Transcribed from the 1857 John Russell Smith edition by David Price, email ccx074@pglaf.org Many thanks to the Bodleian / British Library for the scans of the book.

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VISITS
TO
FIELDS OF BATTLE,
IN
ENGLAND,
OF THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY;

TO WHICH ARE ADDED,
SOME MISCELLANEOUS TRACTS AND PAPERS UPON
ARCHÆOLOGICAL SUBJECTS.

BY
RICHARD BROOKE, ESQ., F.S.A.

LONDON:
JOHN RUSSELL SMITH,
36, SOHO SQUARE.
LIVERPOOL:
J. MAWDSLEY AND SON, CASTLE STREET.
M DCCC LVII.

London; F. Pickton, Printer, Perry’s Place, 29, Oxford Street

PREFACE.

In the course of the fifteenth century, England experienced, in a lamentable degree, the sad effects of internal discord, and the miseries caused by the conflicts of adverse factions.

It is scarcely possible, for historians to point out, in the annals of any country in Europe, in the feudal ages, deeds of violence and bloodshed, of a more appalling nature, than those which the chroniclers have recorded, as having occurred in England, during the period which intervened between the years 1400 and 1500—a period memorable for the sanguinary wars of York and Lancaster. During the continuance of those disastrous conflicts, thousands of brave men perished in arms, the axe of the executioner was seldom idle, great numbers of the nobility and gentry lost their lives in the field or upon the scaffold, property was usurped in consequence of wholesale confiscations, numberless innocent lives were sacrificed, and many happy homes were outraged.

This misery was the result of contests for a crown, which perhaps neither of the claimants merited, nor does it appear, that it was of great importance to the nation, which of the rival competitors wore it.

Of those destructive wars, the battle of Shrewsbury in the reign of Henry IV., in 1403, may be considered in some degree as the first; because it was the earliest attempt by an appeal to arms, to remove from the throne a monarch of the House of Lancaster; [v] and the last was the battle of Stoke, fought in 1487, in the reign of Henry VII.; that of Bosworth, in which, by the death of Richard III., the Plantagenet dynasty terminated, being often erroneously called the last; but, although the latter certainly placed the House of Tudor upon the throne, the crown was secured to it by the battle of Stoke, when the partisans of the House of York, under John de la Pole, Earl of Lincoln, made their final but unsuccessful appeal to arms, in hopes of regaining the ascendency, which that party had formerly enjoyed.

These sanguinary conflicts are usually called the Wars of the Roses, from the circumstance, that the supporters of the House of York assumed the badge or device of the White Rose, and those of Lancaster the Red Rose.

It has been remarked with great truth, by Sir John Fenn, the antiquary, [vi1] in adverting to that disastrous period, “That our own kingdom has fewer authentic records of the transactions, during the reigns of Henry VI., Edward IV., and Richard III., than of any other later period of our history, is a truth known to and lamented by every man of historical knowledge.”

He ascribes the deficiency of information, amongst other causes, to the invention of printing; which at first sight appears to be a paradox, because such an invention seems to be calculated to favour universal knowledge:—“At the beginning of the art of printing, those who practised it, were solicitous to perpetuate things already committed to writing, relative to past times, and past occurrences, not regarding recent transactions as of equal consequence. This art likewise probably prevented the writers of manuscripts from multiplying their copies; they foreseeing that the new invention would in time, supply a sufficient number, at a much less price, by which means, the value of their manual labour would be greatly diminished.” [vi2]

Notwithstanding, however, the scanty nature of the historical accounts handed down to us, some information of value has reached us; and the fields of battle, and the positions of the hostile armies, may in several instances, be clearly identified, after a perusal of the statements of the old chroniclers, and a comparison of their descriptions with the present aspect of the localities where the battles were fought.

Having felt a considerable degree of interest in the occurrences of those stirring and extraordinary times, I have repeatedly visited the scenes of action; and, by carefully comparing the statements of the old writers, the actual appearance of the fields, and the traditions of the neighbourhood, I have obtained strong confirmation, in several instances, of the accuracy of the accounts which have been handed down to us; and have derived great pleasure from visiting and exploring the various localities, and obtaining information from persons in the vicinity.

The results of my visits were committed to writing, in a series of papers, [vii] of which copies, or the principal parts, will be found in the following pages. Some historical matters will also be introduced, in such instances as tend to elucidate any important event, which immediately preceded or had a direct relation to any of the battles.

It is much to be regretted, that in the majority of historical works, describing the events of this country in the fifteenth century, whenever the exploits of any noblemen or warriors, or the talents or skill of any men of eminence, are mentioned, the authors, from some cause or other, very rarely give any information of much value relative to the individuals whose actions they are describing; but as few readers can reflect upon the surprising events of that period without feeling a considerable degree of interest in the warlike and distinguished personages, who were the principal actors in those stirring and eventful times, there will be found in the notes to this work, some explanatory and biographical particulars [viii] of the princes, nobles, and eminent persons, whose actions and conduct are noticed in it.

In the following publication will also be found some other papers and tracts, principally of an archæological nature, written at various times, as the subjects came under my notice; and as they may possibly interest, in some degree, the class of readers who take pleasure in pursuits of that description, I have been induced to add them to the present collection.

In committing this work to the press, it will be a source of gratification to the Author, if his humble exertions shall be, in some degree, instrumental in elucidating any events hitherto imperfectly known, in solving any difficulties which may have suggested themselves, or in confirming the statements of the old historical writers of this country.

RICHARD BROOKE.

12th March, 1857.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I.

THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
SHREWSBURY. [1a]

“After him came spurring hard
A gentleman almost forspent with speed,
That stopp’d by me to breathe his bloodied horse:
He ask’d the way to Chester; and of him
I did demand, what news from Shrewsbury.
He told me, that rebellion had ill luck,
And that you Harry Percy’s spur was cold.”

Shakespeare’s Henry IV. part ii. act 1, scene 1.

Twice in the year 1851, and once in each of the five succeeding years, [1b] I visited the field of the celebrated Battle of Shrewsbury, and also the church erected there by King Henry the Fourth. It is called Battlefield Church, and owes its erection to Henry’s gratitude for, and desire to commemorate, the victory which he obtained in 1403, over the insurgent forces commanded by Henry Percy, usually called Hotspur, the son of Henry Percy, the first Earl of Northumberland [1c] of that surname, and by the earl’s brother, Thomas Percy, Earl of Worcester. [2a]

The field of battle has also occasionally been called the Battle of Berwick Field, of Bull Field, and of Hussee Field: the two former appellations being taken from the names of neighbouring places, at or near which, Percy’s army is said to have been, prior to the battle; and the latter from an ancient family owning the lands where the battle took place, [2b] and it is now called Battlefield.

It lies about three miles and a quarter, in a north-westwardly direction, from Shrewsbury, contiguous to the turnpike road, of which one fork or continuation leads in one direction by Prees and Whitchurch, towards Cheshire, and another towards Hodnet, and Market Drayton. From that road there is also another road which turns off to the eastward, towards Staffordshire. Those circumstances may be material, with reference to endeavouring to ascertain the line of march of the insurgent forces when they advanced towards Shrewsbury.

In 1403, a confederacy was entered into between the Earl of Northumberland, the Earl of Worcester, Henry Percy (called Hotspur), Owen Glendowr, and others, for an insurrection [3a] against Henry IV. In order to prevent its being interfered with by incursions from the Scotch, and probably also in order to have a valiant and useful confederate, Archibald Earl Douglas, who had been taken prisoner at the battle of Hallidown Hill in 1402, was liberated by Percy on condition of his engaging to join in the enterprise, and was allowed to go home, from whence he returned with a select party of his own men. The Earl of Northumberland was unwell, and remained at Berwick; but his son Henry Percy commenced his march towards Cheshire, where he expected to be reinforced by the gentlemen of that county, who had always been attached to the memory of Richard II., and he was not disappointed in that respect. Percy, with Earl Douglas and a great army, departed out of the northern parts, leaving his (Percy’s) father sick, and came to Stafford, where his uncle the Earl of Worcester and he met, [3b] and increased their forces by all the means they could devise; from thence they proceeded towards Wales, expecting there additional aid and reinforcements. [a/][3b]

Not any of the old annalists or chroniclers give us information as to the exact line of march, which Percy and his forces pursued from the north into Shropshire. From the circumstance of the confederates being stated to have issued a proclamation, in which they asserted that Richard II. was alive at Chester, [4a] and invited his partisans to meet in arms in that city; [a/][4a] and from the reinforcements which the confederates obtained from Cheshire, it might perhaps be inferred that they entered Staffordshire from Cheshire, by the Whitchurch and Prees road; but on the other hand, if Percy marched, as we are told he did, with his army to Stafford, and was there joined by the Earl of Worcester [4b] and his forces, it is tolerably clear that the insurgent army must have entered Shropshire on its eastward side, in marching towards Shrewsbury; and it has been suggested, with much appearance of probability, that they entered the county through Newport, by High Ercall and Haghmond Hill. [4c] In either case, it is certain that they advanced to Shrewsbury, and arrived there some time on the 19th of July, but too late to get possession of the town; and in marching from the north (as the river encompasses the town nearly on three sides), it is tolerably certain, that they advanced in order to attack it at the north or Castle Gate. Henry IV. had assembled an army against the Welsh, and was with it at Burton-upon-Trent, when he heard of the confederates’ hostile movements; and by the Earl of Dunbar’s advice, immediately marched towards Shrewsbury. He was at Burton-upon-Trent on the 16th of July, [4d] and on the 17th at Lichfield, [4e] from whence he would probably take the Watling Street Road, and after arriving at Shrewsbury, he would naturally enter it over the Abbey Bridge. [4f] He succeeded in getting possession of the town a few hours before Percy’s arrival, who is said to have reached the Castle Foregate on the evening of July 19th. This judicious course was of the utmost importance to the success of Henry’s cause, as by it he secured the passage of the Severn, and prevented Owen Glendowr, who had advanced with his forces to Oswestry, from crossing the river and effecting a junction with Percy. Henry had scarcely entered Shrewsbury, when he was apprized by his scouts that the confederate forces, with banners displayed, were advancing towards him, and were so courageous and bold, that their light cavalry had begun to skirmish with his troops; upon which he marched out, and encamped without the east gate of the town, [5a] and offered battle to his enemies. [5b]

Percy, who had prepared to have assaulted the town, being baffled in his design by the King’s movements, and probably reluctant that the engagement should take place in the absence of the Welsh forces, and whilst his enemies had superior numbers, retired from before Shrewsbury as soon as he saw the royal standard flying there. [5c] As Henry had much to hazard and nothing to gain by delay, it was clearly his interest to fight; yet, being aware of the risk and chances of a battle, he appears to have been desirous to avoid it, by negotiations for peace. The Abbot of Shrewsbury went more than once to the insurgents, in the hope of effecting a pacific accommodation between the hostile parties. The habits and usages of that age justified the mediation of a dignitary of the Romish Church of so elevated a degree as the Abbot of Shrewsbury; besides which, he had the King’s sanction for interfering as a mediator. But in a few years hence, it will scarcely be credited, although it is now a notorious fact, that three elderly persons from England, unauthorised by the British Government, and belonging to a respectable body of men, of which the members are not usually wanting in shrewdness and intelligence, were actually so absurd as to go out to St. Petersburg, in the depth of winter (and let it not be forgotten, that it was a Russian winter into the bargain), in January 1854, to try to talk over the Emperor Nicholas, and to coax him from going to war with the Turks and their allies. It is pretty certain, that posterity will either not credit the fact of so ridiculous an attempt having been made, by those three persons, or will believe, that whether they were deficient in common sense or not, at least they must have possessed a considerable degree of self-estimation or presumption.

The negotiations and pacific exertions of the Abbot of Shrewsbury, however, not terminating in a satisfactory result, both parties prepared for a mortal conflict. Some small reinforcements of Welsh forces, but probably not in considerable numbers, contrived to effect a junction with the confederates; and although now, when we are all happily united as one nation, it may seem unnatural and strange to us, the presence of Scotchmen and Welshmen fighting on Percy’s side would in that age necessarily kindle amongst the forces of Henry, feelings of national antipathy, in addition to other feelings of hostility towards the opposite army.

It is not an easy matter to understand, why it happened, that the hostile armies came in collision, at such a spot as Battlefield. The field did not offer any natural advantage of position of moment, to Percy’s army; whilst, if he had retired a few miles further on the same line of road, he would have come to some much stronger positions. But, as Battlefield is on the road, through Hodnet and Market Drayton, towards the North, it seems most probable, that, when he was disappointed in his attempt upon Shrewsbury, he at first prepared to retreat back to Northumberland, but found that after getting so near to Henry, it was no longer practicable to effect a retreat with safety in the face of a superior force. It was too late, and no other course remained for him, but to turn at bay and fight.

The battle was accordingly fought on the eve or vigil of St. Mary Magdalen, Saturday, the 21st of July, 1403; [7] and the place where it was fought has ever since been called Battlefield.

The two armies seem not to have been quite equal in numbers. In consequence of Glendowr’s forces not joining Percy, the army of Henry is said to have been more numerous than that of his enemies.

The battle commenced with a fierce discharge of arrows on each side. Both armies behaved with great valour; and Percy, Douglas, and others, in the heat of the battle, hoping to effect the destruction of the King, valiantly forced their way into the centre of his forces, but were baffled in their attempt by the King’s having withdrawn from his original position. At one period, Henry’s van was broken, his standard overthrown; his son Henry Prince of Wales was wounded in the face by an arrow, but continued fighting; Sir Walter Blount and three other persons, armed in all respects like the King, were slain; and the fortune of the day appeared to incline against the King. Percy, who had charged furiously into the centre of Henry’s ranks, seemed in a fair way of gaining the victory. Henry, however, who displayed the utmost valour, and is said to have slain some of his enemies with his own hand, and had been unhorsed at one period of the battle, brought up his reserve at an important moment, which appears to have turned the scale; and Percy was killed, according to one account, by a spear, and according to another, by an arrow which pierced his brain. His death seems to have had a material effect in deciding the victory in Henry’s favour; the insurgent forces, disheartened by that fatal event, gave way, and fled in great disorder. [8a] The battle lasted three hours. On Henry’s side, besides 3000 wounded, Edmund Earl of Stafford, [8b] who commanded the van, and the following knights, Sir Hugh Shirley, Sir John Clifton, Sir John Cockaine, Sir Nicholas Gausel, Sir Walter Blount, Sir John Calverley, Sir John Massey of Pudington, Sir Hugh Mortimer, and Sir Robert Gausel, all of whom had received the honour of knighthood that morning, and about 1600 men, are said to have fallen in the field of battle. On Percy’s side, the loss of those slain in fight or in pursuit is estimated at 5000; and amongst the slain were 200 knights and gentlemen of Cheshire, who had joined Percy. As for the Scotch, few or none escaped alive. Sir Richard Venables (Baron of Kinderton), and Sir Richard Vernon (Baron of Shipbrook), both of Cheshire, and the Earl of Worcester, were taken prisoners, and beheaded two days afterwards (on Monday) at the High Cross at Shrewsbury; and the head of Worcester was set up over London Bridge. Henry appears to have discouraged a very vindictive or eager pursuit after the fugitives; and of those who escaped, many got back to Northumberland, and shut themselves up in castles there: not liking to trust the King’s good faith. [8c] Earl Douglas was taken, but was sometime afterwards liberated.

In a close or meadow on the right or north side of the present lane, leading towards the church from the turnpike road, there is the appearance of a slight bank and trench running parallel with that lane, which possibly may have been part of an intrenchment made in front of Percy’s line. The close on the south side of the lane is called the King’s Croft, and it is traditionally said that a portion of Henry’s army was posted there; the probability is, that its name at that period, and before the present fences and enclosures were made, had a much wider application, and that King’s Croft extended on both sides of the present lane.

In gratitude for, and in commemoration of, this victory, Henry the Fourth erected on the spot, Battlefield Church; and from the circumstance of the battle having been fought on St. Mary Magdalen’s eve, he, in compliance with the prevalent opinions of the age, and probably also from his considering himself in some degree indebted to her for the victory, caused the church to be dedicated to St. Mary Magdalen. The church is of the Gothic style, part Decorated, and part Perpendicular. It is not of a large size, [9] but is handsome; and the edifice, with its battlemented tower, forms an interesting object on the westward side of the turnpike road, from which it is distant two or three fields’ breadth. We cannot doubt that there must have been some strong motive, for selecting for its erection the spot where the church stands, for it is at an inconvenient distance from the highway, in a peculiar and, at that time, a lonely place, where there was not even a village near it, or a carriage road running immediately past it. May we not conclude, that the motive was, either that it was the spot where the brunt of the battle took place; where the King escaped some imminent danger; or where Percy was slain?

The country, though not quite flat, has merely a gentle ascent from Shrewsbury to Battlefield, and also to the northward of the church, and along the turnpike road. Here, in a line almost east and west, Percy’s army was drawn up very near the place where the church now stands, and in what are now the fields to the northward of it; and the left wing of his army probably also extended across the spot where the present turnpike road runs. The army of Henry IV., after advancing from Shrewsbury, took up its position opposite that of Percy. Percy’s forces, being posted as before mentioned, had the advantage of ground, if there were any advantage in the very slight ascent, which has been already noticed. Leland, in adverting to the position selected by Percy, says, that he “having got the advantage of the ground,” &c. [10a] I could not ascertain, after making some inquiries in that neighbourhood, that any relics indicative of the battle had very recently been dug up. I however was informed, that human bones, fragments of armour, spurs, and similar relics, had formerly been discovered there; and Grose, the author of the Military Antiquities, particularly mentions the discovery of a weapon there, which he considered to be a bill, and of which he has given an engraving, but which Meyrick, in his work on Ancient Armour (which is a work of high authority in such matters), states to be a gisarme; [10b] and one man informed me that in his time, human bones had been found there in ploughing. I am indebted to the politeness of the incumbent of the church, the late Rev. J. O. Hopkins, rector of Uffington, for the information, that in the field near the church, spurs, fragments of armour, of weapons, &c., have been dug up, but in small quantities; and it seems remarkable, that the relics discovered there have been comparatively few; although, as the battle was fought in the heat of summer, the slain must necessarily have been promptly interred, and the opportunity for carefully stripping them, and carrying off various articles from the field, must have been diminished. [11a] Many of the slain were interred on the spot upon which the church was afterwards erected; [11b] and the Rev. J. O. Hopkins informed me, that some years ago, a drain was dug to carry off the wet from the Corbet vault, which is enclosed with iron railing, as shown in the engraving, [11c] in the small close or field lying on the north side of the chancel; and in digging deep, the workmen cut through large masses of human bones. There cannot be any doubt, from the description of the spot, that vast numbers of the slain were interred there, in a large trench or pit. [11d]

It is exceedingly probable, that if a search were made by digging in other fields and meadows in the neighbourhood of Battlefield Church, it would be ascertained that numbers of the slain were buried in them. [11e] Many persons of note who perished in the battle, were interred at the Augustine Friars and Black Friars in Shrewsbury. [11f]

The church is a handsome ecclesiastical edifice. The nave or body is now roofless and dilapidated; and, from its moss-grown and impaired appearance, must have been a ruin for a long period. It is said that the nave of the church suffered during the rule of the Parliament or of Cromwell. Its exterior walls, the mullions, and most of the tracery work (which is undoubtedly handsome) of its windows, are, however, still existing. The nave is entered by a door in the original pointed arched doorway, on the north side; and its floor has long been used as a graveyard, or place of interment. [12]

A corresponding doorway is on its south side, the door of which is now seldom used, except on the occasion of funerals. There are on each side of the nave, three large handsome windows; and there has been a fourth window, now built up on each side of the nave, between the doorway and the tower; and, although seemingly made at the same period, some of them are of the Decorated and some of the Perpendicular style; and the two windows which immediately adjoin the chancel on the north and south sides, differ in some respects from the others, as some of the windows have the dripstones terminating at the bottom with plain returns, whilst others have them terminating in representations of human heads. There are some indications of a porch having been at the south door. Several grotesque corbel-heads are carved in stone in the chancel, in the places from which the arches of the roof have originally sprung; and the remains of some strange figures or monsters appear carved on the outsides, at the places on the wall, where the spouts of the roof seem to have formerly protruded, similar to those called gurgoyles, which may be seen on many other ancient churches.

The exterior of the church between the windows is supported by handsome stone buttresses, and from the indisputable marks of the ancient roof, which are visible on the east side of the tower, where the roof has joined up to it, and from there not being any traces of columns supporting any interior arches, it seems clear that it has never had any clerestory.

Exterior buttresses are built at the corners of the tower, and a square projection on its south-east corner admits of a staircase. The tower is said to have been erected in 1504; and its walls, and most of its pinnacles, are still perfect. It had originally eight pinnacles, but one on the east side fell down about 1851. [13a] The tower can be ascended by a spiral staircase [13b] to the top; but its roof is in a decayed condition, its floors are quite gone; and on the basement floor are placed various mutilated stone fragments, apparently of mullions, transoms, finials, and other parts of stonework, which have fallen or have been deposited there, besides part of the ancient font. It still has, however, a bell, which is yet used. Each side of the tower is surmounted by an embattled parapet of equal intervals, with plain cappings, and which, though not possessing the lightness of one with pierced battlements, is nevertheless handsome. The tower at the highest part, and just below the battlements, has a handsome carved Gothic border, enriched (as far as my eyesight enabled me to form a judgment) with diamond-shaped ornaments and quatrefoils. On the west it has two windows; and over the highest, in the middle of the border, is a small escutcheon bearing an animal, seemingly a lion rampant passant, probably intended for the arms of the Hussee family, and which also appears in a corresponding place on the south side, and there are also some indications of it on the north side. On the east, in the centre of the border, is a small escutcheon, containing some appearances of an inscription.

In order to preserve the tower from falling, of which it exhibited symptoms, iron bars, with nuts and screws, have been fixed across it, so as to hold its walls together; two of the nuts are on its east side, as shown in the engraving. [14a]

The tower has one window on the east, one on the north, and one on the south side; and it has had a door with a pointed arch on the west, which is now built up. The second floor is singularly furnished with a fireplace, having a chimney formed within the thickness of the wall, and opening outside of the western window of the bell-chamber.

The chancel is used for divine service on the Lord’s day. It is separated from the ruinous nave by a comparatively modern wall. In a vault on the north side of the chancel, is the place of interment of the family of Andrew William Corbet, Esq., of Pimley and Sundorne. A handsome monument to the memory of John Corbet, Esq., is erected in the chancel on its north side, behind which is the arch of a doorway visible from the exterior, now built up, but which has evidently been formerly an entrance into the chancel. A railed enclosure adjoining it, shown in the engraving, [a/][14a] contains the entrance to the vault of the Corbets. On its south side, not far from the altar, are three sedilia, with plain Gothic arches; and the one furthest from the altar is in a great degree filled with a much mutilated and whitewashed oaken image of the Virgin Mary [14b] with a figure in her lap, representing the dead Christ, which seems as if it had been brought there from some other part of the church. Mutilated as the figure of the Virgin now is, there still remains an expression of sorrow in the face.

A large plain piscina is in the wall between the sedilia and the altar, but partly concealed by the wooden back of a seat.

The east or altar window is handsome, and of the Perpendicular Gothic style, and is of five lights below, with a transom; and the handsome tracery of the upper part, will be best understood by a reference to the engraving, which gives a correct view of the east end, and part of the north side of the church. The window has some stained glass, much injured and dilapidated, which contains, amongst other designs, two crowned heads, a male and a female, seemingly of considerable antiquity, but well executed by the artist; and close to them, a human head in a dish, near to which the point of the blade of a scimitar appears, and which are said, and as I believe with truth, to represent the head of John the Baptist brought to Herod and Herodias. Some imperfect escutcheons of arms, with various quarterings, are also there. The stained glass also contains representations of the patera, cup, and wafer; and underneath is a faint representation of the crucifixion; and in another place in the window, a hammer and a nail are exhibited, apparently in allusion to the crucifixion. Underneath is part of a mutilated inscription in old English characters, commencing with the words, “Orate pro animabus Rogeri.” It also contains a monogram, which seems to be a combination of the letters in the name “Maria.”

In the stonework on the outside, immediately before the east or altar window, is a niche surmounted by a Gothic canopy, in which still stands, although a good deal impaired by time or violence, the statue of Henry IV., about half the size of life, in armour, with the remains of a crown on his head, and a dagger hanging on his right side; his right hand once sustained a sword, but it is now gone.

There are two windows on each side of the chancel, of which the mullions and general appearance bear a resemblance, though not quite the same, to those of the nave, and might be thought to be of a more modern date, if the whole of the fabric and the appearance of the stonework did not strongly convey the impression of all having been erected at the same date; in fact the style and appearance of the church, are just what might be expected in one erected early in the fifteenth century.

In the chancel is a handsome large modern stone font, with ornaments in the Gothic style, which supplies the place of the ancient one, of which some stonework lying within the tower, formed part. There is a small cemetery still in use for interments on the south side of the church.

On each side of the exterior of the chancel, and nearest the east end, are dripstones, as if intended for the arch of a window, carried up nearly but not quite to a point, and with the stones ready jointed, as if for the purpose of breaking out an additional window on each side of the chancel, without disturbing the walls; but I think it is quite evident, from the appearance of the stonework, and from the dripstones for the contemplated windows or arches not having been carried up to meet at the top, that no window ever existed in either of those places; and that the intention of so singular a preparation by the architect, may have been, to add at some future time, side chapels, such as are often seen in ancient churches, and are known to have been added subsequently to the erection of the churches.

The ceiling of the chancel is modern, and is plastered and whitewashed, and supported by modern incongruous-looking pillars.

The church is approached by a narrow carriage way, which leads from the westward side of the turnpike road; but it stops at a gate opening into a field, in which the church stands, and a short path leads to it from the gate.

There is one remarkable singularity connected with the church, which is, that there is every appearance of the church, and the college after mentioned, having stood in a square space enclosed by a moat. A moat regularly formed, and as straight as a canal, exists at a short distance from the east end of the church, except at one small spot near the centre, which appears to have been filled up, in order to admit of the path to the church; and it turns with an abrupt angle at each end, and extends a considerable distance on the north and south sides of the church. I was unable, however, to trace its existence on the west side, or to discover whether it had ever completely encompassed the church.

Besides the erection of the church, there was erected there by Henry IV., or by Roger Ive, clerk, by virtue of a charter or license from Henry, a small college, consisting of a principal or master, and five secular chaplains, together with a hospital for several poor persons, of which Henry IV. was a benefactor. [17a]

The charter or license was of the eleventh year of the reign of Henry IV., and the first principal or master was the said Roger Ive. [a/][17a]

A copy of an impression of the seal of the college, is given in Dukes’ Antiquities of Shropshire, [17b] which exhibits on it, not as might be expected, the effigy of St. Mary Magdalen, but that of the Virgin Mary crowned, bearing the infant Jesus on her right arm, and a palm branch in her left hand.

At the time of the dissolution, the yearly revenues amounted to £54. 1s. 10d. net. Not a vestige now remains of the college.

There are several shallow holes or pits in the meadow on the south side of the church, which have been dug into, in hopes of discovering something of interest; but nothing remarkable was discovered. It has been conjectured that they are the sites of small fishponds, which may have existed before the college was destroyed; but they appeared to me more like the excavations, where the foundations or cellars of the old college buildings may have been. Besides the indications of a moat, which present themselves to the eye, the charter or license of Henry, given at length by Dugdale, strongly corroborates the opinion before expressed, with respect to the moat. That document, as set out by Dugdale, grants to Roger Ive, of Seaton, rector of the chapel of St. John Baptist, at Adbrighton Hussee, in the county of Salop, a piece of ground, with all the edifices and erections on it, within the lordship of Adbrighton Hussee, near Shrewsbury, situate in the field called Battlefield, in which a battle had been lately fought between the King and Henry Percy deceased and other rebels; and by the grace of God, the King had obtained victory and triumph, which piece of ground is enclosed with a ditch, and contains in length and breadth two acres of land, together with two inlets and outlets, one extending along the lands of Richard Hussee twenty feet, and the other containing in breadth fifteen feet. [18a] The piece of land appears to have been before conveyed by feoffment to the said Roger Ive, by virtue of the royal license, by Richard Hussee, [18b] who seems from that circumstance to have held the same from the King. The charter or license of 11th of Henry IV., states the land to have been granted to Roger Ive, for the purpose of a chapel being built on it, in honour of St. Mary Magdalen, [19a] in order that prayers might be said for evermore, for the souls of the King, &c. &c., and for the souls of those who were slain in the battle, and were buried there. [19b]

Battlefield is a distinct parish, and was, prior to its becoming so, in Henry IV.’s reign, attached to the then existing rectory of St. John the Baptist at Adbright Hussee. [19c] St. Alkmond’s and St. Mary’s parishes, of Shrewsbury, adjoin it. The living is a perpetual curacy, of which the Rev. J. O. Hopkins was the late incumbent; and it is in the patronage of Andrew William Corbet, Esq., of Sundorne Castle, Shropshire.

The present dilapidated state of the nave of Battlefield Church is generally ascribed to the Puritans of the time of the Commonwealth; and a note in the church register, above one hundred years ago (1749), states, that it was then in its present ruinous condition. [a/][19c] The conduct of those who committed the injury in this instance, brings to recollection the passage from the Holy Scriptures:—“But now they break down the carved work thereof, at once, with axes and hammers. They have cast fire into thy sanctuary; they have defiled by casting down the dwelling-place of thy name to the ground.” [19d]

On viewing this ancient church, I could not, either as a Christian or as an antiquary, see this handsome edifice, which had been erected by a King of England, in commemoration of an important historical event, and dedicated to the worship of the Most High, so injured by violence or neglect, without experiencing feelings of regret. Still its walls and remains, in their present state, are truthful records of the past, and furnish an authentic and valuable example of church architecture, of the time of Henry IV. The mere preservation of them from further injury, by time or negligence, would be laudable; but if the tasteless and ignorant scheme, which has been suggested, of renovating the church, should ever unfortunately be carried into effect, great mischief will be done; the original will be falsified; in its renovated state it will be a mere imitation; and it will no longer be an interesting and authentic example of the architectural science of the period to which it belonged.

CHAPTER II.
THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
BLORE HEATH. [21]

“There Dutton Dutton kills, a Done doth kill a Done,
A Booth a Booth, and Leigh by Leigh is overthrown,
A Venables against a Venables doth stand,
A Troutbeck fighteth with a Troutbeck hand to hand,
There Molineux doth make a Molineux to die,
And Egerton the strength of Egerton doth try.
O! Cheshire wer’t thou mad, of thine own native gore
So much until this day thou never shed’st before!
Above two thousand men upon the earth were thrown,
Of which the greatest part were naturally thine own.
The stout Lord Audley slain, with many a captain there,
To Salisbury it sorts the Palm away to bear.”

Michael Drayton’s Polyolbion, Song 22nd.

England exhibited, during a great part of the fifteenth century, the mournful spectacle of a country harassed by rival parties, and exposed to all the horrors of civil war. Hostile competitors contended for a prize of no common value; for the crown and dominions of England were to be the reward of the conqueror.

King Henry VI. was descended from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, the fourth son of King Edward III., and the persons supporting the claim of the House of Lancaster to the throne, were from that circumstance called Lancastrians. [22a] On the other hand, Richard Plantagenet, Duke of York, with the assistance of some of his powerful relations and connections, was cautiously but vigilantly taking measures calculated to secure his accession to the crown, although at first he did not openly bring forward his pretensions to it. They were founded upon the fact of the Duke of York’s being descended from Lionel Duke of Clarence, third son of King Edward III.; [22b] and the adherents and supporters of the Duke of York, and of his sons after his death, received the appellation of Yorkists.

The adverse parties encountered each other at St. Alban’s on the 22nd [23a] of May, 1455, where a battle was fought, and the Duke of York obtained the victory. A hollow and ineffectual truce, and an outward reconciliation, ensued, only to be broken in rather more than four years afterwards, when the hostile parties once more took up arms, and at Blore Heath, on the borders of Staffordshire, again met in mortal conflict.

Blore Heath, celebrated for the battle fought in 1459, is in the parish of Drayton in Hales, or Market Drayton, on the high road leading from the small market town of Drayton, towards Newcastle. It is in Staffordshire, two miles and a half distant from Drayton, and about two miles from the division of the counties of Shropshire and Staffordshire. It is eight miles and a half distant from Eccleshall, and is, as Stow in his Annals correctly states, near Mucklestone, being only one mile and a half from the latter place.

The town of Drayton is in Shropshire; but the parish of Market Drayton, or Drayton in Hales, comprises parts both of Shropshire and Staffordshire, and includes Blore Heath, which, though formerly a heath, is now completely enclosed and cultivated.

In the autumn of 1459, Richard Neville Earl of Salisbury [24a] marched from Middleham Castle, in Yorkshire, with a considerable army, in support of the cause of the Duke of York, and entered Staffordshire with the ultimate intention of effecting a junction at Ludlow, with Richard Neville Earl of Warwick, called the King Maker, [24b] and also with the Duke of York, who had collected an army in Herefordshire, and in the marches of Wales. The Earl of Salisbury, and his son the Earl of Warwick, were noblemen of very great power and possessions, and were then the principal leaders of the Duke of York’s party, and abettors of the scheme of deposing King Henry VI., and placing the Duke of York upon the throne of England.

At that time King Henry VI. was at Coleshill, in Warwickshire, and Queen Margaret [25a] and Edward the young Prince of Wales [25b] were at Eccleshall, in Staffordshire; and by her orders, or by those of her council, James Touchet Lord Audley, [25c] with a superior force, raised principally in Cheshire and Shropshire, amounting, as we are told, to as many as 10,000 men, took up a position on the road to Drayton, in order to intercept the earl in his march. [25d] The earl’s army was inferior in number to that of his antagonist, which was strongly posted, as will be more fully explained afterwards, with a small stream in its front.

This stream had rather steep banks, which rendered it very hazardous for the earl and his army to cross it, and attack the Lancastrians, with a fair prospect of success. In consequence of those difficulties, the earl resorted to a military stratagem, with the most fortunate result.

Early on the morning of Sunday, the 23rd of September, 1459 (St. Tecla’s day), he caused his archers to shoot flights of arrows against the Lancastrians. He then feigned a retreat with his army, which induced Lord Audley, in his eagerness to pursue them, to pass over the stream with a considerable portion of his forces, and whilst they were on the ascent of the ground on the other side of the stream, and were disordered with effecting the passage, and before he could get the remainder of his forces over it, or put that portion which had crossed into order, they were so vigorously attacked by the Yorkists, that the Lancastrians were completely defeated, and Lord Audley, with 2400 of his forces, perished on the field.

There were slain in the battle, besides Lord Audley, Hugh Venables of Kinderton, Thomas Dutton of Dutton, Richard Molyneux [26a] of Sefton, William Troutbeck, [26b] John Legh of Booths, John Done of Wickington, and John Egerton of Egerton, Knights; Richard Done of Croton, and John Dutton [called Duttes by Stow], Esquires; and many other persons. [27a] The battle was most disastrous to the Cheshire men, the greatest loss having fallen upon persons of that county, who had received the young Prince’s badge of the silver swan, which had been distributed by Queen Margaret amongst the principal partisans of the Lancastrian party. [a/][27a] John Lord Dudley was wounded, [27b] and he, and several knights and gentlemen of the Lancastrian party, were taken prisoners. [27c]

Sir John Neville [27d] and Sir Thomas Neville, [a/][27d] sons of the Earl of Salisbury, were wounded in the battle, and were, with Sir Thomas Harrington, travelling to the north, when they were taken by some of the Lancastrians, and sent prisoners to Chester; but in consequence of a message from the Welsh marchmen, there being good reason to anticipate that the prisoners would be rescued by force, they were speedily set at liberty. [27e]

A Parliament, principally consisting of adherents and supporters of the Lancastrian faction, was held at Coventry, in the 38th year of Henry VI. (1459), and passed an act of attainder against the Duke of York, the Earl of March, the Earl of Rutland, the Earl of Salisbury, the Earl of Warwick, Lord Clinton, Sir John Wenlock, [28a] William Stanley [28b] (brother of Thomas Lord Stanley), and other leaders of the Yorkists, [29] for various alleged offences; and the following is an extract from so much of it as relates to the battle of Blore Heath:—

“litle before the Erle of Salesburies departyng from the Castell of Middelham in youre counte of York hiderward, ye of youre knyghtly corage, withoute delaye toke the Felde, with such of youre Lordes as then was nygh aboute you, and in Pryncely manere with grete celerite, spedde the journay, toward the parties that the seid Erle of Salesbury drue and entended to come to, which caused hym to dyverte from his first enterprise and purpose, and to take another wey to assemble with the seid Duc of York, and Erle of Warrewyk, that their commyng togider myght make a myghtyer felde. In which progresse the seid Erle of Salesbury, and Thomas Nevill, John Nevill, Knyhtes, sonnes to the seid Erle of Salisbury; Thomas Harryngton, Knyght; John Conyers, Knyght; Thomas Parre, Knyght; William Stanley, Squier, sonne to Thomas late Lord Stanley; and Thomas Meryng, late of Tong in the shire of York, Squier, accompanyed with grete multitude of people, to the nombre of VM. persones and moo, arraied in manere of werre, with their Standardes displaied, entendying to destroye youre moost Roiall persone, the Sonday next after the Fest of Seint Mathewe th’ apostle, the XXXVIII^th yere of youre moost gracious reigne, at Blore, in youre shire of Stafford, in the feldes of the same Toune, called Bloreheth, falsely and traiterously rered werre ayenst you, and than and there in accomplishment of their fals and traiterous purpose, slough James Lord Audeley, and many other Knyghtes, and Squiers, and other youre Liege people, and more despite didde, many of their throtes cutte, which were sent thider by your commaundement, to resiste the fals and traiterous purpose of the Erle of Salesbury, and also toke John Lord Dudley, and other dyvers, Knyghtes, and Squiers, prisoners, send thider also by youre commaundement.” [30a]

The Parliamentary Rolls of the same Parliament of Coventry, [30b] contain a bill of impeachment, which, though it never passed into an act, the royal assent having been refused, is interesting and important, as showing that, although Thomas Lord Stanley had not then taken up arms for, or avowed himself a partisan of, the Duke of York’s faction, yet he was so considered by that Parliament; besides which, his brother William Stanley came, with many of Lord Stanley’s servants and tenants, and fought on the side of the Yorkists, at Blore Heath. It is material to bear in mind, that Thomas Lord Stanley (afterwards first Earl of Derby, of that surname), married Eleanor Neville, daughter of the Earl of Salisbury, and sister of Richard Earl of Warwick (the King Maker); which circumstance, in addition to the violence of party, may easily account for the conduct of Lord Stanley, and of his brother William Stanley, on the occasion of that battle.

“To the Kyng oure Soverayne Lord; shewen the Commens in this present Parlement assembled. That where it pleased youre Highnes to send to the Lord Stanley, by the servaunt of the same Lord fro Notyngham, chargyng hym that upon his feyth and legeaunce he shuld come to youre Highnesse in all haste, with such felysshep as he myght make. The said Lord Stanley, notwithstondyng the said commaundement, came not to you; but William Stanley his brother went, with many of the seid Lordes Servauntz and Tenauntz, grete nombre of people, to the Erle of Salesbury, which were with the same Erle at the distressyng of youre true Leige people at Bloreheth.

“Also where youre said Highnes gaffe in commaundement, to youre first bogoten sonne, Edward Prynce of Wales, to assemble youre people, and his Tenauntz, to resiste the malice of your Rebelles, and theruppon the same noble Prynce sent to the said Lord Stanley, to come to hym in all haste possible, with such felysshep as he myght make. The said Lord Stanley puttyng the seid mater in delay, feyntly excused hym, seying he was not than redy. Howe be it of his owen confession he had before a commaundement fro youre Highnes, to be redy to come to the same, with his said felsship, upon a day warnyng; which delay and absence, was a grete cause of the losse and distresse of your seid people, atte Bloreheth.

“Also where the seid Lord had sent his servaunt, to oure Soverayne Lady the Queue, and to the seid noble Prynce to Chestre, seying that he shuld come to theym in all haste; and after that, he sent to theym, Richard Hokesley his servaunt, to Egglesshall, certifying theym, that he wold come to theyme in all haste; and desired, for asmoche as he understode that he was had in jelosye, that he myght have the vaward ageyne the Erle of Salisbury, and his felysshep; and the seid noble Prynce, by th’ advice of his Counsell, consideryng that the felysship of the said Lord Stanley was fewer in nombre, than the felysship of the said Erle, willed and desired hym to come to the said noble Prynce and his felysship, that they beyng all togedyr, myght come to have assisted youre Highnes, which was promysed feithfully be his seid servaunt, shuld be perfourmed in all haste; which notwithstondyng was not perfourmed; but in defaute therof, youre people were distressed at Bloreheth aforesaid, as is well knowen. Howe be hit, that the seid Lord Stanley, was within VI mile of the said Heth, the same tyme, accompanyed with IIM: men, and rested hym with the same felysship be the space of III dayes after at Newcastell, but VI myle oute of Egglesshall, where the Quene and the Prynce then were; and the said Lord Stanley, on the morne next after the distresse at Bloreheth, sent a letter for his excuse to oure Soverayne Lady the Quene, and the said noble Prynce; which said letter, your said Highnes had sent to him, commaundyng hym by the same, to have come to youre said Highnes with his felyshep in all haste: which came nethir to youre Highnes, to the Quene, nor to the seid Prynce, but soo departed home agayne.

“Also when the seid Erle of Salisbury and his felysship, had distressed youre said people at Bloreheth, the said Lord Stanley sent a letter to the said Erle to Drayton, the same nyght, thankyng God of the good spede of the said Erle, rejoysing him gretely of the same, trustyng to God that he shuld be with the same Erle in other place, to stond hym in as good stede, as he shuld have doon yef he had been with theym there; which letter the seid Erle sent to Sir Thomas Haryngton, and he shewed hit openly, seying; Sirres, be mery, for yet we have moo frendis.

“Also where as a squier of the seid Erles, on the Monday next after the said distresse, told to a Knyght of youres, which was taken prisoner by the felysship of the seid Erle at Bloreheth, that a man of the Lord Stanley’s, had been with the seid Erle at Drayton, in the mornyng of the same day, and brought hym word fro the seid Lord Stanley, that your Highnes had sent for hym, and that he wold ride to you with his felysship. And yef eny man wold resiste or lette the seid Erle to come to your high presence, for his excuse, accordyng to th’ entent of the said Erle; that than the said Lord Stanley and his felysship, shuld lyve and dye with the said Erle, ayenst his resistours.

“Also where the said noble Prynce, in fullfillyng of your high commaundement, sent as well for your people and his Tenauntez in Werall Hundred, as in Maxfeld Hundred in Cheshire; the said people and Tenauntez, were lette by the seid Lord Stanley, so that they myght not come to youre Highnes, nor to ye presence of the said noble Prynce.

“Also where a servaunt and oon of the Cokys of the said Lorde Stanleys was hurte atte Bloreheth beyng with William Stanley in the felysship of the said Erle of Salesbury, and left behynde at Drayton; declared openly to dyvers gentilmen of the felysshep of th’ erlez of Shrewysbury that he was sent to the said Erle of Salesbury, in the name of the said Lord Stanley, with moo of his felysship.

“Also where certayne persones, beyng of the lyvere and clothyng of the said Lord Stanley, were take at the Forest of Morff, in Shropscshire; the day afore theire deth confessed, that they were commanded in the name and behalve of the seid Lord Stanley, to attend and awayte upon the seid William Stanley to assist the seid Erle, in such matier, as he intended to execute.

“Of all which matiers, doon and commytted by the said Lord Stanley; we youre said commens accuse and enpeche hym, and pray youre moost high Regalie, that the same Lord be commytted to prison, there to abide after the fourme of lawe. [34a]

“Le Roy s’advisera.” [a/][34a]

[“Responsio.”

I have in several successive years [34b] paid visits to the field of battle. At the distance of two miles and a half on the road from Drayton, and soon after entering Staffordshire, the stream before mentioned, which is scarcely large enough to be considered a river, crosses the road; and more than once when I have visited it, it contained so little water, that I could easily have skipped over it. It is called Hemp Mill Brook, and is a tributary of the river Tern; its banks are rather steep, and it flows through a narrow valley, over which the road is now carried by a modern bridge. At present, from the raising and improving of the road, and probably from its having been in some degree turned, the descent on either side to the bridge is not great; but at the period when the battle was fought, the position of the Lancastrians must have been strong, in consequence of the height of the banks of Hemp Mill Brook, the depression of the valley, and the abrupt ascent from the stream on the Drayton side, where the Lancastrians were posted; and there is no reason to suppose that at that period there was a bridge over the stream. The place is evidently much changed, yet even now sufficient remains to show that they were strongly posted.

The exact spot where the battle was fought is easily identified. After the traveller has crossed the modern bridge and ascended the rising ground at Blore Heath, by the road leading from Drayton towards Newcastle, he will observe, at a couple of fields’ breadth beyond the stream, and on the right side of the road, a field called the Cross Field, which at present is entered by the third gate on the right from the bridge. This field extends from the road in a curved form backwards, and slopes down the declivity, until it reaches the stream at another point at a little distance from the bridge.

The battle of Blore Heath was fought on the spot where the Cross Field and the other fields near it on each side of the road now are; but, as the name implies, it should seem that the field of battle was open and unenclosed, in 1459. Near the middle of the Cross Field, Lord Audley is said to have been slain. A square pedestal, seemingly of great age, with a rude stone cross standing upon it, now much battered and injured, has been erected to mark the spot where he fell. On the pedestal is the following inscription, which is a good deal worn by time:—

ON THIS SPOT
WAS FOUGHT THE BATTLE OF
BLORE HEATH
IN 1459;
LORD AUDLEY
WHO COMMANDED FOR THE SIDE OF LANCASTER
WAS DEFEATED & SLAIN.
TO PERPETUATE THE MEMORY
OF THE ACTION & THE PLACE,
THIS ANCIENT MONUMENT
WAS REPAIRED IN
1765,
AT THE CHARGE OF THE LORD OF THE MANOR,
CHARLES BOOTHBY SCHRYMSHER.

Plot, in his Natural History of Staffordshire, [35] published in 1686, mentions, amongst the antiquities of that county, “The stone set up upon Blore Heath, in memory of the fall of James Lord Audley, slain just in that place;” which is an additional proof of an ancient monument having been there, during a long period of time.

Opposite the gate of the Cross Field, and at the distance of a field’s breadth, on the other side of the road, is a farmhouse and farm called Audley Cross Farm, of which that field forms a part. The farm belongs to Sir John N. L. Chetwode, Bart., and is occupied by Mr. William Hughes, a respectable and intelligent farmer, with whom I have had several conversations, during the visits which I made to the field of battle, as I was in hopes of hearing from him of some relics having been dug up; but he had not held the farm many years, and was not aware of any discoveries of that nature having been recently made. He, however, informed me, that some relics of the battle had formerly been discovered. On the 16th of May, 1856, I saw in the possession of Mr. George Goodall, a respectable farmer residing in that neighbourhood, a sword in tolerable preservation, which is said to have been found on the field of battle. [36]

Near the back of the farmhouse, in a little enclosure, is a small raised mount of earth, of a long square shape, on which a thorn-tree of rather large size is growing, which is said to have been raised in memory of some person of distinction who was slain there. If that be so, the probability is, that he was one of the Yorkists, because it is a little in the rear of the spot where their right wing must have been.

It is impossible for any one, to read the accounts of the old chroniclers and annalists, and to inspect the field of battle, without being struck with the remarkable resemblance, between the spot, and the descriptions of it, meagre as they may be, which they have left us. The stream crossing the high road, by which the Earl of Salisbury would naturally advance from Cheshire and Staffordshire, on his march towards Ludlow, the strong position of the Lancastrians, the name of Blore Heath (still preserved ages after the place had ceased to be a heath), and its contiguity to Mucklestone, as well as to Drayton, all which circumstances are mentioned by the ancient historians, combine, independently of tradition, to place the locality beyond dispute. [37]

CHAPTER III.
THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
NORTHAMPTON. [39a]

“The King from out the town who drew his foot and horse,
As willing to give full field-room to his force,
Doth pass the river Nen, near where it down doth run,
From his first fountain’s head, is near to Harsington,
Advised of a place, by nature strongly wrought,
Doth there encamp his power: the Earl of March, who sought
To prove by dint of sword, who should obtain the day,
From Towcester trained on his powers in good array.
The vaward Warwick led (whom no attempt could fear);
The middle March himself, and Falconbridge the rear.
Now July enter’d was, and e’er the restless sun
Three hours’ ascent had got, the dreadful fight begun.”

Michael Drayton’s Polyolbion, Song 22nd.

Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, [39b] having landed, in the summer of 1460, from Calais, at Sandwich, with the Earls of March [39c] and Salisbury, [39d] and having been met by Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, [40a] and other persons of distinction, supporters of the party of the Duke of York, proceeded towards London. In passing through Kent they were joined by Cobham [40b] and many other personages of influence; and on the 2nd of July, 1460, they entered London, with a great accession to their forces, where they were cheerfully received by the Mayor and citizens, and of which they took quiet possession, except the Tower, into which Lord Scales [40c] and other Lancastrian leaders had retired, and which the Yorkists immediately besieged. Without waiting for its surrender, the Earls of March and Warwick, with the Lords Falconberg [41a] and Clinton, [41b] Viscount Bourchier [41c] (Earl of Ewe), the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Exeter, [41d] and other bishops and noblemen, left London with an army, a great portion of which came out of Kent, Essex, Surrey, and Sussex, amounting altogether, as some writers state, to 25,000 men, and proceeded towards Henry VI., [42a] leaving the Earl of Salisbury, Cobham, and Sir John Wenlock, in London, to take care of the city, keep the citizens firm in their fidelity, and push the siege of the Tower. [42b]

Henry VI. was at Coventry when the confederate earls were in Kent. On receiving intelligence of what was taking place in London, he—or, perhaps, it would be more correct to say, Queen Margaret, [42c] in his name, obtained money by compositions for knighthood, and loans from the prelates and convents, and from such of the nobility as were attached to the Lancastrian party, and raised a large army to provide for his defence, and proceeded with the Duke of Somerset, [43a] who had recently arrived from Guisnes, the Duke of Buckingham, [43b] and other noblemen and knights, to Northampton, where the King took up his abode at the Friary. [43c]

The confederate earls, at the head of the Yorkist army, proceeded northward to meet Henry, and took up a position between Towcester and Northampton. [43d]

Queen Margaret, judging from the power of the Lancastrians assembled at Northampton, that they were fully able to meet in hostile conflict the forces of the Yorkists, took upon herself to encourage [43e] her friends and supporters; and when the whole of the King’s forces were assembled, they issued out of Northampton, and, crossing the river Nen, or Nene, proceeded into the meadows on the southward side of the town, and in that part of them which is close to Delapré Abbey, [43f] a religious house of Cluniac nuns in the parish of Hardingstone, strongly intrenched themselves, [44a] and awaited the arrival of their enemies, and prepared to fight them there. The position, in a military point of view, was most ill judged. It possessed no natural advantages, but the contrary; for, by placing themselves on the southward side of the river, which seems to have been done with a view to deprive their adversaries of the advantage of having it in their front, the Lancastrians seem to have lost sight of the peril and chance of destruction, in case of defeat, from having the river in their own rear; an error which caused most lamentable consequences to them after the battle.

The Bishop of Salisbury, with the assent of the other bishops and of the noblemen who were on the side of the Yorkists, was sent to the King with pacific overtures, but without any satisfactory result; for, although somewhat inferior in numbers, the Lancastrians seem to have been over confident in their forces, and in the strength of their position. In the night the Yorkists removed their camp towards Northampton, and both parties prepared for battle.

On the 9th [44b] of July, 1460, the Earls of Warwick and March, accompanied by Viscount Bourchier, Lord Falconberg, and others, advanced with their forces, and the battle commenced about seven o’clock in the morning. According to one account, their van was led by the Earl of Warwick, and after him followed the Earl of March, with the banner of his father; others state that the Earl of March commanded the van, the Earl of Warwick the middle, and Lord Falconberg the rear body. During the battle, Edmund Lord Grey, of Ruthen, [45a] who was in the Lancastrian army, betrayed his trust, and, having a command in a part of the King’s camp, where, in consequence of a deep trench, and of a rampart, fortified with piles and sharp stakes, with which the camp was encompassed, so that the Yorkists could not enter without great danger, he and his men assisted the Yorkists to get within the intrenchments, and greatly conduced to the defeat of the Lancastrians. [45b]

Another circumstance occurred which was a great disadvantage to the Lancastrians: there was a considerable fall of rain on that day, and the cannons, with which the camp of the King was in some degree at least, defended, were prevented by the wet, from being of the service that they otherwise might have been. [45c]

The battle however lasted some time, with obstinacy and fierceness, the victory being uncertain until nine o’clock, when the King’s army was completely defeated. Many of his forces were slain in the battle and in their flight towards the town, and great numbers were drowned in the river Nen; [46a] for, as before observed, it was in their rear, and consequently between them and Northampton, and it proved a most serious disadvantage to the fugitives, when flying towards the town; so that the Lancastrians felt, to their grievous loss, the impolicy of taking up a position with the river in their rear. The King was left to his fate by the vanquished, and was speedily captured by the victors. [46b]

Amongst other persons of distinction on the Lancastrian side, slain in the battle, were the Duke of Buckingham, the Earl of Shrewsbury, [46c] his brother Sir Christopher Talbot, Viscount Beaumont, [46d] Lord Egremont, [46e] and Sir William Lucy, who hastened to take a part in the fight, and immediately on joining in it, received his death wound, by a blow on the head, with an axe. A considerable slaughter amongst persons of distinction, is said to have been caused by the Yorkist leaders directing their men to spare the common soldiers, but to despatch the noblemen, knights, and gentlemen. Many of the Lancastrians, however, were taken prisoners, in consequence of their having alighted from their horses, to fight on foot; a mode of fighting very likely to be adopted, when it is borne in mind that they were to fight behind intrenchments.

The Duke of Somerset and others narrowly escaped, and fled with Queen Margaret, and Edward Prince of Wales, [47a] into the bishopric of Durham.

The confederate earls having obtained the victory, waited upon the King with all outward show of respect; but immediately conveyed him to London, and lodged him in the bishop’s palace.

The body of the Duke of Buckingham was interred in the church of the Grey Friars [47b] at Northampton; that of the Earl of Shrewsbury was conveyed to Worksop, [48a] and there buried; those of some of the leaders were interred in the Hospital of St. John, in Bridge Street, in Northampton;[48b] and others in the Abbey Delapré, adjacent to the field of battle; [48c] but the exact spot where the cemetery of the abbey was situated is not now known.

The Duke of Buckingham was of royal lineage, [48d] being the son and heir of Edmund Stafford, fifth Earl of Stafford, by Anne Plantagenet, daughter of Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, youngest son of King Edward III. A strange and mournful fatality attended the principal members of the great and powerful family of the Duke of Buckingham, during five generations. The father, son, grandson, great-grandson, and great-great-grandson, all died violent deaths. Edmund Stafford, fifth Earl of Stafford, was slain fighting on the part of Henry IV., at the battle of Shrewsbury, in 1403; his son, Humphrey Stafford, first Duke of Buckingham, was slain at the battle of Northampton, fighting for the Lancastrian party, in 1460; his son, Humphrey, Earl of Stafford, was slain at the first battle of St. Alban’s, also fighting for that party, in 1455; his son, Henry Stafford, second Duke of Buckingham, was beheaded in the first year of Richard III., in 1483; [49] and his son, Edward Stafford, the third and last Duke of Buckingham of that family, was beheaded in the thirteenth year of Henry VIII., in 1521.

I carefully searched for, but could not discover, any remains of intrenchments, and, although I made inquiries, I was unable to learn that any traces of them could be recollected by persons on the spot; but there is sufficiently clear information, given by the old historical writers, to enable a person fond of such investigations, to identify the place where the battle took place; and their accounts show that it was fought close to Northampton, [50a] in the meadows on the southward side of the town, [a/][50a] and of the river Nen or Nene, and adjoining Delapré Abbey, [a/][50a] in the parish of Hardingstone, and near Queen Eleanor’s Cross. [a/][50a] The field of battle is now occupied by beautiful plantations, pleasure-grounds, and a portion of the park of Edward Bouverie, Esq., [50b] formerly part of the meadows before mentioned; and the railway from Northampton to Peterborough, passes over one side of them.

The mansion of Delapré Abbey stands upon the site of the old abbey of that name, and some portions of the walls, and two or three small arches or doorways, of the old abbey, are yet to be seen, in the interior of the present mansion.

As the meadows are skirted by the river Nen, which flows on the south side of Northampton, and separates the town from them, it follows, that when the Lancastrians marched out of the town, and took up a position in the meadows, and had the town and river close to them in their rear, they faced to the southward.

As the Yorkists marched from London, and proceeded to a place between Towcester and Northampton, it appears pretty certain that they advanced by Blisworth, and by the present turnpike road, and passed close to the beautiful and interesting monument of antiquity, Queen Eleanor’s Cross, which stands not much more than a mile from Northampton. The land is rather elevated in the vicinity of the cross, and slopes down to the mansion of Delapré Abbey, and to the park and pleasure-grounds belonging to it; and the Yorkists would naturally face to the northward, when attacking the Lancastrians. I was unable to learn, upon inquiry, that any relics of the battle had been dug up upon the field; and, as it is now part of the park and pleasure-grounds, the probability of the discovery of them by any excavations, ploughing, or digging, is consequently much diminished.

The victory was productive of most important advantages to the Yorkists. The Lancastrians were dismayed by the loss of the battle, the captivity of King Henry, and the deaths of so many of their leaders; and the defenders of the Tower of London, straitened by the want of provisions, surrendered immediately. The Duke of York, [51] who was in Ireland when the battle was fought, hearing of its successful result, returned to London; and although he did not succeed in getting himself recognised as King of England, he was declared by Parliament to be Henry’s successor; besides which, without waiting for Henry’s death, he was at once intrusted with the power, though not the title, of King; for he was appointed Protector and Regent of the whole realm.

CHAPTER IV.
THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
WAKEFIELD. [53a]

Duke of York.—“But stay; What news? Why com’st thou in such post?”

Messenger.—“The Queen, with all the northern Earls and Lords,
Intend here to besiege you in your castle:
She is hard by with twenty thousand men;
And therefore fortify your hold, my Lord.”

Shakespeare’s Henry VI. part iii. act 1, scene 2.
(Sandal Castle, near Wakefield.)

Richard Duke of York, [53b] desirous to disperse a considerable body of troops, which Queen Margaret [53c] was assembling in the North, marched from London on the 2nd of December, 1460, with a small army, and proceeded into Yorkshire, whilst his eldest son, Edward Earl of March, afterwards King Edward IV., went into Herefordshire, and to the borders of Wales, to levy a large body of forces, in order to assist his father, [53d] and intended to follow him with an army, to his castle of Sandal, near Wakefield.

On Christmas Eve, the Duke of York took up his position, at Sandal; and his friends, retainers, and tenants, speedily began to assemble around him. Margaret marched with diligence from York, [54a] with the Duke of Exeter, [54b] the Duke of Somerset, [54c] the Earl of Devonshire, [55] the Earl of Wiltshire, [56a] Lord Clifford, [56b] Lord Roos, [56c] the Earl of Northumberland, [57] and many of the knights and gentry of the northern parts, at the head of about 18,000 men, and advanced before Sandal, with the object of attacking him before his forces were fully mustered. It is certain that the Duke of York’s army was much inferior in numbers, and some accounts state, that he was only at the head of 5000 men. It is said that he was advised by his officers, in a council of war, not to risk an engagement, until his son Edward could arrive with the Welsh march-men. Several reasons have been conjectured, why the Duke of York came to the fatal conclusion, to hazard the chances of a battle; but it is very probable, that the true reason may be found, in the impossibility of provisioning a considerable body of troops, in the depth of winter, at Sandal, when no previous preparation had been made for them; or that he was ignorant of the great disproportion in numbers, between the two armies. Some of the historical accounts state, that he imagined that the main body of the Lancastrians who presented themselves and offered battle under the command of the Duke of Somerset, constituted all the army with which he had to fight, and that he was not aware of the fact, that there were other bodies of troops on each of its flanks, but at some distance, and concealed from his observation, one commanded by the Earl of Wiltshire, and the other by Lord Clifford. It is not, however, very easy to understand, how it could be possible, with the advantage of overlooking the flat country occupied by the Lancastrians, that two considerable bodies of them could be so placed, as to be near enough to assist the main body, without being observed by him.

Sandal Castle stood upon an eminence upon which the Yorkists were posted, which extends a considerable distance, and gradually slopes down towards the meadows on the northward, and towards Wakefield on the north-westward side.

Having determined on a battle, the duke and his forces, on the 31st [58a] of December, 1460, descended the eminence and furiously attacked the Lancastrians. The battle was fought at the place then called Wakefield Green, [58b] and the result was such as might have been foreseen. His array nearly surrounded and overwhelmed by numbers, was completely defeated.

The Duke of York, and about 2800 of his forces, were slain, amongst whom were William Bonvile, commonly called Lord Harrington; [58c] Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir John Mortimer, Sir Hugh Mortimer; Sir Thomas Neville, third son of the Earl of Salisbury; [58d] Sir Edward Bourchier, son of the Earl of Ewe (afterwards of Essex); Reginald Grey, the third son of Edward Lord Ferrers of Groby; and abundance of the gentry of the south of England. The Earl of Salisbury [a/][58d] was wounded, taken prisoner, and sent the next day to Pontefract, and there beheaded, with some other persons of distinction; and their heads, with that of the Duke of York, were afterwards fixed on the gates or walls of York: that of the duke having a paper crown upon it, in derision of his claims to the throne. This act of barbarity is alluded to by Shakespeare, who attributes to Queen Margaret the expression, after the death of the Duke of York,—

“Off with his head and set it on York gates
So York may overlook the town of York.” [59a]

The victory was closely followed by an act of shocking wickedness and barbarity. Edmund Plantagenet, Earl of Rutland, a son of the Duke of York, a boy only twelve years old, was captured when flying with his tutor from the field of battle, and was put to death near Wakefield Bridge, by Lord Clifford: a murder which obtained for him during the very short remainder of his life, the epithet of “the Butcher.”

An extract from the act of attainder, which was passed after the accession of Edward IV. to the throne, against the Lancastrians, is interesting, as giving a list of such of them as took a part at the battle of Wakefield.

“For asmoch also as Henry Duc of Somerset, purposying, ymaginyng and compassying of extreme and insaciate malice and violence to destroy the right noble and famous Prynce of wurthy memorie Richard late Duc of York, Fader to oure Liege and Soverayne Lord Kyng Edward the fourth, and in his lyf verrey Kyng in right of the Reame of Englond, singuler Protectour Lover and Defensour of the good governaunce, pollicie, commyn wele, peas and tranquillite thereof; and also Thomas Courteney late Erle of Devonshire, Henry late Erle of Northumberlond, Thomas Lord Roos, John late Lord Nevill, [59b] John Welpdale late of Lychefeld Clerk, Philip Lowes late of Thouresby in the counte of Lincoln Clerk, Bawdewyn Fufforth Knyght, Alexander Hody Knyght, Nicholas Latymer Knyght, James Loterell Knyght, Edmund Mountford Knyght, Thomas Fyndern Knyght, Henry Lewes Knyght, John Heron [60a] of the Forde Knyght, Richard Tunstall Knyght, Henry Belyngeham Knyght, Robert Whityngham Knyght, William Grymmesby late of London late Squier, Thomas Tunstall late of Thurland in the shire of Lancastr’ Squier, Symond Hammes Knyght, Thomas Dalton late of Lilbourne in the counte of Northumberlond Gentilman, James Dalton late of the same Gentilman, George Dalton late of the same Gentilman, John Clapam late of Skipton in Craven in Yorkshire Yoman, Andrew Trollop [60b] late of Guysnes Squier, Antony Notehill Knyght, John Botiller late of Howke in the counte of Dorset Squier, Gawen Lampleugh late of Warkeworth in the shire of Northumberlond Gentilman, Edmund Fyesh late of York Taylleour, Thomas Frysell late of the same Smyth, John Smothyng late of the same Yoman, John Caterall late of Brayton in the counte of York Gentilman, Thomas Barton late of Helmesley in the counte of York Gentilman, William Fyppes late of Southduffeld in the counte of York Yoman, Henry Clyff the elder late of Lokyngton in the countee of York Yoman, Robert Tomlynson late of Helagh in the counte of York Yoman, and Thomas Barton late of York Mason; at Wakefield in the shire of York on Tywesday the xxx day of Decembr’ last past, with grete despite and cruell violence, horrible and unmanly tyrannye murdered the seid right noble Prynce Duc of York.” [60c]

As the city of York, from whence Queen Margaret advanced with the Lancastrians, lies on the north-eastward of the village and castle of Sandal, it might have been inferred, that the road by which she advanced, was that through Pontefract, on the eastward side of the river Calder. Wakefield and its bridge over the Calder, are on the north-westward side of Sandal; and if the Earl of Rutland, at the time when he was captured, were trying to effect his escape, by Wakefield Bridge, it might be supposed, that during the fight, that side of the field of battle was in the rear of the Yorkists, and consequently was open and unoccupied by the Lancastrians. [61a] But that is not reconcileable with the fact, that previously to the battle, the Duke of York’s army was posted at Sandal, and that the battle was fought between Wakefield and Sandal, and upon Wakefield Green; because in that case, Wakefield and its bridge, must of necessity have been in the possession of the Lancastrians; and if so, they naturally must have advanced from York to Wakefield on the west side of the Calder. It seems probable, that when the Earl of Rutland was captured in his flight, his capture took place at some spot other than Wakefield Bridge, and that he was brought a prisoner to Lord Clifford, who murdered him on or near the bridge.

On the 31st of July, 1852, [61b] I first visited the field of battle, the castle, and also the village and church of Sandal. The church has not any old monuments to boast of; and I could not discover that any monument whatever, which had any relation to persons slain at the battle, had ever existed there. The Rev. Thomas Westmorland, recently the vicar of Sandal, now of Leominster, has, however, very kindly sent me a copy of an inscription in old characters apparently of about that age; but I am far from saying, that it had any reference, to any individual named Percy, connected with that battle, viz.:—“Orate pro bono statu Joselynni Pyrcy Armigery.” I am also indebted to him, and to William Shaw, Esq., of Porto Bello House, for some valuable information upon some other points. Looking from Sandal Castle Hill, a flat plain appears, of considerable extent, cultivated as meadow fields, extending from the castle to the river Calder. Those meadows are at present called “the Pugnays.” They are designated “the Pukenills,” on the Manor Court Rolls, which are still in existence, and of a date prior to the fourteenth century. Adjoining the tract of meadow-land, and in the extreme north-westward, bounded by the river Calder, is “Porto Bello,” a mansion erected by Samuel Holdsworth, Esq., and now occupied by William Shaw, Esq. The battle was fought upon that spot, upon part of the meadow-land before mentioned, and upon the tract of ground formerly part of Wakefield Green, extending from thence across the turnpike road in a north-eastwardly direction. The green must have been at that time a large open tract of ground, but it has long been enclosed, and its position appears to have been on the southward side of, and about half a mile from the bridge; [62] its site is crossed by the modern turnpike road, from Wakefield to Barnsley, and part of it has acquired the name of Fall Ings, according to tradition, from the great numbers who fell there, in the battle.

There are now no remains of Wakefield Green: all of it has been enclosed, and several portions of it are built upon; and it is worthy of notice, that on one side of the spot, where the green is said to have been, the ground descends from Sandal to the present turnpike road, and to a tract of level ground close to Porto Bello House; and that, at a little distance further on the turnpike road leading towards Wakefield, there is a slight elevation in the road, and in the contiguous fields. After carefully viewing the ground, I came to the conclusion that this little elevation, which faces the high ground at Sandal, must be considered to have been the position of the Lancastrians; and also that the battle was fought upon the level ground between it and Sandal, extending on the one side towards Porto Bello House, and on the other to the Fall Ings, and towards the Pontefract road. In digging the foundations of Porto Bello House, and in forming the sunk fence there, human bones, broken swords, spurs, and other relics, were discovered, which were considered fully confirmatory of that locality having been the scene of the conflict. On the northern part of Fall Ings, near the side where the highway to Pontefract runs, fragments of armour, and other indications, apparently of the battle, are said to have been discovered some time ago, in making an excavation there. It was also the spot, and on the side of Sandal, where the battle would naturally take place, after the advance of the Lancastrians from York to Wakefield; and it tallies with the accounts handed down to us, that the battle was fought between Wakefield and Sandal, and upon Wakefield Green.

There has not been discovered, within the memory of man, any large trench or pit near Sandal Church, where it might reasonably be supposed that some of the slain would be interred, such as has been discovered at Battlefield Church, in consequence of the battle of Shrewsbury, and at Saxton Church, in consequence of the battle of Towton. [63]

Sandal Castle has not been an extensive one; and, except that its position was on an eminence, it was devoid of the natural advantages which many castles possess, such as being built on the margin of rivers, or the edges of steep precipices. All that now exists of it, consists of rather large mounds, on which the outworks and walls have stood; two shattered and not large fragments of the latter remain, but so imperfect, that it is not possible to ascertain of what part of the castle they originally formed a portion. The moat is tolerably perfect; indeed in one place, it contained water when I visited it, although the season was hot and dry. There is also a very large and high mount, in a considerable degree artificial, on which the keep has stood, almost encompassed by an inner moat, which is of considerable depth.

In the additions to Camden’s Britannia, it is stated, with reference to the death of the Duke of York, that the spot where he fell was enclosed with a triangular wall, including about a rood or ten feet, now converted into a garden, the owners being obliged to keep it hedged in; that a large stone cross raised on it, was demolished in the civil war; that here was found a large gold ring, supposed to have belonged to the duke, and given to Mr. Thoresby; on the sale of whose museum, Mr. Bartlet, who remembered the finding of it, bought it for two guineas; that within is engraved, “Pour bon amour,” and on the broad outside are “three saints.” [64a]

On the right side of the old road leading from Wakefield to Barnsley, which passes the castle, and is called Sandal Castle Lane, [64b] is a small field or close, of rather a triangular form, which is said to be the spot where the Duke of York fell. [64c] It will scarcely admit of any doubt, that this is the identical place which is mentioned in the addition to Camden’s Britannia, although there is not a vestige of the cross now left. As the place is rather nearer to the castle than to the field of battle, it is not unreasonable to infer that the Duke of York may have been mortally wounded, and have been removed to a little distance in the rear (the spot in question would be in the rear of the Yorkists’ army), or he may have endeavoured to escape, on finding that the day was against him, and may have been slain there in his flight. The strong probability is, that it is the place where he fell. The small field or close may easily be distinguished: it lies about a mile from Wakefield Bridge; and at a very trifling distance beyond the toll-bar, a little well will be remarked, in the hedge, on the right side of the old road to Barnsley; and about midway between the toll-bar and the well, the small field or close presents itself to view. It is remarkable for having two very old willows growing in the hedge adjoining the road; and more of them were not very long ago growing there. A small compartment of the field was, within the recollection of the recent vicar of Sandal, fenced off from the remainder of it, and planted with red and white roses, which must naturally be supposed to have been done to commemorate the battle, or the death of the Duke of York. [65a]

CHAPTER V.
THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
MORTIMER’S CROSS. [67a]

Edward.—“Dazzle mine eyes, or do I see three suns?”

* * * * * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * * *

“’Tis wondrous strange, the like yet never heard of.
I think it cites us, brother, to the field,
That we, the sons of brave Plantagenet,
Each one already blazing by our meeds,
Should notwithstanding join our lights together,
And overshine the earth, as this the world.
Whate’er it bodes, henceforward will I bear
Upon my target, three fair shining suns.”

Shakespeare’s Henry VI. part iii. act 2, scene 1.
(Near Mortimer’s Cross.)

The victory gained by the Lancastrians, at the battle of Wakefield, seemed at the first view, to decide the fate of the adverse party. Richard Duke of York, the claimant to the throne, and the leader of the Yorkists, was slain; Richard Neville, Earl of Salisbury, was wounded, taken prisoner, and afterwards beheaded at Pontefract; and the army of which they were commanders, was completely destroyed. A most formidable enemy, however, soon presented himself to notice. Edward Earl of March, [67b] the eldest son of the Duke of York, was considered by great numbers of persons, as the rightful heir to the throne of England; he was descended from the Mortimers, Earls of March, and had claims to the crown, from his descent through his mother’s side, from Lionel Duke of Clarence, third son of Edward III., through Philippa (the only daughter and heiress of the Duke of Clarence), who married Roger Mortimer, third Earl of March and Lord of Wigmore; besides which, he was also descended from Edward III. in another manner, because his great-grandfather, Edmund of Langley, was the fifth son of Edward III. He was a young man whose personal appearance and manners were very prepossessing; he gained the hearts of men in a warlike age, by his courage and excellence in martial exercises; and his noble and powerful alliances, combined with his lineal descent from the great families of Plantagenet and Mortimer, had a potent influence in his favour, with vast numbers of all ranks; besides which, he was young, talented, and daring, and was well qualified under those circumstances to fight his way to a throne.

At the time when his father perished at Wakefield, Edward was occupied, by the direction of the former, in raising forces in the marches and the borders of Wales: a district where he had immense patrimonial possessions, and where the circumstance of his being of the lineage of the Mortimers, gave him great sway and influence. He was at Gloucester when he received the account of his father’s death. After having raised a large army, which some writers have stated to have amounted to as many as 23,000 men, he prepared to march against Queen Margaret, and avenge the death of his father.

Edward had, according to the accounts given by several of the old historians, proceeded as far as Shrewsbury, when he received tidings, that James Butler, Earl of Wiltshire, [69a] and Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke, [69b] half brother to King Henry the Sixth, had assembled a large army of Welsh and Irish, in order to attack him; and Edward, in consequence of that intelligence, [72a] was induced to return promptly in order to encounter them.

The two hostile armies met and fought, on Candlemas Day, the 2nd of February, 1461, [72b] in the parish of Kingsland, in Herefordshire, between Leominster and Wigmore, not far from East Hereford, and very near Mortimer’s Cross; [72c] from which place the battle acquired its name.

In those days the appearance of so unusual a phenomenon in the sky, as a parhelion, or mock sun, was considered a strange and unheard-of prodigy, which had its weight with ignorant men, as an omen of good or bad fortune, exciting within them either hopes or fears. The rare phenomenon, of the appearance of three suns in the sky, presented itself to view, on the morning of the battle; and, after showing themselves for some time, they suddenly joined and seemed to form one sun.

“Three glorious suns, each one a perfect sun;
Not separated by the racking clouds,
But sever’d in a pale clear shining sky.
See, see! they join, embrace, and seem to kiss,
As if they vow’d some league inviolable:
Now are they but one lamp, one light, one sun.”

Shakespeare’s Henry VI., part iii. act 2, scene 1.
(Near Mortimer’s Cross.)

Edward had the sagacity to affect to believe, or really did believe, that this natural phenomenon [73a] was an omen of his success. He afterwards, in commemoration of it, assumed the sun in its splendour, as his device or badge. [73b]

Edward with his forces courageously attacked [73c] the forces of the Earls of Pembroke and Wiltshire, and after a severe battle, completely defeated them; and about 3800 of the Lancastrians were slain. The Earls of Pembroke and of Wiltshire escaped by flight; Sir Owen Tudor, [73d] father of the Earl of Pembroke, and second husband of Queen Katherine, the widow of Henry V., and the mother of Henry VI., was taken prisoner, beheaded at Hereford, and was buried in a chapel of the Grey Friars Church; [73e] and Sir John Scudamore and his two sons, David Lloyd, Morgan ap Reuther, Thomas Griffith, John Throckmorton, Thomas Fitzhenry, and other gentlemen of consideration, were also taken and beheaded there: a fearful retaliation for the murder of the young Earl of Rutland, and the execution in cold blood, by the Lancastrians, of some of the prisoners, who had been taken at the battle of Wakefield. [74a]

The victorious Edward then proceeded with his army to join the King-making Earl of Warwick, who had recently been defeated by the Lancastrians at the second battle of St. Alban’s. They effected a junction at Chipping Norton, near Cotswold, and, with their united armies, marched towards London, where Edward was proclaimed King by his partisans shortly after his arrival.

The field of the battle of Mortimer’s Cross is in the parish of Kingsland, five mile north-west by west from Leominster, close to the fifth milestone of the turnpike road, leading from Leominster to Wigmore and Knighton, at the place where a byroad joins the turnpike road, and where a stone pedestal or monument, which will be more particularly mentioned afterwards, stands at the point of junction of those two roads, which was erected to commemorate the battle. [74b] Mortimer’s Cross is nearly a mile and a quarter further on the turnpike road, leading towards Wigmore.

It may perhaps be taken for granted, that the old historical accounts are correct in stating, that previous to the battle, Edward had marched as far as Shrewsbury, had returned to meet the Earls of Pembroke and Wiltshire, and that the two earls had raised a large portion of their forces in Wales; and if so, it is tolerably certain that the Lancastrians advanced from Wales into Herefordshire, towards the Earl of March’s possessions [75a] at Wigmore and on the borders of Wales; consequently the vicinity of Mortimer’s Cross was a very natural spot for the hostile armies to meet. There is a gentle ascent in the road from Mortimer’s Cross to the field of battle, and to the spot where the pedestal stands, consequently the Yorkists had a slight advantage of ground; and they were drawn up facing the westward, whilst the Lancastrian army faced the eastward.

Mortimer’s Cross is not a village, but merely consists of a respectable but small country inn, called the Mortimer’s Cross Inn, and one or two other houses, at a junction of four roads; where in former times a cross is said to have been erected by one of the Mortimers; but it has long been removed, and I could not learn, upon inquiry, that it had been there within the memory of man.

Relics of the conflict have been occasionally dug up in the fields in front (to the westward) of the pedestal, and of the point of junction of the two roads. When I first visited the field of battle, on the 16th of May, 1854, I met with a husbandman at work there, who had lived near it many years, and who informed me, that some years ago, in ploughing in the next fields immediately to the right and left of the turnpike road, after leaving the pedestal and the place of junction of the two roads, he had not unfrequently discovered remains of bridle-bits, stirrups, fragments of iron, and, amongst others, long pieces of iron, which, from their shape and size, he concluded had been sword-blades, besides other indications of the battle.

Within the recollection of the Rev. R. D. Evans, rector of Kingsland, some arms, swords, and spear-heads, were found on the field of battle, and were presented to the Museum at Hereford. [76a] He also showed me, when I visited the field of battle in 1856, a large buckle, perfectly plain, conjectured to have formed part of the trappings of a horse; a small buckle, rather ornamented, probably intended for a sword-belt, both of iron or steel; and a small silver coin, seemingly a groat, all found upon the field of battle in 1854. [76b] I have also been informed by him, that there was within his recollection, in a close near the field of battle, a mound said to have been a place of burial of those slain in the battle, but that it is now quite ploughed down, and no vestige of it remains. Although the field of battle is now entirely enclosed, there were old persons living, when I visited it in 1855 and 1856, who recollected large parts of it, when the thorn fences of its enclosures were small, and not much grown, from having been recently planted, and even when a portion of the land near the pedestal was open and unenclosed.

The ruins of Wigmore Castle are little more than four miles further than the field of battle, on the road from Leominster, from which it is about nine miles and a half distant; and when I was on three occasions in the neighbourhood, I did not hesitate to prolong my excursion, and visit the remains of a castle which in days of yore was of importance, and a principal residence of the Mortimers and of Richard Duke of York. Leland does not give any information of moment respecting the castle, but merely states concisely, “Wigmore Castle a XX myles from Shreusbiri, standing on a Brooket sumtime almost dry.” [77]

The ruins are upon a considerable eminence, and are sadly shattered, both by time and wilful spoliation, though they still are interesting, and of commanding appearance.

So much of the castle has been destroyed, that it is not possible to determine with accuracy its original plan and arrangements. Some of the outside walls, an arch, and other small parts of the principal gateway, and some considerable portions of the keep, still remain, much of which are covered with ivy; the moat is also tolerably perfect in most places; and the ruins of the keep stand within the castle upon a naturally high elevation, which has been considerably raised by artificial means. The keep has formerly been further strengthened by an interior moat, which separated it from the rest of the castle.

Most of the walls have been built of a slaty kind of stone, which has a tendency to splinter and crumble from the effects of the weather and frost, so that the remains do not appear likely to have a very long continuance. In approaching the entrance, there are some appearances visible, of a rampart and ditch, extending to the right, and also for a little distance to the left, of the gateway; there are not, however, any signs of masonry upon the rampart; but, if it formerly formed part of the outworks or outward defences of the castle, it probably has been fortified with palisades or stakes.

The church and little village of Wigmore are close to the castle. The church is a plain stone Gothic edifice, of great antiquity. It contains sedilia, and also a piscina, both of remarkable construction: the former being literally stone seats separated by stone partitions perfectly plain, without any canopies or arches; and the latter being placed on the acute angle of some masonry near them. The roof of the church is of a very unusual description, as it is of massive oak timber, waggon-shaped, and apparently of great age; and a large part of the outside wall of the north side of the nave is built with the stones set in the herringbone fashion, which is now very rarely to be met with, and is usually considered a proof of its remote antiquity.

A chapel, now demolished, originally stood on another part of the north side of the church, as is proved by the piscina still remaining on the outside of it; and the arch through which the entrance was obtained into it from the church, being still apparent in the north wall.

Considering the great utility of the castle, as a bridle to incursions from the borders of Wales, formerly a hostile country, its importance to the lords of the Welsh marches, and its having been a residence of the powerful Mortimers, who had more than once caused kings to feel uneasy on their thrones, I was a little surprised not to find it of more extensive size; nor did I consider its position to have been naturally as strong, as might have been expected, for such a fortress.

Here the traveller finds himself in a district upon the borders of Wales, which in a remote age, and when the principality was considered as a hostile country, was a part of the Welsh marches, and the personages in command there, were designated Lords Marchers. [78a] They were so called, from the word marche, or limit. They had Courts of Marche, in which they tried causes of different kinds, and especially offences against the public peace, which went by the name of Marche Treason. [78b] The Mortimers often held that important office upon the borders of Wales.

There were in Wales, and the borders of England, adjoining the principality, 141 manors, of large extent, possessed by the Lords Marchers, who enjoyed almost regal rights upon their lands, and administered justice within their several districts, without the intervention of the King’s judges. [79a] The excessive authority and local jurisdictions of the Lords Marchers, in this debatable land, were abolished by an act of Parliament, in the time of Henry VIII. [79b]

The drive from Leominster to Wigmore is interesting and pleasant. The view from Wigmore Castle is extensive and beautiful; an amphitheatre of mountains forms a background, between which and the castle, is a very extensive plain, over which, in days of yore, the powerful Mortimers could survey, from the towers and battlements, their vast possessions, and, as mighty feudal lords, they also could despotically command the property, services, and even the lives of nearly all who resided within the district.

The pedestal or monument before noticed, erected near the fifth milestone of the turnpike road, to commemorate the battle of Mortimer’s Cross, contains the following inscription:—

THIS PEDESTAL IS ERECTED TO PERPETUATE THE MEMORY
OF AN OBSTINATE BLOODY AND DECISIVE BATTLE, FOUGHT NEAR
THIS SPOT, IN THE CIVIL WARS BETWEEN THE AMBITIOUS HOUSES
OF YORK AND LANCASTER, ON THE 2ND DAY OF FEBRUARY 1460 [80a]
BETWEEN THE FORCES OF EDWARD MORTIMER EARL OF
MARCH (AFTERWARDS EDWARD THE FOURTH) ON THE SIDE OF
YORK, AND THOSE OF HENRY THE SIXTH ON THE SIDE OF
LANCASTER.

THE KING’S TROOPS WERE COMMANDED BY JASPER EARL
OF PEMBOKE; EDWARD COMMANDED HIS OWN IN PERSON AND
WAS VICTORIOUS: THE SLAUGHTER WAS GREAT ON BOTH SIDES
FOUR THOUSAND BEING LEFT DEAD ON THE FIELD, AND MANY
WELSH PERSONS OF THE FIRST DISTINCTION WERE TAKEN PRISONERS,
AMONG WHOM WAS OWEN TUDOR (GREAT-GRANDFATHER TO
HENRY THE EIGHTH, AND A DESCENDANT OF THE ILLUSTRIOUS
CADWALLADER) WHO WAS AFTERWARDS BEHEADED AT HEREFORD:
THIS WAS THE DECISIVE BATTLE WHICH FIXED EDWARD THE
FOURTH ON THE THRONE OF ENGLAND, [80b] WHO WAS PROCLAIMED
KING IN LONDON ON THE FIFTH OF MARCH FOLLOWING.

ERECTED BY SUBSCRIPTION
IN THE YEAR 1799.

CHAPTER VI.
THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
TOWTON. [81a]

Edward.—“Now breathe we, Lords; good fortune bids us pause,
And smooth the frowns of war with peaceful looks.
Some troops pursue the bloody-minded Queen;
That led calm Henry, though he were a King,
As doth a sail, fill’d with a fretting gust,
Command an argosy to stem the waves.”

Shakespeare’s Henry VI. part 3, act ii. scene 6.
(A Field of Battle, between Towton and Saxton.)

The most sanguinary and important battle that ever took place in the civil wars of England, was that of Towton, in Yorkshire; and from the interest which it has excited, and the historical events which have resulted from it, I have been induced to pay several visits to that memorable field of battle. [81b]

Queen Margaret [82a] and the Lancastrians, exulting in the victory obtained at Wakefield, were encouraged by it to proceed towards London, in hopes of being admitted into the city; but on their arrival at St. Alban’s, they encountered the Earl of Warwick [82b] and an army of Yorkists; and for the second time, within less than six years, a battle was fought there. [82c] It terminated in the defeat of the Yorkists, and was of great importance to the Lancastrians, because they regained the advantage of the use of the name of King Henry VI. [82d] in their proceedings, as the battle delivered him out of the custody of the Yorkists. Margaret’s victory was, however, disgraced by an act of great barbarity: she, or some of the Lancastrian leaders with her sanction, put to death in cold blood, after the battle, Lord Bonvile, [83a] and Sir Thomas Kiriel [83b] of Kent, to whose custody King Henry had been confided before the battle, and notwithstanding they had remained with him on his express assurance of their safety.

Margaret, however, was very far from deriving the advantages which she had hoped for, from the victory. The citizens of London were, for the most part, favourable to the House of York; besides which, they were alarmed at the outrages, rapine, and violence, perpetrated by Margaret’s lawless forces, on their march towards London, and, consequently, its gates were shut against her. Margaret found that she could not obtain admission into the city, and received intelligence that the Earl of Warwick had effected a junction with Edward Earl of March, [83c] at Chipping Norton, near Cotswold, and that they were marching with all the forces that they could collect, upon London; she, therefore, found it expedient to retire with her army, and to proceed to the north of England, in order to raise more forces; and then she hoped to have in the field an army sufficiently strong to crush her antagonists effectually.

Edward entered London triumphant after his victory at Mortimer’s Cross; and having the support of Thomas Bourchier, [83d] Archbishop of Canterbury; George Neville, [83e] Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Chancellor; and other bishops; the Duke of Norfolk; [84a] the Earl of Warwick; Lord Falconberg; [84b] and other noblemen and knights of the Yorkist party, who were then in London; was declared King by acclamation, by a large body of troops and of spectators, in the fields near Clerkenwell, on the 2nd of March, 1461. [84c] On the 3rd he was petitioned by the noblemen and leaders of that party, to assume the kingly office, and rode on the 4th to St. Paul’s, and there made his offering, and then proceeded with a pompous procession to Westminster Hall, and took his seat upon the throne, with the sceptre in his hand, and was recognised as King, somewhat in the form of a coronation. From thence he went with a similar procession to Westminster Abbey, under a canopy, and, having made another offering there, he received the homage of the noblemen there present, and was afterwards, in the usual form, proclaimed King of England, in Westminster, by the title of Edward IV., and the next day was proclaimed in the same manner, in the city of London. The 4th of March was the day on which Henry VI. was subsequently declared by Parliament to have been deposed, and the reign of Edward IV. to have commenced. [85a] Edward’s great object now was to seek and encounter the Lancastrian army; he had nothing to gain by delay, but everything to hope from a victory, which he knew would remove the advantage which Henry VI. had, from his being in possession of the crown, and having been for so many years recognised by the nation as King of England. On the 7th of March the Earl of Warwick, and a large portion of the army of the Yorkists, quitted London, and commenced their march towards the North. On the 12th, Edward and the remainder of the army also left London, and proceeded with little rest, until they reached Pontefract.

The Lancastrian army had assembled at York, and on the approach of the Yorkists, quitted the city, and marched through Tadcaster to Towton, and there prepared for the approach of their enemies; whilst King Henry VI., Queen Margaret, and Edward [85b] the young Prince of Wales, remained at York, awaiting the result of the impending battle, which was to decide whether Henry was to continue to be the sovereign of England, or to become a poor exile and a homeless fugitive.

It was with feelings of the most intense hatred, that the forces of the two parties approached each other; the deaths of not a few of the members of their respective families, and of many friends in battle, and of others on the scaffold, the forfeitures and confiscations by the act of attainder of the Parliament held at Coventry, and the bitterness of party strife, gave to the conflict a degree of inveteracy and fury, perhaps never equalled in any civil dissensions in England; and it cannot excite wonder, that in the dreadful battle which ensued, no quarter was given or expected.

The first hostile meeting of any of the forces, was unfavourable to the cause of Edward. He had sent troops commanded by Lord Fitzwalter, [86a] to secure the passage over the river Aire, at Ferrybridge; but in the course of the night of the 27th of March, or very early in the morning of the 28th, a body of light cavalry, under the command of Lord Clifford, [86b] was detached by the Lancastrians, and attacked and defeated the Yorkists stationed there, slew their leader, and won that position; but in consequence of Edward’s forces having crossed the Aire at Castleford, three miles higher up the river, the Lancastrian troops were soon obliged to retreat from Ferrybridge, and, in endeavouring to rejoin the main body at Towton, were intercepted at a place called Dintingdale, [86c] near Scarthingwell, and near Saxton, were completely defeated, and their leader, Lord Clifford, was slain.

The main bodies of the two armies were now close to each other: that of the Yorkists being posted at Saxton, and that of the Lancastrians at Towton; and during the night of the 28th, each party prepared for the terrible combat of the morrow. On Palm Sunday, the 29th of March, 1461, at nine in the morning, the battle commenced; and it is to be regretted, that the old historians have handed down to us, very little information of value, respecting that most extraordinary and sanguinary conflict; but some of the few particulars which they have left, will be noticed afterwards. The battle is said to have raged with great obstinacy and valour on both sides, during about ten hours, and terminated in a complete victory on the side of the Yorkists, and the rout and dispersion of the Lancastrian army.

The place where it was fought, is found without difficulty; indeed the old chroniclers and annalists mention the locality with sufficient precision. We know from those sources (independently of tradition), that it took place near Towton, partly in the township of Towton, and partly in that of Saxton, [87a] and between Towton and Saxton and as the distances between the villages of those names, is only one mile and a half, it defines the exact locality very clearly.

The battle has been called by various names, such as the battle of “Towton,” of “Saxton,” “Palm Sunday Field,” and “Sherburn,” and in the act of attainder of the first of Edward IV. it is called “Saxtonfeld and Tawtonfeeld, in the shire of York.” [87b]

This celebrated and decisive battle established for a considerable time, Edward IV. upon the throne of England. [87c]

The place where it was fought, lies between the villages of Saxton and Towton, and very near to, but a little to the southward of, the latter village. In order that the locality may be correctly understood, it is necessary to mention, that the district in which the battle was fought consists of an extensive range of high land, the approach to which, on the south side, is by a gentle ascent, which commences about a quarter of a mile on the north side of the village of Saxton, and extends as a small elevated plain (except in one spot, where there is a depression or valley, which will be afterwards described), past the village of Towton, by the modern turnpike road, until within about a mile from Tadcaster, where the road descends rather rapidly into a flat tract of meadow ground, extending to Tadcaster. On the eastward, the high ground slopes gently down towards the present great north road, leading from Ferrybridge to Tadcaster; and the slope of the land continues inclining to the eastward, in the direction of North Milford and of Church Fenton; and the south-eastward extremity extends towards Scarthingwell. On the west side, the high ground terminates very abruptly in steep eminences, some parts of which may, from their steepness and abruptness, without much impropriety, be called cliffs, which overlook a narrow belt of beautiful meadow ground, in which the river Cock, there called Cock-Beck, flows. It runs towards the north; and after passing the spot which will be afterwards more particularly noticed, where the ancient road to Tadcaster formerly was, it makes a turn towards the eastward, and at the foot of the descent before mentioned, the modern turnpike road (the present great north road) crosses it; and it flows from thence across some meadows for about a quarter of a mile, still to the eastward, and there runs into the river Wharfe. The ancient road, upon which men yet living have driven to and from Tadcaster, which is now little more than an occupation road, turns off abruptly, at the north end of, and close to, Towton village, and descends the eminence [88a] in a westwardly direction, to a continuation of the belt of meadow ground before mentioned, where it arrives at the river Cock. This descent by the ancient road is so steep, that it is a matter of surprise, how the heavy coaches formerly in use, and waggons, could safely pass up and down it, yet it was even in modern times part of the great north road. After descending the eminence, the ancient road formerly crossed the river Cock by a stone bridge, now destroyed; [88b] and after passing over a part of the beautiful meadow ground before noticed, it ascended the rising ground on the opposite side of the meadow, and so proceeded on towards Tadcaster.

At present, the river Cock is crossed in the meadow by a narrow wooden bridge, merely used for foot passengers and horses, the supporting piers of which are of stone, and they probably were built or rebuilt from the materials of the older bridge; in fact, I saw several worked and broken stones lying near it, strengthening the supposition of their having formed part of an old bridge. It may be correct here to mention that there is an old stone bridge at the village of Stutton, still existing, also over the Cock, much nearer to Tadcaster, from which a road joins the old road before mentioned to Tadcaster, and that human bones, probably of some of the fugitives, have been dug up on the line of the country where the modern turnpike road runs between Towton village and the bridge at Stutton. [89]

The village of Towton is small, and not well built; the houses are principally of stone, or with rough-cast fronts; it has not any church; and Towton Hall, where John Kendall, Esq., resides, is close to the village on the south-westward side of it. The village lies about two miles and a half to the southward of Tadcaster; and the turnpike road from Ferrybridge towards Tadcaster, passes through Sherburn and past Barkston and Scarthingwell Park, and proceeds directly to it (Towton and Sherburn being nearly north and south of each other); and the turnpike road passes through the village of Towton, at which it meets the public road which will be afterwards noticed, from the village of Saxton.

There is also a road leading from Saxton village to Scarthingwell which joins the turnpike road from Ferrybridge, at Dintingdale, at the distance of about half a mile from Saxton village; and on the eastward side of the Ferrybridge road, there is a stone quarry called Dintingdale Quarry, close to the place where the other road joins it.

Near this spot at Dintingdale, the engagement took place, in which the savage Lancastrian leader, Lord Clifford, fell, [90a] on the 28th of March, the day before the battle of Towton; [90b] his crimes merited a worse fate. His death is introduced by Shakespeare in the Third Part of King Henry VI.

(Enter Clifford wounded.)

Clifford.—“Here burns my candle out, ay, here it dies,
Which, whilst it lasted, gave King Henry light.
Ah, Lancaster! I fear thine overthrow,
More than my body’s parting with my soul.
My love and fear glued many friends to thee;
And now I fall, thy tough commixtures melt,
Impairing Henry, strength’ning misproud York.—

* * * * * * * * * *
* * * * * * * * * *

Bootless are plaints, and cureless are my wounds;
No way to fly, nor strength to hold out flight:
The foe is merciless, and will not pity;
For at their hands I have deserv’d no pity.
The air hath got into my deadly wounds,
And much effuse of blood doth make me faint.” [90c]

The elevated land begins to rise about a quarter of a mile on the north side of Saxton village, from which a public road proceeds from thence in a northwardly direction, and continues to rise until within little more than half a mile to the southward of the village of Towton, where there is a considerable depression or descent in the road, and in the ground on each side of it. At this place, and on the left or westward of the road, the depression in the ground deepens through a large meadow, where it forms a valley, which contracts, and extends through an opening in the eminence or cliff before mentioned, to the belt of meadow land extending to the river Cock. On the right or eastward side of the public road, the depression which is called Towton Dale, extends some little distance into the adjoining fields, and then becomes a mere undulation in the fields; and the ground is nearly level from thence towards the eastward. This place is easily known—not merely by the large meadow and valley, but by a stone quarry called Towton Dale Quarry, worked close to, and on the westward or left side of, the road, and which is passed on leaving the depression, and ascending towards Towton village. [91]

Those marks will enable the visitor to find the scene of action, without difficulty. The battle of Towton was fought on the spot now occupied by the large meadow and valley before mentioned (on the west side of the road), the depression called Towton Dale, the fields extending a considerable distance to the eastward of the road, and the ground in the neighbourhood of the stone quarry.

The large meadow is remarkable for producing rich rank grass, and also for three or four extensive irregularly shaped patches of very small wild dwarf rose-bushes, which I was told, were both red and white; it forms the west end of Towton Dale. The meadow is not unfrequently called the Bloody Meadow, and was, according to tradition, a scene of great slaughter, and it is said that considerable numbers of the dead were buried there. The distance across the fields, from the public road at that spot to the turnpike road leading from Ferrybridge, is about a mile, and the whole tract of ground between them is enclosed and cultivated.

The Lancastrians had their army drawn up, a little to the southward of the village of Towton, which was rather more than a quarter of a mile in their rear, and they occupied the highest ground there. The position was a good one. Their right wing extended towards the eminence or cliff before mentioned, and they had the meadow and valley in front of it. Their centre had the depression called Towton Dale, or at least part of it, in front, and their left wing extended a considerable distance to the eastward, [92a] towards the place where the turnpike road from Ferrybridge now is. Before the land was drained, which lies below and on the eastward side of the Ferrybridge road, between Dintingdale and Towton, some boggy and marshy land formerly existed beyond the position of their left wing, which perhaps might be a protection against its being outflanked. [92b] Their left wing had no particular advantage over their adversaries, except from the ground being a trifle, and not much, higher than that occupied by the right of the latter. The Lancastrian position extended along the highest part of the ground, in a direction almost due east and west.

The Yorkists naturally drew up their army opposite the other, and on the south side of the meadow and depression before mentioned, and with their centre and right wing extending across the ground, now enclosed fields, to the eastward, and towards the present turnpike road from Ferrybridge.

I made inquiries from persons residing near the scene of action, but could not learn that there were any traces of intrenchments visible: although they might have been expected to have been found at the spot where the Lancastrians were posted.

Instances have occurred, though not very numerous of late, of the discovery of parts of human skeletons, and fragments of armour, weapons, piles of arrows, bridle-bits, spurs, &c. &c., on the field of battle.

The remains of armour, weapons, and other relics, turned up on the field of this great engagement, have been comparatively, rather small, which has been very fairly accounted for by Dr. Whitaker, [93] from the circumstance, that the weather was cold, and the victory complete, so that the spoil of the field, and the interment of the dead, proceeded at leisure; he, however, mentions one relic, which escaped the vigilance of plunder, viz., a gold ring, weighing about one ounce, which was found on the field about thirty years before (his work was published in 1816); it had no stone, but a lion passant was cut upon the gold, with this inscription in the old black-letter character—“Now ys thus.” The crest is that of the Percies; and Dr. Whitaker considers, that it was a ring actually worn by the Earl of Northumberland; and that the motto seems to allude to the times; as if it were expressed, “This age is fierce as a lion.”

Drake, in his Eboracum, says, that about a year or two before he wrote (his work was published in 1736), he and two other gentlemen had the curiosity to go and see a fresh grave opened, in those fields, where, amongst vast quantities of bones, they found some arrow piles, pieces of broken swords, and five very fresh groat pieces of Henry IV., V., and VI.’s coin. These were laid near together, close to a thighbone, which made them conjecture, that there had not been time to strip the dead, before they were tossed into the pit.

It is to be regretted, that he has not informed us, in what particular spot, those relics were dug up; but as he, in the preceding sentence, had mentioned the intended chapel, and the piece of ground called “Chapel Garth,” it is only reasonable to conclude, that he alluded to the latter.

In the month of August 1774, a man was living at Saxton who, with many others, had been concerned in opening some graves of the warriors, slain at the battle of Towton, to satisfy the curiosity of some gentlemen. On a strict examination of the bones, then found, it appeared, that the least decayed, were the internodia digitorum, of the bones of the thumbs and fingers. [94a]

Dr. Whitaker informs us, that he was possessed of a silver ring, gilt, with two hands conjoined engraved upon it, which was found upon the field of battle. [94b]

A dagger or short sword, discovered there, is now in the possession of the Rev. William Jepson Newman, of Badsworth, Yorkshire; it is 2 feet 4½ inches long, including the portion which was formerly inserted in the handle; very narrow, being at the broadest part hardly more than half an inch in breadth, but thick in proportion, and angular. It has been somewhat shortened at the point, which is at present round; and it was picked up by the father of a man who now resides in the neighbouring township of Lotherton. [94c]

A spear-head, or pike-head, was six or seven years ago amongst some old iron in a blacksmith’s shop, near the field of battle, which had been found on the field; it was purchased and taken away by a gentleman. [a/][94c]

There is another curious relic of the battle, which has been preserved. A battle-axe, of which the blade is of a small size; and the handle is perfect, of black oak, roughly made, and 2½ inches in the gripe. The blade and handle of the axe, are together, about 18 inches long. Its history is curious. It was found very many years ago, in the bed of the river Cock. It was purchased by Colonel Grant, R.A., at Saxton, from the wife of a miller there; and she informed him, that it had been preserved for a long period of time in the family of her husband. She had been in the habit of using it for the purpose of breaking sugar: an extraordinary change in the use of a weapon, which, as we cannot doubt, had been wielded at the battle of Towton, by a Lancastrian warrior, and been lost in the river Cock, in his flight from Towton Field. It remained a considerable time in the possession of Colonel Grant, and was presented by him, to the Duke of Northumberland, for his museum at Alnwick Castle, where it still is. [95a]

A spur, which I have seen, of brass gilt, found on the field of battle, is preserved in the Museum of the Society of Antiquaries of London; it is a rowel spur; the rowel is scarcely larger than that of a modern spur, in which respect it differs from the very large rowels, of that period, which have occasionally been discovered. The spur is remarkably perfect, and is slightly ornamented with a kind of scroll pattern. Upon the shanks is engraved, in Old English characters, the following inscription—“en loial amour, tout mon coer;” the style and engraving of which, indicate its being of about the period of the battle. [95b]

I also learnt, on my visit to Towton Field in 1854, that on the recent occasion of making excavations for the York and North Midland Railway, close to Towton, some human bones were discovered; the spot was near the old road before described, and in the line of the retreat of the Lancastrians, from the field of battle, towards Tadcaster.

It is said that human bones, which must be presumed to have been those of some of the fugitive Lancastrians, have been found in the line of country, leading from Towton village towards the village of Stutton, at which a part of the fugitive Lancastrians probably crossed the river Cock, in their flight towards Tadcaster.

Persons residing near the field of battle, readily point out the place, where Lord Dacre [96] is said to have been slain, and which I have several times made a point of visiting, in the course of my rambles there; it is in a field called Nor Acres (or North Acre), which seems to have been originally much larger, and to have been subdivided. It belongs to Lord Hawke, and lies a couple of fields’ breadth to the eastward of the public road, and opposite the large meadow before noticed, and extends a considerable distance to the eastward. Dr. Whitaker states, that when Glover made his visitation in 1583, he heard the tradition, that Lord Dacre was shot at Towton Field, by a boy “out of a burtree,” and that “the place where he was slayne is called the North Acres, whereupon they have this rhyme:—

“The Lord of Dacres
was slayne in the North Acres.” [97]

It is remarkable that the farmer who occupies the field, and others whom I conversed with, repeated the tradition, and told me that Lord Dacre was slain by an arrow shot by a boy from an auberry-tree, evidently meaning the same shrub as that called burtree by Dr. Whitaker, who states that he did not know what the burtree was. I was quite satisfied that the word auberry, was a provincial name for the elder-tree, and requested a person near the spot, to point out such a tree to me, and, as I anticipated, I was shown the elder-tree.

Following the depression or valley before mentioned, to the eastward, and at the corner of the second field from the public road, there was, until within about the last twelve or thirteen years, a square space, enclosed with an embankment, containing about half an acre; it was not usually ploughed, but in grass; and was said to have been a place of interment of many of the corpses after the battle; it lay on the corner of the Nor Acres (or North Acre) Field, at the southward; but the embankment is now thrown down, and the land has been ploughed. According to tradition, the greatest slaughter took place at or near the Nor Acres Field.

Great numbers of the slain were interred in Saxton Churchyard, in a large trench or pit on the north side of the church. Their bones were exposed to view, lying about four feet below the surface, in making a vault not many years ago, and again, subsequently, in making another, in 1848, as will be noticed in another place; we may conclude that they were the bones of Yorkists of some consideration, from the circumstance of the survivors taking the trouble of interring the remains in consecrated ground, at some little distance from the field of the battle. The persons whose bones were so exposed, must have been either young, or in the prime of life, because the skulls were remarkable for the soundness and excellence of the teeth.

Amongst other fields on the spot where the battle was fought, there is one of considerable extent, lying on the eastward side, to which, or near to which, the Lancastrian left wing extended, which fronts the west side of the turnpike road from Ferrybridge; any person desirous of walking over the field of battle from the Ferrybridge road, will do well to cross it from this part, and enter the large field which is nearly opposite a white farmhouse, standing on the eastward side of the Ferrybridge road. On one occasion, whilst I was in it, I met with a farmer there, who informed me that some few relics of the battle had been discovered, but very rarely near the place. I have also obtained considerable information from several other persons residing near the field of battle. [98a]

Dr. Whitaker states [98b] that “the field of battle is scarcely more than a mile long, and with little level ground in front of both armies, declines in the rear of both. Hence it appears, that as the line could scarcely exceed 3000 men, the files must have been very deep, and that the rear must have been perpetually advancing as the front lines fell.” But that theory of Dr. Whitaker appears to proceed upon the assumption that each of the armies would be drawn up in only one body. At that period, the men-at-arms, or heavy cavalry, went to battle in complete armour; each man carried a lance, sword, dagger, and occasionally a mace, or battle-axe; his horse also was, to a certain extent, in armour. A considerable part of the infantry of an English army, consisted of archers, armed with long bows, and arrows; and another large part consisted of men armed with bills, pikes, pole-axes, glaives, and morris-pikes. Such of the forces as were of the latter description, would probably be drawn up in deep files, the better to resist charges of horse, but the archers and cavalry, in order to be useful, would require more space, and would be drawn up with more extended fronts. [99a]

It is, however, certain that each army was drawn up in more than one body; the rearmost body being in the nature of a corps de reserve; and in that case, of course, the army would present a much more contracted front. We may fairly conclude, that the Lancastrians must have been drawn up in at least two bodies or lines, with the foot in rather deep files, and that their left wing extended to, or very near to, the place where the present turnpike road from Ferrybridge runs. The old historians inform us, that the Earl of Northumberland [99b] and Sir Andrew Trollop [99c] commanded the van of the Lancastrians, which implies that there must have been a rear body, or force commanded by other leaders. The van of the Yorkists was commanded by Lord Falconberg, and the rearward by Sir John Wenlock [100a] and Sir John Dinham or Denham; [100b] and it is certain, that such enterprising and courageous personages as Edward IV. and the Earl of Warwick, would take a prominent part in the battle, and would not willingly remain in the rear; accordingly they are said to have commanded the main body.

Near the village of Towton, and on its south-west side, King Richard III. commenced building a chapel, in memory of the slain who had fallen in the battle, but it never was finished; [100c] and the place where it was commenced is now called the “Chapel Garth,” or “Chapel Hill.” It is situated close to, and extends in the rear or westward of, Towton Hall, which stands on part of the site of it; and a considerable mass of human bones was found, about sixty years ago, in enlarging the cellars at Towton Hall. [101a] Behind the garden, and on the west side, are some inequalities in the ground, seemingly denoting the site of a small building; and in digging there, tiles and worked stones have been discovered: strongly conveying the impression, that the walls and foundations of the chapel had been placed there. In some alterations which were formerly made, in an old chimney in Towton Hall, there was found some stone-work, broken, and evidently brought from elsewhere (and used with other building materials), which had apparently formed part of the mullions or tracery of a window, of an ecclesiastical edifice, [a/][101a] which may reasonably be supposed to have been the chapel alluded to.

It is worthy of notice, that the spot was within the line occupied by the Lancastrians, but probably, many of the slain on both sides were interred there.

It cannot admit of a doubt, that the meadow and valley before mentioned, and many parts of the meadows lying between the foot of the declivities from the north side of the village of Towton, and the banks of the river Cock, must contain the remains of great numbers of the dead; but in most parts of the field where the battle actually raged, the soil is not in general, deep, and therefore, some parts of it would not easily admit of the interment of the dead in large pits.

We learn from the old historical accounts, that the Lancastrians mustered for this dreadful conflict about 60,000 men, and the Yorkists about 48,660. The battle is stated to have commenced at nine in the morning, in the midst of a storm of snow and sleet, and to have lasted until seven in the evening. [101b] It was a battle of extermination: the dreadful order not to give any quarter, nor to take any prisoners, having been issued before its commencement by Edward IV., and responded to by a similar order, on the part of the Lancastrians.

When the Lancastrians began to give way, they at first retired in the direction of Tadcaster, in some order, and made several stands to keep their pursuers at bay; but they could not long continue retreating without disorder; and in attempting to cross the river Cock in haste, a dreadful scene of destruction took place there, and such numbers of them were drowned, or otherwise lost their lives in the bed of the stream, as to fill it, so that the survivors passed it on the dead bodies of the sufferers.

The number of the slain is given by the chroniclers, as 36,776, but which probably includes not only all who fell on both sides in the battle, but all who were slain in the pursuit, or were drowned in the river Cock, and also all who fell in the engagements at Ferrybridge and Dintingdale on the previous day.

The principal leaders of the two parties, at the battle of Towton, were, on the Yorkists’ side, the new King, Edward IV.; the Duke of Norfolk (who was intended to have been the principal commander at the battle, but was prevented by illness from taking an active part in it; his forces, however, were there, and fought for Edward); the Earl of Warwick; his uncle, Lord Falconberg; Sir John Wenlock; Sir John Denham; and a number of the nobles and gentry of the midland and southern districts of England: on the Lancastrian side, the Earl of Northumberland; the Duke of Exeter; [103a] the Duke of Somerset; [103b] the Earl of Devonshire; [103c] Lord Dacre; Sir Andrew Trollop; and Sir John Heron. [103d] The partisans on the Lancastrian side, comprised most of the noblemen and gentry of the northern, and part of the western, districts of England.

According to Stow, [103e] the following persons were slain there:—Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland; the Earl of Shrewsbury; [103f] John Lord Clifford; Lord Beaumont; [103g] John Lord Neville; [104a] Lord Willoughby; [104b] Lord Welles; [104c] Lord Roos; [104d] Lord Scales; [105a] Lord Grey; [105b] Lord Dacre; Lord Fitzhugh; [105c] Lord Molineux; [105d] Lord Henry Buckingham; [106a] of knights, two natural sons of Henry Holland, Duke of Exeter; Sir Richard Percy; Sir John Heron; [106b] Sir Gervase Clifton; [106c] Sir Edmund Hammes; Sir Thomas Crackenthorpe; Sir John Crackenthorpe; Sir William Harill; Sir John Ormond; Sir Andrew Trollop; Sir Roger Mollyn; Sir Ralph Pigot; Sir Henry Narbohew; Sir David Trollop; Sir John Burton, Captain of York; and other knights and esquires. Thomas Earl of Devonshire, [106d] was taken prisoner, and beheaded by order of Edward, at York.

The act of attainder, [106e] passed against the Lancastrians soon after the accession to the throne, of Edward IV., professes to give a list of such of them, as had taken an active part for the House of Lancaster, at or immediately before or after the battle of Towton. The following is an extract from it:—

“And where also Henry Duc of Excestr’, Henry Duc of Somerset, Thomas Courteney late Erle of Devonshire, Henry late Erle of Northumberlond, William Vicecount Beaumont, Thomas Lord Roos, John late Lord Clyfford, Leo late Lord Welles, John late Lord Nevill, Thomas Gray Knyght Lord Rugemond Gray, Randolf late Lord Dacre, Humphrey Dacre Knyght, John Morton [107a] late Person of Blokesworth, in the shire of Dorset Clerk; Rauff Makerell, late Person of Ryseby, in the shire of Suff’ Clerk; Thomas Mannyng late of New Wyndesore in Berkshire Clerk, John Whelpdale late of Lychefeld in the Counte of Stafford Clerk, John Nayler late of London Squier, John Preston late of Wakefeld in the shire of York Preest, Philip Wentworth Knyght, John Fortescu [107b] Knyght, William Tailboys Knyght, Edmund Mountford Knyght, Thomas Tresham Knyght, William Vaux Knyght, Edmund Hampden Knyght, Thomas Fyndern Knyght, John Courteney Knyght, Henry Lewes Knyght, Nicholas Latymer Knyght, Waltier Nuthill, late of Ryston in Holdernes, in the shire of York, Squier, John Heron of the Forde Knyght, Richard Tunstall Knyght, Henry Belyngeham Knyght, Robert Whityngham Knyght, John Ormond otherwise called John Botillier Knyght, William Mille Knyght, Symonde Hammes Knyght, William Holand Knyght, called the Bastard of Excestr’, William Josep’ late of London Squier, Everard Dykby late of Stokedry in the shire of Ruthlond Squier, John Myrfyn late of Suthwerk in the shire of Suit’ Squier, Thomas Philip late of Dertyngton in Devonshire Squier, Thomas Brampton late of Guysnes Squier, Giles Seyntlowe late of London Squier, Thomas Claymond, the seid Thomas Tunstall Squier, Thomas Crawford late of Caleys Squier, John Aldeley late of Guysnes Squyer, John Lenche of Wyche in the shire of Worcestre Squier, Thomas Ormond, otherwise called Thomas Botillier Knyght, Robert Bellyngeham late of Burnalshede in the shire of Westmerlond Squier, Thomas Everyngham late of Newhall in the shire of Leycestr’ Knyght, John Penycok late of Waybrigge in the Counte of Surr’ Squier, William Grymmesby late of Grymmesby in the shire of Lincoln Squier, Henry Roos late of Rokyngham in the shire of Northampton Knyght, Thomas Danyell late of Rysyng in the shire of Norff’ Squier, John Doubiggyng late of the same Gentilman, Richard Kirkeby late of Kirkeby Ireleth in the shire of Lancastr Gentilman, William Ackeworth late of Luton in the shire of Bed’ Squier, William Weynsford late of London Squier, Richard Stucley late of Lambehith in the Counte of Surr’ Squier, Thomas Stanley late of Carlile Gentilman, Thomas Litley late of London Grocer, John Maydenwell late of Kirton in Lyndesey in the Counte of Lincoln Gentilman, Edward Ellesmere late of London Squier, John Dauson late of Westmynster in the shire of Midd’ Yoman, Henry Spencer late of the same Yoman, John Smothyng late of York Yoman, John Beaumont late of Goodby in the shire of Leyc’ Gentilman, Henry Beaumont late of the same Gentilman, Roger Wharton otherwise called Roger of the Halle late of Burgh in the shire of Westmerlond Grome, John Joskyn late of Branghing in the shire of Hertf’ Squier, Richard Litestr’ the yonger late of Wakefield Yoman, Thomas Carr late of Westmynster Yoman, Robert Bollyng late of Bollyng in the shire of York Gentilman, Robert Hatecale late of Barleburgh in the same shire Yoman, Richard Everyngham late of Pontfreyt in the same shire Squier, Richard Fulnaby of Fulnaby in the shire of Lincoln Gentilman, Laurence Hille late of Moch Wycombe in the Counte of Buk’ Yoman, Rauff Chernok late of Thorley in the Counte of Lancastr’ Gentilman, Richard Gaitford of Estretford in Cley in the shire of Notyngh’ Gentilman, John Chapman late of Wymbourne Mynster in Dorset shire Yoman, and Richard Cokerell late of York Marchaunt; on Sonday called comynly Palme Sonday the XXIX day of Marche the first yere of his reigne, in a feld betwene the Townes of Shirbourne in Elmett, and Tadcastr’, in the seid shire of York, called Saxtonfeld and Tawtonfeeld, in the shire of York, accompanyed with the Frenshmen and Scotts the Kynge’s Ennemyes, falsely and traiterously ayenst their feith and Liegeaunce, there rered werre ayenst the same Kyng Edward, their rightwise, true, and naturall Liege Lord, purposying there and then to have distroyed hym, and deposed hym of his Roiall Estate, Coroune, and Dignite; and then and there to that entent, falsely and traiterously moved bataille ayenst his seid astate, shedyng therin the blode of a grete nombre of his subgetts: In the which bataille it pleased Almyghty God to yeve unto hym, of the mysterie of his myght and grace, the victorie of his ennemyes and rebelles, and to subdue and avoyde th’ effect of their fals and traiterous purpose.” [109]

Besides the persons above mentioned, the act of attainder includes several other noblemen and personages, who are charged with various offences, although not with taking a part at the battle of Towton.

Edward, besides punishing his antagonists, did not forget, after his accession to the throne, and in some instances very early afterwards, to reward with titles, or with substantial possessions, his adherents, who had fought for his cause at Towton, or had otherwise befriended him. He created his brother George, Duke of Clarence; his younger brother Richard, Duke of Gloucester; Sir John Neville, brother to the Earl of Warwick, Lord Montague and afterwards Marquis Montague; Henry Viscount Bourchier, brother to Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury, Earl of Essex; William Neville Lord Falconberg, Earl of Kent; Sir William Hastings, Lord Hastings; [110] Sir John Wenlock, Lord Wenlock; Sir John Denham or Dinham, Lord Dinham; and others. Sir Walter Blount was rewarded with grants of several important and valuable offices, and in the fifth year of Edward IV. he was created Baron Montjoy. [111a] John Lord Clinton, originally a Lancastrian, forsook the party of Henry VI. for that of the Duke of York, about 1459, and was in arms with the Yorkists at their encampment at Ludford near Ludlow, [111b] for which he was attainted, and his lands declared confiscated, by the Parliament of Coventry, held on the 20th of November, in the thirty-eighth year of Henry VI., 1459; [a/][111b] but all the acts and proceedings of that Parliament, however, were declared void, by act of Parliament of 39th of Henry VI., [111c] and on the accession of Edward, his estates and honours were restored. [111d]

There are several interesting particulars to be observed, on an inspection of the field of battle and its vicinity, and a visit to the river Cock, which tend very much to corroborate the old historical accounts. We learn, that at first the Lancastrians retired from the field in some order, but soon became disordered, and retreated in great confusion. It is easy to believe, that with the ground then unenclosed, or only partially enclosed, near Towton, they would at first retire in tolerable order, until they had passed the village; but when they turned off to the left, or westward, immediately upon leaving the village, and descended towards the river Cock, by the ancient and steep road, as they seem to have done, great confusion would most probably ensue in the retreat of an undisciplined army. Their right wing, in retiring, would naturally fall back by the ground where Towton Hall now stands, or a little to the westward of it; but immediately after passing the village, it is almost certain that they would find their centre and right wing meeting nearly at one point, and all pressing forward to descend towards the river Cock. The steep descent from the village by the old road, must have been very perilous, under such circumstances; their cavalry, many of the horses doubtless wounded and ungovernable, and their infantry, all attempting to descend by a steep road, hotly pursued by enemies, who gave no quarter, would probably soon become a disorderly mass of fugitives, and when they attempted to cross the Cock, nearly all order would be lost, and a scene of confusion and carnage would naturally result. The strong probability is, that there was not then any bridge over the Cock; but if there were one, we must conclude that it was of small size, and that it could not have been wide enough to allow so numerous a crowd to pass; and if there were not one, and all of them were obliged to attempt to ford the stream, the danger would of course be increased. The river Cock is narrower than the general width of our inland canal navigations, and when I visited it in the summers of several years, I could have waded across it, without having the water much above my knees; but I can easily suppose that at the close of winter, and when fed with melted snow, it would be difficult, if not dangerous, to ford it.

There is a passage in Biondi’s work, upon the wars of the Houses of York and Lancaster, written in old Italian, which tends to confirm the idea that there was not, at the period of the battle, any bridge there, but that the river was usually forded; the passage, however, is not conclusive, because, whether there was a bridge or not, a vast number of the fugitives would naturally attempt to ford the little river. [112]

“Those who remained alive, took the road for the bridge of Tadcaster, but being unable to reach it, and believing a small river called Cock to be fordable, the greater part were drowned therein. It is constantly affirmed, that those who survived, passed over, by treading on the dead bodies of the sufferers; the water of this stream, and of the river Wharfe, into which it empties itself, were coloured in a manner to appear as pure blood.”

I have several times descended to and visited the river Cock, in two places—one after passing through the large meadow and valley before mentioned, and the other after descending from the village of Towton, by the old road already described; and whilst I drank of its pure and cool waters, at each place, I could not avoid reflecting upon the lamentable fact, that after the battle, this interesting stream flowed stained with human gore; and that both the Cock, and the large river the Wharfe, into which it flows, were discoloured with it, so as to appear like rivers of blood. Doubtless very much of that shocking discoloration was produced both by the wounded, in their endeavours to cross the Cock, and by the men slain in its bed or on its banks, in their flight; besides which, a portion of the field of battle near the public road dips towards the westward, and the melted snow mixed with blood would naturally drain through the large meadow and valley before mentioned, towards the Cock; and we learn from history, that the blood of the slain lay caked with the snow, which at that time covered the face of the ground, and afterwards dissolving with it, ran down in a most horrible manner the furrows and ditches of the fields, for two or three miles together. [113]

However well selected the position of the Lancastrians was for fighting a battle, it was a most dangerous one for defeated forces to retreat from, because the contiguity of the river Wharfe, which was only from two to three miles distant on the eastward and north-eastward, prevented their escape from the field in that direction, and the eminence or cliff prevented it on the westward; whilst towards the northward the declivities and river Cock in their rear, were almost certain to cause, to an undisciplined army, the disorganization and loss of life which ensued.

There is a point of some historical moment connected with the action at Dintingdale which is worth notice. Edward IV. was at Pontefract on the 27th of March, and prepared to pass the Aire at Ferrybridge, or both at that place and at Castleford. Lord Clifford, with a body of light cavalry under his command, [114a] left the main army of Lancastrians, either on the night of the 27th, or sufficiently early on the morning of the 28th, to surprise and defeat the body of Yorkists posted under the command of Lord Fitzwalter [114b] at Ferrybridge, at daybreak; and Lord Fitzwalter, unaware of the approach of the enemy, hearing a disturbance and uproar, went from his bed armed only with a poleaxe, and lost his life [115a] in the conflict. The Yorkists then passed the Aire at Castleford (only three miles distant) in great force, in hopes of cutting off the troops under Lord Clifford, who then retreated from Ferrybridge; and the Yorkists either intercepted or overtook him, slew him, and defeated and destroyed nearly all his forces, at Dintingdale. As Dintingdale is only one mile and a half from Towton, and little more than half a mile from Saxton, the Yorkists would never have hazarded an action with so large a body of cavalry as we must suppose that Lord Clifford had with him, in a place so close to the main army of the Lancastrians, unless the Yorkists were in great force there, or were within reach of certain support from their advancing main army. From those circumstances, and from the fact of the distance from Castleford to Saxton being but short, it appears very probable that by the middle or early in the afternoon of the 28th, the Yorkists had advanced to the village of Saxton, and perhaps to Dintingdale, and occupied the neighbourhood of those places in considerable force.

Dr. Whitaker states [115b] that Lord Clifford, according to the tradition of the family, was tumbled into a pit, with a promiscuous heap of dead bodies.

From the appearance of the road and the neighbouring country, it seems almost certain that, in 1461, the great north road from Ferrybridge to Tadcaster, turned off from the present Ferrybridge road, [116a] and passed through the village of Saxton, and then proceeded by the public road before mentioned through Towton; and if so, when the Yorkists advanced towards Towton, they would find the Lancastrian army lying like a lion in their path.

It is well known, that cannons and other firearms were used in the wars of York and Lancaster; and there is not any reason to doubt that they were used at the battle of Towton; yet it is remarkable that the fact is not noticed by any ancient writer. Guns of some kind or other, appear to have been used in the following instances in the field (exclusive of sieges) during those wars: viz., in 1455, at the first battle of St. Alban’s; [116b] in 1459, at the encampment of the Yorkists at Ludford in Herefordshire; [a/][116b] in 1460, at the battle of Northampton; [116c] in 1469, at the battle near Hornfield, Lincolnshire, often called the Battle of Lose Coat Field; [116d] in 1471, on the landing of Edward IV. at Ravenspur; [116e] in 1471, at the battle of Barnet; [116f] again in 1471, at the battle of Tewkesbury; [116g] in 1485, at the battle of Bosworth; [116h] and in 1487, at the battle of Stoke. [116i] It can scarcely excite surprise, at the chroniclers and annalists not having mentioned cannons, as having been used at the battle of Towton, when it is borne in mind, that they do not make the slightest mention of cavalry having been employed there; although it is certain, that in both armies there must have been large bodies of cavalry engaged at that battle.

The honour of bearing Edward IV.’s standard, of the Black Bull, at the battle of Towton, devolved upon Ralph Vestynden, afterwards one of the yeomen of the chamber, who had for his services, at the battle, an annuity of £10, granted to him “yerely unto the tyme he be rewarded by us of an office.” [117a] Besides having been borne upon Edward’s standard at that battle, “the Bull sable, corned and hoofed, or,” was also used on other occasions by Edward IV., and others of the House of York, in consequence of its having been a cognizance or device of the Clares (Earls of Gloucester), from whom the House of York was descended. [117b]

Henry VI., Queen Margaret, and Edward Prince of Wales, were at York during the battle of Towton; and on hearing of its disastrous result, they fled northward with the Duke of Exeter, the Duke of Somerset, Lord Roos, and Lord Hungerford, [118a] and at first repaired to Berwick, and from thence to Scotland, where Henry purchased the protection and assistance of the King of Scotland, by the surrender of Berwick. Edward IV. was received on the day after the battle into York, with processions and great solemnity, the mayor and commonalty having sued for grace, and having obtained it from the King, through the mediation [118b] of Lord Montague [118c] and Lord Berners. [118d]

King Edward, on hearing of the flight of Henry VI., and the other personages, northward, immediately despatched a body of light cavalry, in pursuit of them, but too late to overtake them.

Edward remained at York sufficiently long to celebrate the festival of Easter there, and then went to Durham, and, after taking measures for the pacification of the northern parts, proceeded to London.

The decisive victory gained by Edward at Towton, confirmed his previous assumption of the royal title; he became to all intents the King of England; he was crowned at Westminster, on the 29th of June; and his right to the throne was solemnly recognized by the Parliament, which was held in the month of November following. He was evidently a man of extraordinary talents, enterprise, and courage; he had already fought and been the conqueror in three important battles; and, notwithstanding the serious and numerous obstacles which he had to overcome, he succeeded in obtaining the sovereignty of England before he was twenty years old: his birth having taken place at Rouen, in Normandy, on the 29th of April, 1441. [119]

There are some passages in the accounts of the battle, given by historians, which seem to be exaggerated, or, at least, must be received with some degree of allowance. We know from the old historical writers, that the battle commenced in a fall of snow or sleet, which was driven by the wind into the faces of the Lancastrians. We are told that Lord Falconberg caused some arrows to be discharged during the snow, at the Lancastrians, and ordered the archers to fall back three strides (what difference could three paces make?) and that the Lancastrians, feeling the shot, but in consequence of the snow, not well knowing the distance between them and the Yorkists, supposed that they were within the range of archery, and discharged their arrows, until their quivers were exhausted, or nearly so, and that the Yorkists then not only shot their own arrows against the opposite forces, but also picked up and discharged part of the Lancastrians’ arrows against them, and planted others in the ground, which sorely galled the legs of the Lancastrians, when they advanced to close quarters. It is easy to believe, that some amongst the undisciplined Lancastrian archers, would begin to shoot too soon, just as young troops will even now occasionally fire too soon; but when we reflect that there were several men amongst the leaders on both sides, who had served in France, and had had much experience in war, it is difficult to suppose that such a circumstance had any material influence in the result of the battle, or that they would allow their men to exhaust their quivers, by shooting in such a useless manner; besides which, if the Lancastrian archers were prevented by the snow from judging accurately of the distance, the same cause must, to a great extent, have operated against the archers of the Yorkists. And with respect to exhausting the quivers, we cannot suppose that the Lancastrian leaders, after deliberately preparing for the approach of the Yorkists, would be so remiss, as not to have a plentiful supply of arrows in the rear for the use of the troops. It is barely possible that some instances may have occurred of arrows being stuck into the ground, but it is not credible that it was done on any considerable scale. The Yorkists would have something else to do on such a dreadful morning, than to occupy themselves with sticking arrows in any considerable numbers in the ground. Besides which, if such a measure were adopted with any good effect, at the battle of Towton, it is clear that it would be equally useful at other battles fought in the middle ages; yet, as far as I can recollect, we are not informed by any historian, of such a measure being adopted, on any other occasion, either in the wars of York and Lancaster, or in any battle in which the English were engaged. The real disadvantage, and that was a serious one, under which the Lancastrians laboured, was, that the wind, with the snow or sleet driven in their faces, would not only baffle their aim, but would cause a deflection in the flight of their arrows; besides which, even when they came to close quarters, it was a great disadvantage to have the snow and sleet driving against them. There was, however, a good reason for soon coming to hand blows, which would equally operate on both armies: the wet from the snow, would affect their bow strings, and render the bows of both parties comparatively inefficient. We are also told, that the Yorkists pursued the Lancastrians during all the night, which succeeded the battle. It seems to be impossible that that can be literally true. After two rather severe engagements, and a hasty march, which, for a considerable space, was through cross roads, on the 28th of March, and after so long and dreadful a conflict on the 29th, without food during the day, except that they might possibly have broken their fast very early in the morning, fighting in severe weather, exposed to cold and wet, and with bad roads, the Yorkists must, from sheer exhaustion, and want of bodily strength, have been scarcely able to pursue the fugitives after the day had closed in, about which time the victors would arrive at Tadcaster, glad to find food, shelter, and rest there, for the night. We hear no more of the fugitives, as an army, after the 29th; and it is more than probable, that by the morning of the 30th, they had availed themselves of the hours of darkness to disperse, or to move northwards in detached parties merely; and they had one advantage over the victors: the fugitives could throw away a portion of their arms, offensive and defensive, to facilitate their flight.

There is one point in the plans of the Lancastrians connected with this battle, for which it is very difficult to account. Why, with superior forces, did they act on the defensive? It is very easy to understand, that the Lancastrians retired from before London, and proceeded northward, after the junction of the forces of Edward with those of the Earl of Warwick, in consequence of the then superiority of the Yorkists; but, if as we are told, the Lancastrians shortly afterwards mustered for the battle of Towton about 60,000 men, and the Yorkists only about 48,660 men, we should naturally have expected that the Lancastrians would have been the assailants. It seems contrary to good policy, in military affairs, to wait with a superior force to be attacked. Such a general as Cromwell, Marlborough, or Wellington, if commanding a force tolerably equal, would not have waited for the attack of an enemy. With the exception, however, of the bold, and at first the successful, exploit by Lord Clifford, at Ferrybridge, the Lancastrians were not the assailing, but the defensive parties. [122a] They did not even, as far as we are informed, attempt either to support Lord Clifford at Ferrybridge, or to succour him at Dintingdale, where he was slain, and his forces defeated. [122b] Yet that place was only about a mile and a half from Towton; and the shouts of the combatants would be within hearing of the main body of the Lancastrian army. The victors may possibly have exaggerated the number of the Lancastrians, in order to enhance the merit of the victory. If some such reason cannot be given, it seems only left to ascribe their remaining on the defensive, either to ignorance of the numbers of their enemies, or to want of judgment on the part of the Lancastrian commanders.

Saxton is a parish containing the townships of Towton and Saxton-cum-Scarthingwell; the living is a perpetual curacy; and Saxton Church is dedicated to “All Saints.”

A great number of the slain were interred, as has been before mentioned, in a large trench or pit, on the north side of, and close to, the church. In June, 1848, a short time prior to my first visit to Towton, their bones were exposed to view, when making a vault for the interment of a son of John Kendall, Esq., of Towton Hall. [122c] The trench runs from east to west. Besides which, only a few years before that discovery, another vault was made, nearer to the east than that of Mr. Kendall, and also on the north side of the church, and the workmen found a similar deposit of bones, about four feet below the surface; so that there can be no doubt that the bones of hundreds of men were buried in a continuous trench extending along that part of the churchyard. [123a] It has been already mentioned, that the teeth in the skulls found there were sound and entire, showing that they had belonged to persons who had died either young or in the prime of life.

The tomb of Lord Dacre, called by Leland and Stow , “a meane tombe” [123b] (meaning not a contemptible, or shabby tomb, for it certainly has been a handsome one, but one of medium size), also lies on the north side of the church, and very near the place where the slain were buried. It is about two feet high, with the inscription a good deal worn, so that I was not able to read many words. It stands with its sides nearly corresponding with the four points of the compass; it has armorial bearings on each of its sides; and, besides various other quarterings, which are much defaced by age and weather, I observed the quarters—1st and 4th, Chequy, or and gules, for Vaux of Gillesland; 2nd and 3rd, Gules, three escallops argent, for Dacre, which, though not very plain, are nevertheless still visible; and I consider the engravings of the tomb in Dr. Whitaker’s work, very like the original. [123c]

The tomb is of dark stone or marble, and the slab or lid is very heavy, but broken in two pieces, at about two-thirds its length; and it seems likely to sustain further injury from boys playing and climbing upon it. It is much to be regretted, that some endeavour is not made by some person of taste, to preserve it by putting iron rails round it.

Some of the leaders (naturally supposed to be Yorkists) were interred in the church; and within the recollection of Mr. Kendall, some slabs, with inscriptions in the Old English letters, were in existence there, which were said to have covered their remains. The church is evidently very ancient, principally of the Gothic style of architecture; but it has been in part rebuilt and altered, without much regard to its style, so as to detract very much from its appearance. Formerly there was some coloured glass in a window of the church, which is said to have contained the arms of the Dacre family; but, in consequence of the window requiring repairs, the coloured glass was removed about thirty years ago, and was taken to the mansion of the late Thomas Walker, Esq., of Killingbeck, near Leeds, where it perhaps may yet be.

It has an ancient plain Norman arch, at the doorway in the south porch; an antique font, large enough to immerse a child; and a piscina in the Hungate Chapel, which is on the south side; and one or two very narrow lancet-shaped windows on the north side of the chancel, are still remaining.

The tower of Saxton Church appears to have been rebuilt after the Reformation, and, as is said, between two hundred and fifty and three hundred years ago. Several representations of crosses have been cut upon slabs or stones which are built into the tower, and which have evidently been carved in memory of some of the slain, who were buried there; most probably, some Yorkist knights or leaders. Several of the crosses have been transposed and altered, when the tower was rebuilt; and parts of the shafts and pedestals of two or three of those crosses are still visible, and are now placed in different layers of the stone, or in the reverse way to the heads of the crosses, and are imperfect, parts of them having disappeared, and probably they have been cut and been removed. On the south side of the tower there is one of these crosses perfect, or nearly so, and also part of another; on the west side there is one perfect cross; and on the north side, including an imperfect part of one on the adjoining buttress of the tower, there are five imperfect parts of crosses cut upon the stones; there probably are others which have since been built inwards into the wall, and are, consequently, not visible. They have been four or five feet long, and the two which are nearly perfect, owe their preservation apparently to their having been cut on stones of unusual size, and to their not extending, like some others, upon more stones than one. The heads of those two crosses are handsome, and a good deal ornamented. There is a sufficient resemblance amongst the crosses, to show that they were probably all coeval in point of date; but they are certainly not, as Dr. Whitaker supposed, all alike.

Sir John Neville, commonly called John Lord Neville, is said not to have been buried there, but at the chapel of Lead, which is about half a mile from Saxton, and in the parish of Ryther; but there is not any monument to his memory.

At the period when Drake wrote (in 1736), Lord Dacre’s tomb was much defaced, and the inscription was imperfect; he has, however, given it, as follows:—

HIC JACET RANULPHUS DS. DE DAKEE ET —— MILES
ET OCCISUS ERAT IN BELLO PRINCIPE HENRICO VI° ANNO DOM.
MCCCCLXI. XXIX DIE MARTII VIDELICET DOMINICA DIE PAL-
MARUM. CUJUS ANIME PROPITIETUR DEUS. AMEN. [125a]

Dr. Whitaker, however, who had Drake’s work before him when he wrote, gives the following, as the correct inscription, with the defects supplied; and states that less than thirty years before the time when he was writing, he retrieved much more of it, than would have been then possible:—

HIC JACET RANULPHUS DOMINUS DE DACRE ET GREYSTOCKE VERUS MILES QUI
OBIIT IN BELLO PRO REGE SUO HENRICO SEXTO ANNO MCCCCLXI. VICESIMO [125b]
DIE MENSIS MARCII VID’LT., DOMINICA PALMARUM CUJUS ANIME PROPICIETUR
DEUS. AMEN. [125c]

Whichever is the correct version, they, however, both coincide in the main particulars, of its being Lord Dacre’s tomb; that he was a supporter of King Henry VI., and was slain in battle, on Palm Sunday, 1461. From the mention of King Henry VI., it may be surmised that the tomb was not erected until after the death of Edward IV.

Drake mentions, that many years ago, this tomb was violently wrenched open (for it had been strongly cramped together with iron), in order to inter beneath it a Mr. Gascoyne, when the remains of Dacre’s body were found, in a standing posture; and that a fragment of the slab, and a material part of the inscription, were then broken off.

He does not inform us who or what Mr. Gascoyne was, when alive; but whoever he was, whether of a high or low sphere in life, whether he was a gentleman, or some rag-merchant, it evinced bad taste on the part of his relations or representatives, to commit such an act; and perhaps some culpable remissness on the part of the then incumbent of the church, to permit it. Of Lord Dacre’s general character we know little; but from that circumstance, we are at least justified in believing, that, unlike two great leaders of the opposite parties, he was neither perjured like Clarence, nor a murderer like Clifford; that is certainly only negative praise; but we do know that he was at least a nobleman of high rank, consistent in his principles, and one who died a warrior’s death, on the field of battle: circumstances which ought to have preserved his remains from profanation, and ought to have caused us to be spared the disgust and indignation, which we naturally entertain, at the bad taste and bad feeling evinced, in the violation of a soldier’s grave.

In the dreadful wars of York and Lancaster, it is said that more than 100,000 Englishmen lost their lives; but that is merely the number believed to have been slain in battle; and, however repulsive it may be to our feelings, it must be admitted that it cannot include the numbers who must have perished during that disastrous period, in unimportant skirmishes, in marauding parties, in private warfare, by assassination, by the axe or by the halter, in pursuance of or under the colour of judicial sentences, or by open and undisguised murder. [127a] Besides this horrible sacrifice of human life, during this distracted period, it is shocking to think what sufferings unprotected and helpless persons must have been exposed to, from the lawless partisans of the rival parties, when they passed through or were located near any district, which they chose to consider as favouring their antagonists. Pillage, cruelty, violence to women, incendiarism, and contempt of the laws and of religion, [127b] were the natural attendants upon a civil war, [127c] carried on with feelings of bitter hatred by each party; and it is certain that the examples of cruelty and wickedness which were openly set by the nobles and leaders of both factions, would readily be copied by their followers. Voltaire thus expresses himself, in reference to the wars of York and Lancaster: “Quand les premiers d’une nation ont de telles mœurs, quelles doivent être celles du peuple?” [127d]

One of our ancient historical writers correctly states, that “this conflict was in maner unnaturall, for in it the sonne fought against the father, the brother against the brother, the nephew against the uncle, and the tenant against his lord.” [128a]

The following is an extract from a very interesting scene, from the pen of Shakespeare, relative to the battle of Towton; and, although the tragedy in which it is introduced is not well adapted to the stage, it will well repay the student for the time bestowed, in reading the whole of it:—

The Third Part of King Henry VI.

Scene—A Field of Battle between Towton and Saxton. [128b]

(Enter a Son that has killed his Father, bringing in the body.)

Son.—“Ill blows the wind, that profits nobody.
This man, whom hand to hand I slew in fight,
May be possessed with some store of crowns;
And I, that haply take them from him now,
May yet, ere night, yield both my life and them
To some man else, as this dead man doth me.
Who’s this?—O Heav’n! it is my father’s face,
Whom in this conflict I unawares have killed.
O heavy times, begetting such events!”

(Enter a Father that has killed his Son, bringing in the body.)

Father.—“Thou that so stoutly hast resisted me,
Give me thy gold, if thou hast any gold;
For I have bought it with an hundred blows.—
But let me see: is this our foeman’s face?
Ah, no, no, no, it is mine only son!
Ah, boy, if any life be left in thee,
Throw up thine eye; see, see, what showers arise,
Blown by the windy tempest of my heart,
Upon thy wounds, that kill mine eye and heart!
O pity, Heav’n, this miserable age!
What stratagems, how fell, how butcherly,
Erroneous, mutinous, and unnatural,
This deadly quarrel daily doth beget!”

King Henry.—“Sad-hearted men, much overgone with care,
Here sits a King more woful than you are.”

It may be said, that the portion of the scene in which those circumstances are introduced, is one of imagination, and the offspring of the grand and admirable talents of Shakespeare. Be it so; still the truthful records of history disclose quite enough, to prove that deeds of bloodshed and violence, nearly as repulsive to our feelings, and almost as disgraceful to mankind, as those which that scene represents, were frequently perpetrated during those disastrous times; and we may well feel grateful to the supreme Disposer of events, that we are now preserved from the miseries and calamities which were experienced in this country, during the wars of York and Lancaster.

CHAPTER VII.
THE
FIELD OF THE BATTLE
OF
TEWKESBURY. [131a]

“Then came wandering by
A shadow like an angel, with bright hair
Dabbled in blood; and he shriek’d out aloud,
‘Clarence is come; false fleeting perjured Clarence,
That stabb’d me in the field by Tewkesbury.’”

Shakespeare’s King Richard III. act i. scene 4.

Of the numerous battles which have been fought in England in the middle ages, few have been more decisive, or have excited more interest, than that of Tewkesbury. [131b] In order that the positions of the hostile armies, and the reason why the battle happened to be fought close to the town of Tewkesbury, may be correctly understood, it is necessary, in giving a description of the field of battle, to notice concisely, some of the events which immediately preceded it. [131c]

On the 18th or 14th of April, 1471, [132a] Margaret, [132b] the Queen of Henry VI., and their son, Edward Prince of Wales, [132c] accompanied by John Longstrother, Prior of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, [132d] and several persons of consideration, arrived from France, and landed at the port of Weymouth, in Dorsetshire, with a small body of French and other troops; and she proceeded from thence to the Abbey of Cerne, [132e] not far from that port. The Countess of Warwick had accompanied her from France, but in a different ship, which outsailed that of the Queen. [133a]

Margaret was at first almost broken-hearted and overwhelmed, by the dismal tidings of the loss of the battle of Barnet, the defeat and destruction of her friends, and the captivity of her husband; but in consequence of being encouraged by Edmund Duke of Somerset; [133b] Lord John Beaufort; [133c] Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire; [133d] Lord Wenlock, [133e] and other persons of rank, and gentlemen, who promised her their support, she determined once more to try the chances of a battle.

The noblemen and gentlemen of her party, immediately adopted measures for mustering their retainers and followers, and with that view repaired to Exeter, sent for Sir John Arundel, and Sir Hugh Courtenay, and raised forces in Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, Wiltshire, and afterwards in Cornwall and Devonshire; and proceeded from Exeter by Taunton, Glastonbury, and Wells, to Bath, and from thence to Bristol: their forces being continually increased on their march. Their intention was to have marched through Gloucestershire into Wales, where Jasper Earl of Pembroke, [133f] a powerful and staunch Lancastrian, was in arms, and raising forces for that party; and they also expected to receive assistance from their partisans in Cheshire and Lancashire.

Edward, in the mean time, after receiving intelligence of the landing of Queen Margaret, being uncertain towards what quarter the Lancastrians would bend their course, departed on the 19th of April, with some of his forces, furnished with artillery and other things requisite, from London for Windsor, where he remained a short time, for the double purpose of celebrating the feast of St. George, and of awaiting the arrival of other troops, whom he had appointed to assemble there. He commenced his march from Windsor, against the enemy, on the morrow after St. George’s day, the 24th of April. He reached Abingdon on Saturday the 27th, remained there all Sunday, and on Monday the 29th, proceeded to Cirencester, [134a] where he received information, that on the next day (Tuesday), his enemies intended to be at Bath, and that on the Wednesday they would come forward, and give him battle; and Edward, desirous to see his men in order of battle, led them out of the town, and encamped in the field three miles from it.

On the next day, Edward, still seeking to encounter his enemies, marched to Malmesbury, when he learned that they had turned aside and gone to Bristol. On Thursday [134b] Edward arrived at Sodbury, and shortly before the arrival of the main body of his army there, a skirmish took place; a few of his men, riding into the town to secure quarters and accommodations, encountered and were attacked by some of the enemy, who had been sent forward from the Lancastrian army, and five or six of the Yorkists were made prisoners. Edward having some reason to think that the Lancastrians were near at hand, sent out scouts to endeavour to obtain intelligence of their movements; but not hearing any certain tidings of them, he lodged his vanguard in a valley, beyond the hill, towards the town of Sodbury, and lay himself with the residue of his forces at Sodbury Hill. About three o’clock after midnight, he received information, that the Lancastrians had taken their way by Berkeley towards Gloucester; and he in consequence, after taking the advice of his council, sent with all speed to Sir Richard Beauchamp, the son of William Lord Beauchamp of Powick, [135] to whom he had committed the government of the city and castle of Gloucester, with orders not to admit Margaret’s forces into them, but to defend them to the utmost.

At Bristol the Lancastrians received assistance, both in men, victuals, money, and artillery, and on Thursday proceeded to Berkeley, and marched from thence towards Gloucester, travelling all night, and arrived before Gloucester at ten o’clock on Friday, and hoped to be admitted into that city, and to pass the Severn there, in order to effect a junction with the Earl of Pembroke.

But as King Edward IV. had previously sent orders to the Governor of Gloucester, to refuse admittance to Margaret and her adherents, and had promised that, if the city were assailed, he would advance immediately to its relief, his orders were obeyed, and Margaret was unable to obtain admittance. To the circumstance of her being baffled in the design of passing the Severn at Gloucester, may be ascribed, the utter ruin, which so soon after befell her and her army; in fact the issue of the campaign might very probably have been completely different, if she had succeeded in getting possession of Gloucester, and of securing a safe passage for her forces over the Severn, and, consequently, of effecting a junction with the troops raised by the Earl of Pembroke.

She proceeded from Gloucester towards Tewkesbury, having then no alternative, with reference to her design of passing the river, but to march to the latter town; and on the way thither, some of her artillery were captured from her rearguard. [136a] She arrived at Tewkesbury on Friday the 3rd of May, about four in the afternoon, having travelled on that day and the preceding night, thirty-six long miles, through bad roads, between woods, and without proper refreshment, so that both men and horses were greatly fatigued. It became absolutely necessary, to give some rest to her exhausted troops, most part of which consisted of infantry; and it was determined by the leaders of her forces, to await at Tewkesbury the coming up of Edward’s army, and to take the chances of a battle.

The Lancastrians, as we learn from one of our old historians, encamped “in a close even hard at the Townes end having the Towne and Abbeie at their backes, and directlie before them, and upon each side of them they were defended with cumbersome lanes, deepe ditches, and manie hedges, beside hils and dales, so as the place seemed as noisome as might be to approach unto.” [136b] Whether the position was or was not as strong and difficult to be assailed, as is here represented, it is at all events certain, that the Lancastrians fortified it, at least to some extent, and prepared to act on the defensive; with the hope of holding out against Edward, until the arrival of the Earl of Pembroke, who was supposed to be rapidly approaching. There can scarcely be a reasonable doubt, that during the evening and night previous to the battle, the Lancastrians exerted themselves assiduously to intrench and fortify their position. It is worthy of notice, that we do not hear of any attempt by the Lancastrians, to pass the Severn at Tewkesbury; and as they prepared to act on the defensive, and not to be the attacking party at the approaching battle, it may at first sight perhaps appear remarkable, that they do not seem to have endeavoured to have had the river Severn interposed between themselves and their enemies, especially as it flows close to Tewkesbury. But the reason for their not attempting it, may easily be found, in the exhausted state of their troops, and the near approach of Edward’s army, which rendered it a very dangerous attempt to cross the river with the enemy so close upon them. [137a] Besides which, there was not a bridge over the Severn at Tewkesbury, before the present iron bridge was completed in 1826, at the place where there was an old ferry called the Upper Lode; and Leland expressly states, that even as late as when he wrote (in the reign of Henry VIII.), there was not any bridge there:—“There is noe Bridge on Severne beneath Gloucester—neither is there any bridge on Severne above Gloucester, till the Townlett of Upton a 11 or 12 miles from Gloucester.” [137b]

If Margaret and her army had attempted to cross the Severn at Tewkesbury, in hopes of joining the Earl of Pembroke, the want of a bridge would naturally have compelled them, to have crossed it by fords and ferries, as they best could: a perilous attempt, and one which would almost certainly have exposed the rear of the army to destruction. That would of course be an additional and powerful reason, for their being compelled to take the chances of a battle. [137c]

King Edward, having received tidings that the Queen’s forces were proceeding towards Tewkesbury, commenced his march from Sodbury, with his army in good order of battle in three bodies, very early in the morning of Friday, the 3rd of May, and passed over Cotswold. The day was very hot, and the King marched with his forces more than thirty miles; during which, they could neither find food for man or horse, and his troops were much distressed for want of water, having met with only one small brook, which soon became so disturbed and foul, by so large a number of men, carriages, and horses passing through it, as to be unfit for use. During a considerable part of that day, the King’s army and that of his enemies were within five or six miles of each other: his in a plain country, and theirs amongst woods. He had constantly useful scouts, to inform him of the movements of his enemies. At length he came with his army to Cheltenham, “unto a village called Chiltenham,” [138a] where he had certain intelligence, that the Queen’s forces were already come to Tewkesbury, and were encamped, and intended to remain and give him battle there.

Edward did not remain long at Cheltenham; but after his troops, which consisted of 3000 infantry and a large body of cavalry, had had some refreshment, they marched forward towards Tewkesbury, and passed the night of the 3rd of May encamped in the field, near [138b] the Lancastrian position.

On the next morning, Saturday the 4th of May, [138c] Edward advanced to attack his enemies in three bodies: his brother Richard Duke of Gloucester [139a] commanded the van; Edward in person, with his brother the Duke of Clarence, [139b] commanded the centre; and the rear was commanded by the Marquis of Dorset [139c] and Lord Hastings. [139d]

Edward, prior to the commencement of the battle, had observed that there was a park [140a] and much wood growing in it, on the right hand of his enemies’ camp; and in order to guard against an ambuscade from that quarter, he ordered two hundred spearmen to proceed to it, about a quarter of a mile from the field; and if there were no ambuscade, then to act and assist the army, in such a manner, as circumstances might seem to render advisable.

The Lancastrian army was arranged also in three bodies, behind the natural defences of the position, and such intrenchments, as had been assiduously formed in so short a time; the Duke of Somerset and his brother Lord John Beaufort commanded the first line; Prince Edward, Lord Wenlock, and the Prior of St. John, commanded the second; and the Earl of Devonshire the third.

We learn from one of the old historians, that the Queen’s position was, “right hard to be assailed, by reason of the deep ditches, hedges, trees, bushes, and cumbersome lanes wherewith the same was fenced both a front and on the sides.” [140b]

Some openings were left by the Lancastrians in their intrenchments, in order to enable them, if it should be considered expedient, to sally forth upon the Yorkists: a circumstance which seems not to have been known at first to the leaders of the latter.

Before the battle commenced, the Queen and Prince Edward rode about the field, encouraging the men, and promising them rewards and booty, if they acquitted themselves well.

Both of the armies used cannons. The King’s army was well furnished with great artillery, which was well placed to annoy his enemies, and the Duke of Gloucester galled them severely with discharges of arrows; and the Lancastrians repaid them in the same manner with shot of artillery, and arrows, although they had not as many guns as the King had.

The Duke of Gloucester with his forces made a fierce attack upon the Lancastrians, but was unable to force their lines; in fact it was scarcely practicable for them to come to hand blows with their enemies, from the peculiarities and difficult nature of their position; and after a short time he purposely retired from before their intrenchments with his men, and with an appearance of being repulsed, in order to tempt the Duke of Somerset from his stronghold. Somerset rashly quitted the intrenchments through the openings already mentioned, and with his men pursued the Duke of Gloucester into the open field, when the latter suddenly ordered his forces to halt, and recover their ranks, and face their enemies, which was accordingly done; and the Duke of Gloucester with the Yorkists immediately attacked the troops of the Duke of Somerset, repulsed them, put them to flight, and pursued them towards their camp.

The two hundred spearmen were of great use on this occasion, as they advanced to the assistance of Gloucester, and suddenly charged Somerset and his Lancastrian troops in their flank, when they had already enough to do, from being engaged with the others; and, dismayed at this new charge upon them, they gave way, and attempted to regain their camp, and were pursued by the King and Gloucester with the Yorkist forces. [141a]

Some of the fugitives “fled into the parke, other into the meadow there at hand, some into the lanes, and some hid them in ditches, each one making what shift he could, by the which he hoped best to escape; but manie neverthelesse were beaten downe, slaine, and taken prisoners.” [141b]

Lord Wenlock not having advanced to the support of the first line, but remaining stationary, contrary to the expectations of Somerset, the latter, in a rage, rode up to him, reviled him, and beat his brains out with his axe.

Gloucester and his troops, pursuing those that fled with Somerset, forced their way into the intrenchments, and were supported by the King, who conducted himself very valiantly; the Lancastrians soon gave way, the second and third lines making little resistance; the rout became general, and was attended with great slaughter; and upon the camp being forced, almost all such of the defenders as stood their ground were killed.

The Lancastrians fled towards the town, and were hotly pursued by the victors, the King and others joining in the pursuit, and many of the fugitives were slain, and “at a mill in a meadow fast by the town, a great sort were drowned. Manie ran towards the towne, some to the church, and diverse to the abbeie, and other to other places, where they thought best to save themselves.” [142a]

In this decisive battle, and in the pursuit, about 3000 Lancastrians were slain, with the following leaders:—The Earl of Devonshire, Lord John Beaufort, Lord Wenlock, Sir Edmund Hamden, Sir William Wittingham, Sir William Vaux, Sir Nicholas Hartry, Sir John Delves, [142b] Sir William Fielding, Sir John Lewkener, Sir William Lermouth, Sir John Urnan, Sir Thomas Seymour, Sir William Rouse, and Sir Thomas Fitzhenry. [142c] The Duke of Somerset, the Prior of St. John, and other individuals of distinction, escaped from the field, and sought refuge in the neighbouring Abbey Church. They were pursued thither by King Edward, who attempted to enter the church with his sword drawn, but was stopped at the porch by a priest, with the Host, [142d] who prohibited his defiling the sacred edifice with blood.

Prince Edward was taken prisoner by Sir Richard Crofts, and in consequence of a proclamation, made by the King’s orders, that whosoever should produce the Prince, should receive an annuity of one hundred pounds, and that the Prince’s life should be spared if he were brought forward unhurt, he was conducted by Sir Richard Crofts into the King’s presence. Here an act of wickedness and cruelty took place, similar to and equally detestable, with that which was perpetrated by Lord Clifford, a leader of the other party, against the young Earl of Rutland, after the battle of Wakefield. The King having asked, in a haughty manner, how Prince Edward had dared to invade his dominions, and being irritated by an imprudent and hasty reply from the youthful captive, struck him on the face with his gauntlet. This seems to have been considered a sufficient encouragement to others, to proceed to a deed of savage violence against the unhappy Prince, and the Marquis of Dorset, Lord Hastings, the Dukes of Clarence [143a] and Gloucester, and some others, dragged the Prince away, and murdered him with their daggers. [144] His corpse was buried in a common grave, in the Abbey Church, with some of the soldiers who had been slain in the battle. The King pardoned a number of the fugitives, who had taken refuge in the Abbey Church, although it did not possess any privilege to protect rebels; and he might have taken them out of it without breach of any liberty of that church; and he allowed the bodies of the noblemen and others slain in the battle, to be buried in the church, or wherever their friends or servants pleased; nor was there any quartering or setting up in public places, of the heads, or quarters, either of those who had been slain, or of those who had been executed: a disgusting exhibition, which had too often been witnessed during the wars of the Roses.

Near the centre of the choir, under the tower, is a brass plate, let into a stone slab in the floor, with the following inscription, commemorating the murder of the young Prince:—

NE TOTA PEREAT MEMORIA
EDVARDI PRINCIPIS WALLLÆ
POST PRÆLIUM MEMORABILE
IN VICINIS ARVIS DEPUGNATUM
CRUDELITER OCCISI
HANC TABULAM HONORARIAM
DEPONI CURABAT
PIETAS TEWKESBURIENSIS
ANNO DOMINI
MDCCXCVI

The inscription was written by the late Rev. Robert Knight, vicar of Tewkesbury, and was placed there in 1796, in accordance with a tradition that the body of the Prince had been interred there. It was ascertained, by an examination some years ago, that the slab upon which the brass plate is affixed, was over a stone coffin. The latter was examined, but it did not exhibit any appearances to denote its having been the place of the deposit of the young Prince’s remains. [145a]

In the addition to Camden’s Britannia, by Gough, it is stated, that there was a monument in the chancel of the church, to the memory of George Duke of Clarence and Isabel his wife; and that near the entrance of the choir, under a large grey marble flag, stripped of its brasses, Prince Edward was interred after his murder. “This deed is supposed to have been done in a house since rebuilt, now Mr. Webb’s, an ironmonger, on the north side of the High Street, near the Tolsey. His bones and coffin were discovered by the breaking of the stone.” [145b]

Two days after the battle, Edward caused Somerset and other fugitives to be taken from the sanctuary of the Abbey Church. They were brought before the Duke of Gloucester, who officiated as high constable, and the Duke of Norfolk the marshal, by whom they were condemned to death; and accordingly, on Monday, the 6th of May, [146a] the Duke of Somerset, John Longstrother the Prior of St. John of Jerusalem, Sir Humphrey Audley, Sir Gervase Clifton, [146b] Sir William Grimsby, Sir William Cary, Sir Henry Rose, Sir Thomas Tresham, [146c] Sir William Newborough, Knights; Henry Tresham, Walter Courtenay, John Flory, Lewis Miles, Robert Jackson, James Gower, John Delves, [146d] son and heir to Sir John Delves, [a/][146d] and other gentlemen of rank, were executed in the market-place of Tewkesbury, a small triangular space, where the three principal streets meet. [146e] The corpses of the Duke of Somerset, Lord John Beaufort, and the Earl of Devonshire, were interred in the Abbey Church.

On the same day on which those executions took place, Margaret was discovered in a poor religious house, and was conveyed, by Edward’s orders, to London, and confined in the Tower, until she was ransomed, for 50,000 crowns, by her father, René Duke of Anjou and Lorraine, who also used the empty and unsubstantial titles of King of Jerusalem, Naples, and Sicily.

The following are the names of the persons of distinction who, according to Leland, lost their lives, on the part of the Lancastrians, at or immediately after, the battle of Tewkesbury:—

Prince Edward, buried in the Monastery of Tewkesbury.

Edmund Duke of Somerset, taken, beheaded, and buried there.

Lord John Somerset, brother of the Duke Edmund, buried there.

Thomas Courtenay, Earl of Devonshire, buried there.

Lord Wenlock, whose body was removed to be buried elsewhere.

Humphrey Handeley, beheaded with Thomas Courtenay, and buried together.

Sir Edmund Havarde.

Sir William Wichingham.