Transcriber's Note.
A [list] of the changes made can be found at the end of the book.
The Witchcraft Delusion In New England Vol. II
Woodward's
Historical Series.
No. VI.
THE
Witchcraft Delusion
IN
NEW ENGLAND:
ITS
Rise, Progress, and Termination,
AS EXHIBITED BY
Dr. COTTON MATHER,
IN
THE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD;
AND BY
Mr. ROBERT CALEF,
IN HIS
MORE WONDERS OF THE INVISIBLE WORLD.
WITH A
Preface, Introduction, and Notes,
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE.
IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
More Wonders of the Invisible World.
PRINTED FOR W. ELLIOT WOODWARD,
ROXBURY, MASS.
MDCCCLXVI.
No.____
Entered according to Act of Congress in the Year 1865,
By SAMUEL G. DRAKE,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States
for the District of Massachusetts.
Edition in this size 280 Copies.
Munsell, Printer.
PREFATORY,
BY THE EDITOR.
Y Object in this Edition of Mr. Calef's Work is similar to that in Dr. Mather's in the preceding Volume, namely, to give a perfectly accurate Reprint of the Work; so that whoever has Occasion to use or consult it may do so with entire Confidence. I have therefore reprinted the original Edition of 1700, with such Notes as was judged might be useful to a certain Class of Readers. And having mentioned the Notes, I will say of them here all I have to say about them. There may be those who have no need of such Additions. They can pass them by unheeded; but it was thought generally that a few Explanations and Additions would be a Help to the Party consulting the Work. They have been made as brief as was thought consistent with the Subject.
With respect to the original Text, it is given as exactly like the Original as a much better Type can be made to imitate an old Type of 166 Years ago. As to retaining all the Errors in the original Edition, it was thought incompatible with the general good Taste of the Age. Some, of a peculiar Nature, if judged necessary to show a Peculiarity of the Times, may have been retained, and noted for such Peculiarity; but a broken or imperfect Letter is discarded as unworthy of Imitation; so transposed or inverted Letters are set right, as any good proof Reader would have done, had he noticed them in the Original; but the Orthography of that Day is scrupulously retained.
Why there was no Edition of the More Wonders of the Invisible World, for ninety-six Years, will be found elsewhere explained. The Edition of 1796 is the first American Edition. This bears the following Imprint: "Printed in London in the Year 1700. | Reprinted in SALEM, Massachusetts, 1796, | By WILLIAM CARLTON. | Sold at Cushing & Carlton's Book Store, at the Bible | and Heart, Essex-Street." The Volume is in Duodecimo, and contains 318 Pages. The second Salem Edition is in the same Form, and contains 309 Pages, exclusive of the Article headed "Giles Cory," which occupies three Pages; hence Copies of this Edition contain 312 Pages. Its Imprint—all in small Capitals—is thus: "Printed in London, A. D. 1700. | Reprinted in Salem, by John D. and T. C. Cushing, Jr. | for Cushing and Appleton. 1823." The Publishers of this Edition added the Article Giles Cory, at the Suggestion of Mr. David Pulsifer, then employed in the Office where the Witchcraft Records were kept, as he many Years ago informed me.
The second Salem Edition appears to have been copied from the first—that of 1796. In some Instances slight Departures are made from the Copy; and in all these, such Departures are also Departures from the Original. As late as 1796, it might be expected that some Uniformity would have been observed, as long as no Exactness was intended in respect to the kind of Type used in reprinting an old Work—Uniformity in denoting Quotations; but there is no Exactness in this respect in either Edition. In the first, as will be seen, sometimes Brackets are used to distinguish Quotations, but generally italic Type is employed for that Purpose. In the second, inverted Commas are generally used, sometimes Brackets. I have followed the Original, bracketing and italicising as I find it. Inverted Commas to denote Extracts, Quotations and the possessive Case of Nouns have been introduced by Writers and Printers mainly, since the Time of Mr. Calef.
Nothing appears in the Book to show whether the Author superintended the printing of it or otherwise. He may have resided in London at the Time of its Publication, although there are some Considerations that seem to lead to the Conclusion that it may have passed through the Press without his Supervision; but, as before observed, Nothing is known in regard to it, and it is not very probable that Anything more will ever come to Light; yet equally strange Things as that would be, have happened.
Taking Liberties with old Authors is exceedingly distasteful to me, even where well assured that an Author would have gladly made a Change himself, had a Defect or Deformity been noticed by him; but I have not even assumed that Responsibility in Mr. Calef's Work. I have done one Thing which the Student ought to thank me for, though he may not. I have placed the Headings of the different Sections at the Commencement of those Sections, throughout the Work. In the original Edition these were omitted, probably on the score of Economy. They also stand at the Commencement of the Book (as in the Original,) entitled "Index." The Benefit to the Reader, in reprinting the Captions or Contents of a Section or Chapter over such Section or Chapter will be too apparent to require Apology.
The Pagination of the Original is Exactly retained; being placed at the top inner Margin in Brackets, and in the Page where the original Page begins and ends, as was done in the previous Volume.
Pedigree of Calef.[1]
Robert Calef, probably from England, settled in Roxbury, Mass., previous to 1700; rented Lands in Dorchester, 1709; is styled Clothier; died 13th April, 1719, aged 71, as by his Grave-stone in the old Burying-ground, Roxbury. = Mary ... died November 12th, 1719.
1. Joseph, went to Ipswich as early as 1692; a Physician; d. 28th Dec., 1707, in his 36th Year. = Mary; ... she m., 2dly, Thomas Choate, of Ipswich.
i. Robert, born 12th Dec., 1693, had a Grant of Mill-privilege in Ipswich, 1715; died 12th July, 1730. = Margaret, da. of Dea. John Staniford; d. 7th October, 1727.
John, b. 1725; Physician of great Respectability; a Loyalist in the Revolution; d. at St. Andrews, N. B., 1812. = Mary, dau. of Nathaniel Rogers, of Ipswich.
- John, Capt. of a Vessel; drowned at Plum Island on his return Voyage from the W. Indies, 1782.
- Margaret, born 15th October, 1748; m. Dr. Daniel Scott, of Boston.
- Mary, bapt. 24th March, 1750; m. Capt. John Dutch, of Ipswich.
- Joseph, living in 1754.
ii. Joseph, b. 20th May, 1695, in Ipswich. Administrator on Estate of his Grandfather.
iii. Samuel b. 25th January, 1697; d. Sept. 1st. 1720.
iv. Ebenezer.
v. Peter,[2] (perhaps, Physician, of Charlestown,) d. 11th October, 1735 = Sarah Foster, 19th July, 1723.
- Joseph, bapt. 3d of May, 1724; a Leather-dresser.
- Sarah, Mary, both d. early.
- Peter, bapt. 26th Oct., 1729, died 1749.
- Mary, bapt. 23d April, 1732, m. Stephen White, in Waltham, 5th June, 1758.
- Parnel, bapt. 16th February, 1734-5, m. Dr. Edward Coffin.
vi. Mary.
2. John, living 1719.
3. Jeremiah, living 1719.
4. ROBERT, (Author of More Wonders, &c.); Merchant, of Boston; died near the Close of 1722, or early in 1723, aged about 45. His Children all born in Boston. = Margaret, dau. of James Barton, of Newton, 23d Dec., 1699. She died before 17th Sept., 1744.
- i. James, b. 21st Dec., 1702, d. young.
- ii. James, b. 24th Feb., 1711-12, d. young.
- iii. Robert, b. 9th Mar., 1716/17, d. young.
- iv. Elizabeth, b. 7th May, 1704, living in 1722.
- v. Mary, born 25th Jan., 1712-13, died young.
- vi. Anne, b. 7th July, 1708, m. Green, li. 1722.
- Thomas Green, living 1740.
- Bethiah Green, living 1740.
- John Green, living 1740.
- Mary Green, living 1740.
- Rebeckah Green, living 1740.
vii. Margaret, b. 4th October, 1710, married Star, li. 1722.
- Jaspar Star, li. 1740.
- Robert Star, li. 1740.
- Mary Star, living 1740.
- Benjamin Star, li. 1740.
viii. James,[3] b. 7th Nov. 1714, li. 1744, but not in the Province; perhaps the Captive of 1757. = Abigail.
- Samuel, a Captive among the Indians with his Father.
5. Martha, m. Solomon Hewes, 28th September, 1700.
6. Mary, m. Sam'l Stevens, 9th of October, 1712.
| Robert Calef, probably from England, settled in Roxbury, Mass., previous to 1700; rented Lands in Dorchester, 1709; is styled Clothier; died 13th April, 1719, aged 71, as by his Grave-stone in the old Burying-ground, Roxbury. = Mary ... died November 12th, 1719. | |||||||||||
| Joseph, went to Ipswich as early as 1692; a Physician; d. 28th Dec., 1707, in his 36th Year. = Mary; ... she m., 2dly, Thomas Choate, of Ipswich. | John, living 1719. | Jeremiah, living 1719. | ROBERT, (Author of More Wonders, &c.); Merchant, of Boston; died near the Close of 1722, or early in 1723, aged about 45. His Children all born in Boston. = Margaret, dau. of James Barton, of Newton, 23d Dec., 1699. She died before 17th Sept., 1744. | Martha, m. Solomon Hewes, 28th September, 1700. | Mary, m. Sam'l Stevens, 9th of October, 1712. | ||||||
| James, b. 21st Dec., 1702, d. young.James, b. 24th Feb., 1711-12, d. young.Robert, b. 9th Mar., 1716/17, d. young. | Elizabeth, b. 7th May, 1704, living in 1722.Mary, born 25th Jan., 1712-13, died young. | Anne, b. 7th July, 1708, m. Green, li. 1722. | Margaret, b. 4th October, 1710, married Star, li. 1722. | James,[3] b. 7th Nov. 1714, li. 1744, but not in the Province; perhaps the Captive of 1757. = Abigail. | |||||||
| Samuel, a Captive among the Indians with his Father. | |||||||||||
| Thomas Green, living 1740. | Bethiah Green, living 1740. | John Green, living 1740. | Mary Green, living 1740. | Rebeckah Green, living 1740. | |||||||
| Jaspar Star, li. 1740. | Robert Star, li. 1740. | Mary Star, living 1740. | Benjamin Star, li. 1740. | ||||||||
| Robert, born 12th Dec., 1693, had a Grant of Mill-privilege in Ipswich, 1715; died 12th July, 1730. = Margaret, da. of Dea. John Staniford; d. 7th October, 1727. | Joseph, b. 20th May, 1695, in Ipswich. Administrator on Estate of his Grandfather. | Samuel b. 25th January, 1697; d. Sept. 1st. 1720. | Ebenezer. | Peter,[2] (perhaps, Physician, of Charlestown,) d. 11th October, 1735. = Sarah Foster, 19th July, 1723. | Mary. | ||||||
| John, b. 1725; Physician of great Respectability; a Loyalist in the Revolution; d. at St. Andrews, N. B., 1812. = Mary, dau. of Nathaniel Rogers, of Ipswich. | Joseph, living in 1754. | Joseph, bapt. 3d of May, 1724; a Leather-dresser. | Sarah, Mary, both d. early. | Peter, bapt. 26th Oct., 1729, died 1749. | Mary, bapt. 23d April, 1732, m. Stephen White, in Waltham, 5th June, 1758. | Parnel, bapt. 16th February, 1734-5, m. Dr. Edward Coffin. | |||||
| John, Capt. of a Vessel; drowned at Plum Island on his return Voyage from the W. Indies, 1782. | Margaret, born 15th October, 1748; m. Dr. Daniel Scott, of Boston. | Mary, bapt. 24th March, 1750; m. Capt. John Dutch, of Ipswich. | |||||||||
FOOTNOTES:
[1] This Pedigree is given with the Hope that it will tend to interest some Descendant to investigate the Subject, and to compose a Genealogy worthy of it. The Compiler of this is not acquainted with any of the Name, and has here thrown together such Facts as were among his Memoranda, chiefly made many Years ago.
[2] Not much Confidence is felt that the Family given to this Peter is the correct one.
[3] This James may not be the one mentioned in N. Eng. Hist. and Gen. Reg., xiv, 271; but is supposed to be he.
MEMOIR OF ROBERT CALEF.
HEN any Man has moral Courage enough to speak plainly against any Vices, Follies, or Superstitions surrounding him, he must not only be a bold Man, but he does so regardless of the Cost; for all Experience teaches that whoever undertakes a Reformation of the Kind must experience a Fate not altogether unlike him who waged War with the Philistines.
If the Reformer escapes the Fury of the Deluded, and lives out his natural Time, he often loses his social standing; is maligned, scoffed, and scorned by all whom he exposed, and a Multitude of those who follow them as their Leaders without knowing wherefore. It is much the same now. The Reformer or Corrector of Opinion is hissed and slandered in Proportion to the Effort he makes. That is to say, he is dealt with by Society leniently if he tells the Truth with a Sort of Proviso; maintains his Position without Firmness, and gains but few Followers.
Little is known of Robert Calef, aside from his single Book, and what his Enemies have thought proper to say about him in a bitter Spirit of Detraction. He was certainly a Man of good Education; but how he acquired it, where and when, no Mention is found. Dr. Mather, in his Rejoinder to the More Wonders, assails him at every Point; but his Attainments in Literature he probably viewed as not vulnerable, as he has made no Attack on that Quarter. It is true he accuses him of being assisted in his Labors, but gives no Clue by which such Assistance may be known.
Notwithstanding Mr. Calef had, by his Independence in freely arraigning the absurd Proceedings against those charged with imaginary Crimes, he was not without some Popularity in Boston, his Place of Residence, at the Period of those Prosecutions; for in the Records of the Town are found the following Entries concerning him: April 16th, 1694, "Mr. Robert Calfe was chosen Hayward & Fence-viewer, in the Room of Mr. Edward Wyllys, who refused to serve." May 12th, 1702, he was added to the Number of the Overseers of the Poor. On the 19th of April, 1704, Thanks were voted him for his Services in that Office. On March 12th, 1704-5, it was ordered that Mr. Calef be not charged with Interest on Moneys remaining in his Hands. The next Year, March 10th, 1706-7, he was chosen one of the Assessors, but declined the Service.
The Time of the Emigration of the Family of Calef, or Calfe, to this Country has not been ascertained, nor has there been published any considerable Memorial of it. The Name is an old English one; and were Time bestowed upon it, many Items might doubtless be found in old Authors of Persons who have borne it. At Present but a Reference or two must suffice. In the Time of Henry III (1216-1270), a Sir John Calfe flourished, on whom a curious Epitaph may be seen in Camden's Remains. Another John Calfe has an Inscription to his Memory in St. Nicholas's Church, London, giving 1426 as the Year of his Decease.
It is not very remarkable that so little is known of Robert Calef, when it is considered that he had almost the entire Community against him. And less is learned about him than might be expected in the Perusal of his own Book. That his Character was above Reproach is evident from the Replies of Dr. Mather and his Friends, to his Questions respecting the Proofs of Witchcraft. It helps one's Cause but very little, merely to call his Antagonist "a Lyar;" and this appears to have been the heaviest Argument brought against Mr. Calef in Answer to his Statements.
In Dr. Mather's Account of the Afflictions of Margaret Rule, he thus refers to those who differ from him; undoubtedly having special Reference to Mr. Calef: "Yea, to do like Satan himself, by sly, base unpretending Insinuations, as if I wore not the Modesty and Gravity which became a Minister of the Gospel, I could not but think myself unkindly dealt withal, and the Neglects of others to do me Justice in this Affair has caused me to conclude this Narrative in another hearing of such monstrous Injuries."
By "another hearing," is meant that he had or would take legal Steps to silence his Opponent; for about the same Time the Doctor was so annoyed by certain Queries sent him by Mr. Calef, that he returned him Word by his (Mr. Calef's) Bearer, that he would have him arrested for Slander, as he was "one of the worst of Lyars." This the Doctor proclaimed also in his Pulpit. Yet Mr. Calef was always respectful in his Language in return, for anything that appears to the contrary.
On the 29th of September, 1693, Mr. Calef addressed Dr. Mather a Note, requesting that he would meet him at either of the Booksellers, Richard Wilkins or Benjamin Harris. Mr. Calef desired this Meeting that they might examine together the Memoranda of what he had noted after visiting the "possessed" or bewitched Person, Margaret Rule. At that Visit were also both the Doctors Mather, Father and Son. Meantime Mr. Calef was complained of and taken into Custody, on the Charge of having committed a scandalous Libel on Mr. Mather the younger; the Complaint being made by both. Mr. Calef states that he did not remember that he had been charged with Untruth in his Report of the Examination of Margaret; but it was asserted that he had wronged Dr. Mather by his Omissions. To which Mr. Calef replied, that he had reported only what he saw and heard himself.
As to the Prosecution for Libel, Mr. Calef says he was taken to the Court of Sessions, and after waiting a while for his Accusers, none appeared. He was therefore dismissed. He had had a Promise from Dr. Mather to meet him to compare Notes, but it does not appear that any Time was stated; and after several Months had elapsed Mr. Calef wrote, requesting him to fix upon a Time and Place of Meeting. A Meeting however never occurred, of the Kind desired; but, as the only Means of getting the Doctor's Views of what he had written, he sent him a Copy of his Notes on Margaret Rule's Exhibitions, two of which he seems to have witnessed. On the 15th of January, 1693-4, the Doctor wrote him a long Letter, in which he says: "I have this to say, as I have often already said, that do I scarcely find any one Thing in the whole Paper, whether respecting my Father or self, either fairly or truly represented." The Fairness on both Sides may be judged of, as both Papers will be found in the ensuing Work, Pages 13-22.
The Doctor sent the Author, accompanying his Letter, Copies of three Depositions, or Statements from several Persons, to the Effect that what he had stated regarding the strange Conduct of Margaret Rule was true; especially as to the Fact, that she was by invisible Hands raised from her Bed up to the Garret Floor, and that strong Men, the Bystanders, could not hold her down. The Height of the Room is not mentioned; but one Witness, Samuel Aves, says it was "a great Way;" that she was lifted "towards the Top of the Room." Three others said, this was "in Substance true." Also, Thomas Thornton, a Paver, said she was lifted up, "so as to touch the Garret Floor;" to which William Hudson assented in "Substance." All of which Testimonies, Mr. Calef ventured to insinuate was about as true, as a Report would be that Iron would swim on Water; that if that Rising in the Air without Hands actually took place, it was a Miracle, and if a Miracle it was wrought by the Devil. And yet it seems that Mr. Calef believed none but God himself could work Miracles.
Between the Date of his last Letter and the 19th of February, 1693-4, instead of answering Mr. Calef's Letter, Dr. Mather sent him Word that his Library was open to him, intimating that he might find there Answers to any and all of his Objections and Difficulties. But Mr. Calef did not avail himself of the Kindness thus tendered, though he thanked him by Letter, and at the same Time complained that he had not written him, pointing out what he conceived to be Errors in his former Communications; adding, "if you think Silence a Virtue in this Case, I shall (I suppose) so far comply with it as not to loose you any more Time to look over my Papers." This however did not end the Correspondence; for on the 16th of April following he addressed a Letter to the Doctor, calling his Attention to certain Passages in the Wonders of the Invisible World, and some other "late Books of his and his Relations." After stating a few of the Author's strange Assertions, such as that the Devil causes Wars, Plagues, and other Calamities; that the Devil is a great Linguist; that Suicides "are the Effects of a cruel & bloody Witchcraft," and several other similar Quotations. In closing this Letter, he remarks that he is only performing what he believes to be his Duty; that he is far from doing it to gain Applause, or from a Love of Contention; that, on the other Hand, he expected to make many Enemies by it.
The next Letter which he wrote to Mr. Mather was dated March the 1st, 1694-5. In this he says he had waited more than a Year "for the Performance of a reiterated Promise" from him, to reply to Arguments which he had sent for his Refutation or Approval. Instead of that promised Answer, he had received, through the Hand of a third Person, "four Sheets of recinded Papers." These were delivered under an Injunction that no Copy was to be taken of them, and he was allowed to keep them but a Fortnight. He has given some Account of those "four Sheets," and observes that he does not wonder at not being allowed to copy them, as they contained so much "crude Matter and impertinent Absurdities." Among other Things, he sent Mr. Calef Baxter's World of Spirits, characterizing it an ungainsayable Book; upon which Mr. Calef remarks, as aptly as significantly, that he knows of no "ungainsayable" Book but the Bible, and thinks no other Man who had ever read it would so style it except its Author. He is probably correct when he attributes to Mr. Baxter the Weakness incident to old Age, in allowing his Name to appear as the Author of The Certainty of the World of Spirits. But his own Words are more to the Point: "As to the sometime Reverend Author, let his Works praise the Remembrance of him; but for such as are either Erroneous and foisted upon him, or the Effect of an aged Imbecility, let them be detected that they may proceed no further."
The Experience of Mr. Calef was similar, probably, to that of most Reformers, both before and since his Time. To combat similar Superstitions at this Day would be nearly or quite as hazardous as it was then. Indeed, there have been Cases within some thirty Years in New England, in which Individuals have fared much worse than Robert Calef did in Boston more than an hundred Years before, and for no offence worthy of Notice; neither had an Eighth of the Community a Voice in this Persecution, while in Mr. Calef's Case nine Tenths of the whole People probably were crying out against him. The Villainy of a single Lawyer, and the Imbecility of a Judge may sometimes succeed in ruining for a Time the Character of any Citizen.
Mr. Calef seems to have been almost alone in the Warfare he had undertaken. "How Few," he says, "are willing to be found opposing such a Torrent, as knowing, that in so doing, they shall be sure to meet with Opposition to the utmost, from the many, both of Magistrates, Ministers and people; and the name of Sadducee, Atheist, and perhaps Witch too cast upon them most liberally, by Men of the highest Profession in Godliness."
Owing to the peculiar State of the Times when Mr. Calef wrote, he felt himself obliged to admit a great Deal that a Writer at a later Day would not have found it Necessary. This will account for some heavy Papers introduced into the Body of his Work. He had a most difficult Task to perform. Like the Mariner in a Tempest upon a Lee Shore, he needed an Eye on every Point of the Compass, and a deep Sea Lead ever in Hand.
What Overtures, if any, he made to Printers in Boston to print his Books, are unknown. It is pretty certain, however, that no One would have dared to undertake it. And what Agency, if any, he employed to have it done Abroad, is equally unknown. But one Thing is known; no Bookseller had the Hardihood to offer it for Sale, or dared to give it Shop-room. He had a few Friends who stood by him, ready to shield him, as far as was consistent with their own Safety, but none had the Boldness to come out so openly as he did. Some wrote strongly against the Delusion, but not for Publication; as Brattle of Cambridge, Cary of Charlestown, and Robert Paine. The Work of the last named Gentleman has not been made public, and remains in private Hands. It is said to be a most masterly Refutation of the Arguments made use of against Witches, written in the Time of the Trials. But it seems, on a careful Perusal of Mr. Calef's More Wonders, that not much more can be said (admitting or deferring to a Sort of Authority which cannot be argued from,) to show the utter Absurdity of the Proceedings on the Witch Trials. He has, it must be admitted, exhausted the Subject. It is very easy, it is true, to say the same Thing, using different and more elegant Language, according to the present Standard of Elegance; but for close and succinct Argument, the Author has not been surpassed by his Successors. His Statement of Apology for those poor People who had confessed themselves Witches, and accused others, is highly satisfactory.
Mr. Calef possessed more than ordinary Attainments in Literature; he was no Stranger to legal Forms; and as to theological Learning, was, for Soundness of Argument, quite superior to those who were in the Field against him. These Facts excite a Desire to know more of his History; for all that has been learned about him, is that he was a "Merchant of Boston," and that he was a Dealer in woolen Goods; and hence the Attempt of a narrow minded Opposition to class him among the Ordinary and Illiterate of the Time. They also descended to vulgar Epithets, calling him a Calf; his Book they call a "Firebrand, thrown by a Mad-man;" and, "it was highly rejoycing to us, when we heard that our Booksellers were so well acquainted with the Integrity of our Pastors, as not one of them would admit of those Libels to be vended in their Shops." This was the Language of the Men who published "Some few Remarks, upon a Scandalous Book ... written by one Robert Calef," with the Motto—"Truth will come off Conqueror." This Publication is dated "January 9th, 1700-1," and purports to have been drawn up by Obadiah Gill, John Barnard, John Goodwin, William Robie, Timothy Wadsworth, Robert Cumbey, and George Robinson; none of whom were Men of special Note then or afterwards. It should be observed, however, that they were Members of the Old North Church. Any further Notice of the Answer to the More Wonders is unnecessary here; but it will be used in the Notes occasionally, that the "Slandered" may speak for themselves.
It was probably about the Time of the Issue of the Some Few Remarks that the More Wonders was caused to be burnt in the College Yard at Cambridge, by Order of the President, Dr. Increase Mather. The Burning was doubtless performed with much of Ceremony and Formality, but there does not appear to have been any Record made of it upon the College Books; or if so, the Historians of the Institution have not mentioned it. This Kind of Argument against what is set forth in a Book, is about as effectual as that employed against the Tide of the Ocean by an eastern Monarch. That the President of the College had no great Faith in his Argument, is pretty clear, or so much Pains would not have been taken by him in making another Book to refute the Arguments contained in the one he had burned.
The precise Date of Mr. Calef's Death is not upon any Records which have been examined; and the last Time he appears to have transacted any Business requiring his Signature, was at the Registry of Deeds, then under the official Management of John Ballantine, Esq., when he released a Mortgage which he held of certain Lands in Roxbury; which Mortgage was given by Joseph Holland and his Wife Elizabeth, and dated the 11th of March, 1720. [Of course, 1721, N. S.] The Release was signed by the Mortgagor, April 11th, 1722. His Signature on this Occasion has been copied, and is here presented.
But a short Time previous to this Transaction he deeded certain Property to his Children. In this Instrument, dated February 10th, 1721, [1722, N. S.,] he styles himself Clothier, and names Children, Elizabeth, Ann, Margaret and James. Two Houses and Land; one in present Possession of James Smith; the other in his own Possession; bounded N. W. upon——Street, N. E. upon Thomas Wheeler, S. E. upon William Gold, and S. W. upon Bond Street; also one Tract of Land in Brookline; also a Mortgage from James Barton, Ropemaker, reserving to himself and his now married Wife the Use of the Premises during their Lives.
The following is an Abstract of his Will:
"I Robert Calfe of Boston, being now in sound Body and Minde doe make this my last Will [and] appoint my well beloved Wife Executrix. After funerall Charges and all Other my just Debtts being paide, my Will is that my Wife [have] all my Estate during her Widdowhood; and in Case she see Caus to alter her Condition by Marraig, that then she shall quitt her Administership, and the Improvement of the Estate, wholey to be for the Bennefitt of my Children; only two hundred Pounds I will unto her upon her Marraig, and the whoolly Remainder to be disposte of as followe: Son James £100, when of Age more then any of the Rest of my Children: And allso I give £200 ought of said Estate for defraying the Charges of bringing him up to the Collig, if he inclines to Larning, but if not then to be equaley divided among him and the Rest of my Children, viz. Elizabeth, Ann and Margaret, together with what Children it shall plees God to give me by my present Wife: And it is my Will that my Daughters, Elizabeth, Ann and Margaret have an equall Proportion of all my Estate, Personall and Reall, only what is before excepted unto my Son James, and that they be paid upon Marraig or at the Discretion of my Executrix, if she remain a Widow, and if it please God to take away my Children by Death before of Age or without Issue the whole of my Estate to return to my Wife or to her Dispose.
2d of Jan., 1720.
In Presence of Samll Wentworth, John Alden, Jr. and John Tyler.
Margaret Calfe presented the within Will for Probat and John Alden, Junr and John Tyler made Oath, &c. and they together with Saml Wentworth, who is now out of the Province set to their Hands as Witnesses in the Testator's Presence. Boston, Feb. 18th, 1722-3.
Samuel Sewall J Probt"
The Testator was too ill, it is probable, to draw up his Will himself, or one so unclerical would not have appeared. The Circumstances, however, under which it was made, are entirely conjectural. His Wife was living, a Widow, till about 1744; as in September of that Year her Will was proved. It was made four Years before, namely, September 17th, 1740. The Items of Interest in it here follow:
"To Grandson Thomas Green £60; to Margaret Green £20, and a silver Porringer which her Father now has. To Ann Green £30, and a gold Necklace. To Bethiah Green £20. To John Green £20. To Mary Green £20, and to Rebeckah Green £30; all the Children of my Daughter Ann Green deceased. To Daughter Margaret Star's four Children, namely, to Joseph, £20; Robert, £20; Mary, £20; and Benjamin Star, £20. Clothing to be divided between Daughter Star, and Grand Daughter, Ann Green. The Remainder of Estate to be divided between Daughter Margaret Star and Son James Calf; said Son to be Executor if in the Province; otherwise, Cousin Thomas Simpkins.
Dated, January 2d, 1720. Signed,
Margaret Calf.
Witnesses—Abigail West, Barnabas Gibbs, John Swinnerton."
It was presented for Probate by Thomas Simpkins; James Calf being out of the Province.
In the General Court Records Notice is given, under Date June 25th, 1723, of a "Petition of Margaret Calef, Widow, and sole Executrix of the last Will of Robert Calef, late of Boston, Merchant, deceased," praying for Leave to sell a seventh Part of a House and Land in Roxbury, of which said Robert Calef died seized. The Father of Mr. Calef, also named Robert, had died intestate, April 13th, 1719, and his Wife on the 12th of November following. In the Settlement of his Estate, it is stated that the "Housing and Lands lying in Roxbury, cannot be divided without Prejudice and Injury;" hence the Petition before mentioned.
A few Items here follow, given for the Benefit of those who may hereafter desire to investigate the History of the Calef Family;
Dr. Joseph Calef died at Ipswich, Dec. 31st, 1707, leaving a Wife, and Children, Robert, Joseph, Samuel, Ebenezer, Peter and Mary. This was, doubtless the Emigrant to Ipswich, where, in 1692, he had a Grant for a Fulling-mill. Joseph Calef was a Scout in Capt. John Goff's Company in 1746. Mary, Widow of Joseph Calef, married Thomas Choate of Ipswich; Date of Marriage is not stated. Joseph Calef was of Boston, 1746, in which Year he petitioned, with others, for the Paving of Atkinson Street.
James Calef and his Son Samuel were Captives among the Indians and French; were taken at Fort William Henry, in August, 1757. Abigail, the Wife of James and Mother of Samuel, made Application in their behalf to the Authorities of the Province. No Mention is made of their place of Residence. Dr. John Calef, of Ipswich, married Margaret, Daughter of Nathaniel and Mary (Leverett) Rogers, of the same Town. He was born 1725.
After the bloody Fight at Pequawket, Governor Dummer wrote to Eleazer Tyng: "Send down to me forthwith by the Bearer hereof, Mr. Calef, the most intelligent Person among Lovell's Men returned, that I may have a perfect Account of that Action." What Mr. Calef this was, does not with certainty appear.
A Mrs. Mary Calfe died at Concord, N. H., August 10, 1817, aged ninety-eight Years. Her first Husband was Samuel Bradley, who was killed by the Indians, August 11th, 1746. She afterwards married Robert Calfe, Esq., of Chester, in the same State. This is on the Authority of Mr. Bouton, in his History of Concord, who, in another Place, says Calfe's Name was Richard. Whether Richard or Robert, he was probably a Descendant of James, the only surviving Son of Robert, the "Merchant of Boston." The maiden Name of Mrs. Calfe was Folsom.
When the Federal Constitution of New Hampshire was adopted (1788,) John Calfe, Esq., was chosen Secretary of the Convention. He was also Secretary in 1791, when the Constitution was revised. His Son Joseph died at Hampstead, N. H., August 6, 1854, aged 79. A John Calef was in the Old Mill Prison, England, 1789. Jeremiah Calef, a Native of Exeter, N. H., died at Northfield, 23d February, 1856, aged 73 Years, 10 Months. James, an only Brother of Jeremiah, died at Sanbornton, 30th March, 1856, aged 71.
Robert Calef was an eminent Ship-master between Boston and London before the Revolution. His Arrival on one Occasion is thus noticed in the Gazette and News-Letter of April 5th, 1764: "In Captain Calef came Passengers, the Captains, Edward Wendell, John Marshall, and Doctor Marshall of this Town. Mrs. McTaggart, and her Son Gray of this Town, died of the Smallpox in London." The Autographs of several of the Name of Calef (always so spelt) are in the Writer's Possession from 1755 to 1780. In 1755, Joseph was engaged in supplying Ships with Water. In 1767, Joseph Calef, probably the same, was largely in the leather Trade. He was a Tanner, and his Tan-yard was in the Neighborhood of the Old Boston Theatre.
What Time the Family of Robert Calef came to this Country has not been ascertained. It was probably in the latter Half of the seventeenth Century, and our Author may have had his Education before his Emigration. This View may be considered probable, from a Passage in his Preface to the More Wonders, &c.
After the Above was written, it came to my Notice, that in a Volume issued by the Mass. Hist. Soc., were some Extracts from the Diary of Cotton Mather. Also the following, concerning Robert Calef, in a Memorandum-book of Dr. Belknap: "Robert Calef, Author of More Wonders of the Invisible World, was a Native of England; a young Man of good Sense, and free from Superstition; a Merchant in Boston. He was furnished with Materials for his Work by Mr. Brattle, of Cambridge; and his Brother, of Boston; and other Gentlemen, who were opposed to the Salem Proceedings. E. P." [Ebenezer Pemberton?]
MORE
WONDERS
OF THE
INVISIBLE WORLD:
Or, The Wonders of the
Invisible World,
Display'd in Five Parts.
Part I. An Account of the Sufferings of Margaret Rule, Written by the Reverend Mr. C. M.
P. II. Several Letters to the Author, &c. And his Reply relating to Witchcraft.
P. III. The Differences between the Inhabitants of Salem Village, and Mr. Parris their Minister, in New-England.
P. IV. Letters of a Gentleman uninterested, Endeavouring to prove the received Opinions about Witchcraft to be Orthodox. With short Essays to their Answers.
P. V. A short Historical Accout of Matters of Fact in that Affair.
To which is added, A Postscript relating to a Book intitled, The Life of Sir WILLIAM PHIPS.
Collected by Robert Calef, Merchant, of Boston in New-England.
Licensed and Entred according to Order.
LONDON:
Printed for Nath. Hillar, at the Princes-Arms, in Leaden-Hall-street, over against St. Mary-Ax, and Joseph Collyer, at the Golden-Bible on London-Bridge. 1700.
[1] The Epistle to the READER.
And more especially to the Noble Bereans[4] of this Age, wherever Residing.
Gentlemen,
YOU that are freed from the Slauery of a corrupt Education; and that in spite of human Precepts, Examples and Precsidents, can hearken to the Dictates of Scripture and Reason:
For your sakes I am content, that these Collections of mine, as also my Sentiments should be exposed to publick view; In hopes that having well considered, and compared them with Scripture, you will see reason, as I do, to question a belief so prevalent (as that here treated of) as also the practice flowing from thence; they standing as nearly connext as cause and effect; it being found wholly impracticable, to extirpate the latter without first curing the former.
And if the Buffoon or Satyrical will be exercising their Talents, or if the Bigots wilfully and blindly reject the Testimonies of their own Reason, and more sure word, it is no more than what I expected from them.
But you Gentlemen, I doubt not are willing to Distinguish between Truth and Error, and if this may be any furtherance to you herein, I shall not miss my Aim.
But if you find the contrary, and that my belief herein is any way Heterodox, I shall be thankful for the Information to any Learned or Reverend Person, or others, that shall take that pains to inform me better by Scripture, or sound Reason, which is what I have been long seeking for in this Country in vain.[5]
In a time when not only England in particular, but almost all Europe had been labouring against the Usurpations of Tyranny and Slavery. The English, America has not been behind in a share in the Common calamities; more especially New-England, has met not only with such calamities as are common to the rest, but with several aggravations enhansing such Afflictions, by the Devastations and Cruelties of the Barbarous Indians in their Eastern borders, &c.
But this is not all, they have been harrast (on many accounts) by a more dreadful Enemy, as will herein appear to the considerate.
P. 66. Were it as we are told in Wonders of the Invisible World, that the Devils were walking about our Streets with lengthned Chains making a dreadful noise in our Ears, and Brimstone, even without a Metaphor, was making a horrid and a hellish stench in our Nostrils.[6] P. 49.
And That the Devil exhibiting himself ordinarily as a black-Man, had decoy'd a fearful knot of Proud, Froward, Ignorant, Envious and Malitious Creatures, to list themselves in his horrid Service, by entring their Names in a Book tendered unto them; and that they have had their Meetings and Sacraments, and associated themselves to destroy the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, in these parts of the World; having each of them their Spectres, or Devils Commissionated by them, and [2] representing of them to be the Engines of their Malice, by these wicked Spectres, siezing poor People about the Country, with various and bloody Torments. And of those evidently preternatural Torments some to have died. And that they have bewitched some even so far, as to make them self destroyers, and others in many Towns, here and there languish'd under their evil hands. The People, thus afflicted, miserably scratch'd and bitten; and that the same Invisible Furies did stick Pins in them, and scal'd them, distort and disjoint them, with a Thousand other Plagues; and sometimes drag them out of their Chambers, and carry them over Trees, and Hills Miles together, many of them being tempted to sign the Devils Laws.
P. 7. Those furies whereof several have killed more People perhaps than would serve to make a Village. If this be the true state of the Afflictions of this Country, it is very deplorable, and beyond all other outward Calamities miserable. But if on the other side, the Matter be as others do understand it, That the Devil has been too hard for us by his Temptations, signs, and lying Wonders, with the help of pernicious notions, formerly imbibed and professed; together with the Accusations of a parcel of possessed, distracted, or lying Wenches, accusing their Innocent Neighbours, pretending they see their Spectres (i. e.) Devils in their likeness Afflicting of them, and that God in righteous Judgement, (after Men had ascribed his Power to Witches, of commissionating Devils to do these things) may have given them over to strong delusions to believe lyes. &c And to let loose the Devils of Envy, Hatred, Pride, Cruelty and Malice against each other; yet still disguised under the Mask of Zeal for God, and left them to the branding one another, with the odious Name of Witch; and upon the Accusation of those above mentioned, Brother to Accuse and Prosecute Brother, Children their Parents, Pastors and Teachers their immediate Flock unto death; Shepherds becoming Wolves, Wise Men Infatuated; People hauled to Prisons, with a bloody noise pursuing to, and insulting over, the (true) Sufferers at Execution, while some are fleeing from that called Justice, Justice itself fleeing before such Accusations, when once it did but begin to refrain further proceedings; and to question such Practises, some making their Escape out of Prisons, rather than by an obstinate Defence of their Innocency, to run so apparent hazard of their Lives; Estates seized, Families of Children and others left to the Mercy of the Wilderness (not to mention here the Numbers prescribed, dead in Prisons, or Executed, &c.)
All which Tragedies, tho begun in one Town, or rather by one Parish, has Plague-like spread more than through that Country. And by its Eccho giving a brand of Infamy to this whole Country, throughout the World.
If this were the Miserable case of this Country in the time thereof, and that the Devil had so far prevailed upon us in our Sentiments and Actions, as to draw us from so much as looking into the Scriptures for our guidance in these pretended Intricacies, leading us to a trusting in blind guides, such as the corrupt practices of some other Countries or the bloody Experiments of Bodin,[7] [3] and such other Authors. Then tho our Case be most miserable, yet it must be said of New-England, Thou hast destroyed thyself, and brought this greatest of Miseries upon thee.
And now whether the Witches (such as have made a compact by Explicit Covenant with the Devil, having thereby obtained a power to Commissionate him) have been the cause of our miseries.
Or whether a Zeal governed by blindness and passion, and led by president, has not herein precipitated us into far greater wickedness (if not Witchcrafts) than any have been yet proved against those that suffered.
To be able to distinguish aright in this matter, to which of these two to refer our Miseries is the present Work. As to the former, I know of no sober Man, much less Reverend Christian, that being ask'd dares affirm and abide by it, that Witches have that power; viz. to Commissionate Devils to kill and destroy. And as to the latter, it were well if there were not too much of truth in it, which remains to be demonstrated.
But here it will be said, what need of Raking in the Coals that lay buried in oblivion. We cannot recal those to Life again that have suffered, supposing it were unjustly; it tends but to the exposing the Actors, as if they had proceeded irregularly.
Truly I take this to be just as the Devil would have it, so much to fear disobliging men, as not to endeavour to detect his Wiles, that so he may the sooner, and with the greater Advantages set the same on foot again (either here or elsewhere) so dragging us through the Pond twice by the same Cat.[8] And if Reports do not (herein) deceive us, much the same has been acting this present year in Scotland. And what Kingdom or Country is it, that has not had their bloody fits and turns at it. And if this is such a catching disease, and so universal, I presume I need make no Apology for my Endeavours to prevent, as far as in my power, any more such bloody Victims or Sacrifices; tho indeed I had rather any other would have undertaken so offensive, tho necessary a task; yet all things weighed, I had rather thus Expose myself to Censure, than that it should be wholly omitted. Were the notions in question, innocent and harmless, respecting the glory of God, and well being of Men, I should not have engaged in them, but finding them in my esteem, so intollerably destructive of both. This together with my being by Warrant called before the Justices, in my own Just Vindication, I took it to be a call from God, to my Power, to Vindicate his Truths against the Pagan and Popish Assertions, which are so prevalent; for tho Christians in general do own the Scriptures to be their only Rule of Faith and Doctrine, yet these Notions will tell us, that the Scriptures have not sufficiently, nor at all described the crime of Witchcraft, whereby the culpable might be detected, tho it be positive in the Command to punish it by Death; hence the World has been from time to time perplext in the prosecution of the several Diabolical mediums of Heathenish and Popish Invention, to detect an Imaginary Crime (not but that there are Witches, such as the Law of God [4] describes)[9] which has produced a deluge of Blood; hereby rendering the Commands of God not only void but dangerous.
So also they own Gods Providence and Government of the World, and that Tempests and Storms, Afflictions and Diseases are of his sending; yet these Notions tell us, that the Devil has the power of all these, and can perform them when commission'd by a Witch thereto, and that he has a power at the Witches call to act and do, without and against the course of Nature, and all natural causes, in afflicting and killing of Innocents; and this is that so many have died for.
Also it is generally believed, that if any Man has strength, it is from God the Almighty Being: but these notions will tell us, that the Devil can make one Man as strong as many, which was one of the best proofs, as it was counted, against Mr. Burroughs the Minister; tho his contemporaries in the Schools during his Minority could have testified, that his strength was then as much superior to theirs as ever[10] (setting aside incredible Romances) it was discovered to be since. Thus rendering the power of God, and his providence of none Effect.
These are some of the destructive notions of this Age, and however the asserters of them seem sometimes to value themselves much upon sheltring their Neighbors from Spectral Accusations. They may deserve as much thanks as that Tyrant, that having industriously obtained an unintelligible charge against his Subjects, in matters wherein it was impossible they should be Guilty, having thereby their lives in his power, yet suffers them of his meer Grace to live, and will be call'd gracious Lord.
It were too Icarian[11] a task for one unfurnish'd with necessary learning, and Library, to give any Just account, from whence so great delusions have sprung, and so long continued. Yet as an Essay from those scraps of reading that I have had opportunity of; it will be no great venture to say, that Signs and Lying Wonders have been one principal cause.
It is written of Justin Martyr,[12] who lived in the second Century, that he was before his conversion a great Philosopher; first in the way of the Stoicks, and after, of the Peripateticks, after that of the Pythagorean, and after that of the Platonists sects; and after all proved of Eminent use in the Church of Christ; yet a certain Author speaking of one Apollonius Tyaneus[13] has these words [That the most Orthodox themselves began to deem him vested with power sufficient for a Deity; which occasioned that so strange a doubt from Justin Martyr, as cited by the learned Gregory, Fol. 37. Ει Θεοςζσι &c. If God be the creator and Lord of the World, how comes it to pass that Apollonius his Telisms, have so much over-ruled the course of things! for we see that they also have stilled the Waves of the Sea; and the raging of the Winds, and prevailed against the Noisome Flies, and Incursions of wild Beasts,] &c. If so Eminent and Early a Christian were by these false shews in such doubt, it is the less wonder in our depraved times, to meet with what is Equivalent thereto: Besides this a certain Author informs me, that [Julian (afterwards called the Apostate) being instructed in the Philosophy and Disciplines of the Heathen, by Libarius his Tutor, by this [5] means he came to love Philosophy better than the Gospel, and so by degrees turn'd from Christianity to Heathenism.]
This same Julian did, when Apostate, forbid that Christians should be instructed in the Discipline of the Gentiles, which (it seems) Socrates a Writer of the Ecclesiastical History, does acknowledge to be by the singular Providence of God; Christians having then begun to degenerate from the Gospel, and to betake themselves to Heathenish learning. And in the Mercury for the Month of February, 1695, there is this Account [That the Christian Doctors conversing much with the writings of the Heathen, for the gaining of Eloquence. A Counsel was held at Carthage, which forbad the reading of the Books of the Gentiles.]
From all which it may be easily perceived, that in the Primitive times of Christianity, when not only many Heathen of the Vulgar; but also many learned Men and Philosophers had imbraced the Christian Faith; they still retained a love to their Heathen-learning, to which as one observes being transplanted into a Christian soils, soon proved productive of pernicious weeds, which over-ran the face of the Church, hence it was so deformed as the Reformation found it.
Among other pernicious Weeds arising from this Root, the Doctrine of the power of Devils and Witchcraft as it is now, and long has been understood, is not the least; the Fables of Homer, Virgil, Horace and Ovid, &c. being for the Elegancy of their Language retained then (and so are to this day) in the schools; have not only introduced, but established such Doctrines to the poisoning the Christian World.[14] A certain Author expresses it thus [that as the Christian Schools at first brought Men from Heathenism to the Gospel, so these Schools carry Men from the Gospel to Heathenism, as to their great perfection] and Mr. I. M. in his Remarkable Providences, gives an account that (as he calls it) an old Counsel did Anathematize all those that believed such power of the Devils, accounting it a Damnable Doctrine.[15] But as other Evils did afterwards increase in the Church (partly by such Education) so this insensibly grew up with them, tho not to that degree, as that any Counsel I have ever heard or Read of has to this day taken off those Anathema's; yet after this the Church so far declined, that Witchcraft became a Principal, Ecclesiastical Engine (as also that of Heresy was) to root up all that stood in their way; and besides the ways of Tryal, that we have still in practice, they invented some, which were peculiar to themselves; which whenever they were minded to improve against any Orthodox believer, they could easily make Effectual: That Deluge of Blood which that Scarlet Whore has to answer for, shed under this notion, how amazing is it.
The first in England that I have read of, of any note since the Reformation, that asserts this Doctrine, is the famous Mr. Perkins, he (as also Mr. Gaul, and Mr. Bernard, &c.) seems all of them to have undertaken one Task. They taking notice of the Multiplicity of irregular ways to try them by, invented by Heathen and Papists, made it their business and main work herein to oppose such as they saw to be pernicious. And if they did not look more narrowly into it, but followed the first, viz. Mr. Perkins whose Education (as theirs also) had forestall'd him into such belief, whom they readily followed, it cannot be wondered at: And that they were men liable to Err, and so not to be trusted to as perfect guides, will manifestly appear to him that shall see their several receits laid down to detect them by their Presumptive and Positive ones. And consider how few of either have any foundation in Scripture or Reason; and how vastly they differ from each other in both, each having his Art by himself, which Forty or an Hundred more may as well imitate, and give theirs, ad infinitum, being without all manner of proof. [6] But tho this be their main design to take off People from those Evil and bloody ways of trial which they speak so much against. Yet this does not hinder to this day, but the same evil ways or as bad are still used to detect them by, and that even among Protestants; and is so far justified, that a Reverend Person has said lately here, how else shall we detect Witches?[16] And another being urged to prove by Scripture such a sort of Witch as has power to send Devils to kill men, replied that he did as firmly believe it as any article of his Faith. And that he (the Inquirer) did not go to the Scripture; to learn the Mysteries of his trade or Art. What can be said more to Establish there Heathenish notions and to villifie the Scriptures, our only Rule; and that after we have seen such dire effects thereof, as has threatned the utter Extirpation of this whole Country.
And as to most of the Actors in these Tragedies, tho they are so far from defending their Actions that they will readily own, that undue steps have been taken, &c. yet it seems they choose that the same should be Acted over again, inforced by their Example, rather than that it should Remain as a Warning to Posterity, as herein they have mist it. So far are they from giving Glory to God, and taking the due shame to themselves.
And now to sum up all in a few words, we have seen a Biggotted Zeal, stirring up a Blind, and most Bloody rage, not against Enemies, or Irreligious proffligate Persons. But (in Judgment of Charity, and to view) against as Vertuous and Religious as any they have left behind them in this Country, which have suffered as Evil doers (with the utmost extent of rigour, not that so high a Character is due to all that Suffered) and this by the Testimony of Vile Varlets as not only were known before, but have been further apparent since by their Manifest Lives, whordoms, incest, &c. The accusations of these, from their Spectral Sight, being the chief Evidence against those that Suffered. In which Accusations they were upheld by both Magistrates and Ministers, so long as they Apprehended themselves in no Danger.[17]
And then tho they could defend neither the Doctrine, nor the Practice, yet none of them have in such a publick manner as the case Requires, testified against either; tho at the same time they could not but be sensible what a Stain and lasting Infamy they have brought upon the whole Country, to the indangering the future welfair not only of this but of other places, induced by their Example; if not, to an intailing the Guilt of all the Righteous Blood that has been by the same means Shed, by Heathen or Papists, &c. upon themselves, whose deeds they have so far justified, occasioning the great Dishonour and Blasphemy of the Name of God, Scandalizing the Heathen, hardning of Enemies; and as a Natural effect thereof, to the great Increase of Atheism.
I shall conclude only with acquainting the Reader, that of these Collections, the first containing more Wonders of the Invisible World, I received of a Gentleman, who had it of the Author, and communicated it to use, with his express consent, of which this is a true Copy.[18] As to the letters, they are for Substance the same I sent, tho with some small Variation or Addition. Touching the two Letters from a Gentleman at his request, I have forborn naming him. It is great Pity the matters of Fast, and indeed the whole, had not been done by some abler hana better Accomplished and Advantages with both natural and acquired Judgments, but others not Appearing, I have inforc'd myself to do what is done, my other occasions Will not admit any further Scrutiny therein.
R. C.
Boston in New-England, Aug 11. 1697.
FOOTNOTES:
[4] In both the second and third Editions this Name is printed Barons. The Printer probably not knowing what else to make of it. The Inhabitants of ancient Berœa were called Berœans. The present Aleppo occupies the Site. For the Point, see Acts, xvii, 11.
[5] This is the Remark that led me to think the Author was not a Native of New England. An Extract by Dr. Belknap, noted in the accompanying Memoir is corroborative of the Conjecture.
[6] See Vol. [I], Pages [121-2]. Cotemporary with the Author, we find that eminent Divine, Michael Wigglesworth, thus poetically impressing upon the Readers of his Poem the Horrors spoken of in the Text:
Whom having brought as they are taught,
Unto the Brink of Hell,
(That Dismal Place far from Christs Face,
Where Death and Darkness dwell:
Where Gods fierce Ire kindleth the Fire,
And Vengeance feeds the Flame
With Piles of Wood, and Brimstone Flood,
That none can quench the same.
Day of Doom, Stanza 208.
[7] John Bodin was a Frenchman of great Learning, born at Angers 1530. Some of his Historical Works were formerly in great Repute in England as well as in France. His Work referred to above was published at Paris in 1579, under the Title La Démonomanie, ou Traite des Sorciers, in 4to. It is full of all those Superstitions for which the Age in which the Author lived is celebrated. See Camerarius, Living Library, Page 2, Edition 1625, Fol. See also Mr. Fowler's interesting Note to the last Salem Edition of Salem Witchcraft, P. ix.
[8] That is by the same Cord, or Rope. In nautical Usage, a Rope to do or perform a certain Service. The Anchor was formerly hoisted to the Head of a certain bow Timber to which it was fastened by the Cat Rope; hence the Timber is called the Cat-head.
[9] It will elsewhere be seen that the Author makes it pretty clear, that to discover Witches by that Law, or who they are, has never been done. It was therefore easy to argue that Witches never would be discovered by it. In other Words where nothing is looked for nothing will be found. This Subject will be found discussed elsewhere.
[10] Samuel Webber, aged about 36, testified that some seven or eight Years ago he lived at Casco Bay, where Mr. B. was Minister. Having heard much of his great Strength, and coming to his House, and in Discourse about it, he told the said Webber that he had put his Fingers into the Bung of a Barrel of "Malases" and lifted it up and carried it round him. See Records of Salem Witchcraft (by Woodward) ii, 113. See also sundry other Testimonies about Mr. Burroughs's great Strength, ib., 123-5. Also (Vol. [I], [153],) The Wonders of the Invisible World.
[11] The Author's classical Learning was probably not very extensive. The Use of this mythical Name however may have been according to its Acceptation in his Time.
[12] The Reader will not find, as he has a Right to expect, this Name in the common Biographical Works. In the large Work of Chaudon et Delandine is a satisfactory Article under the Head Justin; who was a Martyr of the second Century; yet we meet with the Name constantly in History, as Justin Martyr; Martyr being added to his proper Name, to denote that he had suffered Martyrdom. He is also styled St. Justin.
[13] Apollonius Thyaneus, according to Lempriere. A Pythagorian Philosopher, well skilled in the Arts of Magic; who, "one Day haranguing the Populace at Ephesus, he suddenly exclaimed: 'Strike the Tyrant, strike him; the Blow is given, he is wounded and fallen!' At that very Moment the Emperor Domitian had been stabbed at Rome. The Magician acquired much Reputation when the Circumstance was known."
[14] Although the Stories and Fables of former Ages may, and doubtless did, at the Period under Consideration, have a bad Influence upon the Minds of Scholars, they ought to have none in these Times. This, however, will depend on the Intelligence of Teachers.
[15] It is only necessary to observe that the Title of Dr. I. Mather's Work is An Essay for the Recording of Illustrious Providences, &c., which was printed in a 12mo. 1684. This Work was elegantly reprinted in a Crown 12mo or a 16mo. by John Russell Smith, London, 1856. This, I think, is the first Time the Work was ever reprinted. It shows the Author not less superstitious than his very credulous Son.
[16] It would perhaps be fruitless to attempt a Conjecture as to who were the Persons referred to, the Majority of the Community being of the same Faith.
[17] It seems that for some Time it never occurred to the Rulers that they might be taken for Witches; or "cried out upon," as the Phrase used to be.
[18] Who the Gentleman was that received the Paper from Dr. Mather does not appear. At the Time it was obtained, the Author (Dr. Mather) probably had no Apprehension that any Exposition was to follow. The very vague Note in Proceedings Mass. Hist. Society for 1858, p. 288, enlightens the Reader but little. It is said in that Note—"He [Mr. Calef] was furnished with Materials for his Work by Mr. Brattle, of Cambridge; and his Brother of Boston; and other Gentlemen, who were opposed to the Salem Proceedings." This Extract is signed E. P.; but the Editor of the Article referred to makes no Conjecture as for whom the Initials stand. Perhaps they mean Ebenezer Pemberton, though that Gentleman was comparatively a young Man in 1697; old enough, however, to have been interested in these Affairs.
[7] The
INDEX.
| PART I. | |
| ANOTHER Brand plucked out of the Burnings or MoreWonders of the Invisible World; written by Mr. C. M.relating to the Afflictions of Margaret Rule. | Page [1] |
| PART II. | |
| A Letter to Mr. C. M. containing a Narrative of two Visitsgiven by him and others to Margaret Rule. | p. [13] |
| With a repetition of a former Letter sent to him, to offer aMeeting with him. | p. [16] |
| As also the repetition of a former Letter, requesting Informationin some Doctrinalls relating to Witchcraft. | Ibid |
| A Letter of Mr. C. M. wherein he declines speaking to those Doctrinalls;Denying some parts of the Narrative, and defendingothers. The feeling the Imp owned, &c. | p. [19] |
| The Copy of a Paper Subscribed by several, testifying MargaretRule's being held up by Invisible Hands from the Bed. | p. [22] |
| A Letter to Mr. C. M. relating to the Narrative, again Praying,an Answer to the Doctrinalls. | p. [23] |
| The Copy of a Paper shewing what Sense the Indians had of theActions here, and what esteem they had thereby taken up of ourMinisters. | p. [25] |
| A Letter to Mr. C. M. again repeating several Fundamental Doctrinalls,opposite to the Doctrine of Witchcraft, as now understood,praying his Confirmation or Confutation thereof. | p. [26] |
| A Letter to Mr C. M. (after minding him of his promise, viz. Togive an Answer about Doctrinalls) several Passages quoted in his,and his Relations Books, that need explaining. | p. [27] |
| A Letter to Mr B. relating to the belief of Mr. C. M. whichhe forbad to be Coppyed. | p. [30] |
| [8] A Letter to the Ministers repeating those Doctrinalls, sent toMr. C. M. for his Explanation, with the Summary of his Belief,contained in those Papers, forbidden to be Coppied; as alsoother Doctrinalls opposite thereto, beseeching them to give theirConfirmation or Confutation thereof. | p. [33] |
| A Letter to Mr S. W. relating to a Dialogue Written by himabout Witchcraft, and to a Paper set forth by the President, &c.of the University, about Possessions and Enchantments. | p. [38] |
| A Letter to Mr C. M. relating to the Doctrinalls contained in aBook of Mr. R. B. Printed in London 1691. Some of theHeathen Poets Quoted as the Fountain or Original of such Doctrinalls. | p. [43] |
| A Letter to the Ministers mentioning the Doctrine of the Manishees,Demonstrating that the present Age is not free from thatInfection, repeating necessary Articles of Faith opposite thereto. | p. [48] |
| A Letter to Mr. B. W. relating to the Witches Covenant. | p. [52] |
| PART III. | |
| The Reasons given by some of the People why they withdrew fromCommunion, &c. with the Church at Salem-Village, and fromhearing Mr. Parris their Minister, in whose House the Tragediesof Witchcraft begun. | p. [55] |
| Mr. Samuel Parris's Acknowledgement. | p. [57] |
| The Advice and Determination of the Elders and Messengers, metat Salem-Village, to Compose the Differences there. | p. [59] |
| A Letter from the People of the Village to those Elders and Messengersof the several Churches. | p. [61] |
| A state of the Controversie between Mr. Parris and his People. | p. [62] |
| A Remonstrance, with further Reasons given in by the Attorneys forthe People of the Village to the Arbitrators, against Mr. Parris. | p. [63] |
| PART IV. | |
| A Letter of a Gentleman endeavouring to prove the receivedopinions about Witchcraft. | p. [64] |
| An Essay to the Answer thereof. | p. [77] |
| A Second Letter of the Gentleman's further urging such Doctrines. | p. [83] |
| A Rejoinder to the former Answer. | p. [87] |
| PART V. | |
| An Account of the matters of Fact at Salem-Village, &c. | p. 90 |
| The Examination of Mrs. Cary. | p. 95 |
| The Examination of Mr John Aldin. | p. 98 |
| Bishop alias Oliver Condemned. | p. 100 |
| An Abstract of the Ministers Advice to the Governour. | p. 101 |
| [9] Sarah Good, Rebecca Nurse, Sus. Martin, Eliz. How andSarah Wildes Condemned. | p. 101 |
| The Declaration of the Foreman of the Jury, relating to wordsspoken by Rebecca Nurse. | p. 102 |
| Rebecca Nurses Interpretation of these words. | p. 103 |
| Mr George Burroughs, John Procter, Eliz. Procter, John Willard,George Jacobs and Martha Carryer Condemned. | Ibid. |
| A Letter of John Procter to the Ministers. | p. 104 |
| A Letter of Margaret Jacobs to her Father. | p. 105 |
| Martha Cary, Mary Easty, Alice Parker, Ann Pudeater, DorcasHore, Mary Bradbery, Margaret Scot, W. Red, SamuelWardwel, Mary Parker, Abigail Falkner, Rebecca Emes,Mary Lacy, Ann Foster, and Abigail Hobs Condemned. | p. 106 |
| Giles Cary Prest to Death. | Ibid. |
| A Petition of Mary Easty to the Judge. | p. 107 |
| A Declaration of some that had confest themselves Guilty (at Andover.) | p. 111 |
| The Preface of Mr. C. M. in Wonders of the Invisible World, tohis Account of the Tryals of five of those that were Executed atSalem. | p. 113 |
| The whole of his said Account, with one Indictment addedto each Tryal, viz. | |
| The Tryal of Mr. Burroughs. | p. 114 |
| The Tryal of Bridget Bishop. | p. 120 |
| The Tryal of Susanna Martin. | p. 126 |
| The Tryal of Elizabeth How. | p. 133 |
| The Tryal of Martha Carryer. | p. 136 |
| The Tryal of Wardwes Wife at the first Superior Court in Salem. | p. 141 |
| The Tryal of Sarah Daston at Charlestown. | Ibid. |
| The Tryal of Mary Watkins at Boston. | p. 142 |
| The Tryal of Mr. Bennom at Hartford, in the Collony of Connecticut. | Ibid. |
| A Proclamation for a Fast in the Province of Massachuset. | p. 143 |
| The Acknowledgement of several Jury-Men, relating to the Condemningof some for Witches. | p. 144 |
| A Postscript relating to a Book Intituled, The Life of Sir W.Phips. | p. 145 |
| Therein an Objection Answered, viz. But what are there noWitches? | p. 155 |
I NOW lay before you a very Entertaining Story,[19] a Story which relates yet more Wonders of the Invisible World, a Story which tells the Remarkable Afflictions and Deliverance of one that had been Prodigiously handled by the Evil Angels. I was myself a daily Eye Witness to a large part of these Occurrences, and there may be produced Scores of Substantial Witnesses to the most of them; yea, I know not of any one Passage of the Story but what may be sufficiently attested. I do not Write it with a design of throwing it presently into the Press, but only to preserve the Memory of such Memorable things, the forgetting whereof would neither be pleasing to God, nor useful to Men; as also to give you, with some others of peculiar and obliging Friends, a sight of some Curiosities, and I hope this Apology will serve to Excuse me, if I mention, as perhaps I may, when I come to a tenth Paragraph in my Writing, some things which I would have omitted in a farther Publication.
Cotton Mather.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] This singular "Story" does not appear to have been published by its Author, nor have I any other History of it than is found in these Pages. Nor do I find anything of a Family of the Name of Rule. Neither Farmer nor Savage have it in their genealogical Works. Yet there was a Family living for some Time at the North End of the Name of Rule. They may not have been long resident. See Note [33].
[1] ANOTHER
BRAND
Pluckt out of the
BURNING,
Or, More Wonders of the Invisible World.
Part I. Section I.
The Afflictions of MARGARET RULE.
WIthin these few years there died in the Southern Parts a Christian Indian, who notwithstanding some of his Indian Weakness, had something of a better Character of vertue and Goodness, than many of our People can allow to most of their Country-men, that profess the Christian Religion.[20] He had been a Zealous Preacher of the Gospel to his Neighbourhood, and a sort of Overseer, or Officer, to whose Conduct was owing very much of what good order was maintained among those Proselited Savages. This Man returning home from the Funeral of his Son, was complemented by an Englishman, expressing Sorrow for his Loss; now, tho' the Indians use upon the Death of Relations, to be the most Passionate and Outragious Creatures in the World, yet this Converted Indian Handsomly and Chearfully replid, Truly I am sorry, and I am not sorry; I am sorry that I have Buried a dear Son; but I am not sorry that the will of God is done. I know that without the will of God my son could not have died, and I know that the will [2] of God is always just and good, and so I am satisfied. Immediately upon this, even within a few hours, he fell himself Sick of a Disease that quickly kill'd him; in the time of which Disease he called his Folks about him, earnestly perswading them to be Sincere in their Praying unto God, and beware of the Drunkenness, the Idleness, the Lying, whereby so many of that Nation disgrac'd their Profession of Christianity; adding, that he was ashamed, when he thought how little Service he had hitherto done for God; and that if God would prolong his Life he would Labour to do better Service, but that he was fully sure he was now going to the Lord Jesus Christ, who had bought him with his own Precious Blood; and for his part, he long'd to Die that he might be with his Glorious Lord; and in the mid'st of such passages he gave up the Ghost, but in such repute, that the English People of good Fashion did not think much of Travelling a great way to his Interment. Lest my Reader do now wonder why I have related this piece of a Story, I will now hasten to abate that Wonder, by telling that whereto this was intended, but for an Introduction: know then, that this remarkable Indian being a little before he Died at work in the Wood making of Tarr, there appeared unto him a Black Man, of a Terrible aspect, and more than humane Dimensions, threatning bittterly to kill him if he would not promise to leave off Preaching as he did to his Countrey-Men, and promise particularly, that if he preached any more, he would say nothing of Jesus Christ unto them? The Indian amaz'd, yet had the courage to answer, I will in spite of you go on to preach Christ more than ever I did, and the God whom I serve will keep me that you shall never hurt me. Hereupon the Apparition abating somewhat of his fierceness, offered to the Indian a Book of a considerable thickness and a Pen and Ink, and said, that if he would now set his hand unto that Book, he would require nothing further of him; but the Man refused the motion with indignation, and fell down upon his knees into a Fervent and Pious Prayer unto God, for help against the Tempter, whereupon the Demon Vanish't.
This is a Story which I would never have tendered unto my Reader, if I had not Receiv'd it from an honest and useful English Man,[21] who is at this time a Preacher of the Gospel to the Indians; nor would the probable Truth of it have encouraged me to have tendered it, if this also had not been a fit introduction unto yet a further Narrative.
Sect. 2. 'Twas not much above a year or two, after this Accident (of which no manner of Noise has been made) that there was a Prodigious descent of Devils upon divers places near the Centre of this Province; wherein some scores of Miserable People were Troubled by horrible appearances of a Black-Man, accompanied with Spectres, wearing these and those Humane Shapes, who offer'd them a Book to be by them sign'd, in token of their being Listed for the Service of the Devil, and upon their [3] denying to do it, they were dragoon'd with a thousand Preternatural Torments, which gave no little terror to the beholders of these unhappy Energuments. There was one in the North part of Boston seized by the Evil Angels many Months after the General Storm of the late Inchantments was over, and when the Countrey had long lain pretty quiet, both as to Molestations and Accusations from the INVISIBLE WORLD, her Name was Margaret Rule, a Young Woman, She was born of sober and honest Parents, yet Living, but what her own Character was before her Visitation, I can speak with the less confidence of exactness, because I observe that wherever the Devils have been let loose to worry any Poor Creature amongst us, a great part of the Neighbourhood presently set themselves to inquire and relate all the little Vanities of their Childhood, with such unequal exaggerations, as to make them appear greater Sinners than any whom the Pilate of Hell has not yet Preyed upon: But it is affirm'd, that for about half a year before her Visitation, she was observably improved in the hopeful symptoms of a new Creature; She was become furiously concern'd for the everlasting Salvation of her Soul, and careful to avoid the snares of Evil Company. This Young Woman had never seen the affliction of Mercy Short,[22] whereof a Narrative has been already given, and yet about half a year after the glorious and signal deliverance of that poor Damsel, this Margaret fell into an affliction, marvellous, resembling hers in almost all the circumstances of it, indeed the Afflictions were so much alike, that the relation I have given of the one, would almost serve as the full History of the other, this was to that, little more than the second part to the same Tune; indeed Margarets case was in several points less remarkable than Mercies, and in some other things the Entertainment did a little vary.
Sect. 3. 'twas upon the Lords Day the 10th of September, in the Year 1693. that Margaret Rule, after some hours of previous disturbance in the Publick Assembly, fell into odd Fits, which caused her Friends to carry her home, where her Fits in a few hours grew into a Figure that satisfied the Spectators of their being preternatural; some of the Neighbours were forward enough to suspect the rise of this Mischief in an House hard-by, where lived a Miserable Woman, who had been formerly Imprisoned on the suspicion of Witchcraft, and who had frequently Cured very painfull Hurts by muttering over them certain Charms, which I shall not indanger the Poysoning of my Reader by repeating. This Woman had the Evening before Margaret fell into her Calamities, very bitterly treated her, and threatn'd her; but the hazard of hurting a poor Woman that might be innocent, notwithstanding Surmizes that might have been more strongly grounded than those, caus'd the pious People in the Vicinity to try rather whether incessant Supplication to God [4] alone, might not procure a quicker and safer Ease to the Afflicted, than hasty Prosecution of any suppos'd Criminal, and accordingly that unexceptionable course was all that was ever followed; yea, which I look'd on as a token for good, the Afflicted Family was as averse as any of us all to entertain thoughts of any other course.
Sect. 4. The Young Woman was assaulted by Eight cruel spectres, whereof she imagin'd that she knew three or four, but the rest came still with their Faces cover'd, so that she could never have a distinguishing view of the countenance of those whom she thought she knew; she was very careful of my reitterated charges to forbear blazing the names, lest any good Person should come to suffer any blast of Reputation thro' the cunning Malice of the great Accuser; nevertheless having since privately named them to myself, I will venture to say this of them, that they are a sort of Wretches, who for these many years have gone under as Violent Presumptions of Witchcraft, as perhaps any creatures yet living upon earth; altho' I am farr from thinking that the Visions of this Young Woman were Evidence enough to prove them so. These cursed Spectres now brought unto her a Book about a Cubet long, a Book Red and thick, but not very broad, and they demanded of her that she would set her Hand to that Book, or touch it at least with her Hand, as a Sign of her becoming a Servant of the Devil, upon her peremptory refusal to do what they asked, they did not after renew the profers of the Book unto her, but instead thereof, they fell to Tormenting of her in a manner too Hellish to be sufficiently described, in those Torments confining her to her Bed, for just Six weeks together.
Sect. 5. Sometimes, but not always together with the Spectres, there looke't in upon the Young Woman (according to her account) a short and a Black Man, whom they call'd their Master—a Wight exactly of the same Dimensions and Complexion and voice, with the Divel that has exhibited himself unto other infested People, not only in other parts of this Country but also in other Countrys, even of the European World, as the relation of the Enchantments there inform us, they all profest themselves Vassals of this Devil, and in obedience unto him they address themselves unto various ways of Torturing her; accordingly she was cruelly pinch'd with Invisible hands, very often in a Day, and the black and blew marks of the pinches became immediately visible unto the standers by. Besides this, when her attendants had left her without so much as one pin about her, that so they might prevent some fear'd inconveniencies; yet she would ever now and then be miserably hurt with Pins which were found stuck into her Neck, Back and Arms, however the Wounds made by the Pins would in a few minutes ordinarily be cured; she would also be strangely distorted in her Joynts, and thrown into such exorbitant Convulsions as [5] were astonishing unto the Spectators in General; They that could behold the doleful condition of the poor Family without sensible compassions, might have Intrals indeed, but I am sure they could have no true Bowels in them.
Sect. 6. It were a most Unchristian and uncivil, yea a most unreasonable thing to imagine that the Fitt's of the Young Woman were but meer Impostures: And I believe scarce any, but People of a particular Dirtiness, will harbour such an Uncharitable Censure,[23] however, because I know not how far the Devil may drive the Imagination of poor Creatures when he has possession of them, that at another time when they are themselves would scorn to Dissemble any thing. I shall now confine my Narrative unto passages, wherein there could be no room left for any Dissimulation. Of these the first that I'll mention shall be this; From the time that Margaret Rule first found herself to be formally besieged by the Spectres untill the Ninth Day following, namely from the Tenth of September to the Eighteenth, she kept an entire Fast, and yet she was unto all appearance as Fresh, as Lively, as Hearty, at the Nine Days End, as before they began; in all this time, tho' she had a very eager Hunger upon her Stomach, yet if any refreshment were brought unto her, her Teeth would be set, and she would be thrown into many Miseries, Indeed once or twice or so in all this time, her Tormentors permitted her to swallow a Mouthful of somewhat that might increase her Miseries, whereof a Spoonful of Rum was the most considerable; but otherwise, as I said, her Fast unto the Ninth day was very extream and rigid: However, afterwards there scarce passed a day wherein she had not liberty to take something or other for her Susttentation, And I must add this further, that this business of her Fast was carried so, that it was impossible to be dissembled without a Combination of Multitudes of People unacquainted with one another to support the Juggle, but he that can imagine such a thing of a Neighbourhood, so fill'd with Vertuous People is a base man, I cannot call him any other.
Sect. 7. But if the Sufferings of this Young Woman were not Imposture, yet might they not be pure Distemper? I will not here inquire of our Saducees what sort of Distemper 'tis shall stick the Body full of Pins, without any Hand that could be seen to stick them; or whether all the Pin-makers in the World would be willing to be Evaporated into certain ill habits of Body producing a Distemper, but of the Distemper my Reader shall be Judge when I have told him something further of those unusual Sufferings. I do believe that the Evil Angels do often take Advantage from Natural Distempers in the Children of Men to annoy them with such further Mischiefs as we call preternatural. The Malignant Vapours and Humours of our Diseased Bodies may be used by Devils thereinto insinu[6]ating as engine of the Execution of their Malice upon those Bodies; and perhaps for this reason one Sex may suffer more Troubles of some kinds from the Invisible World than the other, as well as for that reason for which the Old Serpent made where he did his first Adddress. But I Pray what will you say to this, Margaret Rule would sometimes have her Jaws forcibly pulled open; whereupon something Invisible would be poured down her throat; we all saw her swallow, and yet we saw her try all she could by Spitting, Coughing and Shriking, that she might not swalow, but one time the standers by plainly saw something of that odd Liquor itself on the outside of her Neck; She cried out of it as of Scalding Brimstone poured into her, and the whole House would Immediately scent so hot of Brimstone that we were scarce able to endure it, whereof there are scores of Witnesses; but the Young Woman herself would be so monstrously Inflam'd that it would have broke a Heart of Stone to have seen her Agonies, this was a thing that several times happen'd and several times when her Mouth was thus pull'd open, the standers by clapping their Hands close thereupon the distresses that otherwise followed would be diverted. Moreover there was a whitish powder to us Invisible somtimes cast upon the Eyes of this Young Woman, whereby her Eyes would be extreamly incommoded, but one time some of this Powder was fallen actually Visible upon her Cheek, from whence the People in the Room wiped it with their Handkerchiefs, and somtimes the Young Woman would also be so bitterly scorched with the unseen Sulphur thrown upon her, that very sensible Blisters would be raised upon her Skin, whereto her Friends found it necessary to apply the Oyl's proper for common Burning, but the most of these Hurts would be cured in two or three days at farthest: I think I may without Vanity pretend to have read not a few of the best System's of Physick[24] that have been yet seen in these American Regions, but I must confess that I have never yet learned the Name of the Natural Distemper, whereto these odd symptoms do belong: However I might suggest perhaps many a Natural Medicine, which would be of singular use against many of them.
Sect. 8. But there fell out some other matters far beyond the reach of Natural Distemper: This Margaret Rule once in the middle of the Night Lamented sadly that the Spectres threat'ned the Drowning of a Young Man in the Neighbourhood, whom she named unto the Company: well it was afterwards found that at that very time this Young Man, having been prest on Board a Man of War then in the Harbour, was out of some dissatisfaction attempting to swim ashoar, and he had been Drowned in the attempt, if a Boat had not seasonably taken him up; it was by computation a minute or two after the Young Womans discourse of the Drowning, that the Young Man took the Water; At another time she told us that [7] the Spectres bragg'd and laughed in her hearing about an exploit they had lately done, by stealing from a Gentleman his Will soon after he had written it; and within a few hours after she had spoken this there came to me a Gentleman with a private complaint, that having written his Will, it was unaccountably gone out of the way, how or where he could not Imagine; and besides all this, there were wonderful Noises every now and then made about the Room, which our People could Ascribe to no other Authors but the Spectres, yea, the Watchers affirm that they heard those fiends clapping of their hands together with an Audibleness, wherein they could not be Imposed upon: And once her Tormentors pull'd her up to the Cieling of the Chamber, and held her there before a very Numerous Company of Spectators, who found it as much as they could all do to pull her down again.[25] There was also another very surprising circumstance about her, agreeable to what we have not only read in several Histories concerning the Imps that have been Imployed in Witchcraft; but also known in some of our own afflicted: We once thought we perceived something stir upon her pillow at a little distance from her, whereupon one present laying his hand there, he to his horror apprehended that he felt, tho' none could see it, a living Creature, not altogether unlike a Rat, which nimbly escap'd from him: and there were diverse other Persons who were thrown into a great consternation by feeling, as they Judg'd, at other times the same Invisible Animal.
Sect. 9. As it has been with a Thousand other Inchanted People, so it was with Margaret Rule in this particular, that there were several words which her Tormentors would not let her hear, especially the words Pray or Prayer, and yet she could so hear the letters of those words distinctly mentioned as to know what they ment. The standers by were forced sometimes thus in discourse to spell a word to her, but because there were some so ridiculous as to count it a sort of Spell or a Charm for any thus to accommodate themselves to the capacity of the Sufferer, little of this kind was done. But that which was more singular in this matter, was that she could not use these words in those penetrating discourses, wherewith she would sometimes address the Spectres that were about her. She would sometimes for a long while together apply herself to the Spectres, whom she supposed the Witches, with such Exortations to Repentance as would have melted an Heart of Adamant to have heard them; her strains of Expression and Argument were truly Extraordinary; A person perhaps of the best Education and Experience and of Attainments much beyond hers could not have exceeded them: nevertheless when she came to these Words God, Lord, Christ, Good, Repent, and some other such, her Mouth could not utter them, whereupon she would sometimes in an Angry Parenthesis complain of their Wickedness in stopping that Word, but she would then go [8] on with some other Terms that would serve to tell what she ment. And I believe that if the most suspicious Person in the world had beheld all the Circumstances of this matter, he would have said it could not have been dissembled.
Sect. 10. Not only in the Swedish, but also in the Salem Witchcraft the Inchanted People have talked much of a White Spirit from whence they received marvellous Assistances in their Miseries; what lately befel Mercy Short[26] from the Communications of such a Spirit, hath been the just Wonder of us all, but by such a Spirit was Margaret Rule now also visited. She says that she could never see his Face; but that she had a frequent view of his bright, Shining and glorious Garments; he stood by her Bed-side continually heartning and comforting of her and counselling her to maintain her Faith and hope in God, and never comply with the temptations of her Adversaries; she says he told her, that God had permitted her afflictions to befall her for the everlasting and unspeakable good of her own soul, and for the good of many others, and for his own Immortal Glory, and that she should therefore be of good Chear, and be assured of a speedy deliverance; and the wonderful resolution of mind wherewith she encountered her Afflictions were but agreeable to such expectations. Moreover a Minister having one Day with some Importunity Prayed for the deliverance of this Young Woman, and pleaded that she belong'd to his Flock and charge; he had so far a right unto her as that he was to do the part of a Minister of our Lord for the bringing of her home unto God; only now the Devil hindred him in doing that which he had a right thus to do, and whereas He had a better Title unto her to bring her home to God than the Divel could have unto her to carry her away from the Lord, he therefore humbly applied himself unto God, who alone could right this matter, with a suit that she might be rescued out of Satans Hands; Immediately upon this, tho' she heard nothing of this transaction she began to call that Minister her Father, and that was the Name whereby she every day before all sorts of People distinguished him: the occasion of it she says was this, the white Spirit presently upon this transaction did after this manner speak to her, Margaret, you now are to take notice that (such a Man) is your Father, God has given you to him, do you from this time look upon him as your Father, obey him, regard him as your Father, follow his Counsels and you shall do well; And tho' there was one passage more, which I do as little know what to make of as any of the rest, I am now going to relate it; more than three times have I seen it fulfilled in the Deliverance of Inchanted and Possest Persons, whom the Providence of God has cast into my way, that their Deliverance could not be obtained before the third Fast kept for them, and the third day still obtain'd the Deliverance, altho' I have thought of beseeching of the Lord thrice, when buffered by Sa[9]tan, yet I must earnestly Intreat all my Readers to beware of any superstitious conceits upon the Number Three, if our God will hear us upon once Praying and Fasting before him 'tis well, and if he will not vouchsafe his Mercy upon our thrice doing so, yet we must not be so discouraged as to throw by our Devotion but if the Soveraign Grace of our God will in any particular Instances count our Patience enough tryed when we have Solemnly waited upon him for any determinate Number of times, who shall say to him, what doest thou, and if there shall be any Number of Instances, wherein this Grace of our God has exactly holden the same course, it may have a room in our humble Observations, I hope, without any Superstition; I say then that after Margaret Rule had been more than five weeks in her Miseries, this White Spirit said unto her, Well this day such a Man (whom he named) has kept a third day for your deliverance, now be of good cheer you shall speedily be delivered. I inquired whether what had been said of that Man were true, and I gained exact and certain information that it was precisely so, but I doubt lest in relating this Passage that I have used more openness than a Friend should be treated with, and for that cause I have concealed several of the most memorable things that have occurred not only in this but in some former Histories, altho indeed I am not so well satisfied about the true nature of this white Spirit, as to count that I can do a Friend much Honour by reporting what notice this white Spirit may have thus taken of him.
Sect. 11. On the last day of the Week her Tormentors as she thought and said, approaching towards her, would be forced still to recoil and retire as unaccountably unable to meddle with her, and they would retire to the Fire side with their Poppets; but going to stick Pins into those Poppets, they could not (according to their visions) make the Pins to enter, she insulted over them with a very Proper derision, daring them now to do their worst, whilst she had the satisfaction to see their Black Master strike them and kick them, like an Overseer of so many Negro's, to make them to do their work, and renew the marks of his vengeance on them, when they failed of doing of it.[27] At last being as it were tired with their ineffectual Attempts to mortifie her they furiously said, Well you shant be the last. And after a pause they added, Go, and the Devil go with you, we can do no more; whereupon they flew out of the Room, and she returning perfectly to herself most affectionately gave thanks to God for her deliverance; her Tormentors left her extream weak and faint, and overwhelmed with Vapours, which would not only cause her sometimes to Swoon away, but also now and then for a little while discompose the reasonableness of her Thoughts; Nevertheless her former troubles returned not, but we are now waiting to see the good effects of those troubles upon the Souls of all concern'd, And now I suppose that some of our Learned wit[10]lings of the Coffee-House, for fear lest these proofs of an Invisible-world should spoil some of their sport, will endeavour to turn them all into sport, for which Buffoonary their only pretence will be, they cant understand how such things as these could be done whereas indeed he that is but Philosopher enough to have read but one Little Treatise, Published in the Year 1656, by no other Man than the Chyrurgion of an Army, or but one Chap. of Helmont,[28] which I will not quote at this time too particularly, may give a far more intelligible account of these Appearances than most of these Blades can give why and how their Tobacco makes 'em Spit; or which way the flame of their Candle becomes illuminating, as for that cavil, the world would be undone if the Devils could have such power as they seem to have in several of our stories,[29] it may be Answered that as to many things the Lying Devils have only known them to be done, and then pretended unto the doing of those things, but the true and best Answer is, that by these things we only see what the Devils could have powers to do, if the great God should give them those powers, whereas now our Histories affords a Glorious Evidence for the being of a God, the World would indeed be undone, and horribly undone, if these Devils, who now and then get liberty to play some very mischievous pranks, were not under a daily restraint of some Almighty Superior from doing more of such Mischiefs. Wherefore instead of all Apish flouts and jeers at Histories, which have such undoubted confirmation, as that no Man that has breeding enough to regard the Common Laws of Humane Society, will offer to doubt of 'em, it becomes us rather to adore the goodness of God, who does not permit such things every day to befall us all, as he sometimes did permit to befall some few of our miserable Neighbours.
Sect. 12. And what after all my unwearied Cares and Pains, to rescue the Miserable from the Lions and Bears of Hell, which had siezed them, and after all my Studies to disappoint the Devils in their designs to confound my Neighbourhood, must I be driven to the necessity of an Apology? Truly the hard representations wherewith some Ill Men have reviled my conduct, and the Countenance which other Men have given to these representations, oblige me to give Mankind some account of my Behaviour; No Christian can, I say none but evil workers can criminate my visiting such of my poor flock as have at any time fallen under the terrible and sensible molestations of Evil Angels; let their Afflictions have been what they will, I could not have answered it unto my Glorious Lord, if I had withheld my just Counsels and Comforts from them; and if I have also with some exactness observ'd the methods of the Invisible World, when they have thus become observable, I have been but a Servant of Mankind in doing so; yea no less a Person than the Venerable Baxter, has more than once or twice in the most Publick manner invited Mankind to thank [11] me for that Service. I have not been insensible of a greater danger attending me in this fulfilment of my Ministry, than if I had been to take Ten Thousand steps over a Rocky Mountain fill'd with Rattle-Snakes; but I have consider'd, he that is wise will observe things, and the Surprising Explication and confirmation of the biggest part of the Bible, which I have seen given in these things, has abundantly paid me for observing them. Now in my visiting of the Miserable, I was always of this opinion, that we were Ignorant of what Powers the Devils might have to do their mischiefs in the shapes of some that had never been explicitly engaged in Diabolical Confederacies, and that therefore tho' many Witchcrafts had been fairly detected on Enquiries provoked and begun by Specteral Exhibitions, yet we could not easily be too jealous of the Snares laid for us in the devices of Satan; the World knows how many Pages I have Composed and Published, and particular gentlement in the Government know how many Letters I have written to prevent the excessive Credit of Specteral Accusations, wherefore I have still charged the Afflicted that they should Cry out of no body for Afflicting of 'em. But that if this might be any Advantage they might privately tell their minds to some one Person of discretion enough to make no ill use of their communications, accordingly there has been this effect of it, that the Name of No one good Person in the World ever came under any blemish by means of any Afflicted, Person that fell under my particular cognizance, yea no one Man, Woman or Child ever came into any troube for the sake of any that were Afflicted after I had once begun to look after 'em; how often have I had this thrown into my dish, that many years ago I had an opportunity to have brought forth such People as have in the late storm of Witchcraft been complain'd of, but that I smother'd all, and after that storm was rais'd at Salem, I did myself offer to provide Meat, Drink and Lodging for no less than Six of the Afflicted, that so an Experiment might be made, whether Prayer with Fasting upon the removal of the distressed might not put a Period to the trouble then rising, without giving the Civil Authority the trouble of prosecuting those things which nothing but a Conscientious regard unto the cries of Miserable Families, could have overcome the Reluctancies of the Honourable Judges to meddle with;[30] In short I do humbly but freely affirm it, there is not that Man living in this World who has been more desirous than the poor Man I to shelter my Neighbours from the Inconveniences of Specteral Outcries, yea I am very jealous I have done so much that way as to Sin in what I have done, such have been the Cowardize and Fearfulness whereunto my regard unto the dissatisfactions of other People has precipitated me. I know a Man in the World, who has thought he has been able to Convict some such Witches as ought to Dye, but his respect unto the Publick Peace has caused him rather to try whether He [12] could not renew them by repentance: and as I have been Studious to defeat the Devils of their expectations to set people together by the Ears, thus, I have also checked and quell'd those forbidden curiosities, which would have given the Devil an invitation to have tarried amongst us, when I have seen wonderful Snares laid for Curious People, by the secret and future things discovered from the Mouths of Damsels possest with a Spirit of divination; Indeed I can recollect but one thing wherein there could be given so much as a Shadow of Reason for Exceptions, and that is my allowing of so many to come and see those that were Afflicted,[31] now for that I have this to say, that I have almost a Thousand times intreated the Friends of the Miserable, that they would not permit the Intrusion of any Company, but such as by Prayers or other ways might be helpful to them; Nevertheless I have not absolutely forbid all Company from coming to your Haunted Chambers, partly because the Calamities of the Families were such as required the Assistance of many friends; partly because I have been willing that there should be disinterested Witnesses of all sorts, to confute the Calumnies of such as would say all was but Imposture; and partly because I saw God had Sanctified the Spectacle of the Miseries on the Afflicted unto the Souls of many that were Spectators, and it is a very Glorious thing that I have now to mention—The Devils have with most horrendous operations broke in upon our Neighbourhood, and God has at such a rate over-ruled all the Fury and Malice of those Devils, that all the Afflicted have not only been Delivered, but I hope also savingly brought home unto God, and the Reputation of no one good Person in the World, has been damaged, but instead thereof the Souls of many, especially of the rising Generation, have been thereby awaken'd unto some acquaintance with Religion, our young People who belonged unto the Praying Meetings of both Sexes, a part would ordinarily spend whole Nights by whole Weeks together in Prayers and Psalms upon these occasions, in which Devotions the Devils could get nothing but like Fools a Scourge for their own Backs, and some scores of other young People who were strangers to real Piety, were now struck with the lively demonstrations of Hell evidently set forth before their Eyes, when they saw Persons cruelly Frighted, wounded and Starved by Devils and Scalded with burning Brimstone, and yet so preserved in this tortured estate as that at the end of one Months wretchedness they were as able still to undergo another, so that of these also it might now be said, Behold they Pray in the whole—the Devil got just nothing; but God got praises, Christ got Subjects, the Holy Spirit got Temples, the Church got Addition, and the Souls of Men got everlasting Benefits; I am not so vain as to say that any Wisdome or Vertue of mine did contribute unto this good order of things: But I am so just, as to say I did not hinder this Good. [13] When therefore there have been those that pickt up little incoherent scraps and bits of my Discourses in this fruitful discharge of my Ministry, and so traversted 'em in their abusive Pamphlets, as to perswade the Town that I was their common Enemy in those very points, wherein, if in any one thing whatsoever I have sensibly approved myself as true a Servant unto 'em as possibly I could, tho my Life and Soul had been at Stake for it. Yea to do like Satan himself, by sly, base, unpretending Insinuations, as if I wore not the Modesty and Gravity which became a Minister of the Gospel, I could not but think myself unkindly dealt withal, and the neglects of others to do me justice in this affair has caused me to conclude this Narrative with complaints in another hearing of such Monstrous Injuries.[32]
FOOTNOTES:
[20] There were two noted Christian Indians on Martha's Vineyard a little previous to the Time the Above was written; viz., Hiacoomes and John Tokinosh. It is to one of these, probably, that the Writer refers. See Book of the Indians, B. ii, 118; or p. 182, Edition 1851. See also Appendix to Elect. Serm. of 1698, p. 90, et seq.
[21] Perhaps Capt. Thomas Tupper. See Noyes's Election Sermon, 1698, p. 95. There were also Eldad and Samuel T.—Sewall's MSS.
[22] Nothing is learned of this Person beyond what is to be found in this Work. There were Persons early at Newbury of the same Name.
[23] If the learned Author were living at this Day he would doubtless gladly blot out many Pages of his own Matter, as being a more dirty Work than any he then complained of.
[24] It would be curious, if not admirable, at this Day could we know what medical Books the Doctor did possess at that Time. Doubtless Galen and Paracelsus were conspicuous on his Shelves.
[25] Mr. Calef has not commented so severely on this Part of the Story as it merited, and as he might have done with propriety.
[26] Mr. Savage has found quite a Number of Short Families, but gives us no Mercy with them. See his Genealogical Dictionary.
[27] This Relation is pretty nearly equal to anything told of the Swedish Witches by Dr. Horneck. This Author will be further noticed.
[28] Jean-Baptiste Van-Helmont, a Resident of Brussels, born in 1577. He was so noted a Physician and Naturalist, that he was reputed a Magician, for which he was thrown into Prison. He made his Escape and fled into Holland, where he died in 1644.
[29] The Writer nowhere informs us how much Power the Devil has. By some of his Assertions it seems that it is unlimited. Indeed he (Dr. Mather) has told us that this Continent in reality belonged to the Devil. If that was actually the Case, it certainly was an infringement on his Rights for Europeans to intrude themselves here at all.
[30] This will be found remarked upon hereafter. The Author makes a large Handle of Mr. Baxter's Commendations of his Story of the Goodwin Children; which Story he afterwards printed in the Magnalia, Book vi, 71, &c.; and adds: "When it was reprinted at London, the famous Mr. Baxter prefixed a Preface unto it, wherein he says, 'This great Instance comes with such convincing Evidence, that he must be a very obdurate Sadducee, that wilt not believe it.'"—Ibid., 75.
[31] It was besides hinted that there were Times when the Numbers admitted to the Afflicted were not above the singular Number. But this was doubtless a mischievous Attempt of the Sadducees to implicate some one who might be rather zealous to detect Witchcraft when alone with the Afflicted. The Doctor was very indignant at this, as will appear.
[32] It would have been highly gratifying had the Author informed his Readers what he meant by "the neglect of others." The "another hearing" will be found explained by and by.
PART II.
A Letter to Mr. C. M.
Boston, Jan. 11th, 1693.
Mr. Cotton Mather,
REverend Sir, I finding it needful on many accounts, I here present you with the Copy of that Paper, which has been so much Misrepresented, to the End that what shall be found defective or not fairly Represented, if any such shall appear, they may be set right, which Runs thus.
IN the Evening when the Sun was withdrawn, giving place to Darkness to succeed, I with some others were drawn by curiosity to see Margaret Rule, and so much the rather because it was reported Mr. M—— would be there that Night: Being come to her Fathers House[33] into the Chamber wherein she was in Bed, found her of a healthy countenance of about seventeen Years Old, lying very still, and speaking very little, what she did say seem'd as if she were Light-headed. Then Mr. M—— Father and Son[34] came up and others with them, in the whole were about 30 or 40 Persons, they being sat, the Father on a Stool, and the Son upon the Bedside by her, the Son began to question her, Margaret Rule, how do you do? then a pause without any answer. Question. What do there a great many Witches sit upon you? Answer. Yes. Q. Do you not know that there is a hard Master? Then she was in a Fit; He laid his hand upon her Face and Nose, but, as he said, without perceiving Breath; then he brush'd her on the Face with his Glove, and rubb'd her Stomach (her breast not covered with the Bedcloaths) and bid others do so too, and said [14] it eased her, then she revived. Q. Don't you know there is a hard Master? A. Yes. Reply; Don't serve that hard Master, you know who. Q. Do you believe? Then again she was in a Fit, and he again rub'd her Breast, &c. (about this time Margaret Perd[35] an attendant assisted him in rubbing of her. The Afflicted spake angerely to her saying don't you meddle with me, and hastily put away her hand) he wrought his Fingers before her Eyes and asked her if she saw the Witches? A. No. Q. Do you believe? A. Yes. Q. Do you believe in you know who? A. Yes. Q. Would you have other people do so too, to believe in you know who? A. Yes. Q. Who is it that Afflicts you? A. I know not, there is a great many of them (about this time the Father question'd if she knew the Spectres? An attendant said, if she did she would not tell; The Son proceeded.) Q. You have seen the Black-man, hant you? A. No. Reply, I hope you never shall. Q. You have had a Book offered you, hant you? A. No. Q. The brushing of you gives you ease, don't it? A. Yes. She turn'd herselfe and a little Groan'd. Q. Now the Witches Scratch you and Pinch you, and Bite you, don't they? A. Yes, then he put his hand upon her Breast and Belly, viz. on the Cloaths over her, and felt a Living thing, as he said, which moved the Father also to feel, and some others. Q. Don't you feel the Live thing in the Bed? A. No. Reply, that is only Fancie. Q. the great company of People increase your Torment, don't they? A. Yes. The People about were desired to withdraw. One Woman said, I am sure I am no Witch, I will not go; so others, so none withdrew. Q. Shall we go to Prayers, Then she lay in a Fit as before. But this time to revive her, they waved a Hat and brushed her Head and Pillow therewith. Q. Shall we go to PRAY, &c. Spelling the Word. A. Yes. The Father went to Prayer for perhaps half an Hour,[36] chiefly against the Power of the Devil and Witchcraft, and that God would bring out the Afflicters: during Prayer-time, the Son stood by, and when they thought she was in a Fit, rub'd her and brush'd her as before, and beckned to others to do the like, after Prayer he proceeded; Q. You did not hear when we were at Prayer, did you? A. Yes. You dont hear always, you dont hear sometimes past a Word or two, do you? A. No. Then turning him about said, this is just another Mercy Short: Margaret Perd reply'd, she was not like her in her Fits. Q. What does she eat or drink? A. Not eat at all; but drink Rum. Then he admonished the young People to take warning, &c. Saying it was a sad thing to be so Tormented by the Devil and his Instruments: A Young-man present in the habit of a Seaman, reply'd this is the Devil all over, Than the Ministers withdrew. Soon after they were gone the Afflicted desired the Women to be gone, saying, that the Company of the Men was not offensive to her, and having hold of the hand of a Young-man, said to have been her Sweetheart formerly, who was withdrawing; she pull'd him again into his Seat, saying he should not go to Night.
[15] September the 19th, 1693.
THIS Night I renew'd my Visit, and found her rather of a fresher Countenance than before, about eight Persons present with her, she was in a Fit Screeming and making a Noise: Three or four Persons rub'd and brush'd her with their hands, they said that the brushing did put them away, if they brush'd or rub'd in the right place; therefore they brushed and rubbed in several places, and said that when they did it in the right place she could fetch her Breath, and by that they knew. She being come to herself was soon in a merry talking Fit. A Young-man came in and ask'd her how she did? She answered very bad, but at present a little better; he soon told her he must be gone and bid her good Night, at which she seem'd troubled, saying that she liked his Company; and said she would not have him go till she was well; adding, for I shall Die when you are gone. Then she complained they did not put her on a clean Cap, but let her ly so like a Beast, saying she should lose her Fellows. She said she wondered any People should be so Wicked as to think she was not Afflicted, but to think she Dissembled, A Young-woman answered Yes, If they were to see you in this merry Fit, they would say you Dissembled indeed; She reply'd, Mr. M—— said this was her laughing time, she must laugh now: She said Mr. M—— had been there this Evening, and she enquired, how long he had been gon? She said he stay'd alone with her in the room half an Hour, and said that he told her there were some that came for Spies, and to report about Town that she was not Afflicted. That during the said time she had no Fit, that he asked her if she knew how many times he had Prayed for her to day? And that she answered that she could not tell; and that he reply'd he had Prayed for her Nine times to Day; the Attendants said that she was sometimes in a Fit that none could open her Joints[37] and that there came an Old Iron-jaw'd Woman and try'd, but could not do it; they likewise said, that her Head could not be moved from the Pillow; I try'd to move her head, and found no more difficulty than another Bodies (and so did others) but was not willing to offend by lifting it up, one being reproved for endeavouring it, they saying Angrily you will break her Neck. The Attendants said Mr. M—— would not go to Prayer with her when People were in the Room, as they did one Night that Night he felt the Live-Creature. Margaret Perd and another, said they smelt brimstone;[38] I and others said we did not smell any; then they said they did not know what it was: This Margaret said, she wish'd she had been here when Mr. M—— was here, another Attendant said, if you had been here you might not have been permitted in, for her own Mother was not suffered to be present.
Sir, after the sorest Affliction and greatest blemish to Religion that ever befel this Countrey, and after most Men began to Fear that some undue steps had been taken, and after His Excellency (with their Majestyes Approbation as is said) had put a stop to Executions, and Men began [16] to hope there would never be a return of the like; finding these Accounts to contain in them something extraordinary, I writ them down the same Nights in order to attain the certainty of them, and soon found them so confirmed that I have (besides other Demonstrations) the whole, under the Hands of two Persons are ready to attest the Truth of it, but not satisfied herewith; I shewed them to some of your particular Friends, that so I might have the greater certainty: But was much surprised with the Message you sent me, that I should be Arrested for Slander, and at your calling me one of the worst of Lyars, making it Pulpit-news with the Name of Pernicious Libels, &c. This occasion'd my first Letter.
September the 29th, 1693.
Reverend SIR,
I Having written from the Mouths of several Persons, who affirm they were present with Margaret Rule, the 13th Instant, her Answers and Behaviour, &c. And having shewed it to several of my Friends, as also yours, and understanding you are offended at it; This is to acquaint you that if you and any one particular Friend, will please to meet me and some other Indifferent Person with me, at Mr. Wilkinss, or at Ben Harriss,[39] you intimating the time, I shall be ready there to read it to you, as also a further Account of proceedings the 19th Instant, which may be needful to prevent Groundless prejudices, and let deserved blame be cast where it ought; From,
Sir, yours in what I may, R. C.
The effects of which, Sir, (not to mention that long Letter only once read to me) was, you sent me word you would meet me at Mr. Wilkins's but before that Answer, at yours and your Fathers complaint, I was brought before their Majesties Justice, by Warrant, as for Scandalous Libels against yourself, and was bound over to Answer at Sessions; I do not remember you then objected against the Truth of what I had wrote, but asserted it was wronged by omissions, which if it were so was past any Power of mine to remedy, having given a faithful account of all that came to my knowledge; And Sir, that you might not be without some Cognizance of the reasons why I took so much pains in it, as also for my own Information, if it might have been, I wrote to you my second Letter to this effect.
Reverend SIR,
HAVING expected some Weeks, your meeting me at Mr. Wilkins according to what you intimated to me, J. M—— and the time drawing near for our meeting elsewhere, I thought it not amiss to give you a Summary of my thoughts in the great concern, which as you say has been agitated with so much [17] heat. That there are Witches is not the doubt, the Scriptures else were in vain, which assign their Punishment to be by death; But what this Witchcraft is, or wherein it does consist, seems to be the whole difficulty: And as it may be easily demonstrated, that all that bear that Name cannot be justly so accounted, so that some things and Actions not so esteemed by the most, yet upon due examination will be found to merit no better Character.
In your late Book you lay down a brief Synopsis of what has been written on that Subject, by a Triumvirate of as Eminent Men as ever handled it[40] (as you are pleas'd to call them) viz. Mr. Perkins, Gaule, and Bernard consisting of about 30 Tokens to know them by, many of them distinct from, if not thwarting each other: Among all of which I can find but one decisive, Viz. That of Mr. Gaule, Head IV. and runs thus; Among the most unhappy Circumstances to convict a Witch, one is a maligning and oppugning the Word, Work, or Worship of God, and by any extraordinary Sign seeking to seduce any from it, see Deu. 13. 1, 2. Mat. 24. 24. Acts. 13. 8, 10. 2. Tim. 3. 8. Do but mark well the places, and for this very property of thus opposing and perverting, they are all there concluded Arrant and absolute Witches.
This Head as here laid down and inserted by you, either is a Truth or not, if not, why is it here inserted from one of the Triumvirate if it be a Truth. as the Scriptures quoted will abundantly testifie, whence is it that it is so little regarded, tho it be the only Head well proved by Scripture, or that the rest of the Triumvirate should so far forget their Work as not to mention it. It were to be unjust to the Memory of those otherwise Wise Men, to suppose them to have any Sinister design; But perhaps the force of a prevailing opinion, together with an Education thereto Suited, might overshadow their Judgments, as being wont to be but too prevalent in many other cases. But if the above be Truth, then the Scripture is full and plain, What is Witchcraft? And if so, what need of his next Head of Hanging of People without as full and clear Evidence as in other Cases? Or what need of the rest of the Receipts of the Triumvirate? what need of Praying that the Afflicted may be able to discover who 'tis that Afflicts them? or what need of Searching for Tet's for the Devil to Suck in his Old Age, or the Experiment of saying the Lord's Prayer, &c. Which a multitude more practised in some places Superstitiously inclin'd. Other Actions have been practised for easing the Afflicted, less justifiable, if not strongly savouring of Witchcraft itself, viz. Fondly Imagining by the Hand, &c. to drive off Spectres, or to knock off Invisible Chains, or by striking in the Air to Wound either the Afflicted or others, &c. I write not this to accuse any, but that all may beware believing, That the Devil's bounds are set, which he cannot pass, That the Devils are so full of Malice, That it cannot be added to by Mankind, That where he hath Power he neither can nor will omit Executing it, That 'tis only the Almighty that sets [18] bounds to his rage, and that only can Commissionate him to hurt or destroy any.
These last, Sir, are such Foundations of Truth, in my esteem, that I cannot but own it to be my duty to ascert them, when call'd, tho' with the hazard of my All.[41] And consequently to detect such as these, That a Witch can Commissionate Devils to Afflict Mortals, That he can at his or the Witches pleasure Assume any Shape, That Hanging or Drawing of Witches can lessen his Power of Afflicting, or restore those that were at a distance Tormented, with many others depending on these; all tending, in my esteem, highly to the Dishonour of God, and the Indangering the well-being of a People, and do further add, that as the Scriptures are full that there is Witchcraft, (ut sup.) so 'tis as plain that there are Possessions, and that the Bodies of the Possest have hence been not only Afflicted, but strangely agitated, if not their tongues improved to foretell futurities, &c. and why not to accuse the Innocent, as bewitching them; having pretence to Divination to gain credence. This being reasonable to be expected, from him who is the Father of Lies, to the end he may thereby involve a Countrey in Blood, Mallice, and Evil, surmising which he greedily seeks after, and so finally lead them from their fear and dependance upon God to fear him, and a supposed Witch thereby attaining his end upon Mankind; and not only so, but Natural Distemper, as has been frequently observed by the Judicious, have so operated as to deceive, more than the Vulgar, as is testified by many Famous Physicians, and others. And as for that proof of Multitudes of Confessions, this Countrey may be by this time thought Competent Judges, what credence we ought to give them, having had such numerous Instances, as also how obtain'd.
And now Sir, if herein be any thing in your esteem valuable, let me intreat you, not to account it the worse for coming from so mean a hand; which however you may have receiv'd Prejudices, &c. Am ready to serve you to my Power; but if you Judge otherwise hereof, you may take your own Methods for my better Information. Who am, Sir, yours to command, in what I may,
P. C.[42]
In Answer to this last, Sir, you replyed to the Gentleman that presented it, that you had nothing to Prosecute against me; and said as to your Sentiments in your Books, you did not bind any to believe them, and then again renew'd your promise of meeting me, as before, tho' not yet performed. Accordingly, tho' I waited at Sessions, there was none to object ought against me, upon which I was dismissed. This gave me some reason to believe that you intended all should have been forgotten; But instead of that, I find the Coals are fresh blown up, I being supposed to be represented, in a late Manuscript, More Wonders of the, &c. as traversing your Discourse in your Faithful discharge of your Duty, &c. And such as see not with the Authors Eyes, rendred Saducees and Witlins,[43] &c. and the Arguments that square not with the Sentiments [19] therein contain'd, Buffoonary; rarely no doubt, agreeing with the Spirit of Christ, and his dealings with an unbelieving Thomas, yet whose infidelity was without compare less excusable, but the Author having resolved long since, to have no more than one single Grain of Patience, with them that deny, &c. the Wonder is the less. It must needs be that offences come, but wo to him by whom they come. To vindicate myself therefore from such false Imputations, of Satan-like insinuations, and misrepresenting your Actions, &c. and to vindicate yourself, Sir, as much as is in my power from those suggestions, said to be insinuated, as if you wore not the Modesty, and Gravity, that becomes a Minister of the Gospel; which it seems, some that never saw the said Narratives, report them to contain; I say, Sir, for these reasons, I here present you with the first Coppy that ever was taken, &c. And purpose for a Weeks time to be ready, if you shall intimate your pleasure to wait upon you, either at the place formerly appointed, or any other that is indifferent to the End; that if there shall appear any defects in that Narrative, they may be amended.
Thus, Sir, I have given you a genuine account of my Sentiments and Actions in this Affair; and do request and pray, that if I err, I may be shewed it from Scripture, or sound Reason, and not by quotations out of Virgil, nor Spanish Rhetorick.[44] For I find the Witlings mentioned, are so far from answering your profound questions, that they cannot so much as pretend to shew a distinction between Witchcraft in the Common notion of it, and Possession; Nor so much as to demonstrate that ever the Jews or primitive Christians did believe, that a Witch could send a Devil to Afflict her Neighbours; but to all these, Sir, (ye being the Salt of the Earth, &c.) I have reason to hope for a Satisfactory Answer to him, who is one that reverences your Person and Office; And am, Sir, yours to Command in what I may,
R. C.
A Letter of Mr. C. M.
Boston, January the 15th, 169¾.
Mr. R. C.
WHEREAS you intimate your desires, that what's not fairly (I take it for granted you mean truly also,) represented in a Paper you lately sent me, containing a pretended Narrative of a Visit by my Father and self to an Afflicted Young woman, whom we apprehended to be under a Diabolical Possession, might be rectified: I have this to say, as I have often already said, that do I scarcely find any one thing in the whole Paper, whether respecting my Father or self, either fairly or truly represented. Nor can I think that any that know my Parents Circumstances, but must think him deserving a better Character by far, than this Narrative can be thought to give him. When the main design we managed in [20] Visiting the poor Afflicted Creature, was to prevent the Accusations of the Neighbourhood; can it be fairly represented that our design was to draw out such Accusations, which is the representation of the Paper. We have Testimonies of the best Witnesses and in Number not a few, That when we asked Rule whether she thought she knew who Tormented her? the Question was but an Introduction to the Solemn charges which we then largely gave, that she should rather Dye than tell the Names of any whom she might Imagine that she knew. Your Informers have reported the Question, and report nothing of what follows, as essential to the giving of that Question: And can this be termed a piece of fairness? Fair it cannot be, that when Ministers Faithfully and Carefully discharge their Duty to the Miserable in their Flock, little bits, scraps and shreds of their Discourses, should be tackt together to make them contemtible, when there shall be no notice of all the Necessary, Seasonable, and Profitable things that occurr'd, in those Discourses; And without which, the occasion of the lesser Passages cannot be understood; and yet I am furnished with abundant Evidences, ready to be Sworn, that will possitively prove this part of unfairness, by the above mention'd Narrative, to be done both to my Father and self. Again, it seems not fair or reasonable that I should be expos'd, for which your self (not to say some others) might have expos'd me for, if I had not done, viz. for discouraging so much Company from flocking about the Possest Maid, and yet, as I perswade myself, you cannot but think it to be good advice, to keep much Company from such haunted Chambers; besides the unfairness doth more appear, in that I find nothing repeated of what I said about the advantage, which the Devil takes from too much Observation and Curiosity.[45]
In that several of the Questions in the Paper are so Worded, as to carry in them a presupposal of the things inquired after, to say the best of it is very unfair: But this is not all, the Narrative contains a number of Mistakes and Falshoods; which were they wilful and design'd, might justly be termed gross Lies. The representations are far from true, when 'tis affirm'd my Father and self being come into the Room, I began the Discourse; I hope I understand breeding a little better than so: For proof of this, did occasion serve, sundry can depose the contrary.
'Tis no less untrue, that either my Father or self put the Question, how many Witches sit upon you? We always cautiously avoided that expression; It being contrary to our inward belief: All the standers by will (I believe) swear they did not hear us use it (your Witnesses excepted) and I tremble to think how hardy those woful Creatures must be, to call the Almighty by an Oath, to so false a thing. As false a representation 'tis, that I rub'd Rule's Stomach, her Breast not being covered. The Oath of the nearest Spectators, giving a true account of that matter [21] will prove this to be little less than a gross (if not a doubled) Lie; and to be somewhat plainer, it carries the Face of a Lie contrived on purpose (by them at least, to whom you are beholden for the Narrative) Wickedly and Basely to expose me. For you cannot but know how much this representation hath contributed, to make People believe a Smutty thing of me; I am far from thinking, but that in your own Conscience you believe, that no indecent Action of that Nature could then be done by me before such observers, had I been so Wicked as to have been inclin'd to what is Base. It looks next to impossible that a reparation shoud be made me for the wrong done to, I hope, as to any Scandal an unblemish'd, tho' weak and small Servant of the Church of God. Nor is what follows a less untruth, that 'twas an Attendant and not myself who said, if Rule knows who Afflicts her, yet she wont tell. I therefore spoke it that I might encourage her to continue in that concealment of all Names whatsoever; to this I am able to furnish myself with the Attestation of Sufficient Oaths. 'Tis as far from true, that my apprehension of the Imp, about Rule, was on her Belly, for the Oaths of the Spectators, and even of those that thought they felt it, can testify that 'twas upon the Pillow, at a distance from her Body. As untrue a Representation is that which follows, Viz. That it was said unto her, that her not Apprehending of that odd palpable tho' not visible, Mover was from her Fancy, for I endeavoured to perswade her that it might be but Fancy in others, that there was any such thing at all. Witnesses every way sufficient can be produced for this also. 'tis falsely represented that my Father felt on the Young-woman after the appearance mentioned, for his hand was never near her; Oath can sufficiently vindicate him. 'Tis very untrue, that my Father Prayed for perhaps half an Hour, against the power of the Devil and Witchcraft, and that God would bring out the Afflictors. Witnesses of the best Credit, can depose, that his Prayer was not a quarter of an Hour, and that there was no more than about one clause towards the close of the Prayer, which was of this import; and this clause also was guarded with a singular wariness and modesty, viz. If there were any evil Instruments in this matter God would please to discover them: And that there was more than common reason for that petition I can satisfie any one that will please to Inquire of me. And strange it is, that a Gentleman that from 18 to 54 hath been an Exemplary Minister of the Gospel; and that besides a station in the Church of God, as considerable as any that his own Country can afford, hath for divers years come off with honour, in his Application to three Crown'd Heads, and the chiefest Nobility of three Kingdoms, knows not yet how to make one short Prayer of a quarter of an hour, but in New-England he must be Libell'd for it. There are divers other down-right mistakes, which you [22] have permitted yourself, I would hope, not knowingly, and with a Malicious design, to be receiver or Compiler of, which I shall now forbear to Animadvert upon. As for the Appendix of the Narrative I do find myself therein Injuriously treated, for the utmost of your proof for what you say of me, amounts to little more than, viz. Some People told you, that others told them, that such and such things did pass, but you may assure yourself, that I am not unfurnish'd with Witnesses, that can convict the same. Whereas you would give me to believe the bottom of these your Methods, to be some dissatisfaction about the commonly receiv'd Power of Devils and Witches; I do not only with all freedom offer you the use of any part of my Library, which you may see cause to peruse on that Subject, but also if you and any else, whom you please, will visit me at my Study, yea, or meet me at any other place, less inconvenient than those by you propos'd; I will with all the fairness and calmness in the World dispute the point. I beg of God that he would bestow as many Blessings on you, as ever on myself, and out of a sincere wish, that you may be made yet more capable of these Blessings, I take this occasion to lay before you the faults (not few nor small ones neither) which the Paper contained, you lately sent me, in order to be Examined by me. In case you want a true and full Narrative of my Visit, whereof such an indecent Traversty (to say the best) hath been made, I am not unwilling to communicate it, in mean time must take liberty to say, 'Tis scarcely consistent with Common Civility, much less Christian Charity, to offer the Narrative, now with you, for a true one, till you have a truer, or for a full one, till you have a fuller. Your Sincere (tho' Injur'd) Friend and Servant,
C. MATHER.
The Copy of a Paper Receiv'd with the above Letter.
I DO Testifie that I have seen Margaret Rule in her Afflictions from the Invisible World, lifted up from her Bed, wholly by an Invisible force, a great way towards the top of the Room where she lay; in her being so lifted, she had no Assistance from any use of her own Arms or Hands, or any other part of her Body, not so much as her Heels touching her Bed, or resting on any support whatsoever. And I have seen her thus lifted, when not only a strong Person hath thrown his whole weight a cross her to pull her down; but several other Persons have endeavoured, with all their might, to hinder her from being so raised up, which I suppose that several others will testifie as well as myself, when call'd unto it. Witness my Hand,
SAMUEL AVES.[46]
WE can also Testifie to the substance of what is above Written, and have several times seen [23] Margaret Rule so lifted up from her Bed, as that she had no use of her own Lims to help her up, but it was the declared apprehension of us, as well as others that saw it, impossible for any hands, but some of the Invisible World to lift her.
| Copia | ROBERT EARLE.[47] |
| JOHN WILKINS. | |
| DAN. WILLIAMS. |
WE, whose Names are under-writted do testifie, That one Evening when we were in the Chamber where Margaret Rule then lay, in her late Affliction, we observed her to be, by an Invisible Force, lifted up from the Bed whereon she lay, so as to touch the Garret Floor, while yet neither her Feet, nor any other part of her Body rested either on the Bed, or any other support, but were also by the same force, lifted up from all that was under her, and all this for a considerable while, we judg'd it several Minutes; and it was as much as several of us could do, with all our strength to pull her down. All which happened when there was not only we two in the Chamber, but we suppose ten or a dozen more, whose Names we have forgotten,
Copia
THOMAS THORNTON.[48]
William Hudson[49] Testifies to the substance of Thorntons Testimony, to which he also hath set his Hand.
A Letter to Mr. C. M.
Boston, January 18, 1693.
Mr. Cotton Mather,
Reverend SIR,
YOURS of the 15th Instant, I receiv'd yesterday; and soon found I had promised myself too much by it, viz, Either concurrence with, or a denial of those Fundamentals mentioned in mine, of Novemb. the 24th. finding this waved by an Invitation to your Library, &c. I thank God I have the Bible, and do Judge that sufficient to demonstrate that cited Head of Mr. Gaule, to be a Truth, as also those other Heads mentioned, as the Foundations of Religion. And in my apprehension, if it be asked any Christian, whether God governs the World, and whether it be he only can Commissionate Devils, and such other Fundamentals, He ought to be as ready as in the Question, who made him? (a little Writing certainly might be of more use, to clear up the controverted points, than either looking over many Books in a well furnish'd Library, or than a dispute, if I were qualified for it; the Inconveniencies of Passion being this way best avoided) And am not without hopes that you will yet oblige me so far, as to consider that Letter, and if I Err, to let me see it by Scripture, &c.
Yours, almost the whole of it, is concerning the Narrative I sent to you, and you seem to intimate as if I were giving Characters, Reflecti[24]ons, and Libell's, &c. concerning yourself and Relations; all which were as far from my thoughts, as ever they were in writing after either yourself, or any other Minister. In the front you declare your apprehension to be, that the Afflicted was under a Diabolical Possession, and if so, I see not how it should be occasion'd by any Witchcraft (unless we ascribe that Power to a Witch, which is only the Prerogative of the Almighty, of Sending or Commissionating the Devils to Afflict her.) But to your particular Objections against the Narrative; and to the first my intelligence not giving me any further, I could not insert that I knew not. And it seems improbable that a Question should be put, whether she knew (or rather who they were) and at the same time to charge her, and that upon her Life, not to tell, and if you had done so, I see but little good you could promise yourself or others by it, she being Possest, as also having it inculcated so much to her of Witchcraft. And as to the next Objection about company flocking, &c. I do profess my Ignorance, not knowing what you mean by it. And Sir, that most of the Questions did carry with them a presupposing the things inquired after, is evident, if there were such as those relating to the Black-man and a Book, and about her hearing the Prayer, &c. (related in the said Narrative, which I find no Objection against.) As to that which is said of mentioning yourself first discoursings and your hopes that your breeding was better (I doubt it not) nor do I doubt your Father might first apply himself to others; but my intelligence is, that you first spake to the Afflicted or Possessed, for which you had the advantage of a nearer approach. The next two Objections are founded upon mistakes: I find not in the Narrative any such Question, as how many Witches sit upon you? and that her Breast was not covered, in which those material words, (with the Bed-Cloaths) are wholly omitted; I am not willing to retort here your own Language upon you; but can tell you, that your own discourse of it publickly, at Sir W. P's Table, has much more contributed to, &c. As to the Reply, if she could she would not tell, whether either or both spake it it matters not much. Neither does the Narrative say you felt the live thing on her Belly; tho I omit now to say what further demonstrations there are of it. As to that Reply, that is only her fancy, I find the word (her) added. And as to your Fathers feeling for the live Creature after you had felt it, if it were on the Bed it was not so very far from her. And for the length of his Prayer, possibly your Witnesses might keep a more exact account of the time than those others, and I stand not for a few Minutes. For the rest of the Objections I suppose them of less moment, if less can be (however shall be ready to receive them, those matters of greatest concern I find no Objections against) these being all that yet appear, it may be thought that if the Narrative be not [25] fully exact, it was as near as Memory could bear away; but should be glad to see one more perfect (which yet is not to be expected, seeing none writ at the time.) You mention the appendix, by which I understand the Second Visit, and if you be by the possessed belyed (as being half an hour with her alone (excluding her own Mother) and as telling her you had Prayed for her Nine times that day, and that now was her Laughing time, she must Laugh now) I can see no Wonder in it; what can be expected less from the Father of Lies, by whom, you Judge, she was possest.
And besides the above Letter, you were pleased to send me another Paper containing several Testimonies of the Possessed being lifted up, and held a space of several Minutes to the Garret floor, &c. but they omit giving the account, whether after she was down they bound her down: or kept holding her: And relate not how many were to pull her down, which hinders the knowledge what number they must be to be stronger than an Invisible Force. Upon the whole, I suppose you expect I should believe it; and if so, the only advantage gain'd, is that which has been so long controverted between Protestants and Papists, whether miracles are ceast, will hereby seem to be decided for the latter; it being, for ought I can see, if so, as true a Miracle as for Iron to swim, and that the Devil can work such Miracles.
But Sir, leaving these little disputable things, I do again pray that you would let me have the happiness of your approbation or confutation of that Letter before referred to.
And now, Sir, that the God of all Grace may enable us Zealously to own his Truths, and to follow those things that tend to Peace, and that yourself may be as an useful Instrument in his hand, effectually to ruin the remainders of Heathenish and Popish Superstitions, is the earnest desire and prayer of yours to command, in what I may.
R. C.
Postscript—Sir, I here send you the Coppy of a paper that lately came to my Hands, which tho' it contains no Wonders, yet is remarkable, and Runs thus.
An account of what an Indian told Captain Hill,[50] at Saco-Fort.
THE Indian told him that the French Ministers were better than the English, for before the French came among them there were a great many Witches among the Indians, but now there were none, and there were much Witches among the English Ministers, as Burroughs, who was Hang'd for it.
Were I disposed to make reflections upon it, I suppose you will Judge the Field large, enough, but I forbear, as above. R. C.
[26] Boston Feb. the 19th, 1693.
Mr. Cotton Mather,
Reverend Sir, Having received as yet no Answer to mine of Novemb. the 24th. except an offer to peruse Books, &c. relating to the Doctrinals therein contain'd: Nor to my last of January the 18th. In which I did again pray that if I err'd I might be shewed it by Scripture, Viz. in believing that the Devils bounds are sett, which he cannot pass; that the Devils are so full of Malice that it cant be added to by Mankind: That where he hath power he neither can nor will omit Executing it; That it's only the Almighty that sets bounds to his rage, and that only can commissionate him to hurt or destroy any; And consequently to detest as erroneous and dangerous, the belief that a Witch can Commissionate Devils to Afflict Mortals; That he can at his or the Witches pleasure assume any shape: That Hanging or Chaining of Witches can lessen his Power of Afflicting, and restore those that were, at a distance, Tormented by him. And whether Witchcraft ought to be understood now in this Age, to be the same that it was when the Divine Oracles were given forth, particularly, those quoted by Mr. Gaule in that cited Head (Wonders of the Invisible World;[51] Mr. Gaules IV. Head, to discover Witches) which do so plainly shew a Witch, in Scripture-sense to be one that maligne, &c. And that pretend to give a Sign in order to seduce, &c. For I have never understood in my time, any such have Suffered as Witches, tho' sufficiently known; But the only Witch now inquired after, is one that is said to become so by making an Explicit Covenant with the Devil, i. e. the Devil appearing to them, and making a compact mutually, promising each to other, testified by their signing his Book, a material Book, which he is said to keep and that thereby they are Intituled to a power, not only to Afflict others, but such as is truly exorbitant, if not highly intrenching upon the prerogative of him, who is the Soveraign being; For who is he that saith, and it cometh to pass, when the Lord commandeth it not.
Such explicit Covenant being as is said in this Age reckoned essential to compleat a Witch: Yet I finding nothing of such covenant (or power thereby obtain'd) in Scripture, and yet a Witch therein so fully describ'd, do pray that if there be any such Scriptures I may be directed to them, for as to the many Legends in this case I make no account of them; I Read indeed of a Covenant with Death and with Hell, but suppose that to be in the Heart (or Mental) only, and see not what use such explicit one can be of between Spirits, any further than as 'tis a Copy of that Mental which is in the Heart. The dire effects and consequences of such notion may be found written in indelible Roman Characters of Blood in all Countryes where they have prevail'd, and what can less be [27] expected when Men are Indicted for that, which, as 'tis impossible to prove so, for any to clear himself of, Viz, Such explicit Covenant with the Devil, and then for want of better Evidence, must take up with such as the Nature of such secret Covenant can bear, as Mr. Gaule hath it, i. e. Distracted Stories, and strange and Foreign Events, &c. Thereby endeavouring to find it, though by it's but supposed effects; By the same Rules that one is put to purge himself of such Compact, by the same may all Mankind.[52]
This then being so Important a case, it concerns all to know what Foundations in Scripture is laid for such a Structure; For if they are deficient of that Warrant, the more Eminent the Architects are the more dangerous are they thereby rendered, &c. These are such considerations as I think will vindicate me in the esteem of all Lovers of Humanity, in my endeavours to get them cleared. And to that End, do once more pray, that you would so farr oblige me as to give your Approbation or Confutation of the above Doctrinals; But if you think silence a Vertue in this case, I shall (I suppose) so far comply with it as not to loose you any more time to look over my papers. And if any others will so far oblige me, I shall not be ungrateful to them; Praying God to guide and prosper you, I am, Sir, yours to my power,
R. C.
(He that doth Truth, cometh to the Light.)
Mr. Cotton Mather.
Reverend Sir,
HAVING as yet Received no Answer to my last, touching the Doctrinals therein referred to, tho' at the delivery of it, you were pleased to promise the Gentleman that presented it, that I should have it, and after that you acqainted the same Gentleman that you were about it. The length of time since those promises, makes me suppose you are preparing something for the Press (for I would not question your veracity) do think it may not be amiss, when you do any thing of that Nature for the publick view, that you also explain some passages of some late Books of yours and your Relations, which are hard to be understood, to Instance in a few of many Wonders of the Invisible World, pag. 17. [Plagues are some of these woes with which the Devil causes our Trouble, pag. 18. Hence come such Plagues as that besom of destruction which within our Memory swept away such a throng of People from one English city, in one Visitation. Wars are some of those woes with which the Devil causes our Trouble, pag. 16. Hence 'tis that the Devil like a Dragon keeping a Guard upon such Fruits as would refresh a Languishing World, has hindered Mankind for many Ages from hitting upon those usefull Inventions. The benighted World must Jogg on for thousands of Years, without the knowledge of the Load-stone, Printing and Spectacles, pag. 10, It is [28] not likely that every Devil does know every Language. 'Tis possible the Experience, or if I may call it so, the Education of all Devils is not alike; Cases of conscience, page 63. The Devil has inflicted on many the Disease call'd Lycanthropia.[53]