe. When Robledo was told of the loss of the pigs he was very angry, saying that the Pozo Indians had not kept the peace to which they had agreed, and that he would punish them for being false friends. He then ordered his ensign to go with fifty Spaniards, horse and foot, to Pozo and punish the theft of the pigs. When the people of Paucura heard of the return of the Spaniards to Pozo they rejoiced at the good opportunity of doing all the injury they could to the people of Pozo, who were their enemies, so when Suer de Nava left the camp he was joined by over 3,000 Paucuraños. All united marched rapidly and, arriving in Pozo, they began to do great harm to the unfortunate people, burning their houses, ruining their villages, and robbing what they contained. That the sin might be greater, more than two hundred souls were murdered by the Paucuraños, who cut the bodies in pieces as if they had been saddles of mutton or legs of beef, and carried them off to their homes. It was surely a strange thing to see rational beings so very fond of human flesh, so that to obtain it there was no peace between fathers and their sons and brothers. As soon as Suer de Nava had recovered the pigs, and settled some terms of peace with the Pozo people, he returned to the province of Paucura where the captain had remained.

Robledo had received tidings that at no great distance to the westward [sic] was situated the great and very rich province of Arma, which is the largest and most populous in all Peru, and where, if the natives could be domesticated, such a supply of gold might be obtained that the Spaniards settling there would become the richest in all those parts. Desirous of exploring these regions in order to form a new settlement, Robledo made his preparations and left Paucura accompanied by some of the Chiefs and many Indians; and we went on until we reached the crests of some mountains.

By this time the arrival of the Spaniards was known in all the villages of that great province. Our deeds were exaggerated. It was said that with one blow of a sword we could cut open an Indian, and with one thrust of a lance we could run him through, but what terrified them most was to hear the way a bolt was shot from a cross-bow, and the furious velocity with which it flew; while they also wondered at the speed of the horses. Finally they had debated among themselves as to whether they should keep the peace with us or come out to make war on us, and they had consulted their devils in regard to this. One may believe that the reply and counsel savoured of the oracle who gave them, and all watched for the part where the Spaniards would approach, to decide on what they would do. We set out from where, as I have said, we passed the previous night, and marched to the borders of the province. When we came in sight of a summit we heard a great noise, many drums beating and horns being blown. It was so in truth, for when the natives saw us coming that way they concealed their property and their women and children, and of one accord came out in warlike array to face us. When the captain heard the noise, he ordered all his men to form in order with their arms, and march to the summit. This was done. The shouts of the natives increased, while we advanced in leisurely fashion towards them. And although they tried to dismay us with their clamour, and by means of huge stones sent rolling down the hill, it availed them nought, because the daring of the Spaniards is so great that nothing in the world can daunt them; and so, in spite of all, they reached the summit and put the Indians to flight.

[CHAPTER XI]

How the captain Robledo explored the province of Arma and fixed his camp in the village of the principal Chief, named Maytama; and of other notable things that happened.

HAVING gained the summit, the Spaniards continued to follow the Indians, killing some of them, and we saw that they were adorned with very beautiful ornaments of gold. They also had plumes of feathers, crowns, and large plaques, and some were seen who were in armour of gold from head to foot. It was certainly beautiful to see some of the pieces they took, and from this the range was called La Loma de los Armados. We lodged in two of the houses there, very happy at finding that God our Lord had presented us with so rich and populous a land, in order that, being by us discovered, His name might be worshipped and the Holy Gospel preached.

On the following day we departed thence, and saw that the province was very large, full of villages, planted with maize and great rushes, and that there were groves of fruit trees, and palms yielding pixibays. The villages on the slopes and higher ground contained circular houses so large that there was room for fifteen or twenty people in each. There are many other things to tell of this province, which I have written in my Book of Foundations, where the reader will have seen them.

When we were passing out of a valley we heard a still greater noise at the top of the next range of hills, whither the road that we were taking led; and, marching more quickly, we came to the beginning of the rise, and saw that the pass was difficult before reaching the summit, for, besides presenting a steep ascent there were some rocks and gullies which would make it necessary for the horses to go gently, without attempting to press quickly forward. The captain demanded peace from the natives, and obedience to the Emperor; if this was refused he would make ruthless war. The Indians, deriding these demands, replied to us that we came to conquer and to rob what did not belong to us, that we should return to our own country, and leave them quiet and at peace in theirs. Having said these words and others, they shot off many darts and stones, showing that they intended to defend the approach to their village.

The captain seeing that the barbarians intended to defend the pass, and that the noon-day heat was coming on, ordered the foot soldiers to lose no time in attacking the Indians with shields, cross-bows and dogs, in order to take the pass, so that the horses might be able to come up. In this they were successful, while some of the horsemen, laboriously seeking a way by one or other side of the mountain in spite of the Indians, found a place by which they were able to come up with the horses, to the position reached by the men on foot. Then the shouting was greater, for the Indians did not dare to await the coming of men who they saw were so valiant; and not caring to hear the neighing of the horses, turned their backs and began to run away, abandoning their arms—the cowards. The mounted men followed and overtook some of them, taking a quantity of gold in ornaments such as I have said they have. All the Spaniards who were behind having come up, we proceeded to encamp on the summit, which they called de los Cavallos. Here they found but little maize, as it was only in leaf.

The Chiefs and principal people of those villages, astounded at seeing the majesty of the Spaniards and their great power, and fearing to oppose them more, agreed to go to the captain peaceably. So they came to our camp with nets full of ornaments of the finest gold, asking the captain for pardon for having been so mad as not to have laid down their arms sooner. The captain received them very well and agreed to the peace. As the inhabitants of those villages were so rich they made presents of gold to the Spaniards. When they brought water for the horses, they offered very large and fine golden ornaments, so fine that they exceeded 21 carats. That night the captain sent the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa, with a sufficient force to the village of one Maytama, who was the principal Chief of the province, to capture him or oblige him to render obedience to his Majesty. The Comendador started during the first night watch and marched until he arrived at Maytama's hill. He found the Indians ready for war, and, attacking them until daylight, he put them to flight, captured a brother of Maytama, and saw them, both men and women, take away many loads of gold. The Spaniards could only capture a few because the thickness of the maize in the fields was so great. For this reason the Indians escaped with most of the gold, which if it had been taken would have been a great booty, nevertheless the Spaniards and their servants took some.

The captain, with the whole camp, arrived the next day. As it was known throughout the province that the Spaniards occupied the buildings of Maytama the natives sent messengers proposing to be friends and offering great presents of gold. The gold was brought in this way: the Indians came with much shouting, bearing long poles from the shoulder of one to that of another, from which there hung by cords the plaques, crowns, bracelets, and plumes of gold. On arriving where the captain was, they set them down before him, and thus the presents I have mentioned came from all parts of the province. The Chief, who was a prisoner, sent an old woman to bring gold, and next day she brought about 2,000 pesos, at which we were astonished. The Chief said that he had more gold buried and that he wanted to go and fetch it. He asked the captain to tell off some Spaniards to go with him, intending to escape if it were possible. The captain ordered some soldiers to go with him. When they came to some precipitous rocks, hating to remain in the power of the Spaniards, he determined to kill himself. With a barbarous and heathen mind, he hurled himself down over the precipice and left his brains among the stones, so that when the Spaniards reached the place, the Chief's soul was already in hell. The Spaniards returned to the captain and explained to him the manner of the captive Chief's death. Principal natives came to the camp each day with presents of gold, and the captain came to the conclusion that he had arrived at a good place for founding a city. He determined to send the Comendador Hernán Rodríguez de Sosa to explore the region lower down the great river, and to remain there. He set out with forty Spaniards, horse and foot. The Comendador came to a large village which he called Pascua because he passed Easter there; continuing his advance he came to another village, where he met with some resistance. Leaving it, and taking a northerly course, he discovered the village of Cenufara and a place they called the Hill of Maize. Advancing further he arrived at a village called Pobres, whence he returned to the region of Arma, because he learnt, from statements he received, that there were no other settlements for a great distance.

At this time the inhabitants of the province of Arma conceived such hatred for the Spaniards that they determined to make war in common against us. This appeared from their not coming to our camp as usual, nor supplying us with provisions; while they killed our Indian servants and negroes who fell into their hands. The captain got notice of this league and conspiracy, and ordered his men to be on their guard against any sudden attack on the camp by Indians. But when they were all determined to rise against us, they failed to come to the point, owing to some disputes among themselves, and we saw them fall back well supplied with gold ornaments. When the Comendador returned, the captain resolved to quit the province, and departed, leaving it as hostile towards us as when we entered it. When we were about to depart, a number of Indians stationed themselves above our camp. The captain saw this and told the interpreters to call upon them in a friendly way to come down. They came, believing they were in no danger. The captain ordered all of those who came to be thrust inside the huts and issued orders to the Spaniards to give them wounds and cut off their hands. In this way more than thirty were mutilated, as many more being killed. In that state the survivors were sent to their villages. Then the captain quitted the province of Arma. He intended to leave his ensign Suer de Nava there, to found a city; but, thinking it would be better to explore the province of Quinbaya, that plan was given up. Leaving Arma, and following the way by which he had come, the captain arrived at the province of Paucura, whence he departed for Pozo. There he seized several principal men and went to Carrapa, where he burnt one of them for some very trifling reason; and here we must leave him, because it is necessary to relate the manner in which the captains Pedro de Añasco and Juan de Ampudia met their deaths.

[CHAPTER XII]

How the captain Osorio was killed, with some other Christians, going to the new kingdom, and how the captain Pedro de Añasco was also killed by the Indians.

LET the reader's attention be now turned to the exploration of the province of Bogotá by the Spaniards coming from Santa Marta, which we mentioned in the first book of The War of Las Salinas, and to what happened between them and the captain Belalcazar. I also related how the captain Añasco founded the town of Timaná, where, after coming from Cali when Lorenzo de Aldana was General of those cities on behalf of the Marquis Pizarro, he was confirmed in his charge, and returned as lieutenant to the said town of Timaná. The captain Juan de Ampudia was lieutenant in Popayán, Miguel Muñoz in Cali, and Lorenzo de Aldana had gone to Quito, as we have already stated. While this region was under these lieutenants, glowing accounts reached them of the wonderful richness of the new kingdom,[24] the quantity of gold and emeralds there, and the high value of commodities; so that there was a desire to take thither all the merchandize and flocks that could be collected. A merchant who was at Popayán, named Pero López del Infierno,[25] Captain Osorio (a relation of Juan de Ampudia) and others, agreed to leave Popayán for the new kingdom with merchandize, horses, mares, slaves, and much worked silver. With these goods, which amounted to a great money value, they left Popayán and set out on the road for Bogotá, without distrusting the Indians, because, as it was peace time, they had no fear of hostilities with them. They went on until they arrived in the country of the Yalcones, which borders on that of Páez. At this time the captain Pedro de Añasco had left Timaná to go to Popayán, to trade for horses and other things he required. He came to the country of the Yalcones, which is where I have said Osorio had arrived. The natives of that region are numerous and determined. They fight with lances 30 palmos long, and have other formidable weapons. They resolved to rebel against the Spaniards, and not merely to refuse obedience, but to kill the captain and the others who had come from Popayán, As they had notice of the numerous horses, mares, and other things the Spaniards brought, they desired to put their thought into execution to satiate their cursed bellies with human flesh, and to rob what we have said. They took up arms with this intent, and planned that one party should attack the captain Pedro de Añasco, while another fell upon the Christians who had come from Popayán, for they feared that if they did not adopt this division of force, their plan might not succeed. The Indians were upon all the hills, but they repaired with feigned friendliness to the ravine of Apirimá (which is the locality where Osorio was) to put the Spaniards off their guard.

At this time the captain Pedro de Añasco had arrived at a valley called Ayunga. When the Indians formed the intention already stated, it came to the knowledge of a friendly Chief who was with Añasco. This Chief told Añasco of the league formed by the Yalcones, those of Páez, and other neighbouring tribes, and that, as he had only two horses, he had better go back. The captain made light of what the Chief had told him, showing that he thought little of it, and he continued on until he came to a building, late in the day, where two Indians appeared. One brought a young lion, dead and putrid, for the captain to eat, the other brought some cobs of young maize. The captain, seeing the presents, knew what they signified, and the Indians, dissembling, said that presently, the next day, they would bring those who would eat the captain and his Christians. The friendly Chief then spoke to Pedro de Añasco urging him to return into the forest, which was not far from there, and he would be safe from the Indians. But he would not go back because he did not believe that the audacity of the barbarians could reach to such a point. He ordered all his men to be ready with their arms, and that some of them should keep watch on the roads leading to the buildings where they were encamped, which was done. The Indians had gathered in a great mass and, before dawn, they attacked the Spanish sentries with a violent clamour. Although the sentries behaved as Spaniards always do, they were overpowered, killed, cut in pieces, and carried away to be eaten. The captain, Pedro de Añasco, hearing the noise, commended himself to God, and mounted his horse. With his companions he then awaited the Indians' onslaught, his men animating each other. Añasco was a well-grown man of fine presence, one of the principal knights of Seville; but for his sins, or by God's permission, he came at last to a most cruel and unworthy death, for such a warrior.

The Indians, in much confusion, had already rushed upon the Spaniards, when the captain, and Baltasar del Rio charged them with their horses. Though the Spaniards showed great determination, they could not prevail against such a bevy of lances as faced their horses; nevertheless Pedro de Añasco broke into them, while the other horseman was killed. The captain, whose horse came out wounded and bridleless, turned again to attack the enemy with his blood-covered lance, but they fell upon him in such numbers that, after having killed the horse, they captured him alive. The rest of the Spaniards were all either killed or frightfully wounded, some of them having their bodies so full of lances that nothing could be seen but the wooden staves. Others fell wounded and were promptly despatched. Others had their eyes or their tongues torn out, or were impaled. Two Spaniards, one named Cornejo and the other Mideros, resisted so valiantly that, after having fought against the multitude of savages, they sallied forth from that place in spite of them all, and, with their swiftness of foot, ran off in the direction of Timaná. For four days they wandered without food except some wild herbs, pursued by the Indians, suffering other great hardships and many times surrounded, until by God's pleasure they got free and made for Timaná, where the death of Pedro de Añasco had already been rumoured, and Pedro de Guzmán de Herrera had gone forth with three horsemen to find out whether it was true. One night, when the party were asleep, the Indians attacked them. They mounted their horses in great haste. Pedro de Guzmán was getting on his, but as they did not leave him time to cast off the halter, and the horse was unable to start, he was killed with many lance wounds. The other Spaniards, though in great danger, escaped to Timaná.

Captain Osorio was, as we have said, in the ravine of Apirimá with those who had come with him, numbering sixteen Spaniards. From his camp to where Añasco's people were massacred, was not more than two leagues. Just as they were about to resume their journey, the great mass of Indians rushed upon them, after having eaten the bodies of all the Spaniards they had killed, and robbed all the baggage. They had taken the captain Pedro de Añasco alive. He was sent all through the province, that he might be seen in the market places and villages, where the people heaped insults upon the unhappy captain and made his body suffer a thousand martyrdoms. They killed him by a lingering and cruel death. On one day they cut off an arm, on another they tore out an eye, on the next they cut off his lips, and so they continued to consume the being that had been a man, until life was ended, when the body found sepulture in the bellies of his murderers.

The savages, having next arrived at Apirimá, where the Christians who had gone to Popayán were encamped, encircled them, and then, with great clamour, attacked them suddenly and began to wound them. Although the Spaniards attempted a defence they could not prevail. Only one escaped, a Spaniard whose name was Serrano. All the rest were killed and eaten by the Indians, who also captured the merchandize and other things which were intended for sale at Bogotá. After they had killed the Spaniards and seized all their property the Indians returned to their villages very pleased with themselves.

[CHAPTER XIII]

How, when the death of the Spaniards was known at Popayán, the captain Juan de Ampudia set out from thence, and how he and other Christians were killed by the same Indians.

WHEN the Indians had returned to their villages, as we related in the last chapter, they had great banquets and drinking orgies. It was agreed by them that if any Spaniards should come against them from Popayán and Timaná, they would kill them all, or do to them as they had done to Pedro de Añasco. As soon as this was settled they made great trenches and walls for defence, cutting the hills where the roads led, and using haste to make arms.

When Serrano arrived at Popayán and told the captain Juan de Ampudia the fate of the Spaniards, he was much distressed and determined to make war on the murderers. He took from Popayán sixty Spaniards, horse and foot, as well armed as was possible, with what cross-bows there were, and very fierce dogs. He left Popayán and marched until he came to a province called Guanaca. Thence he approached the Yalcones, and arrived near Apirimá, the scene of the death of Osorio and his party. As soon as the Indians knew of his arrival, they stationed themselves on the heights, waiting in ambush to kill the invaders. Two of the Indians having shown themselves, however, the captain sent Antonio Redondo, a citizen of Cali, with ten Spaniards to try and capture them. But when Antonio reached the place where they had been seen, a great force of the enemy burst into view and attacked his ten men, so that the Spaniards turned and fled, not stopping until they got to where the captain had halted. The Indians overtook one, named Paredes, and killed him. When Juan de Ampudia saw this, he came to the rescue with the rest of his force and attacked the Indians in such sort that they impaled many with their lances, while the Spaniards on foot killed even more with swords and cross-bows. The killed were so numerous that a stream which ran down the ravine became the colour of blood.

The Indians, astounded at the turn of events, fled to escape from the dogs, which tore their flesh, and many threw themselves over the crags. The victory was with the Spaniards, and a Chief was captured. He told the captain Juan de Ampudia that the Indians were strongly entrenched and had cut the roads. The captain assured him of his life, and told him that he must guide them by a safe track; and that for doing so he would be in no danger. The barbarian promised, and so they set out from that place with the captive Indian as a guide, wishing to reach the summit of the pass. The Indians had united from many parts, and all, with long lances, slings, and other arms, prepared to deal death to the Christians, assuming that they could do it very easily, and making a great yelling. The Spaniards continued to ascend the range, Captain Francisco García de Tovar, being in front with the infantry. Indians appeared in all directions and inquired of the Spaniards whether they were fat, as they were going to eat both them and their horses. Juan de Ampudia and Luis Bernal placed themselves on the height. Hernán Sánchez Morillo and others on horseback missed the track, but, though with much difficulty, they gained the summit, which had already been reached by those on foot. One and all then commended themselves to God, and calling on the apostle St. James to help them, attacked the Indians, being only the number I have stated against 4,000 Indians. After the battle had continued for a long time, the ground being covered with dead and wounded Indians—for only one Christian was killed and very few were wounded—the barbarians, amazed at the strength of the Spaniards, abandoned the field and began to flee. The Christians were so exhausted and fatigued that they could scarcely stand on their feet. There they passed the night. The Indians, joined by others from all parts, came near to the Spaniards' bivouac and, by the advice of some of the latter, the captain Tovar with forty shield and cross-bow men, went forth to attack those who were nearest. The Indians waited and attacked the Spaniards in front, giving a terrific shout. Those who are not accustomed to hear this clamour often lose their presence of mind, and commit very ugly faults. But Tovar and his companions fought well, killing and wounding many. The Indians said that all had to be eaten that night. Showing his face and commanding person, Tovar exclaimed: "Dogs! I am Francisco García de Tovar, and with me and not with others have ye to do." Then, by the marvellous valour of this captain and the Spaniards his companions, they did such deeds that a great number of Indians were killed, the rest fled, and Tovar returned to the captain, who received him with welcome.

Soon afterwards Juan de Ampudia marched down the mountain side, with all the Spaniards, to some buildings, where they encamped. Francisco García de Tovar, with a guard, entered first and found that there were no Indians; because, when they escaped from him, they had fled to where the principal Chiefs of the Yalcones and of Páez were waiting to collect more Indians. They sent a message to the Christians, calling upon them to leave their country, for that, as their fathers had left it free they ought not to seek to usurp it nor to deprive them of their ancient liberty. If they refused, they would be treated like Pedro de Añasco and the other Spaniards who were killed. The captain replied that they must render obedience to his Majesty, and that then he would presently leave their province and return to Popayán. When these conferences were finished and the messengers had departed, the captain, seeing how much work the men had done, and how tired they all were, besides being very few to make war against so many Indians, especially such a daring pack, decided to return to Popayán, and to punish the province of Páez, which was also up in arms, on his way. So they got ready to depart. When about to start Francisco García de Tovar said to the captain, Ampudia, that it would be very desirable to gain the summit of the pass, to prevent the Indians from occupying it, lest they pelt them with their darts and stones. Juan de Ampudia concurred, and ordered all to be prepared, while some young men went on to gain the pass. As some of the Spaniards had stayed behind with a horse that was knocked up, they were told to wait there and that, if they could not arrive while yet day, they were to sleep there that night. When it was late these Spaniards arrived with the horse cut up in pieces for eating. Juan de Ampudia told them to go to some declivities which were in front of where they were.

Francisco García de Tovar again urged that they should occupy the summit, for otherwise they would be in great danger; and he took the fact that they had not seen a single Indian that day to be a bad sign. When Francisco García de Tovar said this, the Spaniards were making their way towards the slopes and level spaces near there: but Juan de Ampudia saying "Let us go where I said, for it is only a short way off" they went on contrary to the advice of Tovar. They moved off in very great sadness, for neither did the men speak, nor the horses neigh, nor the dogs bark. As they marched thus they heard a great yelling of the Indians who, when they saw the route the Spaniards were taking, rejoiced because they felt sure they would kill and eat them all; having a great quantity of huge stones to roll down, which they had collected on the summit. As soon as the Spaniards had reached the declivities, the Indians began to hurl down so many and such large stones that the former, from fear of them, divided themselves into four or five parties. Then the Indians renewed their terrible yelling, hurled their darts, and asked if the Spaniards were nice and fat, for none of them would escape death. Juan de Ampudia and Tovar went together, telling Hernán Sánchez Morillo to go with the horses until he could get clear of the declivity. At this time the Indians came down to attack the Spaniards, who, though divided and in such small numbers, fought with a valour and desperation that can scarcely be believed. But God was with them and on their side, and this being so they performed such famous deeds as these we relate, and others greater, as indeed they always do. After they had killed many Indians, they saw that the others were taking fright at what they had witnessed, and the horsemen, having got over a difficult pass, were in a position to join in the assault against the Indians and help their own companions.

Francisco García de Tovar received three wounds, and he and Juan de Ampudia had managed to keep together with sixteen other Spaniards. After having defeated the Indians who first came down, they set off to repel another large batch of them. Although the Spaniards fought as at first, and killed some of the enemy with cross-bows, yet the Indians were so numerous that by no manner of means could the foot-soldiers advance. They had to retreat and join the horsemen who were now nearing them. While they were doing this the captain Juan de Ampudia, being a fleshy man, could not keep up with the others. The Indians overtook him and pierced his body with many lances, so that he died in great misery. They stripped the body, without even leaving his linen drawers. Juan de Ampudia was a native of Jerez de la Frontera. Then the horsemen came up and inflicted great loss on the Indians. They gained the summit and called on the rest of the Spaniards to come up, as there was nothing to fear. All who had come with Juan de Ampudia were wounded or quite worn out, as the reader may easily imagine. With much trouble they all assembled on the heights, and greatly did they rejoice at seeing themselves there, embracing each other as if they had not met for many days. The only killed were Juan de Ampudia and one other Spaniard, besides a Morisca and a few friendly Indians of our party.

Then there was a fresh attack by more than twenty thousand Indian warriors, with the intention of killing all the Spaniards and finishing them. Seeing this state of affairs, after having cast the body of Juan de Ampudia into a river, to prevent the Indians from eating it, they determined to return to Popayán. In order that the Indians might think they were still there, they left the tents standing and tied some of the dogs to poles, that the Indians, hearing them barking, might have no suspicion that their masters had gone. And so it was. They fled with such speed that they covered in that one night what it had taken them four days to do, in coming. Next day, though the Indians followed, they could not overtake them. And so they marched until they arrived at Popayán, where there was great grief for the death of the good and brave captain Juan de Ampudia.

[CHAPTER XIV]

How the Adelantado Don Pascual de Andagoya entered the cities, and was received by them as Governor.

HERE I would have concluded my account of the events which occurred in this province, in order to turn the narrative to what happened to the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro; but it will tend to the clearness of both the one subject and the other if I write touching the arrival of Andagoya. Let the reader remember that we mentioned that officer's arrival at Panamá, and that his Majesty appointed him to the government of the Rio de San Juan, which is in the land of Tierra Firme on the confines of Peru; and that, notwithstanding his Majesty's order that he was not to encroach upon any tract settled or explored by any of the captains of the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, he did that same, although it was in disobedience to the royal command. At that time the port of Buenaventura was scarcely discovered. So he took experienced pilots with him who, by their art, might seek a port by which to enter that land. With the people he had assembled, he left Panamá and sailed on until he arrived at the Isle of Palms. After some things that happened, his ships entered a bay into which many rivers which rose in the mountains emptied themselves. From the position of the harbour, the opinion was that the city of Cali would be found inland. So he began to travel by one of the roughest and most difficult roads that is to be found in any part of the world. After having suffered great hardships, and lost all the horses, he reached the city of Cali and was well received by the inhabitants. Andagoya presented the commission he brought with him, declaring that he came to do much good and to maintain justice for all. After reading it, but without asking to see his instructions, nor considering that there was no river called after San Juan in that land, they received Andagoya as Governor and Captain-General: in which they acted very foolishly.

As soon as the Adelantado had been received at Cali, he heard of the captain Jorge Robledo's mission to explore, and also that he had founded a city in Anzerma. So he sent Miguel Muñoz to take possession of that city in his name, and ordered its designation to be changed from Santa Ana to San Juan. He also sent to take possession of Popayán, and was acknowledged without any opposition in that city. He wrote to Robledo by Miguel Muñoz, making him great offers. When Muñoz arrived at Anzerma, and presented the Adelantado's commissions, he was acknowledged there as he had been in Cali. He heard from the Indians that Robledo, and we who were with him, were not far off, having passed the river; and on receipt of this news many wrote letters giving an account of what was happening. Miguel Muñoz returned to give an account to Andagoya of what he had done on his behalf. The latter, feeling that the way in which he had occupied the cities did not leave him secure, and fearing that Belalcázar, who had peopled and founded them, would return to them as Governor, made great haste to collect evidence and witnesses against the latter, believing that in this way he would discomfit Belalcázar, and that his Majesty and the members of his Council would confer no favours on him. Leaving the Adelantado busy with these intrigues, we will return to Robledo, and tell how he explored the province of Quinbaya and founded the city of Cartago there.

[CHAPTER XV]

How the captain Jorge Robledo explored the province of Quinbaya, and how he founded the city of Cartago.

ROBLEDO was sufficiently informed, in the province of Carrapa, that Quinbaya was large and full of very rich Chiefs and lords. As he was desirous of forming another new settlement where he could divide the districts among the Spaniards who were serving with him, he asked the Indians of Carrapa to supply him with what was necessary. When he was ready he set out and marched until he reached the borders of the province of Quinbaya. As all that region is full of large and very thick cane brakes, and the Spaniards did not see any large villages like those they had passed, they became very despondent and said that it would have been better to have settled in the countries they had passed, since they were more profitable. The captain replied to those who said this that he would be delighted to do as they wished, and that presently they would return. So the men began to prepare for going back. The captain then intended to send and make a settlement in the region of Arma, entrusting the service to his ensign Suer de Nava, while he himself would return to the city of Santa Ana, the name of which Andagoya had ordered to be changed to San Juan. But there were not wanting those who murmured at these changes of plan. They said that the best course to pursue would be to pass through the cane brakes, and see what lay beyond them. So after discussing both schemes the captain ordered the ensign Suer de Nava to go forward with forty Spaniards, and force a way through those cane brakes and dense wilds.

When it became known in all that country that the Spaniards were there the Chiefs were so luxurious and vicious that not only did they make no resistance, but they decided to go to the Chief of the Spaniards with presents of gold, thinking that he would then pass on. One of them, named Tacurumbi came to where the captain was, bringing a piece of gold which weighed more than 700 pesos; with other very rich vases of gold and finely wrought pieces. The Spaniards rejoiced greatly at the arrival of this Chief because he told of the riches there were among them. Those who had gone with Suer de Nava came back asking for rewards for their news of the land they had discovered, which was to the effect that they came to many dwellings of Chiefs, in which were plenty of supplies, and they saw large villages and groves of trees, and all the countryside as far as the great valley of Cali. The captain went to join Suer de Nava, and from all parts of the province came Chiefs with quantities of gold, which, with what more he had had, he appropriated for himself without any other law empowering him to do so than the forcefulness and strength which captains then possessed, and are marks of great tyranny. After having taken stock of the villages in the land, he determined to found a city there and to give it all he had discovered, for its jurisdiction. He personally selected a site in the position which seemed most convenient, and thus in the year 1540 he founded the city of Cartago in the name of the Emperor Don Carlos, and the royal crown of Castille, and of the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, Governor of all the provinces of Peru. He gave that name to the city because all we who were engaged in that expedition called ourselves Cartagineses, having come from the prefecture of Cartagena. Pero López Patiño and Martín de Arriaga were appointed alcaldes.

As soon as he had completed the founding of Cartago, the captain left his ensign Suer de Nava as his lieutenant there, and decided to go to Anzerma and Cali to see the Adelantado Andagoya, for by letters, and from a Spaniard named Alonso de Ortega, he heard about all that was happening. He had been much grieved at the news of the deaths of Juan de Ampudia and of Pedro de Añasco, and of Pedro de Guzmán de Herrera, with whom he had been on terms of great friendship.

[CHAPTER XVI]

How the captain Jorge de Robledo left the city of Cartago and went to Cali, where he was well received, and returned as Captain and Lieutenant-General of the cities he had founded.

HAVING decided to return to Anzerma and to go and see Andagoya, the captain left Cartago, after having arranged several things with Suer de Nava. He travelled until he arrived at Anzerma, where he learnt what had been taking place, and that some of the settlers had worked against him. Concealing his anger for the time, he went on to Cali (where the Adelantado was) accompanied by a dozen or so Spaniards. When he came near the city he sent a soldier on with the news. As soon as the Adelantado heard it, he rejoiced and ordered that Robledo should have a great reception. That captain, having as little guile as the others, not only offered to accept the Adelantado as Governor of all the cities he had founded, but sent him 4,000 pesos of gold, part of the ornaments he had received during his conquests, and divided a larger quantity among other persons. Andagoya, to make his friendship more secure, married him to a relation of his wife. After he had been at Cali some days, Robledo departed for the city of Santa Ana, or San Juan as it was now called, accompanied by us and those who had come with him. Having settled certain affairs there, and leaving Ruy Vanegas as his lieutenant, he went back to Cartago to make the repartimiento. He found that there had been some dissensions between the alcaldes and the lieutenant he had left there. They were of a trifling character, but taking them as if they concerned himself, he arrested the alcaldes. Having arrived at the city he acknowledged Andagoya as Governor, and turned his attention to the pacification of the natives.

He then sent [Alvaro] de Mendoza, with some Spaniards on foot, to see what lay on the other side of the snowy cordillera of the Andes. Arrived at the summit, they saw roads which crossed the opposite river-valley, but considering that a further advance could not be made without horses, they returned. Captain Robledo then turned his attention to settling the repartimiento among the Spaniards who were there. We will now revert to the proceedings of the Marquis, and leave this part of the history until the coming of the Governor Belalcázar.

[CHAPTER XVII]

Of what passed in the city of Los Reyes, and how the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro, with the concurrence of the Bishop Friar Vicente de Valverde, made the general repartimiento: and the departure of Gómez de Alvarado to form a settlement at Guanuco.

DURING the time that the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro was absent from the city of Los Reyes, the natives not being yet quite subdued, nor having given up the hope of regaining their ancient liberty by killing the Spaniards, two principal citizens of Lima, named Francisco de Vargas (a native of Campos) and Sebastian de Torres, who held an encomienda in the province of Guaraz, being at Guaylas, with some others, were killed by the Indians. When this was known at Lima, captain Francisco de Chaves[26] [the good] went to punish the Indians, with the approval of the municipality and judicial authorities, taking a sufficient force of horse and foot. They laid waste the fields and villages of the natives, because they were found up in arms. The war made by the Spaniards was so cruel that the Indians, fearing lest they should all be killed, prayed for peace. This was granted by the captain Francisco de Chaves, who thought he had done harm enough. The war being ended he returned to Lima.

At this time the Marquis had founded the cities of Guamanga and Arequipa, and had visited all the provinces of the Collao. He was so much fatigued that he was glad to return to Lima where, after some days, he resolved to make a general repartimiento, with the consent and concurrence of the Bishop, Valverde, because such had been the order of his Majesty.

They both, the Bishop and the Marquis, swore solemnly to make the repartimiento with all fidelity, without considering anything but the service that each man had performed. But though they took this oath, there were some who said that they kept it badly, because they left many conquerors and explorers poor and in want, while they gave to many of their servants the best and richest of the repartimientos.

As the Marquis had founded the cities we have mentioned, and considered it desirable that one should be founded in the province of Guanuco, he presently determined to give orders with that object. Looking round to select a captain to perform this service, he concluded that Gómez de Alvarado, brother of Don Pedro, would do it well, while it would offer a means to gain his friendship; and it might even furnish an opening for those of Chile[27] to lose the hatred they felt against the Marquis owing to past differences. So the Marquis sent for [Gómez] de Alvarado, and told him that he had determined to found a city in the province of Guanuco, that he should have the repartimiento of Indians there, and offered him the appointment. Gómez de Alvarado, seeing the delay there was in Spain in providing for justice, and not being able maintain himself, but now in actual need, replied to the Marquis that he would do what he ordered. When the magistrates and settlers in Lima understood that the Marquis intended to found a city at Guanuco, they protested that it was not just to so curtail the extent of their jurisdiction. Already Guamanga had been taken from them. They told the Marquis further that he could not order such a settlement to be made in those provinces, since they belonged to their city. But this did not prevent him from despatching the captain Gómez de Alvarado with the people who wished to go with him, among them being some from Chile, friends of his who had been old soldiers in Peru. With these he set out for Guanuco, and in the locality which appeared most suitable for maintaining a new population, he founded the city, naming Diego de Caravajal and Rodrigo Núñez, formerly the Camp-master of Almagro the elder, to be its alcaldes. The people of Lima did not cease to complain, urging that the extent of their jurisdiction should not be curtailed. It came to such a pitch that the Marquis was induced to abandon the title of "city," and give the new settlement the name of "town," to be subject to Lima. When Gómez de Alvarado learnt this, he came from the new city or town of Guanuco to Lima with the determination not to return to it unless it were ordered to be called a city.

Further on we will relate what happened afterwards at Guanuco, for all that was done by Gómez de Alvarado counted for nothing; and the Marquis ordered one Pedro Barroso to take charge of the affairs of that province. At this time the men of the Almagro party were in sore straits. They wandered in the Indian villages to get something to eat, barely clothed and in great misery. As they all knew that Don Diego was in Lima, they came down from Charcas, Arequipa, and Cuzco to seek him, saying that his Majesty was treating them badly, in not sending out a judge against the Marquis. Those of the party who were in Lima were not in less necessity than those who were away. For some time before this the Marquis had directed Don Diego to leave his house,[28] and though he afterwards sojourned in the house of Francisco de Chaves, he was also sent away from thence. Juan de Herrada and [Juan Balsa] sought him out. There arrived to join him thirty or forty of those who had followed the Adelantado, old yeomen of his father, and they too suffered great want. The Governor ordered nothing for their sustenance nor did he remember that without Almagro he would not have been what he was, nor would he have attained at the command he then held. Those of the Almagro party endured their squalid condition as best they could.

At that time there were in the city of Lima the captains Juan de Sayavedra, Francisco de Chaves, Cristóbal de Sotelo, Saucedo, Juan de Herrada, Don Alonso de Montemayor, and the accountant Juan de Guzmán, besides other old friends of the Adelantado. Juan de Herrada employed himself in contriving how they and Don Diego could be maintained. It happened that there was only one cloak among ten or twelve of them, and when one went out with it on, the others remained indoors, so that the cloak was always in use. Besides those who arrived to join Don Diego he had other friends in the city, but there was not found one citizen who had the charity or the will to give them anything to eat. No one would maintain the youth Don Diego, nor those who were with him, excepting one Domingo de la Presa, who put a small village near the city at their disposal, the Indians of which provided them with maize, firewood, and other necessaries. We will leave off writing of the men of Chile until the time came when they slew the Marquis, and we will say how the factor Illán Suárez de Caravajal got word that these men of Chile had come to Lima, where it might be they would plot something not for the well-being of the Marquis. This factor wrote a letter in cypher and sent it. This made it necessary for the licentiate Benito Suárez to explain the contents of the letter.[29] He told the Marquis that his brother the factor advised him, in that letter, to be on his guard lest the men of Chile kill him; and to be careful of his person, because many were coming from Charcas, Arequipa, and Cuzco to join with Don Diego. Although the Marquis received this information, he took no steps nor did he place any guard over his person. He made Dr. Blázquez his lieutenant, in succession to Francisco de Chaves, who had held the post up to that time.

The captain Alonso de Alvarado arrived from Chachapoyas, and had some words with Francisco de Chaves and Gómez de Alvarado in the presence of the Marquis. It came to such a pass that Alonso de Alvarado and Gómez de Alvarado challenged each other and took the field. When the Marquis heard of it he interfered and induced these two captains to make peace. He looked on Alonso de Alvarado with much favour, as his own captain and the founder of the city of La Frontera.[30] With permission of the Marquis he returned to that city.

[CHAPTER XVIII]

How, after Gonzalo Pizarro was received as Governor of Quito, he determined to undertake the conquest of El Dorado; and of his departure from Quito.

WE have already related, in a former chapter, how the Marquis Pizarro ordered the captain Gonzalo Pizarro, his brother, to depart for the city of Quito, where, by virtue of an authority from his Majesty, he would be received as Governor. In reality the authority was not to the effect that the Marquis could divide the government; still less did it empower him, if it should seem to him fit, to grant the whole to one of his brothers or to any one he chose. The aim of the Marquis was to establish his brother in that province, that his Majesty might not grant the government of it to Belalcázar, whose setting out by the Rio Grande was now known.[31] Although this was so, they say that the Marquis wrote to His Majesty that, if it were decided to divide the government, Belalcázar deserved whatever favour might be shown him. News also came to Lima that Pascual de Andagoya was coming as Governor of the province of the river of San Juan. This caused the Marquis great annoyance, and he appointed one Isidro de Tapia to be his lieutenant at Cali, nay, also at Anzerma, in consequence, it is said, of heavy bribes given to the Secretary Antonio Picado. Although this was done, they would not accept him nor give up Robledo in his stead.

To return to Gonzalo Pizarro. He arrived at the city of Quito, where he found Lorenzo de Aldana, and by virtue of the authority we have mentioned, they received him as Governor of Quito, San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, Guayaquil and Pasto. Soon afterwards Pedro de Puelles, who had been the Governor's lieutenant at Quito, arrived on the sea coast.

Now Gonzalo Pizarro was desirous of undertaking some expedition, and observing in that city of Quito many men, all either youths or veterans, he became eager for the discovery of the valley of El Dorado, based on the same story which the captains Pedro de Añasco and Belalcázar had brought, and on what was said of the land of Cinnamon which, a short time before, had been invaded by the captain Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda. This Pineda, with a party of Spaniards, penetrated as far as some very lofty mountains, but many Indians came from their lower slopes to prevent the Spaniards from advancing further. These Indians killed some of the Spaniards, and amongst them a cleric. They had made many trenches and ditches. Pineda's party advanced for some days until they came to the Quijos, and the Cinnamon valley. They returned to Quito without having been able to fully explore the region of which they had heard such great things. The Indians said that further on, if they advanced, they would come to a widespreading flat country, teeming with Indians who possess great riches, for they all wear gold ornaments, and where are no forests nor mountain ranges.[32] When this news was spread in Quito, every one who was there wanted to take part in the expedition. The Governor Gonzalo Pizarro began to make preparations and collect men and horses. In a few days he got together 220 Spaniards, horse and foot,[33] naming Don Antonio de Rivera to be Camp-master, and Juan de Acosta Ensign-general. As soon as the men of the expedition had been mustered Gonzalo Pizarro ordered Don Antonio de Rivera to go forward with the vanguard. Don Antonio replied that he would do so gladly, and all got ready to start. In the city of Quito, Pedro de Puelles remained as Lieutenant and Chief Justice. They started well equipped, and with plenty of provisions.[34] The natives of Quito, on seeing them pass beyond their domains, declared that they would find great riches, and praised the land of which news had been brought; while the Spaniards already imagined the plunder before their eyes, and believed it theirs.

[CHAPTER XIX]

How Gonzalo Pizarro left the city of Quito for the land of Cinnamon, which was one of the most laborious explorations that have been made in the mainland or the South Sea.

THIS exploration and conquest by Gonzalo Pizarro, we are bound to say, was the most laborious expedition that has been undertaken in these Indies, in which the Spaniards endured great hardships, famine, and miseries, which well tried the virtues of their nation, like similar events that have occurred in these parts of the world. It is known to all that many nations have excelled others and made them tributaries, and the few have conquered the many. Thus they say of Alexander the Great that, with thirty-three thousand Macedonians, he undertook to conquer the world. So with the Romans: many of their captains who were sent to make war in the provinces attacked their enemies with so few men that it is ridiculous to think of. And as I now have to describe in my history some examples which reflect praise on my nation, I appeal to what will be written, where the curious can see like myself. I mean that no other race can be found which can penetrate through such rugged lands, such dense forests, such great mountains and deserts, and over such broad rivers, as the Spaniards have done without help from others, solely by the valour of their persons and the forcefulness of their breed. In a period of seventy years they have overcome and opened up another world, greater than the one of which we had knowledge, without bringing with them waggons of provisions, nor great store of baggage, nor tents in which to rest, nor anything but a sword and a shield, and a small bag in which they carried their food. Thus it was that they went forth to explore that which was unknown and never before seen. And this is what I think of the Spaniards, and I esteem them because, until now, no other race or nation has, with such resolution, passed through such labours, or such long periods of starvation, or traversed such long distances as they have.[35] At least I have found none. And in this expedition of Gonzalo Pizarro assuredly very great hardships were experienced.

Having decided to send the Camp-master Don Antonio de Rivera on in front, Gonzalo Pizarro gave orders for him to make straight for the province of Quijos. He started at once, and after a few days Gonzalo Pizarro did the same, Cristóbal de Funes going in command of the rear-guard. Don Antonio advanced to a place called Hatunquijo. Gonzalo Pizarro followed. At this time, just when the enterprise of Gonzalo Pizarro became known on the coast of Peru, there arrived one Francisco de Orellana, a native of the city of Truxillo, with thirty Spaniards, and he set out to follow Gonzalo Pizarro, who had already left Quito. Gonzalo crossed a range of mountains, where there were snowy alps, and here over a hundred Indian men and women were frozen to death. Though the Spaniards suffered much from the cold, none of them died. From thence they traversed a very rugged country full of rivers, and with forest lands well peopled. They advanced through these dense forests, opening a road with axes and wood knives; and so they marched until they came to the valley of Zumaque,[36] which they found well peopled and amply stocked with provisions. It is thirty leagues from Quito. Orellana, as we have said, followed Gonzalo Pizarro over those thirty leagues between Quito and Zumaque, and both he and his followers suffered much from hunger, owing to so many people having passed just before. After several days they reached Zumaque, where Pizarro was with all his party. Pizarro received them with hearty welcome, and appointed this Francisco de Orellana to be his Lieutenant-General. Before he had arrived at Zumaque, Gonzalo Pizarro had ordered his Camp-master Don Antonio to send Orellana some provisions, for he was in much need. Don Antonio told off the captain Sancho de Caravajal to convey the succour of provisions, and so enable Orellana to arrive. Sancho de Caravajal presently started back to meet him, and when Orellana's party saw him they rejoiced at the sight, and still more at the food he brought, of which they were in much need. They all then marched to Zumaque, where the things happened that we have related.

After the arrival of Orellana, Gonzalo Pizarro entered into consultation with his principal officers, as to the next step that should be taken. Orellana and his party had arrived very tired. But the rest had been some while at Zumaque and it was time to continue the advance. It was decided that Gonzalo Pizarro should go forward and explore, and that Orellana should follow, after a few days, with the rest of the expedition. Gonzalo Pizarro was only to take seventy Spaniards, without any horses, because the country was so rough and difficult that horses could not be used. Leaving all the horses in the camp at Zumaque Gonzalo Pizarro set out with seventy odd Spaniards, among them being some cross-bow men and arquebusiers. They took a route in the direction of sunrise, having local Indians with them as guides. They started and marched for several days through dense and rugged forest country until they came to where the trees they call canelos grow, and which are like big olive-trees, and bear large flowers and pods.[37] This is the cinnamon of the most perfect kind, and of much substance. No other trees like these have been met with in all the regions of the Indies. The natives value them highly, and in all their settlements they trade with this cinnamon. There are some Indians in these forests, and they live in small, badly built huts, apart from each other. They are very brutish and without reason, usually have many wives, and move through these forests so easily that it is astounding to see their agility.

When Gonzalo Pizarro arrived where these canelos grow, he took certain Indians as guides and asked where there were valleys and plains with many of these trees yielding cinnamon. The Indians replied that they did not know of any others than these, and that they had not seen them anywhere else. Gonzalo Pizarro also tried to learn from these Indians the character of the country in front, whether the forests came to an end, and whether he would soon emerge into open country, and well-peopled provinces. They answered again that they knew nothing, because they were so hemmed in by other tribes that, except with a few who lived in the recesses of the forest, they had no truck; adding that the Spaniards might chance, on going forward, to find some Indians of those parts who would travel with them and guide them to where they desired to go. Gonzalo Pizarro was angry that the Indians had given no reply in conformity with what he wanted. Turning to ask them other things, they answered all in the negative. So he ordered some canes to be fixed across poles, like rather thin hurdles, about three feet wide and seven in length, and the Indians to be put on them and tortured until they told the truth. The innocent natives were promptly stretched on these frames or barbecues, by the cruel Spaniards, and some of them were burnt. As they did not understand what the Spaniards said, nor could they see any just cause for being cruelly put to death, they made great outcries and exclaimed with loud and savage voices: "Why do you kill us with so little reason, neither we nor our fathers have ever injured you. Do you want us to tell you what we do not know?" and adding many other pitiful words, until the fire penetrated and consumed their bodies. This butcher of a Gonzalo Pizarro, not content with burning the Indians who had committed no fault, further ordered that other Indians should be thrown to the dogs, who tore them to pieces with their teeth and devoured them. I heard that among those who were thus burnt or devoured, there were some women, which made it worse. After Pizarro had killed these Indians, he desired to get to some part where horses could be used. For the Spaniards, who were with him, were discouraged at not finding a land such as they wanted to see, and because the Indians did not give them any information. Leaving that place they advanced until they came to a river which formed a small beach of very level sand. Here Gonzalo Pizarro ordered the camp to be pitched for that night, to sleep. It rained so hard near the source of the river that a flood came suddenly down and, if it had not been for warnings from the sentries, some of the party would have been drowned by the rush of water. Gonzalo Pizarro and those who were with him heard the cries of the sentries and the noise of the waters, and they all rose up, and took to their arms, thinking it was Indians coming to make war against them. Seeing what had happened, they stationed themselves above some wash-outs that were there and, although they used all the speed possible, they lost some of their baggage. As they found themselves driven from the place where they had formed their camp, and saw that there was nothing but ranges of forest-clad and rugged mountains in all directions, they decided to return by the way they came and see if they could not find another track which would lead them in the direction they wanted.

[CHAPTER XX]

How Gonzalo Pizarro left that river and went on exploring among those forests and hills without finding any large population, and how the whole party joined forces at a crossing over an arm of the Sweet Sea.[38]

GONZALO Pizarro was much distressed at finding that he could not reach any fertile and abundant province, beyond such rough country as he had met with. He deplored, many times, that he had undertaken this expedition. If he wanted to explore he might have done so from Cuzco with better information, or from further south. But he did not let his followers understand this. On the contrary he gave them all possible encouragement, and it was the advice of all that they should return towards the place whence they had started. On that same day they set out, and returned towards Zumaque, stopping short at a distance of four leagues from the camp. Gonzalo would not go into it, but ordered his party to go direct to the village of Ampua. Before reaching there they came to a great river which they could not ford.[39] The Indians had canoes, and seeing some on the banks of the river, the Spaniards called out saying that they came as friends, and that the Indians need have no fear whatever. Their Chief, whose name was Delicola, determined to go himself and see what manner of men had invaded his country. So he came over, attended by fifteen or twenty men. When Gonzalo Pizarro saw him, and knew that he was the lord of that river where they were, he rejoiced and received him with much honour, giving him some combs and knives, which they value highly. He asked the Chief whether they knew of any land that was good, and to which the Spaniards could go. Meanwhile the Chief had repented that he had come as a friend, for he now got word of the many Indians put to death by the Spaniards, because they had not given the pleasing news the latter wished. So the Chief determined, though it was a lie, to tell them that there were very great populations further on and very rich regions full of powerful lords. Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers were delighted to hear this, believing it to be all truth. Gonzalo Pizarro ordered that the Spaniards were to watch this native Chief without his knowing it, and look out for him in such a way as that it would be impossible for him to escape. This was done, but the Chief, guessing quite well that he was watched, dissembled and did not show any anxiety. As the river was wide in that part and the canoes were not there, they went on to see whether what this Indian had told them was true or not, until they reached a place where the river became narrow. Here they made a bridge and crossed over by it.

The wild mountaineers, when they knew of the Spaniards being in that country, called many of their people together and, taking up arms, collected on the other side of the river, where they dug trenches and made forts to defend themselves. When Gonzalo Pizarro saw that, he ordered some arquebusiers who were with him to fire off their arquebuses and try to kill some of the natives. They did so, killing six or seven Indians, whereupon the others, seeing the sudden deaths of their companions, began to take to flight with loud yells. Having crossed the river, the Spaniards came to a place where there were no mountains, but low-lying plains, though presently these were seen to be everywhere surrounded by forest. They found few natives and only a small amount of provisions, all the Indians being of one appearance and dress. So Gonzalo Pizarro decided to call up the rest of the Spaniards, who were at Zumaque in the camp that was formed there. Two Spaniards were sent for them and, on their arrival at Zumaque, Don Antonio and the captain Orellana came to join Gonzalo Pizarro at the place whence he had sent the message. When the whole expedition was united, Gonzalo ordered the Camp-master, Don Antonio de Rivera, to advance with some men, and find out what the country looked like further on. Don Antonio set out with fifty Spaniards and marched until he had covered about twenty leagues of upland. Then they came upon a small settlement called Barco, and found some provisions. He reported this to Gonzalo Pizarro who proceeded thither with his whole force, the Chief meeting them in a friendly manner, and telling them what was ahead. The natives were much alarmed at seeing the horses and so many Spaniards. The Chief wanted to plunge into the river and take to flight, but Sancho de Caravajal perceiving this, seized him and brought him before Gonzalo Pizarro, who ordered him to be fastened to a chain, with two other Chiefs who had come as friends. The Chief who, we said, first gave them news of rich provinces was carefully watched, but was not made a prisoner at that time. When the Indians saw that their Chiefs who had come as friends had been put in chains they were indignant, and, taking up arms, they came in forty canoes direct to the place where they had seen their Chief who called to them to protect him. But the Spaniards who saw the canoes coming and heard the shouting, came out with their arms and put the Indians to rout. Then Gonzalo Pizarro ordered Delicola, the Chief who had been a party to raising the natives in arms against him and his followers, to be made fast on the chain with the others.

The Spaniards, seeing that the river they had discovered was very large and must flow down to the Sweet Sea,[40] and reflecting that of all the servants they had brought from Quito not one remained, nor could any be found where they were, the land being so bad, came to the conclusion that the best plan would be to build a craft, on board of which their supplies might go down the river, the horses following by land, in the hope of reaching some region of plenty, for which they all besought Our Lord. Presently they built the vessel with the necessary outfit they had brought with them, and one Juan Alcántara was given charge of her. They shipped as much stuff as she could stow, and the Spaniards with the horses followed down stream, along the bank. They met with some small settlements where they got maize and yuca, and they found a quantity of guavas which afforded no small help to them in their need. Continuing their journey down the river bank, they sometimes wished to diverge in one direction or another to see what the country was like, but the morasses and other obstacles were so great that they could not, and so they were obliged to keep along the river bank, though with much difficulty, for the creeks in the swamps were so deep that swimming the horses through them was an arduous task. Some Spaniards and horses were drowned. The Indian men and women carrying loads could not cross these swamps on foot, so they looked for some of the canoes which the natives had hidden. When the bad places were narrow they made bridges of trees, and crossed in that manner. In this way they advanced down the river for forty-three marches, and there was not a day when they did not come upon one or two of these creeks, so deep that they were put to the labour we have described, each time. They found little food and no inhabitants, and they began to feel the pangs of hunger, for of the herd of swine they brought from Quito, numbering more than 5,000, all were eaten. At this time the Chief Delicola, who was the first that came in friendly guise, and the other prisoners, for fear the Spaniards would kill them, declared that farther on they would find a rich and well-peopled land. Observing one day that they were less carefully watched, they slipped into the river with their chain, and crossed to the other side, without the Spaniards being able to retake them. The Spaniards thus found themselves without guides for advancing, and they consulted as to what it would be best to do. As the Indians had said that after fifteen marches they would come to another very broad and swift river, down which there were large settlements and very rich Chiefs, also such quantities of food that if there were a thousand Spaniards there would be enough for all, Gonzalo Pizarro ordered the Captain-General Francisco de Orellana, with seventy men, to go on and see if what the Indians had said was true, and to return with the vessel full of provisions, for they saw the great need there was for food. He himself, with the rest of his force, would march down stream at once, to reach the populous country as soon as possible. For all the Spaniards were in want, and in truth their necessity was dire, so that Orellana must make all speed to bring them relief. He was not to do anything else; wherefore the vessel was entrusted to his care solely, and to no other person. Francisco de Orellana replied that he would use all possible diligence to carry out his orders, that he would bring back provisions as quickly as he could, and that there need be no doubt about that. So he took on board some arms and clothing belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro and others who wished to send them on, and then departed down the river, leaving Gonzalo Pizarro and the other Spaniards longing for his quick return.

[CHAPTER XXI]

How Francisco de Orellana went down the river until he reached the Ocean Sea, and of the great sufferings of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers from hunger.

GONZALO Pizarro, having decided to send Francisco de Orellana in the vessel down the river, ordered him to start at once, and to those who were to travel with him he repeated the instructions he had given to Orellana himself. They therefore proceeded down stream, taking scarcely any provisions with them, and suffered very great hardships, making their way for days without seeing any inhabitant. At the end of that time they met with a few and began to talk of returning, but this seemed an impossible task, for they had traversed more than three hundred leagues.

Orellana, after stating some excuses, continued his way and discovered the very wide river Marañón or "Mar Dulce" as some call it, with great provinces and settlements on its banks, so large that they affirm that in passing continuously down stream for two whole days they did not come to the end of the populated district. They had some fights with the Indians, and a few Spaniards were wounded. Father Gaspar de Caravajal lost an eye. They never found gold or silver, but some Indians they captured told them that those metals existed in great quantities in the interior. After passing through still greater hardships they at length arrived at the Ocean Sea, whence Orellana went to Spain; and his Majesty granted him that province with the title of Adelantado.[41] Publishing an account of greater things than he ever saw, he enlisted many people. With them he entered the mouth of the great river and died miserably, all his followers being lost as well.

Let us return to Gonzalo Pizarro who, when he had despatched his lieutenant-general Francisco de Orellana down the river in the vessel, as we have related, determined to push forward from that place as best he could. He had no provisions, nor any knowledge of whither he might be able to go. There was not even any track to follow. The heavens poured down water from their clouds in such quantities that for many days, including nights, the rain never ceased. As for those swamps we have mentioned, the farther the Spaniards went the more of them they encountered. To enable them to proceed and bring along the horses the strongest young men went ahead, opening a road with axes and wood knives, never ceasing to cut through that dense wild in such a way that all the camp could pass and journey eastward. As they were in such an evil land and might not find any village, they determined to wait and see what the captain Francisco de Orellana could do for them. Meanwhile, not to die of hunger, they ate some remaining horses, and dogs, without wasting any of the entrails, skin, or other parts; for all was food for the Spaniards. At this time they had come in sight of an island in the river; but facing it, on the mainland where the Spaniards had to pass, there were great swamps and bogs which they could not traverse. To arrive at the supposed land of plenty which Orellana might discover down the river, they would have to build boats and big rafts near this island, and these must be well supplied with provisions and fit to receive the remaining horses on board, and everything else. They could then go down the river without danger, and in a short time enter the region where they expected to find settlements so large and well-to-do that the mere mention of them excites astonishment, though we know positively it is truth, and rather under than over stated.

Gonzalo Pizarro, finding himself near this island, and not knowing the kind of road there might be ahead, and considering the want of provisions from which all the Spaniards were suffering, now ordered the captain Alonso de Mercadillo to go down the river with a dozen Spaniards, in some canoes they had, to see if there was any sign of Francisco de Orellana, and to seek for some fruit or roots by which the Spaniards might be sustained. Mercadillo was away for eight days, without finding anything whatever, nor any sign of Indians. Great was the sorrow of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers when they heard this. It seemed as if they were quite lost, for they had nothing to eat but wild herbs and coarse fruits never before seen or known, and the horses and dogs; and these on so restricted a dole that rather did it whet their hunger than relieve their yearning for food.

As they were in such great straits that there seemed no remedy either by advancing or by going back, Gonzalo Pizarro resolved to send canoes with other persons, to see if any signs of natives or homesteads could be found, where they could get food; for if they delayed much longer they must all inevitably perish. He therefore ordered the captain Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda to go out and make search with some others. They embarked in the canoes and went down stream until they came to another river larger and mightier than the one they had been navigating, the two becoming one. Here they saw cuts made by wood knives and swords, showing that Orellana and his companions had been there. As they were so ravening and wishful to reach some place where there was food, they considered, on seeing such a large river, that it would be well to go up it and see what could be found. After having gone up it for ten leagues, God our Lord was pleased that they should find many very thick patches of yuca,[42] so large that the stems that came from their roots looked like a small forest. This yuca plantation was due to certain Indians who had previously lived for some years in that locality. Their neighbours, in a war they waged upon them, forced them to retire farther inland into the mountains. Hence these yucas they had planted continued to grow and remain there as we have described, and afforded no small relief to the exhausted Spaniards. Those who came in the canoes knew the yucas quite well. So they went down on their knees and gave thanks to God our Lord for His great mercy. Then they began to pull them up and load the two canoes, returning with them full to where Gonzalo Pizarro was waiting, where the Spaniards had already given up all hope of escaping with their lives. When they saw the canoes and learnt what they brought, they all wept for joy, saying, "Blessed be the Lord our God who has thus remembered us," while kneeling on the ground, and turning their eyes heavenward; thus giving Him thanks for a mercy which they held to be a very great one.

For twenty-seven days Gonzalo Pizarro had been there with his party, eating nothing but some horse and dog-flesh with herbs and leaves of trees. They had also eaten the saddle and stirrup leathers, boiled in water and afterwards toasted over the ashes. So that we have good reason for saying that this expedition of discovery had to endure great hardships and want. The yucas brought in the canoes were divided out, but they did not wait to wash or clean them, and began to eat with the earth still sticking to them. And when they all learnt that the yuca plantations were near, they collected all the canoes and fastened them securely together with strong cords to cross to the other side of the river, which was about three cross-bow shots in width. The surviving horses crossed easily, as the current was not strong. Then the people, with what baggage remained to them, were ferried over with much trouble and made their way to the place on the other river where the yuca thicket had been found. At that time the fury of their hunger was such that a Spaniard named Villarejo began to eat a root of a white colour and rather thick. He had scarcely tasted it when he lost his reason and became mad. The Spaniards made a very hurried traverse, crossing more creeks and small streams until they arrived at the yuca plantation. As all came in an exhausted state, not having eaten anything for so many days, they did nothing but pull up yucas, with the earth still sticking to the roots, and began to eat them at once. There they formed a camp, and remained for eight days. The Spaniards were very sick and sore, wan, and wretched, and in such an afflicted condition that it was very sad to look upon them.

[CHAPTER XXII]

How Gonzalo Pizarro arrived, with his followers, at a place where Indians had formerly settled but had been driven out in a war, and the Spaniards found a very great quantity of yucas, by means of which they were restored to health and their lives were saved; and of the hardships they went through.

HAVING arrived at the yuca plantation in the way we have recounted, and seeing that there were abundant roots to sustain them, the Spaniards felt that our Lord had shown them the greatest mercy in the world, and such was their joy that they shed many tears, giving Him thanks. In the days that they were there, the native servants having failed them, they themselves grated the yucas by means of very sharp thorns that grow on certain trees in those forests, and made bread of the meal, finding it to be as wholesome as the white rusks of Utrera. Assuredly Gonzalo Pizarro performed great service in this expedition. If he had not afterwards blemished his fame with the name of traitor, his great services should for ever be held in memory. But in this history, being that of the beginning or childhood of the deeds done by the Spaniards in these realms, we shall record the events as they happened, neither failing to mention the evil deeds and atrocities, nor omitting to relate the good works.

Returning to our narrative, the yucas which the Spaniards found in this locality, where there is nothing else in those dense and evil forests, were an immense resource.

As the Indians had formerly lived on those flats, and their principal sustenance is yuca, they had laid out great plantations of this root, extending for more than forty leagues. But their neighbours having fought with these natives until they were driven from thence, all that yuca harvest remained to enable the Spaniards to restore their well-being with it. At the end of eight days Gonzalo Pizarro ordered that all should depart and travel up stream, to see if God, our Lord, would be pleased to guide the expedition to some good land, or back to that from which they had come. At that plantation two Spaniards died through eating too many yucas. Others swelled in such a way that they could not walk on their feet. They were put on the horses, in the saddles, and secured with cords so that they should not fall off, for they had not strength to keep on horseback. Although they complained, they were not helped, for the others said that they were acting like rogues, and that there was nothing the matter with them.

Spaniards went in front of the main body, opening a road through the forest with axes and wood knives. Many had to go barefoot, for they had no alpargates[43] nor anything else to put on. They believed that Orellana and the others who went down the river were dead, either from starvation or at the hands of the Indians. Some Spaniards always marched in the rear guard, not allowing any to lag behind, the sick being put on the horses, as we have already said. They marched along the banks for forty leagues, always finding yuca plantations; but the horses were so lean and weak that they were of little use. When they had completed those forty leagues they came to a small settlement of natives, but they had no interpreter to ask them what they wanted to know. When the natives saw the Spaniards with horses, they were terrified, got into their canoes, and from thence made signs and brought some of their food for the Spaniards. They pitched it ashore to them in exchange for hawks' bells, combs, and other trifles which the Spaniards always carried with them. They went on from this place for eight days; exploring the region up stream, and always finding it sparsely settled like the one they had left. After they had travelled for these eight days there were no longer any Indians, nor any track leading in any direction, because the natives from this point used the river as their only road. By signs the natives said that there were no roads and no provisions farther on. When the Spaniards heard this they sought for food from the store the Indians had; as much as each one could carry on his back and on the horses.

Gonzalo Pizarro was very sad. He knew not in what land he was, nor what direction to take to reach Peru or any other part where there were Christians. He took counsel with Don Antonio, Sancho de Caravajal, Villegas, Funes, and Juan de Acosta. Their conclusion was that Gonzalo Díaz de Pineda should be sent out in two canoes strongly lashed together, to explore the river, with Indians to help in working them up stream. He was to go up and try to find a well-peopled locality, and then Gonzalo Pizarro would follow with the whole camp. Gonzalo Díaz presently started in the canoes, taking with him a cross-bow and an arquebus; and Gonzalo Pizarro also set out with the rest. But he was in great anxiety, for the Spaniards were in a very bad state. They had eaten nothing but the yucas, and this brought on a flux which wore them out; besides that they all went with bare feet and legs, for they had nothing in the way of shoes, except that a few made a sort of sandal from the leather of the saddles. The road was all through forest, and full of prickly trees: so that their feet got scratched all over, and their legs were constantly pierced by the many thorns. In this condition they went on, nearly dead with hunger, naked and barefooted, covered with sores, opening the road with their swords; while it rained so that on many days they never saw the sun and could not get dry. They cursed themselves many times for having come to suffer such hardships and privations, which they could well have avoided, Peru being so large and populous a country, where all may obtain relief.

Those who went in the canoe made a signal every night, to show how they went forward, and Gonzalo Pizarro with his followers worked their way through the forest in the laborious manner we have described. So they went on for fifty-six leagues, Pizarro by land and Gonzalo Díaz on the river. They met no natives, and had no food but the yucas they brought with them and the insipid wild fruits they found among those mountains. Gonzalo Díaz, who went on the river, reflecting that they had gone fifty leagues without striking anything, was very sad. He thought that Gonzalo Pizarro and all his men must die of hunger, as they could find no inhabited land. One day, at the hour of compline, they encountered a strong current which they were unable to stem, so they jumped ashore. On a trunk of a tree, brought down by the current, they sat pondering over their misery. They were very anxious, thinking that it would be impossible for Gonzalo Pizarro and the others to reach this place, owing to the density of the forest and the large affluents that came to join the river. As they were thus thinking, Don Pedro de Bustamente, who accompanied Gonzalo Díaz, stood up and saw a canoe at a bend of the river near where they were, and in a little while fourteen or fifteen more appeared, there being eight or nine Indians in each canoe with their arms and shields. As soon as they saw the canoes, the captain Gonzalo Díaz got fire from his flint and steel, and with it he lighted the match of the arquebus. Bustamente took the cross-bow, and putting a shaft into it, they held them ready until they saw what the Indians, who came on careless of being about to meet the Spaniards, would do. When they came within range, Gonzalo Díaz pointed the arquebus and hit an Indian in the breast, who presently fell into the river dead. Bustamente, with the cross-bow, let fly a shaft and hit another in the arm, who very quickly pulled it out and turned to hurl the missile at him who shot it off. Then with loud yells, they hurled many darts and arrows. The two Spaniards as quickly loaded the arquebus again and set the cross-bow. With these they killed two more Indians, and then, laying hold of their swords and shields, they approached the enemy in their canoe.

The Indians, astounded at seeing four of their number dead, began a flight in their canoes down the river. The Spaniards followed, shooting at them with the arquebus. This scared them so that they left the canoes and jumped into the river. The Spaniards took some of the canoes and found food in them of the kind used by the Indians, for which they gave thanks to Our Lord, for it was many days since they had tasted anything but roots and herbs which they found on the banks of the river. These Indians had come from a river which is different from this one, and two of them, with two canoes, had been fishing when they saw the Spaniards and went to give the alarm to their village. So the people of the village came out by a creek which falls into the river, thinking to take or kill the Spaniards. The event turned out as you have heard. Gonzalo Díaz and Bustamente, after they had eaten, cut some crosses on trees near the river with their swords, so that if Gonzalo Pizarro and his people should come that way, they would know that they had been there and gone on. That night they resumed their voyage up the river, and the morning dawned very clear. Casting their eyes towards the south they saw a range of very high mountains, at which they rejoiced greatly for they thought it must be the Cordillera of Quito, or that which lies near the cities of Popayán and Cali. In that case the Spaniards would not be lost, for God our Lord would guide them to a Christian land. Presently they found some stones, at a rapid. Never before had they seen any in the more than 300 leagues that they had traversed. Having gone so far up the river, they determined to go back and see whether Gonzalo Pizarro and his people were coming. Leaving some of the food and canoes, they turned back down the river, and what had taken them eleven days to accomplish in going up, they now covered in a day and a half.

Gonzalo Pizarro continued to advance with his people, suffering terribly from famine, for now they had eaten all the dogs, numbering more than nine hundred, except two: one belonging to Gonzalo Pizarro, and the other to Don Antonio Rivera. They had also eaten most of the horses they had brought. The Spaniards were so tired and worn out, that they could hardly walk, while several died in the forest. Going down the river Gonzalo Díaz heard the noise of people cutting the trees with their swords. Very joyfully he landed at the spot the Spaniards had reached, and they were delighted to see each other. Gonzalo Pizarro was coming with the rear-guard, lest any of the Spaniards should drop and be left for dead. When Gonzalo Díaz heard this he got into the canoe again and went to meet him. We cannot describe the joy they felt at seeing each other, for Díaz had believed Pizarro to be already dead.[44] He and Bustamente related to Gonzalo Pizarro how they had come back to seek for him, because in going up the river they had encountered armed Indians, and God had delivered them out of their hands, and given them strength to kill four of them with the arquebus and cross-bow, making them take to flight and abandon their canoes, in which they found some food. They also reported having seen very high mountains and that they believed that they would there find inhabitants, or a road which would lead to a land of Christians. They also said they had found a great beach on the river, covered with stones. Gonzalo Pizarro rejoiced at this news. We will here leave off writing about him, to relate other important things which happened within the Realm.

[CHAPTER XXIII]

How his Majesty appointed Belalcázar as his Governor, and how he entered upon the government and arrested the Adelantado Andagoya.

IN the first book we mentioned how the captain Sebastián de Belalcázar, being on an expedition of discovery, arrived at the province of Bogotá, called the New Kingdom of Granada, where he found some Spaniards of Santa Marta, who were the first discoverers of those parts. Belalcázar, Fedreman, and the licentiate Jiménez embarked together in one ship, each one desirous that the government of the country should be given to himself. Although each one came to Spain with the intention of applying for it, their hopes were disappointed, for it was granted to Don Alonso de Lugo, Adelantado of the Canaries. When the captain Belalcázar arrived in Spain he found that his Majesty was absent, enjoying his immortal triumphs. It was easy for those who came to Spain to negotiate, in those days, as the lords of the Council favoured captains who approached them to seek posts; and Belalcázar, after he had submitted his report, was given the government of Popayán with the towns of Anzerma, Cartago, Cali, and Neyva, with all the territory as far as the boundaries of San Francisco de Quito. With these grants and favours he left Spain and came to Tierra Firme. At the city of Panamá he embarked in a ship, with those in his company, and landed near the harbour now called Buenaventura; whence he continued his journey to the city of Cali, where news of his coming as Governor had already arrived. Andagoya worked to obtain friends and interest and resist Belalcázar's entry, and strove for the support of the city magistrates and aldermen. Although they all raised his hopes and made great promises, they desired first to see Belalcázar there before their eyes, and then on his arrival to desert Andagoya and go over to him. For novelties please the people, who are always friends to anything new, and they like to see changes, especially among those who govern.

Many letters, with great promises, came to Belalcázar; and Andagoya, suspecting some persons, arrested them, and prepared to send men into the hill country to block the arrival. After some things had passed which I cannot now recount, and there had been emissaries and proposals, Belalcázar arrived at the city of Cali. There, lest he should have to decide by force who had the best title to govern, he put his men under arms; and Andagoya did likewise with those who supported him. They were almost coming to blows when some monks intervened. It was then agreed that the Governor Belalcázar should present his credentials to the municipality, and if they accepted them he was to be acknowledged as Governor, but if not, then Andagoya was to remain in office. By this time many who were at Cali had gone over to Belalcázar's side. After seeing his credentials the municipal delegates accepted him as Governor, and removed the Adelantado from office. A few days later Andagoya was made a prisoner and taken to the city of Popayán. Belalcázar then wrote to the captain Robledo, and sent Pedro de Ayala to take possession of the cities of Cartago and Anzerma, with orders that the city of Santa Ana, then called San Juan, was to be henceforth styled the town of Anzerma. Pedro de Ayala arrived at Cartago, where the captain Jorge de Robledo distributed what caciques were there, among the conquerors, and for those other Spaniards who received no repartimiento he determined to go and find Indians. So he proceeded from Cartago to the town of Anzerma, whence he wrote letters to Belalcázar, for he knew that certain persons, actuated by envy and malice, were speaking evil of him before Belalcázar and that Belalcázar approved—for he was a man of little knowledge and poor understanding, unable to take the measure of those who came with false or unjust statements. The captain Jorge Robledo, desiring to do what we have said, set out from Anzerma, taking as his ensign the captain Álvaro de Mendoza, a principal knight among those engaged in that campaign, who had served his Majesty for many years. With a hundred Spaniards, horse and foot, they left Anzerma, crossed the great river, and came to the village of Irra. Leaving the affairs of that government at this point, we will return to our principal subject, and relate how the licentiate Cristóbal Vaca de Castro was appointed in Spain to be Governor of Peru.

[CHAPTER XXIV]

How the alcalde Diego Núñez de Mercado arrived in Spain with news of the death of Almagro; how his Majesty deemed that event to be an ill service, and how he appointed the licentiate Cristóbal Vaca de Castro as Judge.

THE alcalde Diego Núñez de Mercado, ever the faithful adherent of the Adelantado Don Diego de Almagro, left Peru as quickly as possible after his friend was beheaded, and embarked in a ship for Tierra Firme. Thence [he] travelled and sailed until he reached the Court of his Majesty with the news of the battle of Las Salinas and the death of Almagro, and all the other events that had happened in Peru. His knowledge was complete, for he was a third party in all the negotiations and agreements between the two Governors. When the Emperor heard of the death of Almagro he was much grieved, and held that what had taken place in Peru was detrimental to his service. His Majesty was angry that such a loyal servant and vassal should have been put to death with such cruelty, and ordered the members of his Council to see justice done in the case. Soon afterwards Diego de Alvarado, and also Diego Gutiérrez de los Rios, arrived in Spain. They too related the execution of Almagro, and prayed for justice.

Then Don Alonso Enríquez arrived in Spain with others, who told the story differently; so that the Council of the Indies, in order to get at the truth, nominated the licentiate Cristóbal Vaca de Castro as Judge of Commission, to go out and collect evidence. Some say that Hernando Pizarro obtained this appointment, through the Cardinal Loaysa, that he might have charge of the affairs of the Marquis Pizarro, because he would show himself favourable in that interest. However that may have been, this licentiate was ordered to proceed to Peru to investigate what we have said, and if perchance the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro should die before the Judge's arrival or while he was there, he was to assume the government in the place of the said Marquis. And as some complaints against Dr. Robles, a judge of the Panamá Audience, had reached Spain, it was ordered that the Judge Vaca de Castro should be President of the Panamá Audience so long as he was there, and take steps to call Judge Robles and Dr. Villalobos to account. On leaving that Audience in good order, he was to set out for Peru. Having arrived there, he was to take evidence and make a thorough inquiry into the course of recent events there, and send home a report.

Vaca de Castro accepted the appointment, and had great hopes that, with diligence, he would be able to perform the duties and do good service to his Majesty. As soon as the appointment of Vaca de Castro was announced in Spain, Diego de Alvarado and others wrote to Diego de Almagro and Juan de Herrada, saying that Dr. Beltrán and other members of the Council had received large presents from the Marquis, whence it must be inferred that Vaca de Castro would not do strict justice there. These letters caused some perturbation in the minds of the men of Chile. Vaca de Castro, as soon as he had received his sailing orders, took leave of the Court and proceeded to San Lucar, where he embarked, with the title of President of the Audience of Panamá. Correspondents were not wanting who informed the Marquis of the appointment of Vaca de Castro, and of the very limited powers he brought with him, telling Pizarro that he need have no mistrust, as the Judge was going out rather to show him a favour, and that he would suffer no dishonour in consequence.

Vaca de Castro sailed across the ocean until he came to Nombre de Dios, whence he proceeded to Panamá, arriving in the middle of January, 1542. It was given out that he came with wide powers and commissions. Arrived at Panamá, he was received as President in the Audience and Royal Chancellery. In the Audience Dr. Robles and Dr. Villalobos were judges. As soon as Vaca de Castro had been received by them as President, he produced a royal commission by which his Majesty ordered him to investigate the judges' proceedings, especially those of Dr. Francisco Robles, who had held office for a long time, and respecting whose acts several complaints had reached Spain. Presently this officer was suspended from duty, and his case was investigated. As Vaca de Castro was anxious to get on to Peru, he handed over the completion of the case to Dr. Villalobos, against whom there was nothing, and to the licentiate Páez de Laserna, who had lately arrived from Spain as a judge. He then arranged for his own departure, and quitted the harbour of Panamá in a galleon belonging to Dr. Sepúlveda. There went with him Don Pedro Luis Cabrera, and Hernán Mejía, an alderman of the city of Seville. There were also with him Juan de Cáceres, Accountant of Peru, and Sebastián de Merlo, who had been the secretary of that Audience. He sailed for Peru, accompanied by several other ships, on the 18th of March in the year 1542.

[CHAPTER XXV]

Of what happened in the city of Lima, and how Pedro Alvarez Holguin left the city of Cuzco on an expedition of discovery.

THE coming of Vaca de Castro as Judge was publicly known in Lima through letters that had arrived from Spain; and the men of Chile anxiously awaited the hour of his arrival, when they would seek for justice respecting the putting to death of Don Diego de Almagro. They were in very great need, and the Marquis did nothing to alleviate their condition. There was an estate with some Indians which, it was said, Domingo de la Presa had given or sold to Don Diego.[45] It happened that Domingo de la Presa died at this time, and Francisco Martín de Alcántara, brother of the Marquis, asked for the estate. There were even some words about it, for the Bishop, as was said, also had pretensions. Finally the Marquis took it away from Don Diego and gave it to Francisco Martín. This was assuredly a great injustice, and not in conformity with the position and claims of Don Diego, having regard to his father's services to the King. As maize and other supplies for Don Diego's house, where all the men of Chile boarded, were obtained from this estate, they felt the want so much that it was pitiful to hear what the lad Don Diego said, and how he complained of the harshness with which the Marquis treated him. Juan de Herrada, who had formerly been his father's servant, sought by every means for food to sustain Don Diego and his followers, who had become very poor. It is true that the Marquis, in order to make friends with some of them, sent word to the captains Juan de Sayavedra, Cristóbal de Sotelo, and Francisco de Chaves that he would give them Indian bondsmen whereby they might live in comfort: but they scoffed at a promise of that sort, saying that they would rather die of hunger than receive food at the hands of the Marquis.

In view of the current news of the coming of Vaca de Castro, the men of Chile determined to send Alonso de Montemayor and Juan de Baeza, dressed in mourning, to welcome the Judge at Piura, or wherever they could overtake him, and when they reached him they were to petition for restitution of what they had lost, and punishment of their enemies for the treason of having killed the Adelantado. Some there were who said that Juan de Herrada and young Almagro conspired together to find out the intentions of Vaca de Castro, and, if these were not in agreement with what they expected and believed, to kill him and seize all the arms he might have with him. This is the story told by the Pachacama party, but at that time no such plot to murder Vaca de Castro was in being or even discussed among them, nor did they send the deputies for any other purpose than to acquaint him with the course of events, and also to learn, perchance, whether he came with intent to favour the Marquis and not to do full justice to them. If so, they would prepare to arm and, with some friends, they would defend themselves against any one who should wish to annoy them. Presently those two set out to do what we have stated. When the Marquis heard of the approach of Vaca de Castro, he sent a chamberlain named Alonso de Cabrera to receive him, and to see the lodgings prepared for him, where he was to rest on the road. Although the Marquis felt sore at the coming of Vaca de Castro, he prudently dissembled, and gave out that he was pleased at his arrival. At this time Pedro Alvarez Holguin had gone on an expedition of discovery with a small force, in the direction of the Chunchos. Don Pedro de Puertocarrero was then lieutenant for the Governor at Cuzco. Captain Pedro Anzures was in the town of Plata, where many gentlemen of rank had settled; and had instituted good order among the Indians in those provinces. Those who would not acknowledge their subjection, nor render obedience to his Majesty, were punished and forced to submit. In the other towns and new settlements the same care was observed. In Lima, as well as in all the other cities of the Realm, a great quantity of wheat and barley was raised.

Now the Marquis was guided by the counsels of his secretary Antonio Picado, who was not a man of constancy or prudence. It would have been well to lead the Marquis towards a policy of conciliation, which would have attracted friends; but Picado did just the reverse. He said many ugly things of the men of Chile, and it was through his scheming that the farm was taken from the lad Don Diego and given over to Francisco Martín. To insult the men of Chile, Picado one day put on embroidered clothes enriched with many gold figs,[46] and went in that garb to the quarters of young Diego. There he made his horse plunge and caper about to the bodily danger of those present, as if with intent to knock them over. Those of Chile felt hurt and insulted when they saw this, deploring that their misfortunes and ill-luck were such that Picado could come thus and triumph over them. From that time their suspicions grew, and they were in dread lest the Marquis should kill or banish them, so they sought for arms to defend themselves. The Marquis was informed of this, and he was counselled by his friends to keep people about him to guard his person, that he might not be murdered on a sudden. But he would not take their advice; on the contrary, he went out of his house every day alone. He went to a place where a mill was being built, where the men of Chile might have killed him many times, if they had cared to station themselves there.

[CHAPTER XXVI]

Of what happened to the President Vaca de Castro, after he left the city of Panamá to go to Peru.

AFTER leaving Panamá all went well in the vessel on board of which Vaca de Castro and his friends had embarked, and the vessels accompanying her, until they came to a rocky islet called by the sailors "Mal Pelo." Thence they sailed along the coast until they sighted the Island of La Gorgona, which is near the river of San Juan. After that the winds were contrary, and the rains frequent. Then the sea became tempestuous, bearing on its waves the vessels that had come from Panamá. After some days they sighted the Island of El Gallo, whither the pilot and captain ordered the sailors to steer, as they wished to renew their supply of water. Pedro Luis Cabrera, Hernán Mejía and some others landed. While they were on shore, the hawser which secured the vessel carried away, and those who had gone on shore were only got on board again with great difficulty. At length they were able to continue the voyage, and arrived at the Ancón de Sardinas. On the night of their arrival there arose a furious gale, insomuch that they thought they were lost. All the vessels put to sea, but when daylight came the galleon was alone, no other vessel being in sight. When the pilot saw this he wanted to return to Ancón de Sardinas, but was unable to, as the vessel had drifted too far to leeward. Night coming on, and being near the land, the pilot anchored the vessel with good cables so as to ride through the night without drifting, with the contrary wind, from the place into which they had come. But after a short time a sailor cried out that they were driving on shore. They slipped the anchor and stood out to sea under the foresail, so, in spite of the efforts of the pilot, they were unable to hold their own. They ran for the island of El Gallo, where they found a ship at anchor. They believed she was one of those which had started with them; but it was not so, she had come from Nicaragua.

Vaca de Castro ordered Merlo to go to that vessel in the boat, and to require those in command on board to come and appear before him. There came one named Pedro Orejón, who was married to a daughter of the Governor Rodrigo de Contreras, and another named Juan de Quiñones, a settler in the city of León. As soon as they learnt that Vaca de Castro was on board the galleon they came to pay their respects. He asked them to keep him company, as he had lost touch with the vessels which left Panamá with him. They answered that they would do so. So they got up their anchors and left that place, to sail on along the coast. But although they used all their skill to gain southing they could not do so, by reason of the adverse weather which would in no wise allow them to proceed. When Vaca de Castro saw how difficult it was to make way against the contrary winds, and reflected how desirable it was to reach his destination speedily, to prevent trouble between the respective parties of Chile and of Pachacama, he consulted with those on board. They agreed that, as the contrary winds were so persistent, and there was a deficiency of cables and gear, it would be better to make for the port of Buenaventura, whence they could march to the city of Cali, where they would find all the outfit necessary for a journey to Peru. Vaca de Castro and those on board both the vessels having come to this decision they steered for the Isle of Palms. No one on board either ship knew the port of Buenaventura, it being situated between rivers, with very dense forests on either side; so that to make no mistake it is necessary to know it well. I myself, having once gone to Panamá to negotiate certain business with the Royal Chancellery, returned to the province by way of this port. Though I had a pilot with me, named Martín Hernández, who had been there twice before, we missed our mark and thought we had lost ourselves, because one has to enter by two or three branches of the rivers to get into the one by which vessels are brought up to the port by the tide. We were eleven days in those rivers seeking for the port and never able to find it; nor should we have got there at all, if it had not been for a skipper who was coming out in a small vessel on a fishing cruise. He piloted us into the branch of the river which leads to Buenaventura. I mention this because Vaca de Castro had much trouble in finding the port, as there is much risk in trying to enter, for those who have never seen it before.

Having arrived at the Isle of Palms they were very puzzled over the means to be adopted for finding the port. They found an inscription cut in large letters on a rock in the island, to the following effect: Whoever comes in search of the port of Buenaventura should sail for six leagues to the west, and on the beach at which he will arrive he will see a large cross, and on digging at the foot of it will find a calabash containing a letter which tells where the port is. They were all much pleased at finding this writing, and Vaca de Castro ordered a sailor who understood navigation to go in the boat and seek for the letter at the cross, for then they could not possibly go wrong. He ordered Merlo to go with him in the boat. They started, and presently arrived where the letters on the rock directed. They found the cross cut down by the coast Indians, but, after a diligent search, could not find the letter. As the cross had been cut down, they decided to go towards a bay or roadstead that the coast forms. They wandered about for eight days without being able to find anything, nor any sign of a port. After those eight days the boat returned to the galleon, where the crew had suffered much from hunger, and must have succumbed if it had not been for the Nicaraguan ship which supplied them out of the stores she had brought.

[CHAPTER XXVII]

How the President Vaca de Castro was in great need and danger from being unable to find the port of Buenaventura; and how, at the end of some days during which they were seeking the port, they sighted a ship in which there came Don Juan de Andagoya, who told them where the port was.

GREAT was the disappointment of those on board the ships when the boat's crew who had gone in search of the cross and the letter supposed to be deposited there reported their non-success. Vaca de Castro was very worried and depressed. He ordered another pilot to take the boat and some sailors, and see whether peradventure they could find the port, for the want of provisions was now such that with even but a little more delay, the danger would become very serious. So the pilot and boat's crew started a second time to seek for the port, with a limit of eight days within which to go and return. Although they went along coastwise, and entered several rivers that came down from the mountains into the sea, they could find no sign nor trace of a port, nor anything that might guide them. Being on the point of returning to the Isle of Palms, that Vaca de Castro might go back to Panamá by reason of the failure of provisions, they sighted two sails coming along the coast, steering towards where the boat then was. They saw them anchor, and stow their sails, and the strangers then made towards them in their boats, for they were in the same predicament as themselves, as they had come from Nicaragua, and their pilots, having never been at Buenaventura, did not know the way to the port. They thought that those in the boat they had sighted would be able to guide them in the right direction. When the two parties heard from each other what they were after, they were greatly depressed. They agreed to make for that bay again, with all three boats, and see if they could find the port from thence. That night a great tempest arose, and they thought they must perish.

Meanwhile Vaca de Castro and the crews of the ships suffered much from want of food; when the boats were about to return, there came in sight a ship which had just left the port of Buenaventura. On board of her was Don Juan de Andagoya, son of the Adelantado Don Pascual de Andagoya. He was in search of the captain Cristóbal de Peñas,[47] and was coming to seek an order from the Royal Audience of Panamá to the Adelantado Sebastián de Belalcázar to allow his father, who was held a prisoner, to depart freely whither he chose. When Don Juan came out of the mouth of the river and saw the other vessels, he got into the ship's boat and went to see who they were and what they wanted. There was a heavy sea, Don Juan lost the rudder, and if they had not come to his help he would have perished. When they heard from Don Juan that the port of Buenaventura was near, they were delighted, and hastened to carry the good news to where the President was. They told Don Juan there was no need for him to go to Panamá, for that Vaca de Castro, who was hard by, was himself President of the Audience of Panamá, and could liberate Don Juan's father and compensate him for the injury done him. When Don Juan heard this he rejoiced, believing that since Vaca de Castro came with such very full and ample powers from his Majesty, as was stated, they would be most useful in the cause of the Adelantado his father, and in freeing him from the clutches of Belalcázar. So telling the boat's crews they must go up the river down which he had come, and that they would then quickly arrive at the port they sought, Don Juan, with his vessel, went on to the Isle of Palms, where he found the President. Vaca de Castro gave Don Juan a warrant, under his signature, by which Belalcázar was to release Andagoya from the prison in which he was confined. Vaca de Castro duly arrived at the port of Buenaventura,[48] whence he sent his secretary Merlo to notify to Belalcázar the order for the release of Andagoya, and to let him know that Vaca de Castro was coming to the kingdom of Peru by his Majesty's command. Here we will leave him and relate what happened at the city of the Kings.

[CHAPTER XXVIII]

How the news arrived at Lima that Vaca de Castro had reached the river of San Juan, how this was received by those of Chile, and what else happened at that time in the city of the Kings.

WHEN the President Vaca de Castro sailed from Panamá, several ships went in company with him, as I have already related. At the Ancón de Sardinas some were lost in a storm. The galleon bore up for Buenaventura, but others, being smaller and better sailers, were able to make southing and reach the port of Lima. There they passed the news that the President was coming by sea, but had encountered terrible weather, and they did not know whether he was lost or had returned to Panamá, or had put into the port of Buenaventura. At this news, the Marquis and those of his party were not a little pleased. But those of Chile, when they heard it, complained of their bad luck. For they were hopefully expecting him to arrive at an early date and make amends for the injustice that had been done in killing [the Adelantado] Don Diego [de Almagro], and in not giving them any repartimientos, notwithstanding they had done good service and made discoveries in that land. They went about very sad and downcast. They were reduced to great straits, for between ten or twelve of them there was but one cloak, which they went out in by turns. The citizens of Lima were so indifferent that, though they saw them almost dying of hunger, they did not help them with a single thing, nor would they, even in their own homes, offer them any food.

When St. John's Day drew near, the citizens rode out on horseback to make merry, but a very bad prognostic happened. It was this: Antonio Picado[49] took up behind him on his horse a half-witted fellow, who at the time was in Lima, named Juan de Lepe. He had scarcely mounted when Lepe cried out, "This is the justice that is ordered to be done this man." When the men of Chile heard it they rejoiced, saying that they hoped the utterance of that ninny would prove to be a prophecy, and that they would be avenged of their enemies by such words as those coming true.

People want to say that at this time the men of Chile, seeing themselves so overlooked, and that no judge before whom they could state their grievances had come, were conspiring among themselves to murder the Marquis, and that this very St. John's Day was the time selected. It is further said that the good cavalier Cristóbal de Sotelo prevented it, saying that it was not desirable to do such an act then. It is also said that the Marquis had resolved to banish Don Diego[50] and Juan de Herrada,[51] and to execute justice on those who were seen to go about fomenting strife. Well! neither the one story nor the other is true. It is well known to those who lived at that time that the Marquis often went to a mill which he had ordered to be built on the banks of the river that flows by the city, accompanied only by an unarmed page. Being thus unguarded, it would have been easy for assassins to kill him if they had wanted to do so. Although some men talked of avenging the death of Almagro, it had not then been determined to murder the Marquis. Neither can we believe, nor would it be fair to affirm, that the Marquis intended to banish them, or to put anyone to death; for we know that many of his friends advised him to adopt such measures, and that he told them such a thing would never be done by him, because it would at once be said that he did so that there might be no one to plead in the residencia.[52] In the city there was some commotion, accompanied by profound silence on the part of the Indians, who said that the Marquis's last day was at hand, when he would be murdered by the men of Chile. The same was common talk in the marketplaces, and some Indian women repeated it to Spaniards who were their house-masters. It is also said that the favourite, Garcí Díaz, heard it from an Indian girl and warned the Marquis about it. But Pizarro laughed, and said that no attention should be paid to such Indian gossip. After some further discussion respecting these rumours, the Marquis ordered the Bishop to have Juan de Herrada fetched, and to bring him before him on the same St. John's Day, in the afternoon. Four or five days before this, Juan de Herrada heard that the Marquis was collecting arms, and intended to seize the men of Chile or banish them, or kill certain of them, but he concealed what he had heard. He consulted with Cristóbal de Sotelo, Francisco de Chaves, and others of their party, and they determined to purchase arms, and if the Marquis wanted to kill or take them, to unite together and kill him first, if they could. Presently Juan de Herrada bought a coat of mail, in which he always went about. The party also got some lances, and other weapons which they kept concealed about them. Don Diego went out better attended than the Marquis himself. Juan de Herrada also, when he walked abroad, was followed by twenty or thirty men ready for anything that might happen. The Marquis was told that the men of Chile carried arms, went about in parties, and were plotting to kill him. Hearing this, he told the Bishop elect of Quito to send for Juan de Herrada. Don Juan was somewhat disturbed on learning that he had been sent for, and the men of Chile wanted to accompany him, but he decided to go alone. When they realized this they were in a state of confusion until he returned. They kept their arms ready to hand waiting for the result, because some of them thought that the Marquis would arrest him; since with what other object, forsooth, could he have been sent for?

Arriving where the Marquis was, Juan de Herrada found him in a garden looking at some orange trees he had planted there. On knocking at the door it was opened, and as he came in the Marquis turned to him, and said "Who are you?" Juan de Herrada answered: "How is it that you do not know me? I am Juan de Herrada!" The Marquis then said, "What is this, Juan de Herrada, that they tell me, that you are buying arms and preparing armour with the intention of murdering me?" Juan de Herrada answered, "It is true, my lord, that I have bought two pair of breast-plates and a coat of mail for defending my own person." The Marquis then asked, "What reason has moved you to buy arms now more than at any other time?" Juan de Herrada replied, "Because they tell us—and it is the public talk—that your Lordship is collecting lances to kill us all!" He went on: "Well! let us make an end of it now, and your Lordship can deal with us as you please, for, having begun with the head, I know not why the feet should call for respect. They also say that your Lordship means to kill the Judge; but if you think of killing the men of Chile, do not so! Banish Don Diego in a ship, for he is innocent of any fault, and let me go with him wherever chance may strand us." The Marquis, with an angry countenance, then exclaimed: "Who has made you believe in such a great evil and treason as this? For I have never thought of such a thing. I desire more to see the Judge here than you can do. Diego de Mora has written to me that he had arrived at the river of San Juan, and the masters of ships who have come here bring the same news. As he did not care to embark in my galleon he is not here. As to the arms that you say I am getting, the other day I went out hunting, and I found that my servants had not a lance among them. I told them to get one, and they bought four. I pray to God, Juan de Herrada, that the Judge may come; and may God help us to the truth, and let these things come to an end."

Juan de Herrada's heart was in some degree softened by what the Marquis had said to him, and he answered, "Por Dios, my Lord, they have made me spend 500 pesos and more in purchasing arms,[53] and I got myself a coat of mail, so that I may have protection if anyone comes to kill me." The Marquis, showing more friendliness, said, "God forbid that I should be guilty of such great cruelty!" Juan de Herrada took off his cap and was about to depart, and as he went a fool who was there, named Valdesillo, said to the Marquis, "Why don't you give some of those oranges to Juan de Herrada?" The Marquis answered, "Por Dios, thou sayest well, for I had not thought of it." Then the Marquis, with his own hand, plucked half a dozen oranges from the tree, being the first that were borne in that country, and gave them to Juan de Herrada. That worthy then departed to his lodgings, and on the road he met over thirty of the men of Chile, who had come out to look for him. They were very glad to meet him, and asked what had happened between him and the Marquis. He told them all that had taken place. Don Diego was very anxious at the delay in Herrada's return, and was delighted when he saw him coming, so that he went forward to embrace him; while Herrada related to him and the rest of them all that had been said between himself and the Marquis.[54]