PROGRESSIVE CHILE

A PAIR OF SPURS
Frontispiece

PROGRESSIVE CHILE

BY

ROBERT E. MANSFIELD

NEW YORK
THE NEALE PUBLISHING COMPANY
1913

Copyright, 1913, by
The Neale Publishing Company

TO
MY WIFE

PREFACE

In the following presentation of Progressive Chile, no effort has been made to elaborate, to give undue coloring to the picture, or to magnify its defects. It is a record of impressions gained from personal observations, of the life and customs of the people in one of the most enlightened, progressive and interesting countries in South America.

To attempt to conceal from view, to obscure the unsightly spots and blemishes that mar the social structure and disfigure the body politic, or to unnecessarily expose the moral and social defects and infirmities of a people who possess so many admirable qualities, commendable characteristics and desirable accomplishments, would be unjust, unfair.

The truth is not always pleasant reading, and it may seem unkind to withhold the cup that patriotic pride demands. But let those who know the real life of Chile pass judgment, and if from long association they have not become so accustomed and inured to national, social and political deficiencies as to regard them as established and correct principles, they will agree with one who regards the situation from an unprejudiced viewpoint.

R. E. M.

CONTENTS

PROGRESSIVE CHILE

GEOGRAPHICAL

The Republic of Chile, beginning at latitude seventeen degrees, and extending to the farthest southern limits of South America, forms a narrow longitudinal strip of territory twenty-four hundred miles long, and not exceeding two hundred miles in width in the extreme. It has an area of 462,000 square miles, and a population of 3,500,000.

Nature has been prodigal in the bestowal of her varied gifts upon Chile. Its geographical formation represents a huge serpent with its sinewy form stretched along the west coast of the continent, its head resting in the arid desert of Atacama, and its tail coiled about the wood-crowned hills and ice-bound islands of Tierra del Fuego. Upon one side loom the Andes Mountains, their snow-capped heads in the clouds and their feet in the ocean; upon the other stretches the vast expanse of the Pacific. Bordered as it is by the ocean on one side, and including within its limits a range of mountains reaching in some places an altitude of 24,000 feet, Chile presents a variety of geological, geographical and climatic conditions possessed by few countries in the world. Being isolated by great natural barriers it faces away from all the centers of population and ancient homes of civilization, and of all the countries of South America it occupies the most unfavorable position geographically, and is the most inaccessible from Europe, North America and the Ear East. But with all its isolation, its long struggle to gain a place among civilized nations, its history of cruel and uncivilized warfare, Chile possesses natural resources and attractions which intervening years have made known, and which in the short period of her national life have won for this long neglected daughter of the Spanish colonial family, a reputation for wealth and beauty that has given to it a fame as wide as the world.

NAME.

The name of Chile is of doubtful origin. During the Inca epoch it was called Tilli, that being the name of a powerful and popular Araucanian chief. It was pronounced “tele,” which translated means enemy. From changes in the pronunciation, the word was finally converted into Chile. Some authorities say that the name is derived from the Indian word “Tchile,” or “Techile,” which signifies cold, having direct reference to the snows of the Cordilleras, or the glaciers of the far south.

DIVISION OF TERRITORY.

Chile is divided into four zones,—“Mineral,” “Mineral and Agricultural,” “Agricultural” and “Wooded and Fishing.”

In the region of the “Mineral” or north zone, extending from the province of Coquimbo on the south to the extreme north of the Republic, rain is unknown; there is very little moisture and scarcely any water in the streams. As a result of the arid condition of this territory there is little spontaneous or cultivated vegetation, and no agricultural interests worthy of mention. But the five provinces comprising the zone abound in minerals, and form conjointly with the agricultural resources of other sections the productive wealth of Chile. Among the products of this section are nitrate of soda and guano in quantities sufficient to enrich the lands of the world; there are also deposits of gold, silver, copper, lead, quicksilver, zinc, bismuth, iron, manganese and borax.

The provinces of Tarapaca and Antofagasta comprise the great nitrate or saltpeter fields of South America, the richest and most extensive in the world. The province of Tarapaca was acquired from Peru, in the war with that country in 1879-81, and Antofagasta was Bolivian territory previous to the same war. Until recent years this arid region, designated as the pampa or “desierto de Atacama,” was considered nonproductive and practically worthless. Now the products of nitrate of soda alone amount to over 100,000,000 Chilean pesos annually, and comprise two-thirds of the export business of the Republic. This mineral zone covers an area of 235,000 square miles and has a population of 355,000. The great mineral wealth of the country is not limited to this particular section, however, as gold and other minerals are found in a majority of the provinces in Chile, and mines are worked from Tarapaca to Tierra del Fuego.

It is within the limit of this zone that the once famous mines of Chanarcillo and Copiapo are located, from which has been taken millions of dollars worth of ore. But these and other silver mines, once productive, have practically ceased to yield, from the lack of application of modern mining methods, and the silver mining industry has greatly depreciated in Chile in the last decade. Gold mining is also less extensive than in former years, except in Tierra del Fuego, and the product has greatly decreased in the northern zone.

With the decrease in gold and silver mining in the Mineral zone has come increased interest in the production of copper, which now forms eighty per cent. of the metal exports from Chile.

The Mineral and Agricultural zone may be defined as a section of semi-mountainous, sparsely watered country, extending north from Santiago, to the mineral zone. There are within the territory a number of small streams extending from the mountains to the sea, in the valleys of which are small farms, called “fundos.” There are few towns of any consequence in that part of the country, no railways, few improved roads, and communication between the coast and interior is slow and difficult. Mule and burro trains are the common method of transportation, while more rapid communication is made on horseback.

The Agricultural, or central zone is the garden of Chile. It includes twelve provinces, extending from Aconcagua on the north to the river Bio Bio on the south, with an area of 75,000 square miles, and a population of 1,800,000. About eighty per cent. of the people living in this zone are engaged either directly or indirectly in agricultural pursuits. In the northern part of this geographical division is Valparaiso, the most important commercial center in the Republic; in the center is Santiago, the beautiful capital city, and in the south, situated on the Bio Bio is Concepcion, the third city in population and importance in the country. In this section there is a copious rainfall between the months of May and September, and consequently a prolific growth of vegetation. Between the mountain ranges and hills that crowd close down to the sea, are beautiful valleys, where wheat, maize, barley, flax, oats, rye, all kinds of fruits, vegetables, and a variety of grasses grow and mature well. From Santiago, extending several hundred miles south are wide fertile valleys, high and low table-lands, wonderfully productive and in a splendid state of cultivation. This central valley of Chile, lying between the Andes and the coast range, is a continuous garden of luxuriant beauty. The cultivated loveliness of the private estates, which surround the capital, offer a pleasing contrast to the sterner grandeur of mountain forms and color with which it is enclosed. There are to be found the ideal South American haciendas, where thousands of acres are included in one domain, where the primitive system of cultivating the land, introduced by the Spaniards when they came to the western world, with few exceptions, still prevails. There is the one storied castle-like residence of the proprietor, with its wide verandas, roomy corridors, rambling rooms and beautiful patio. The house is often surrounded by a magnificent garden and park, where graceful palms, beautiful trees and brilliant flowers in great variety grow and bloom the year round. There too, are vast herds of horses, cattle and other domestic animals, all fat and sleek from feeding upon the rich pasturage of irrigated “potreros” (fields). Farther south in this zone, the semi-tropical appearance of the northern regions give place to wood-crowned hills and streams fringed with forest trees. Rains are more frequent and the growth of vegetation more general and prolific. Vast farms extend in every direction. Stolid oxen, drawing primitive plows or carts, plod through fallow fields, and the mountains, which are always in sight, give up their solitude in scenes of domesticity and peaceful industry.

The wooded or southern zone, includes all the territory from the river Bio Bio, south to Cape Horn, and forms the least developed portion of Chile. In the southern provinces are vast virgin forests, rich in varied resources, awaiting commercial development. In some sections of the country the forests, overrun with creepers, are so dense that they form an almost impenetrable jungle, where the sunlight never penetrates, and where twilight lingers throughout the entire day. In these forests are various woods of excellent quality, including oak, cypress, lingue (the bark of which makes excellent tanning material), rauli, redwood, laurel, resin pine, poplar, and quillai, the bark of which is exported in large quantities, and is used as a mordant for dyeing.

Sawmills have been established in recent years, and are now in operation in the timber districts of southern Chile, but the lumber industry, which promises to become one of the important commercial interests of the country, is only in its infancy. In fact the mills have so far made practically no impression upon the forests, their cuttings being limited to choice timber along the streams and water-ways where transportation facilities are good.

In addition to the valuable timber interests and great agricultural resources of southern Chile, it possesses large deposits of coal, gold, iron ores, Portland cement, roofing slate and other minerals, awaiting development. On the plains and in the valleys luxuriant vegetation develops annually and remains to enrich the soil for the use of future generations. Unexplored hills and mountains, hoarding a wealth of minerals, await the ambitious prospector and industrious miner. In the sands of Tierra del Fuego is gold to gladden the hearts of men, and the forests contain material for lumber sufficient to supply the demands of the continent. In this subdivision there are also extensive fisheries and oyster beds. Along the coast, rugged hills that reach down to the sea are covered with forest trees, and on the Cordilleras near the southern limits of the continent, vegetation extends up to an altitude where virgin snows and verdant green meet and mingle in strange contrast. In the mountain and forest solitudes of this undeveloped region, are many lakes, resting like emerald settings in the landscape. Viewed from the sea the scenery along the coast of southern Chile presents a picturesque appearance. The Andes Mountains, grand and imposing, form a splendid background for the verdant forests forming the shore line. This range of mountains constitutes a conspicuous physical feature of the continent. To the south it crowds close upon the Pacific, and throughout the length of Chile the Cordilleras cover a double series of highly elevated summits enclosing longitudinal valleys within the region of perpetual snow. On the western range there are three smaller mid-land mountain chains called the “Cordillera Maritima,” running parallel with the Andean, between which are numerous well-watered valleys possessing a delightfully equable climate. From any of these valleys the giant peaks of the Andes, royally crowned and ermine robed are plainly visible. And as the day-god rides over them, touching their white crests with fingers of gold, the scenes presented are wonderful in variety and spectacular effect.

RIVERS AND WATERWAYS.

The rivers in Chile all have their source in the Andes and empty into the Pacific. Unvexed by fretting wheels of commerce, they flow peacefully on from mountains to the sea. The distance being short and the declivity great, the current of the streams is swift, affording excellent power for manufacturing purposes. Sometimes in the rainy season, when the rivers are flushed from excessive rains, or in summer when their waters are augmented by melting snows, they become raging torrents, sweeping everything before them, frequently causing much loss of life and great damage to property. Among the more important rivers in Chile are the Aconcagua, Mapocho, Maipo, Cachapoal, Tinguiririca, Teno, Lontue, Mataquito, Rapel, Claro, Maule, Nuble, and Bio Bio. Some of these rivers are navigable for light-draft vessels for a short distance from the sea, but the winding course of the streams, irregular depth of water and the swift current make traffic unsafe, impracticable and unprofitable. The most peculiar and complicated river system on the continent is formed by the converging of the numerous streams that empty into the bay of Corral, near Valdivia. In some places as many as four rivers converge at one point. The scenery along these rivers presents a panorama of constantly changing views. Wooded hills rise abruptly along the banks, and in many places trees lean out over the streams, in the crystal waters of which are reflected their inverted images. Islands, overrun with creepers and brilliant with the scarlet bloom of coiphues and fuchsias, and the yellow hues of goldenrod, are some of the features of the picturesque scenery along this peculiar river system.

The fact that the rivers of Chile afford practically no transportation facilities is a matter of little commercial importance, because of the narrow territorial limits of the country from east to west, the general course of all the streams. As a compensation for this lack of natural transportation routes to the interior, the coast of southern Chile is a succession of bays, sounds, gulfs and channels, including the historic Straits of Magellan, which separate Tierra del Fuego from the mainland, and Smyth’s Channel, dangerous to navigate because of the swift currents flowing through the narrow, tortuous ways. In many places along the coast the descent of the shore is so abrupt that heavy-draft vessels are enabled to pass within a few yards of the embankments, and directly under overhanging trees. This southern archipelago, with its hundreds of islands, presents a panorama of scenes peculiarly picturesque and interesting. Among the more important islands of the coast are Chiloe, the original habitat of the potato, Wellington, Hanover, Queen Adelaide, St. Ines, and Desolation, so-called because of the lack of vegetation and desolate aspect of this long narrow strip of land lying at the western entrance to the Straits of Magellan. In some of the narrow channels separating the islands from the mainland and from each other, the currents are so swift, the waters so disturbed and the storms so fierce in certain seasons, that the sea seems a boiling, seething caldron, terrifying to passengers and mariners on passing ships. But those dangerous passages add a fascinating feature to the scenic effects of the most picturesque portion of the coast country.

The Straits of Magellan are a wise and beneficent provision of nature, forming a great canal or natural transportation route across the southern portion of the continent, connecting the Atlantic and Pacific oceans. Ships pass through the Straits instead of around Cape Horn, one of the most dangerous seas in the world to navigate. The Andean range of mountains, extending from the Arctic Ocean, and stretching its vast, rugged length across the two Americas, ends at the Straits, Mount Victoria, a massive pile of gleaming ice and snow, being the last link in the jagged chain. South of the Straits is Tierra del Fuego, “Land of Fire,” the hills and mountains of which, including the great pyramidal cone of Mount Sarmiento, perpetually covered with a mantle of snow, stretch away hundreds of miles to Cape Horn, the most southern point of the Continent.

The scenery as well as the topographical and geographical conditions of Tierra del Fuego and Patagonia, in fact all the southern archipelago, are different from those in the arctic regions. There is more vegetation and a greater variety of scenery than in the coast countries of a corresponding latitude north. There are the beauties of the Thousand Islands, and Darwin, in describing a voyage through the Straits, compared the glaciers of Tierra del Fuego to a thousand frozen Niagaras. All the beautiful tints and combinations of coloring to be found in lakes Como and Lucerne, of the Mediterranean and the bay of Naples, are equaled, if not surpassed by, the hues reflected in the deep waters of those channels. Huge glaciers crowding down into the sea; giant rocks, rising like sheer walls of masonry for thousands of feet above the water, sometimes ending in shapes resembling church pinnacles and cathedral domes; mountains, whose forest-fringed bases are washed by the sea, their snow-mantled heads in the clouds; islands, frosted with snow and bejeweled with ice, in which is mingled the hues of gray-green moss and verdant vegetation; numerous winding, tortuous water-ways, dividing the islands from each other and separating them from the mainland, are some of the features of the panoramic view of coast-line, mountains and islands, presented in a landscape that is wonderfully picturesque and prepossessing. When storms sweep through these narrow channels, driving seas mountain-high against rocky shores, increasing the force of natural currents, obscuring the view with a shroud of snow and sleet and mist, a wild aspect is added to the scene. Mountains and islands rise ghostlike out of the water, their forms dimly outlined against the angry sky; and the din of booming seas and swiftly rushing waters adds terrifying confusion to the dangers of navigation.

In Patagonia the Andes differ in many of the essential features of their geographical conformation from that magnificent mountain system which further north is the pride and despair of the western countries of South America. The grand simplicity of structure in the northern system, the magnificent continuity and lofty grandeur of its main ranges, the altitude of its dominating peaks, its terrible and forbidding wastes of desolate and highly elevated table-land are wanting in the mountain masses of the far south. The topographical condition of the Patagonian country represents an immense system of ancient lake beds, and sea inlets separated and divided by groups of mountain peaks, sometimes piled upon a massive pedestal of crystalline rock, sometimes strung out in jagged lines of sierra or ridge, fringed with moraines or terraces, shaped and reshaped by the ice-agency of more than one glacial period; mountains which have been split again and again by stupendous volcanic action, and enormous masses of volcanic deposits.

TIERRA DEL FUEGO.

Tierra del Fuego, instead of being a “Land of Desolation,” as it is generally designated, is a land of picturesque scenes, and possesses natural resources to make it a country of prospective wealth, with a promising future. The archipelago includes hundreds of islands, some of which are rocky, mountainous, and barren, but most of them are covered with woods, and on some of the larger islands, especially that of Tierra del Fuego, are wide stretches of valley and plain, covered with rich grasses, affording splendid pasturage for sheep, cattle and horses. There is some valuable timber on the islands, and placer gold mining is carried on to some extent at various places. The commercial importance of the archipelago depends, however, upon sheep raising, an industry that is rapidly developing, and one that is proving profitable. There have been established in recent years a number of large sheep ranches, called “estancias,” on the island of Tierra del Fuego, and in Patagonia. Millions of sheep are pastured on the rich grasses that grow luxuriantly there, and the annual output of wool, mutton, and fat is an important commercial product of the country.

There are few more interesting and picturesque sights than those far southern farm lands in the Magellanes territory, the Scotland of South America. Long, sweeping, undulating downs climb upward to the forest-clad hills, or down to the edges of the blue glacial lakes; and through the mazes of black thorn, the bloom of which fills the air with fragrance in the flowering time, wander vast herds of sheep, often accompanied by large flocks of ostriches, which find safety in associating with the wool coated animals. Northward across the horizon, the castellated and unbroken outlines of innumerable mountains stretch their length across the landscape; while all around are sandstone hills, cliff-bored, and forest covered, and along the banks of turbulent streams, wild flowers bloom, giving a touch of brilliant coloring to the pastoral scene. It is beautiful in outline, detail and coloring, and in its infinite variety.

BRIEF HISTORY

For more than five hundred years previous to the discovery of America, the territory which now constitutes the Republic of Chile was inhabited by bands of nomadic, barbarous Indians. The indigenous races of Chile possessed none of the arts of civilization. They had no knowledge of cultivating the soil, and the rich mineral resources of the country remained undisturbed and undeveloped during all the centuries in which they were left in undisputed possession. They had no system of government, no recognized social or moral laws, no commerce, no medium of exchange, no occupations. The nearest approach they had to houses were rude huts “rucas,” made from the branches of trees, which afforded little protection against rain or cold; neither had they clothing with which to cover their bodies or protect them from the elements. They were nomadic, cannibalistic savages, living like the beasts of the forests, subsisting upon wild fruits, berries, nuts, and such animals as they could capture or kill with crude weapons, made from wood and bamboo. There being few animals and birds indigenous to the country, the Indians were often driven to the extremity of eating insects, mollusks, lizards and reptiles, as a means of sustaining life. The absolute lack of civilization, the low level of the intellectual standard, depraved moral condition, vicious habits and disgusting customs that prevailed among the indigenous races of Chile previous to the peaceful conquest of portions of the territory by the Incas, finds few parallels in the history of the world. Might was right; there was no law, no restraint, no incentive or encouragement to progress or improvement; no punishment provided for those who committed murder and outrage. When one person killed another, he feasted upon the flesh of his vanquished adversary, eating it raw, the formality of cooking being dispensed with.

When the character of the aborigines of Chile is taken into consideration; the conditions out of which the Republic was evolved, a century ago—1810; the elements amalgamated into the present homogeneous population, inherited peculiarities, traditional customs and superstitions taken into account, the wonder is that progress has been so rapid along the road of national advancement, commercial and intellectual development.

More than one hundred years before Columbus discovered America; before the flood-tide, which carried in its current a curious collection of ambitious adventurers and the poor and oppressed of all the European nations, set in towards the western world, making the Atlantic Ocean the “Path of Empire;” before the advance guard of Spanish adventurers and despoilers drifted from the Antilles to tropical America, and crossing the Isthmus of Panama started in quest of gold—a mission of robbery and butchery of the defenseless inhabitants of the west coast countries; before Francisco Pizarro despoiled Peru and destroyed the Inca Empire, where existed the only material evidences of an advanced civilization in South America, created and maintained by a native race; long before Diego Almagro, friend and ally of Pizarro, who was refused a share of the spoils secured in the conquest of Peru, went to Chile, the Incas had invaded the territory and made peaceful conquest of portions of the country which now constitutes the northern part of the Republic.

In the early part of the fifteenth century the Inca of Peru sent a small army to explore the country to the south, with a view to increasing the territorial limits of his Empire. The expedition went as far south as the valley of the Aconcagua, a rich, fertile country, where later was established the city of Quillota, the first capital of Chile. An attempt was made to explore the country further south, but the advance was resented by the Araucanians, and the Incas returned to Peru to report the success of the undertaking. A few years later another army was sent by the Inca into Chile, which explored the country as far south as the River Bio Bio, which is now the northern boundary of the Araucanian territory.

The Incas being much more advanced in civilization than the Indian tribes of Chile, introduced ideas and customs that furnished the foundation upon which was later erected the superstructure of the Republic. They taught the Indians how to irrigate and to cultivate the soil, the value of precious metals, how to weave fabrics from the fur of the vicuña and guanaco, and the art of manufacturing pottery. They also introduced maize, beans and vegetables of various kinds, in the cultivation and uses of which they instructed the natives. In fact, the first advance made by the Chilean Indians from a state of absolute barbarism towards a condition of semi-civilization was due to the teachings and example of the Incas, the most intelligent, progressive and highly civilized of the numerous indigenous races in America, North or South. With a view to making Chile a part of the Peruvian Empire, the Incas built a magnificent military road across the desert of Atacama, which was later partially destroyed by the Spaniards, but portions of which still remain as evidence of the genius and creative skill of that wonderful people.

In 1535, one hundred years after the peaceful conquest of Northern Chile by the Incas, Diego de Almagro, one of the Spanish freebooters and Pacific pirates, started from Peru with five hundred adventurous soldiers on an expedition of conquest of Chile, hoping to repeat there Pizarro’s experience in the spoliation of the Inca Empire. The expedition of Almagro, to whom history generally accords the honor of the discovery of Chile, was attended with many hardships and much suffering. After leaving the road constructed by the Incas across the desert, they had to cross the Cordillera of the Andes, the higher ranges of which were covered with snow and over which there was no road and where the cold was intense. After a voyage lasting six months, in which innumerable difficulties were encountered, Almagro arrived at a point where Copiapo is now situated, with less than one half of his followers, the others having died from cold and starvation in crossing the mountains. It was on this expedition that Almagro manifested characteristics which later gave him the reputation of being one of the most cruel and inhuman of the many adventurers who invaded Chile. When animals used in transporting provisions and equipment for the expedition died, Indians encountered on the way were impressed into service as beasts of burden. They were compelled to live with the pack animals, with which they served in common, and when unable to longer support the burdens under which they struggled across deserts and over mountains, they were brutally murdered, or maimed and left to suffer the tortures of a slow death by the wayside.

When Almagro reached the valley of the Aconcagua, where he had been preceded more than a century by the Incas, who established friendly relations with the Araucanians, he was kindly received by the Indians. But the natives who had been enslaved and cruelly treated by the Spaniards enroute, related their experiences to the friendly Indians, who became suspicious and fled into the forests for protection. This angered Almagro who ordered his soldiers to go in search of them and to kill all who refused to return to their places of habitation. The Spaniards who were provided with horses and arms pursued the defenseless natives and slaughtered hundreds of them.

Having gone to Chile in search of gold, with no other motive than to sack and rob, and finding only poor, ignorant, miserable Indians in possession of the country, Almagro soon returned to Peru, disappointed and disgusted with what he described as the poverty of the territory he had explored. Because of this disappointment, previous to his departure, he committed outrages and atrocities upon the helpless natives, by whom he had been received as a friend, which have few parallels in the record of cruel deeds, with which the early history of South America is so replete. The acts of treachery and outrage committed by Almagro and his followers created a feeling in the minds of the Araucanians that ultimately led to hostilities which lasted for over three hundred years; hostile feelings that have never been removed, and prejudices that will remain so long as a representative of that brave, obstinate race survives.

Almagro’s unfavorable report and the miserable appearance of his soldiers on their return to Peru, together with the stories of suffering, created in the minds of the Spaniards the impression that Chile was the poorest of all the South American countries. But in 1540, Pedro de Valdivia, a young Spanish captain, apparently more ambitious for fame than riches, organized an expedition for the purpose of exploring Chile and taking possession of the territory in the name of the King. Writing to his sovereign concerning the undertaking he said: “I have no desire but to discover and add territory to your Majesty’s Kingdom, and fame to my memory.” With one hundred and fifty men the intrepid young officer, who had gained distinction for valor in European wars, started on a journey from Peru over deserts and mountains to Chile, where he was to lay the foundations for a future Republic. On reaching the beautiful valley of the Mapocho, surrounded by a wall of mountains, and from the center of which rises the Santa Lucia, one of the most remarkable natural formations in the world, Valdivia laid out and established the first city in Chile, which is now the splendid capital of the Republic, Santiago, on February 12, 1541.

On the arrival of Valdivia and his soldiers, the Indians remembering the deception and cruelty practiced by Almagro, abandoned the country near where the Spaniards located. But on being informed by Valdivia that he desired to live on terms of peace with them, they returned to their “rucas” and resumed the cultivation of their “sitios.”

The beautiful city of Santiago of to-day, with its palatial residences, magnificent Alameda, grand cathedral, splendid public buildings and miles of fine business blocks, bears little resemblance to the pioneer village of 1541. The first houses were built of the trunks of trees, plastered with mud and thatched with maize stocks. One of the first buildings erected was a little temple at the corner of the Plaza de Armas, on the site of which now stands the cathedral of Santiago, the corner-stone of the Catholic church in Chile, which is to-day a potent political factor, and exercises a far-reaching influence in the Republic, through its representation in Congress and in the press of the country.

The friendly relation first established with the Indians by Valdivia, and by which means he hoped to take peaceful possession of the country, did not long continue. The necessity of means and greater resources for carrying out his schemes of conquest encouraged Valdivia to prospect for gold, and some mines were opened near the port of Valparaiso. In these mines Indians were placed by force and worked as slaves. In return for the gold secured the Spaniards incurred the enmity of the Indians, who determined to kill all their persecutors as a means of ending the tyranny to which they were subjected. With that cunning and strategy which has always characterized the Araucanians in war, they waited to make the attack until Valdivia was absent on an exploring expedition in the south with some of his followers, leaving only thirty mounted and twenty foot soldiers to guard the little garrison at Santiago. For fifteen hours the fifty men held the fort which was besieged and assaulted by a force of Indians numbering six thousand. Finally Captain Alonso de Monroy, who was in charge of the Spanish forces changed his tactics from defensive to the offensive, and leading his little band of soldiers attacked the Indians with such courage and ferocity that, notwithstanding their great numbers they were driven off. A great number of Indians and several of the soldiers were killed, but the greatest loss suffered by the Spaniards was the destruction by fire of the entire village, except the fort. When Valdivia returned he found himself and his men without houses in which to live, and without provisions or supplies, everything except the clothing they wore having been burned or destroyed during the battle.

After several years of indecisive warfare, in which the Spaniards made no progress in the way of conquering the Indians, or the undisputed occupation of the territory, Valdivia decided to return to Peru for the purpose of enlisting a more formidable force of men and arms with which to prosecute the war against the Araucanians. He started on this mission in 1547, leaving the depleted forces in Chile in charge of Francisco Villagran, returning two years later with two hundred infantry and a troop of one hundred cavalry, all well armed and equipped. Feeling secure with this army, Valdivia began an aggressive warfare against the Araucanians immediately after his arrival. Soon after the beginning of this war several important battles took place, chief among which was that of Concepcion, in which over two thousand Indians were killed and two hundred taken prisoners. The Spaniards also lost a number of men in the engagement. Following his cruel instincts, and with a view to terrorizing the Indians, Valdivia cut off the right hand and the nose of each of the prisoners captured in the battle, and then released them to return to their people, maimed and disfigured. This act of cruelty, instead of having the desired effect, incensed the Araucanians to greater hostilities. So persistent became their pursuit and attack that the Spaniards were given no time to sleep or rest from the strife. Day and night they were harassed by the Indians who finally collected their forces for a decisive battle at Tucapel. In this encounter Valdivia employed the same tactics used in other engagements, charging the enemy with his cavalry. But on this occasion the Indians seemed to be innumerable and invincible, and after being almost annihilated, the heroic little band of soldiers were forced to submit to superior numbers, and those who were not killed in battle were taken prisoner, Pedro de Valdivia being among the latter. When brought into the presence of the Araucanian chief, Valdivia said: “If you will give me my liberty I will promise to retire with my soldiers from the country.” Painful experience had taught the Indians to place no value upon the promises of the Spaniards, and desiring to avenge the cruelties inflicted upon their people, they refused to release the prisoners. Valdivia was tortured with all the horrible cruelties he had practiced upon the Indians, and all the soldiers taken at Tucapel were put to a tortuous death.

Soon after the death of Valdivia, the colonial government in Chile was organized by the worst class of Spanish Bohemians,—men who had not even a cheap or spectacular glory to their credit, and who lacked the capacity or disposition to engage in work of any character, or to develop the resources of the country. It was a sad and calamitous existence the people led under the despotic and ruinous misrule of Spain. Nothing flourished or savored of goodness. The only landmarks of civilization left from that period are various towns, some of which from geographical positions have grown into important cities.

All traces of progress lay buried beneath bigotry and tyranny. The sovereign and his representatives retarded development and advancement, evincing only selfish and unpatriotic ambition for personal gain, treacherous deception and cruel oppression. Chilean officials under Castilian rule had to be Spanish born, and with impunity they plundered the colony of all that was worth possessing. For nearly three centuries Chile lived with modest labor in honest poverty. Those conditions served as antecedents to the special characteristics of economy, industry, independence and love of liberty so manifest in the Chileans of to-day.

Then there was little communication with the outside world. Colonists suffered and endured without encouragement, hope of relief, or promise of better things. But during those turbulent times, those years of oppression and Spanish misrule, when the Republican idea was growing, there was one powerful force in operation, resenting and resisting the authority of those who were plundering and robbing the country in the name of law and civilization. That force was the courageous, valiant, unconquered Araucanians who maintained their independence for over three hundred years, preferring annihilation to subjugation.

A great majority of the colonists in Chile lived in poverty and ignorance, apparently resigned to their unfortunate condition. For two hundred and fifty years there had been transmitted from parents to children the idea of obedience to the king, believing that person to be of divine origin, and that his power was omnipotent. They also believed that the Spanish-American colonies would always remain subject to the authority of Spain. Fortunately, however, there was a small minority that entertained a hope of relief from the rule of oppression. This hope was encouraged, and the idea of independence implanted in the minds of the people, by the revolution of the English colonists, the declaration of independence of the United States, and the establishment of the first American Republic. The success of the North American patriots encouraged the revolutionary idea in Chile to such an extent that in 1810, when Spain was involved in the turmoil of a general European war, the opportunity was seized by the colonists to secure their independence, which was declared September 18, 1810.

The new Republic, born of patriotism and christened in war, was destined to struggle through its first years of existence in poverty, and afflicted with that most fatal of national maladies, internal strife. The people, long subject to despotic rule, filled with doubt and distrust of those who promised better things, had little experience, training or knowledge to fit them for the political liberty they had been so anxious to secure, and in possession of which they found themselves. Inexperienced in self-government, depressed with poverty, disturbed with internal dissensions and burdened with exploded theories, Chile began to set her national house in order without example or precedent to guide her in the experiment.

The government of Chile, organized in Santiago, September 18, 1810, was provisional and experimental, consisting of a “junta” (committee) of sixty persons, with Mateo de Toro y Zambrano as president of the junta, and in fact the first president of independent Chile. On July 4 of the following year an election was held at which congressional deputies were selected. A month later the national congress appointed a government junta, composed of three persons. The first laws of the new government were promulgated in August, 1811, among which was one prohibiting the importation of slaves, and declaring freedom to the children of all slaves then in the country. Thus did the young Republic place her seal of disapproval upon slavery, thereby setting an example for other nations, including the United States, after which the Chilean Republic was modeled.

For more than twenty years after the organization of the government the country was rent by jealousy, dissension, revolution and general disorder. The patriots who were struggling for national life and independence, and who were confident that out of chaos would come order, peace and prosperity, had to contend not only with an aggressive foreign foe, but to encounter intrigue and disloyalty at home. During the first decade of national life, numerous able and courageous men endeavored to direct the Ship of State through the turbulent sea of strife and discord to a safe and secure harbor. None succeeded, but many contributed materially to the final solution of the problem of government by the people. Among those who were conspicuous in the service of the country during its formative period may be mentioned Juan Martinez de Rozas, Camilo Henriquez, Manuel Salas, Admiral Blanco Encalada and Lord Cochrane. But the two characters that stand out most conspicuously, the names that are inscribed first upon the roll of honor of Chilean patriots, the men who contributed most to the establishment of order and law in the government, are Bernardo O’Higgins, the first capable, courageous Governor of Chile, and the brave, patriotic San Martin, who united the forces of the Argentine with those of Chile, Bolivia and Peru, for the purpose of putting an end to Spanish rule, and establishing independent government in the several colonies.

O’Higgins was Governor from 1817 to 1823, during which time he used his splendid executive ability in an honest effort to establish law and order, and to introduce some kind of system into the government. After six years of vain endeavor, and believing that the people were unprepared for self-government, he resigned, asked permission to leave the country, and went to Peru. General O’Higgins was succeeded as Governor by Ramon Freire, who held the position for three years, 1826. Then followed a period of several years during which the country was in a state of political anarchy. Changes of government were so frequent that it was impossible to maintain anything like law and order. Revolutions, conspiracies and intrigue were organized and practiced by political combinations and individuals. Independent government was a theory only, and many sincere patriots doubted the wisdom of further effort to establish and maintain a Republic, believing that existing conditions were even worse than Spanish rule.

The theory that if the seed of independence is once planted in the soil of public opinion, it will ultimately bring forth a harvest of good national results, holds true in the case of Chile. For notwithstanding the political disorder, frequent changes of government and the sanguinary revolutions that prevailed from the first, the declaration of independence produced beneficent results. The greatest of these benefits was the liberty of trade and freedom of commerce. People were permitted to buy and sell merchandise when, where and to whom they pleased, while under the colonial system all commercial privileges were controlled by the crown; and while Chile was under the authority of Spain, foreigners were not permitted to engage in trade in the colony.

Under the influence of approaching peace, the gradual amalgamation of political factions into united parties, the expansion of trade and the development of the country’s natural resources, the young Republic developed national life to such an extent that a political constitution was promulgated on May 25, 1833. The independence of the Republic was not recognized by Spain, however, until 1846. The constitution gave to the president authority as ample as that possessed by the king, over the colonies, authorizing him to use in certain cases and emergencies extraordinary powers even to the suspension of the constitutional authority. These provisions were embodied in the constitution for the purpose of suppressing political anarchy and revolution, which had so often interrupted the progress and threatened the life of the Republic from the time of its organization, without waiting for congressional approval. The constitution as adopted in 1833 remained unchanged until 1868. Since that date various amendments have been adopted, limiting the powers of the executive, and adjusting constitutional authority and law to meet the changed conditions of the times and the country.

FORM OF GOVERNMENT.

The form of government under the constitution adopted in 1833 is republican with legislative, executive and judicial branches. The legislative power is vested in the National Congress, consisting of a Senate and House of Deputies, the former, under the latest census, being composed of 37, and the latter of 108 members. Senators are elected for a term of six years, one-half the number being elected every three years. Members of the lower branch of Congress are elected for three years by direct vote, the apportionment being one for every 30,000 inhabitants or fraction of not less than 15,000. Congress is in session from June 1 to September 1 of each year. During the recess of that body a permanent committee consisting of seven senators and seven deputies acts for Congress, and is consulted by the executive upon all questions of importance.

The president is elected for a term of five years by electors who are chosen by direct vote. He is ineligible to election for two consecutive terms. The salary of the chief executive is 60,000 pesos, equal to about $20,000 in U. S. currency. He is assisted by a Council of State consisting of 11 members, six of whom are appointed by Congress and five by the president; and also by six cabinet ministers who are named by the executive, but are responsible to the Congress.

The constitution having become an established law, Chile made rapid progress along the road of national life, leading to order, authority and prosperity. But it was not until Manuel Montt, who was president from 1851 to 1861, had put down two revolutions that order and executive authority were firmly established, and the force of organized national defense demonstrated. In 1861 Montt was succeeded as president by Jose Joaquin Perez, who continued as chief executive for ten years. The condition of law and order that was established and maintained by the government previous to his election continued throughout his two administrations, and national authority was extended and enlarged until liberty of action and speech was insured to every citizen of the Republic. By his political moderation and conciliation, President Perez established a feeling of internal peace and security that had not been previously felt in the country. Unfortunately Chile was soon to be disturbed again by a war-cloud upon the peaceful horizon. Having secured their own freedom, and established an independent government, the patriotic people were not content to remain indifferent to the arbitrary actions of Spain in taking forceful possession of the Chincha Islands in 1865. By force of public opinion and popular sentiment, President Perez was compelled to make an alliance with Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador, to defend the interests of South American Republics against the domination of Spain.

Spain sent a fleet to blockade the ports of Chile, which was not a difficult undertaking, as the Chilean navy then consisted of one gunboat, the Esmeralda. On November 26, the Esmeralda, under command of Captain William Rebolledo, made a brilliant coup by attacking and capturing the Spanish corvette, Covadonga, which daring deed was accomplished within view of the Spanish squadron blockading the harbor of Valparaiso. The admiral commanding the fleet was so humiliated by the fact that one of his ships had been taken by the Chileans that he committed suicide on board his flagship, a few hours afterwards.

To avenge the loss, and apparently as an act of spite inspired by the humiliating incident of the Covadonga, Spain sent a more powerful fleet to Valparaiso, and on March 31, 1866, bombarded the city, causing considerable loss of life, and destruction of property to the value of fifteen million dollars.

At that time Valparaiso had no land fortifications nor means of resisting an attack from a hostile fleet, and Spain’s action in bombarding the port has been generally condemned. This apparent unjustifiable destruction of a defenseless city was the last armed demonstration of Spain in South America. For three centuries she attempted to govern Chile as a colony, and for the first fifty years of national life of the Republic the threatening attitude of the parent government continued as a menace and an obstacle to progress and industrial development. Peace was not established between the two countries until 1884, but after the bombardment of Valparaiso, there was no further hostile demonstration, and Chile was permitted to direct the force of her energies towards building up neglected national institutions and developing the natural resources of the country.

The bombardment of Valparaiso forced upon Chile a realization of her defenseless position against attack from a naval force. Without a navy to defend her extensive coast country, or fortifications with which to protect her ports, she was at the mercy of any maritime power. To meet this requirement and to strengthen her national position, she acquired a formidable navy, the most powerful in South America, and constructed modern fortifications in all the principal ports. Since that time Chile has been regarded as one of the most formidable and aggressive naval and military powers among the Latin-American Republics.

During the administration of President Perez the liberal element in the Republic began to assert itself, and to demand political reforms. This was the first demonstration and show of resistance against the conservative church party, which had been in control of the government since its formation. The program of the liberals was: “The absolute guarantee of personal liberty; that local governments shall be invested with that complete independence necessary for the thorough exercise of their prerogatives; that the different branches of government shall be independent of each other, that all persons shall be equal before the law and that all special privileges shall be abolished.” This was a move from the oligarchy towards democracy. The liberals scored their first victory in 1868, when Congress passed an amendment to the constitution, making the president ineligible to reëlection. The laws providing for civil responsibility, for political treason, and imprisonment for debt were also abolished by the same Congress.

Don Federico Errazuriz, who was elected to the presidency in 1871, was a man of scholarly attainments, and had had a long and varied experience in public life. He had been minister of foreign affairs, of the interior, of justice, and of war, and had served in both branches of the legislative body.

During the administration of President Errazuriz, the liberal party succeeded in passing a number of reformatory measures, among which was one providing that the clergy should be amenable to the civil authorities, and further that all sects might worship in churches erected by private enterprise. The president also decreed that space should be reserved in catholic or public cemeteries for the interment of dissenters, who could be given the right of burial according to the form of their respective denominations. Against these acts the clerical party filed a remonstrance which was signed by the Archbishop of Santiago; and members of Congress who voted for the measures, as well as magistrates who should attempt to enforce the laws, were threatened with excommunication from the church. But those progressive measures still remain upon the statute books of Chile.

Don Anibal Pinto succeeded Don Federico Errazuriz as president in 1876. His administration was early confronted with a financial crisis, and in 1878 the government authorized the banks to suspend specie payment, and guaranteed their emission of paper money to the amount of $15,500,000, which was made redeemable in coin on August 31, 1879. A year later the government found it necessary to resort to a second issue of paper currency to the amount of $6,000,000.

The church question, which had been made the paramount political issue in previous campaigns continued with unabated zeal and acrimony throughout President Pinto’s administration. In 1878 the Archbishop of Santiago died, and the government recommended the appointment of Don Francisco de Paula Taforo as his successor. The clergy of the country opposed the appointment, but the government maintained that inasmuch as the State supported the ecclesiastical officials, the civil authorities should name the church dignitaries. After a bitter contest lasting for several years an apostolic delegate was sent from Rome to make report on the affair. He was expelled by President Santa Maria, who succeeded President Pinto, and the victory was won by the government.

Throughout the administrations of Presidents Perez, Errazuriz, and Pinto the country made rapid advancement along the road of national progress and civilization. Previous to that time all reforms and advanced measures were initiated and directed by the executive, whose political power made him practically the government.

Neither the House of Deputies nor the Senate made any pretense to parliamentary rule or order. In both national and private life the poor but honest element predominated. People earned a legitimate livelihood by honest industry, and wanton extravagance was little known.

THE WAR OF 1879.

There are various versions of the causes leading up to the war between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, but the immediate cause of hostilities, which placed Chile in possession of the greatest nitrate fields in the world, was the cession by the Bolivian government to the Anglo-Peruvian firm of Gibbs & Company, of the right to work the nitrate deposits north of twenty-four degrees south, to construct a mole at Antofagasta and build a railway to some mines in the interior. Later this firm disposed of a portion of its concessions to a Chilean company, the “Compañia Salitres y Ferrocarril de Antofagasta.” When the Bolivian government discovered that Chilean capital and industry were developing the desert into a source of wealth, it laid an export bounty of ten cents per hundred weight upon manufactured nitrate of soda. The Compañia Salitres y Ferrocarril objected to paying export duties upon the products of its properties, and appealed to Chile for protection. Bolivia then threatened to seize all nitrate in the hands of exporters. The Chilean government protested against this arbitrary action and sent a fleet to blockade the ports of Antofagasta, Cobija and Tocopilla. On February 14, 1879, Chile took possession of Antofagasta and sent troops to the interior to protect the property interests of its citizens. General Hilarion Daza, President of Bolivia, then declared war, expelled some Chilenos from the country and confiscated their properties. Thus the fraternity and harmony of interests of the neighboring Republics were destroyed, the trumpets of war sounded, and the result was a change in the map of South America.

Peru tendered her services as mediator and sent special envoys to Santiago and La Paz. But Chile,—having knowledge of a secret treaty celebrated between Bolivia and Peru in 1873, the purpose of which was declared to be the mutual guarantee of the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the two republics, and mutual defense against aggression,—the proposition was looked upon by Chile with distrust. Peru proposed that Chilean troops should evacuate Antofagasta; that the three republics should guarantee a neutral administration of affairs. Chile demanded the annulment of the secret treaty of 1873, and that preparations for war on the part of Peru should cease. These propositions were rejected, and Chile declared war against the allies on April 5, 1879.

Hostilities began at once and in earnest, both upon land and sea, continuing until Chile gained her final victories in the battles of Miraflores and Chorrillos, January 13, 1881, and four days later the victorious troops marched into Lima and occupied the Peruvian capital. The campaign was a succession of brilliant victories and achievements for the Chilean arms.

Peru believed her navy superior to that of Chile, but she had not reckoned the valor, skill and zeal of the patriotic Chilean officers, whose feats won for them not only victory, but the admiration of the world, and established for Chile an international reputation as a fighting nation. Equally brilliant and successful was the campaign of the land forces. In the battles of Pisagua, Tacna, Arica, and finally at Miraflores the Chilean troops were invincible.

Among those who distinguished themselves in the navy during the war with Peru and Bolivia was Captain Arturo Prat, who gave up his life in the battle of Iquique, where, after his ship, the Esmeralda, had been disabled and was being rammed by the Peruvian cruiser Huascar, leaped from the deck of his own vessel to that of the enemy, and with his sword attacked single-handed the forces that confronted him in overwhelming numbers. There is in the Plaza Intendencia, Valparaiso, a handsome bronze monument erected to the memory of Arturo Prat, whose heroic deeds and valiant service form some of the most brilliant chapters in the history of his country. Admiral Patricio Lynch was another naval officer with a foreign name who distinguished himself in the war with Peru, and later received the title of general for meritorious service in the Chilean army. During the occupation of Lima, by the Chilean forces, Admiral Lynch was placed in command of the troops in the Peruvian capital, where he remained in charge until April, 1884, when the treaty of peace was ratified and Chile withdrew her army from the conquered country.

By the treaty of peace celebrated with Bolivia on December 11, 1882, Chile obtained all the latter’s seacoast, including the port of Cobija, privileges for constructing railways into the interior and twenty per cent. of Bolivian port customs.

The treaty between Chile and Peru, which was signed at Ancon, on October 20, 1883, contained provisions that led to complications which still leave the question of final settlement in dispute; complications that resulted in a discontinuance of diplomatic relations, which at times became so strained that another conflict at arms seemed imminent. Peru ceded to Chile the province of Tarapaca, forever and unconditionally. In lieu of $10,000,000 cash indemnity, and as security for payment of same, the territory constituting the provinces of Tacna and Arica passed into the possession of Chile for a period of ten years, at the end of which time the ownership of the territory was to be determined by a vote of the legal residents of those provinces. Whatever the result of the election, the country to which the provinces should be annexed, engaged to pay the other $10,000,000 in cash. The time limit for this provision of the treaty expired in 1894, and Peru not being prepared to comply with its requirements, Chile continued in possession of the territory, and the question of Tacna and Arica remained a disputed one.

THE TACNA AND ARICA QUESTION.

A few years later Peru became more prosperous through the development of her rich mineral resources and began pressing for a settlement of the question. To the arbitration proposition presented by Peru Chile maintained that there was nothing to arbitrate. In 1905 Peru presented her side of the question in the form of a written protest against certain proposed industrial improvements in the disputed territory. The reply of the Chilean government to the arguments offered in the protest was an able statement of the case, which left little doubt in the minds of those familiar with the subject that it was Chile’s intention to retain possession of the territory in question.

In June 1905 diplomatic relations between the two republics were resumed, and Peru sent Don Manuel Alvarez Calderon as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Santiago, where he was warmly received by President Riesco and his Cabinet Ministers. In his address in presenting his credentials to the President of Chile, on November 4, 1905, Señor Calderon stated that he was charged with the task of settling outstanding questions in conformity with treaty stipulations, meaning, it was understood, the Tacna and Arica question. In February 1906 the Chilean government named Don Rafael Balmaceda as Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to Peru.

The more amicable relations resulting from the appointment of diplomatic representatives continued until 1909 when Chile proposed the taking of the plebiscite on certain bases which were then considered unacceptable by Peru, and diplomatic relations were again broken off by the latter country. The main points at issue in this instance involved the questions of who were to constitute the voters, who should preside at the proceedings of the plebiscite, and at what date the election to secure an expression of the residents of the disputed territory should take place.

During the year 1912 an effort was made on the part of the respective governments to agree upon terms acceptable to both countries for the celebration of the plebiscite provided for in the treaty of Ancon, to determine the nationality of the provinces of Tacna and Arica, and the following general agreement was reached:

Peru agrees that all inhabitants, whether Chilean or Peruvian, shall have the right to vote, provided that they enjoy electoral rights under the constitutions of their respective governments. This is the proposition made by Chile in 1909, except that she was willing to include foreigners amongst the voters, while Peru insisted on their exclusion. Chile assuming that the plebiscite would then take place at once, proposed six months’ residence as a necessary condition for voters, and Peru demanded that the time be extended to three years. The plebiscite under the latest arrangement is to be postponed for twenty-one years, during which interval it is hoped and believed that the prejudices engendered by the war, and the ill-feeling existing on the part of the citizens of both republics living in the disputed territory will greatly change for the better, and lessen the chances of a conflict in the final settlement of a difficult question of long standing.

Peru is willing to accede the claim to preside at the taking of the plebiscite, and the president of the Supreme Court of Chile will preside. The rest of the board will be composed of two Chileans and two Peruvians, and final decision will be reached by the majority.

The most important feature of the arrangements, however, is the contemplated treaty of commerce and navigation, by which both countries hope to create such a powerful influence for peace that the question which for so many years has proven an insuperable difficulty to the best efforts of the statesmen of both countries will play a secondary and unimportant part in the relations between the two republics.

Chile is no longer disposed to treat with Peru in a conciliatory manner, or submit to arbitration a question in which she has the right of possession. Having settled peacefully the long standing boundary dispute with the Argentine Republic, which for a quarter of a century hung like a war cloud over the Cordilleras, and got possession of Bolivia “tregua” (tentatively), by means of a treaty of peace and amity, Chile is no longer afraid of a triple alliance with the Argentine, Bolivia and Peru, which once menaced her security and national life.

When the Spanish-American colonies united to secure their independence from Spain it was mutually agreed that there should be no “no man’s land.” To attain this end it was covenanted that the boundaries of the new Republics should be those assigned to each as a colony. In many instances those boundaries were ill defined, and in others conjectural or imaginary. As explorations proceeded these errors were discovered and naturally gave rise to territorial questions between neighboring nations.

Chile had but two neighbors and she had boundary disputes with both. The dispute with the Argentine led to the erection of a fort and the founding of a settlement in the Strait of Magellan by Chile in 1843. From that time until the boundary award by King Edward in 1903, the two republics were in a continual controversy over territorial limits, which on more than one occasion led them to the brink of war. With her other neighbor, Bolivia, Chile had a boundary dispute which has had far-reaching consequences. A modus vivendi which seemed to promise lasting peace was agreed upon. Contrary to expectation, however, the agreement produced war, procuring for Chile another neighbor and still another territorial dispute. Previous to the war of the Pacific, the province of Antofagasta, which was Bolivian territory, separated Chile and Peru, but as a result of that war Chile came into possession of the province of Antofagasta and consequently became a neighbor to Peru. Surrounded as she was then with three Republics individually and collectively maintaining a hostile attitude to her independent and aggressive policy, Chile was placed in a peculiarly delicate and dangerous political position. If one of her three neighbors made a move in its boundary question the other two pressed for a settlement of similar claims.

During the civil conflict in Chile her three neighbors took advantage of the internal disturbance to urge settlement of their boundary questions. And when the relations between Argentina and Chile became so strained as to make war imminent, Bolivia and Peru assumed a most aggressive attitude in demanding a settlement of the questions growing out of the war of ’79. Chile has not forgotten these acts of her neighbors, but her attitude is not one of resentment. Her desire is for peace, as has been demonstrated by her generous and amicable adjustment of differences with Bolivia and Argentina; peace at home and abroad, but peace with honor. She governs her sword in accordance with the motto of the Castilian Hidalgo: “No me desenvainas sin causa; no me envainas sin honor.” (I do not unsheath my sword without cause; I do not sheath it without honor.)

The territorial questions of Chile with Argentina and Bolivia have been definitely settled, and the three countries have been greatly benefited thereby. Chile and the Argentine have been relieved of the enormous drain upon their resources in the purchase of ships and preparations for war, and under treaty arrangements capital is seeking investment in Bolivia in the development of its natural resources. The only outstanding territorial question that Chile now has to deal with is that relating to Tacna and Arica.

Bolivia’s loss in the war with Chile was irreparable, depriving it of all coast territory and an outlet to the sea. It now occupies the unique position of being one of two inland countries in the sisterhood of South American Republics. After the war Chile took possession of the long strip of desert bordering on the Pacific, which furnished Bolivia access to the ocean and direct communication with the outside world. The territory is a rainless region, devoid of vegetation, but beneath its surface are nitrate deposits sufficient to supply the world, and its acquisition made Chile the richest country on the globe, in proportion to its population. It derives from that source about 90,000,000 pesos, equal to $30,000,000 United States currency, or $8.50 per capita, annually. The source of this enormous revenue has become the permanent possession of Chile. Bolivia has apparently abandoned the idea of pressing further claims for readjustment of questions growing out of the war, and is endeavoring to make the best of a bad situation by developing the resources of her remaining territory and promoting her industrial interests. In 1905 she celebrated a treaty of commerce and amity with Chile, which provides among other things for the building of a system of railroads through the provinces of Tacna and Arica, thereby giving to Bolivia access to Pacific ports, providing means of communication and facilities for transporting her products to the coast, as well as to ports of entry.

Bolivia also has a large scheme of railway-building of her own, some of the more important branches of which will connect with the lines built by Chile, extending from the coast across the pampa. It was the announcement of this treaty agreement that caused the last vigorous protest by Peru against Chile’s course in the Tacna and Arica question.

During the administration of the phlegmatic but conscientious Domingo Santa Maria, who was president from 1881 to 1886, Chile passed through an important epoch, the pivotal point in her national history. It includes the war with Peru and Bolivia, and an international complication with the Argentine Republic in which war was averted only by a diplomatic handling of the question.

Argentina had an unsigned alliance with Peru and Bolivia, and advantage was taken of Chile’s war engagement to press the question of boundary limits, and also that of the possession of Patagonia and the Straits of Magellan. To meet this emergency and to avoid if possible another war, the government commissioned Jose Manuel Balmaceda, who was then serving as Minister of Foreign Affairs, to go to the Argentine capital and save Chile from impending difficulties. Although coldly received in Buenos Aires, Señor Balmaceda entered upon the task with zeal and determination, unraveled the tangle of international questions, and tied the hands of Argentina by withdrawing Chile’s claim to that portion of Patagonia lying east of the Cordilleras. Previous to that time all of Patagonia was Chilean territory. It was included in the Spanish Vice-royalty inherited by the Republic. This concession precipitated other boundary disputes which were the cause of many years of international contention, almost resulting in war between the two nations on several occasions. It was finally settled by arbitration in May, 1903, when a boundary line, established by a commission appointed by King Edward VII, was accepted and approved by a treaty agreement between the two countries.

On his return from the Argentine, Balmaceda was made Prime Minister and became a most potent political factor and powerful incentive to material progress and development. From armed conflicts and international complications Chile emerged triumphant and successful. Her territorial limits had been extended to include some of the richest mineral deposits on the continent, her national prestige greatly increased, her credit unimpaired and her wealth producing resources multiplied.

From that time Chile made rapid advancement along lines of industrial development and intellectual progress. For the first time in her national existence the exports exceeded her imports; the balance of trade was favorable to her commerce, and the surplus in the national treasury reached 100,000,000 pesos. A remarkable thing about this surplus is that it was accumulated while the government was engaged in building railroads, bridges, public schools and colleges, penal and correctional institutions, constructing highways and providing better means of communication throughout the country. The Congress of that period, 1882-5, was notable in the history of the Republic for its progressive policies, unity of purpose and patriotic support of the government.

The administration party, led by Balmaceda, with the encouragement of President Santa Maria, was marshaling its forces for some radical departures from former governmental policies. The president issued a message in which it was declared the intention of the administration to enact a law providing for the civil registry of births, deaths and marriages. In the National Congress, September 26, 1885, Balmaceda, representing the administration, declared the following to be the government program:

“Reciprocate and counterpoise every arm of public power; sacredly maintain the independence of constitutional and judicial powers; protect from abuse the electoral power and liberty of suffrage; formally reorganize municipalities for honest, harmonious legislation; separate the church from the state and protect the liberty of thought; foment progressive public instruction, examine proofs of character and competency in the exercise of public functions; realize national administration in the most correct, upright and economical manner.”

Little attention was given to these patriotic sentiments at the time, but later when Balmaceda became minister of the interior, he declared in congress that “the Catholic religion marches contrary to the current of the century, restrains the liberty of State, refuses modern progress, denies freedom of thought and destroys liberal ideas; the church condemns culture and fosters ignorance. With the creed of Catholicism it is difficult to unite the politics of modern State, as the Catholic religion is an exclusive compulsory factor and beneficiary in Chilean administrations.”

After a bitter congressional campaign, in which the measure was opposed by the church element, the civil registry act became a law. History credits President Santa Maria with giving his country this beneficent law, but it was the aggressive Balmaceda who led the fight against all the fortified conservative forces, religious and traditional prejudices of Chile, inculcating into the minds of the people new and advanced ideas, and making the passage of the law possible. Inspired by patriotic motives, and with excessive confidence in others, including his enemies, Balmaceda committed the common mistake of politicians in believing the cause he advocated would prevail because it was right. The war with Peru and Bolivia had left multiform internal and external questions for settlement. While these international problems were pressing for solution, requiring the attention of the administration, the opposition party made a fierce fight in the elections of 1886, securing a majority in the Congress. Then followed the greatest political struggle in the history of Chile. The elements opposing the civil registry law, and other political measures advanced by the administration, employed every means within their power to arrest the liberal advance, which had made such rapid progress in the few years immediately preceding, to embarrass the administration of Santa Maria and destroy the influence of Balmaceda, who had become a political power in the Republic.

ELECTION OF BALMACEDA.

The contending forces and warring political elements of that critical period in Chile’s history reached a climax in the struggle for supremacy in the campaign of 1886, which resulted in the election of Balmaceda as president. During the years intervening between the war with Peru and Bolivia, and the inauguration of Balmaceda, Chile had prospered wonderfully. The rich nitrate properties, acquired as the fruits of war, were being developed and worked with foreign capital, and were producing an enormous annual revenue. The Republic was then in the period of its greatest prosperity, having accumulated a large surplus in the national treasury, notwithstanding the fact that public works, including highways, school houses, bridges, harbor improvements, etc., were being constructed. Order and system prevailed in the management of government affairs, and the country was in the bloom of industrial progress and national prosperity.

Under these favorable conditions, Don Jose Manuel Balmaceda became president. To the creation of these conditions he had contributed much in the way of honest industry, but the full fruition of his hopes to make of Chile an independent Republic, where every citizen, irrespective of condition, creed or religion, might exercise his rights without prejudice to his individual interests was never to be realized. Not only was he destined to disappointment and ultimate defeat, but this strong, brilliant man, the greatest in many respects that Chile has produced, proved the rock upon which the Ship of State foundered. His administration ended in a revolution, the tragic end of which was the death of the president by suicide in the Argentine Legation, in Santiago, where he sought asylum after the final success of the revolutionists and the overthrow of the government.

It was on a constitutional question that Balmaceda clashed with Congress, which resulted in his downfall. Under the constitution the president must convoke Congress in regular session from June 1 to September 1, each year; he has power to prorogue it at any time for a term of fifty days, and he can summon it in special session whenever he chooses. He appoints his cabinet ministers, governors of provinces, diplomatic representatives, and five out of eleven members of the Council of State, “Consejo de Estado.” He also appoints the judges of the several courts, upon recommendation of the Council of State. He approves, promulgates and takes part in the making of laws, issues decrees, regulations, etc., which he may consider desirable for the execution of laws. The authority thus vested in the president gives him a power which, if abused, might become a menace to the Republic. It was perhaps for this reason that the framers of the constitution of Chile, apparently desiring to avoid the possibility of the concentration of political power in the Republic, made the ministry responsible to the legislative branch of the government instead of the executive. Following the plan of the French Republic, legislation affecting the general policy of the government originates with the ministry. When Congress convenes the president outlines the administration policy in a message calling attention to such measures as he thinks should receive attention and consideration from the legislative bodies. Bills are prepared by the cabinet ministers and presented to Congress. A failure to approve by their votes any measure coming from the executive branch is taken as a vote of lack of confidence in the administration, and the only course left for the president is to dissolve his ministry. The power bestowed upon Congress to overthrow ministries, and defy the president by refusing to coöperate with the executive branch of government, was never indulged in to any considerable extent until Balmaceda’s time. Then the political elements opposed to the administration policy allied their interests and exercised their power to defeat the progressive measures presented, thereby repeatedly rejecting the ministry. Since that time the custom of obstruction has grown into such a gigantic abuse that it is now almost impossible for the president of Chile to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to carry out any general plan or policy of government. In fact it has become one of the crying evils of the country which the press denounces vigorously and persistently. During the administration of President German Riesco, 1901-6, ministerial changes became so frequent that a cabinet crisis was not regarded as a matter of any interest or consequence by the public.

During the first years of Balmaceda’s administration, Chile enjoyed an era of golden prosperity and national progress. Numerous reforms were proposed, which had for their purpose the improvement of the government service. One project was to prohibit senators and deputies from having an interest in any public contract; another that neither the president nor any cabinet minister should appoint a near relative to office unless the person possessed the necessary qualifications for the position. Believing himself secure in the performance of his duties and the administration of government affairs, President Balmaceda prepared to utilize a portion of the large income from the nitrate fields in the construction of public works. He contracted for the building of new lines of railway in the central and southern provinces at a cost of $30,000,000; built schools and colleges in every city in the Republic, amounting to $10,000,000 in value; ordered the construction of three modern warships and two torpedo boats in Europe. He also continued and completed the work of constructing a government dry dock at Talcahuano; armed and equipped the army with modern rifles and munitions of war, and improved the coast defenses, to which were added new modern batteries at Talcahuano and Iquique.

The questions affecting the prerogatives of the members of Congress and cabinet ministers, together with the extravagant policy of the administration caused much political agitation and exciting debate in the Senate and House of Deputies. The constant attack of the clerical party, the bitter denunciations of the press, added to the conservative opposition finally created dissension among the liberals, who had elected and until then supported the president. Charges of usurpation of power and dictatorship were made against Balmaceda, and the political situation became such that a revolt was imminent. Various ministries had been rejected by Congress because of the policy pursued in erecting costly public works instead of employing the government revenues in reducing the foreign debt and redeeming the paper currency, and the president found himself in the embarrassing situation of having entered upon a policy of extensive government improvement and industrial development without the support of Congress. An extraordinary session was called for the purpose of providing government revenues. Other measures were taken up by Congress and the appropriation bill deferred until the president should recede from his arbitrary position. Balmaceda refused to compromise, and the ministry again resigned. He then appointed a new cabinet in harmony with his views and declared the session closed, maintaining that Congress when called in extraordinary session for the express purpose of passing an appropriation bill had no constitutional authority to go into the consideration of other measures. In explaining his action he said: “Congress by the express terms of the constitution has no more right to dictate to me what ministers I shall appoint than it has to advise what food I shall eat or clothes I shall wear.”

The Constitutional Advisory Committee was convened and as a result of its deliberations the president was advised to again convene Congress in extraordinary session. Balmaceda hesitated, fearing that Congress if again convened might declare the office of president vacant. While he and his ministers deliberated, the Constitutional Committee arrogated to itself the authority to call an extra session. The opposition was rapidly securing support from various political elements throughout the country and by popular sympathy among the people. The dictatorial attitude of the administration aroused intense feeling and there was a clamor for the deposition of the alleged dictator. Realizing that summary action was necessary to maintain his power and aggressive policy, the president issued a manifesto on January 1, 1891, declaring his intention to exercise his constitutional powers and functions,—to stand by the strict letter of the law. He declared that he had nothing to do with the effete provisions of the constitution, nor with new theories of parliamentary government until they were enacted into law. He maintained that under the constitution the appropriation bill passed by the previous Congress held good until another was passed. The supreme court declared the acts of the president unconstitutional. He ignored the court. This assumption of authority on the part of the executive was contrary to precedent and to republican ideas, even if constitutional, and the cry of “dictator” was raised. Thus the machinery of government was disabled, and while the Ship of State lay stranded upon the rock of party politics, Congress declared the country in revolution, and the tempest of war struck the Republic on January 7, 1891, when the navy, under command of Señor Don Jorge Montt went over to the revolutionists. The squadron sailed for the north with the presiding officers of the Senate and House of Deputies on board, and a floating Congress was established.

The Congress which declared Balmaceda deposed, empowered Don Jorge Montt to assume provisional command, and a junta was organized on board the warship Blanco Encalada, composed of Señor Montt, Don Waldo Silva, vice-president of the Senate and Don Ramon Barros Luco, president of the Chamber of Deputies.

The revolution started by Balmaceda’s manifesto of January 1, 1891, was apparently poorly prepared to cope with the government. The insurgents had no military organization, no arms or munitions of war. The junta proceeded north and took possession of the provinces of Tarapaca, Atacama and Antofagasta, which include the rich nitrate fields and wealth producing mineral territory of Chile, the revenues from which were employed in purchasing arms, provisions and equipment for an army. They also had possession of the majority of the naval squadron. By the middle of the year 1891 the government had 45,000 troops in the field, four thousand of which were cavalry. The revolutionists had only about twelve thousand soldiers, which encouraged the sanguine Balmaceda to believe that he could easily suppress the uprising.

Congressional elections were held in May, and a majority of the members elected were in sympathy with the administration. In June presidential electors were chosen, and they selected as the candidate for president Don Claudio Vicuña, who was Balmaceda’s choice for his successor. Señor Vicuña, who was of an old and distinguished family, was declared duly elected president on July 25, 1891, but the final success of the insurgents prevented him from ever taking his seat.

As the struggle continued the revolutionary cause gained strength and reinforcements from various sources. The superior skill of the military officer directing the opposition forces made itself manifest, and the position of Balmaceda and his government became daily more and more menaced with dissolution and overthrow. On August 20, ten thousand revolutionary troops were disembarked at Quintero, a few miles from Valparaiso, and on the following day a decisive battle was fought, at Concon, situated at the mouth of the Aconcagua River, resulting in the defeat of the government forces. This crushing defeat, in which about 2,500 of the government troops were killed, practically caused the fall of Balmaceda. He made a strenuous and brave effort to recover from the disaster, but the railway communication having been destroyed, it was impossible to send reserve troops from the south, where they had been stationed, in time to save the situation.

After the battle of Concon the opposition forces advanced upon Valparaiso, and two days later endeavored to capture Fort Callao, at Viña del Mar, a beautiful suburban place six miles from Valparaiso. The fortress, which commands the bay of Valparaiso, the valley and surrounding heights, being equipped with modern guns, and well-nigh impregnable, resisted the attack of both warships and artillery, and a repulse prevented a direct advance upon Valparaiso, the objective point of the Congressional army. Retiring from Viña del Mar, Generals Canto and Korner, commanding the revolutionary forces, fell back to Salto, a few miles distant, where they destroyed a railway bridge spanning the river, thus cutting off communication with Santiago, and preventing the possibility of Balmaceda forwarding troops from the capital. Making a detour of some thirty miles, the revolutionists endeavored to approach Valparaiso from the south, but encountered the government forces, under command of Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca, occupying a formidable position upon the hills near Placilla, a few miles from the city of Valparaiso. This was on August 27th. On the 30th the election of Señor Claudio Vicuña would be formally ratified by the Senate, and he would become president. It was important to the revolutionists to force a decisive engagement and overthrow Balmaceda before the newly elected president should take his seat. Before daylight on the morning of the 28th, under cover of the darkness and protection of the hills, the revolutionists got into position to give battle without being seen by the government forces. Early in the morning as the advancing army was crossing an open plain Balmaceda’s troops opened an artillery fire upon it, and the battle of Placilla, the final and decisive engagement in the revolution, was begun. The opposition forces numbered about twelve thousand and the government, nine thousand. The former, flushed with success and inspired with the hope of final victory, fought like demons, while the latter, discouraged and disheartened with failure, menaced with disaster and annihilation, showed lack of order, discipline, and courage manifested and displayed on previous occasions. Some companies even deserted and joined the enemy during the battle. After a few hours’ terrific fighting, in which more than a thousand men were killed and a greater number wounded, on the government side, the Balmaceda army was put to rout. The victorious forces which had lost five hundred killed and over a thousand wounded, pursued the fleeing remnants of the routed army, driving many of them into the quebrades (ravines), where they were unmercifully slaughtered. Generals Barbosa and Alzerreca were both killed in the engagement. On the evening of the 28th, Valparaiso was in possession of the revolutionists and the Balmaceda government was overthrown.

Leading government supporters, including Don Claudio Vicuña, president elect, and who only lacked a few days of being formally declared the chief executive of the Republic, sought refuge on board foreign warships in the harbor.

That night Valparaiso was the scene of a Bacchanalian rabble that would have shamed Rome in the reign of Nero. The city was in possession of a mob, intoxicated with success, drunk upon wine and athirst for blood, that murdered with impunity and sacked the town without restraint. Drunken men and women reeled through the streets, shooting at each other as a matter of sport, and on the following morning four hundred victims of the mob’s violence were found dead in the streets.

The scenes enacted in Santiago were equally as wild and tragic as those witnessed in Valparaiso. The houses of Balmaceda, Claudio Vicuña and other Balmacedistas were attacked, looted and everything they contained destroyed or carried away. A statue of the deposed president was dismembered and kicked through the streets. From balconies ladies cheered the performance, while opprobrium was heaped upon the inanimate form by the drunken mob. Beggars and thieves appropriated with impunity works of art and beautiful articles of furniture found in the residences of those who had remained loyal to the administration.

That night President Balmaceda left the Moneda (Government Palace), and sought asylum in the Argentine Legation, where he remained until his legal term as president expired, September 18. On September 19 he took his own life by firing a revolver-shot into his brain, thus avoiding the chronicle in history that he committed suicide while president of the Republic.

Thus the tragic and untimely death of this strong, brave man, who was called a tyrant and dictator by his enemies, but was loved and revered by his friends. Through the vista of years that intervene between the present and the close of the revolution, the official acts of Balmaceda and the monuments he left to his memory in the form of government works and public enterprises, loom large and conspicuous when compared with the works of those who have succeeded him. Public opinion and sentiment in Chile have undergone wonderful changes since the day a shot from a revolver in his own hand crashed into and stilled forever the fertile, creative brain of Jose Manuel Balmaceda, and an ungrateful Republic is now beginning to set its seal of approbation upon his official life and private character. History will yet write the name of Balmaceda large upon the roll of honor reserved for Chile’s patriots, statesmen, diplomats and scholars.

At the close of the revolution the “Junta de Gobierno,” with Captain Jorge Montt at its head, took charge of the government. On October 18, a general election was held, and on November 18 the electors met and named Don Jorge Montt president. President Montt, while a man of mediocre ability, possessed a high sense of honor, and was conscientious in the strict performance of his official duties. While he did nothing to distinguish himself as a man of great intellectual attainments, his administration marked a period of national tranquillity and general prosperity, securing for him the good will and political support of a majority of the citizens of the Republic. After serving one term as president he was placed at the head of the navy, where he served as a most efficient and popular officer. He held the position as ranking admiral of the navy until 1905, when he was sent on a special government mission to the United States, Japan, Europe and England.

President Montt was succeeded by Don Federico Errazuriz in 1896. There was little in President Errazuriz’ administration worthy of special mention. He was a man of brilliant intellect, cultivated tastes, charming manner and attractive personality, but lacked in the moral qualities that characterized the private and official life of his predecessor.

President Errazuriz died in July, 1901, and was succeeded by Don German Riesco, who had been formally elected a month previous. President Riesco had not been conspicuous in national politics previous to his nomination, and had few political enemies when inaugurated in September, 1901. He was known as a good lawyer, had occupied the position of judge of one of the courts of appeal, and was universally respected for his honesty, industry and high moral character. Being a man of mediocre ability, lacking in precision and firmness, his administration was early embarrassed by politicians who employed obstructive measures to prevent the passage of laws recommended by the executive branch of the government.

The president found it difficult to maintain a ministry for a sufficient length of time to accomplish anything in the way of needed legislation, or to carry out important government policies. He was constantly forced into compromising with various political factions and coalitions. In an effort to secure political influence he lost the support of a majority of the members of the legislative bodies, and also the confidence of the people. The result was a condition of political chaos in the Republic. Ministries were overthrown with frequency, Congress was hopelessly divided into contending factions and there was a general lack of united and concerted effort in the various branches of government.

Chile made substantial commercial progress during the Riesco administration, however, and there prevailed throughout the country a condition of general prosperity. New and important industries were established, many new companies with large capital were organized, and money was plentiful during most of the period. The only disturbing feature of the commercial and financial situation was the constantly fluctuating value of the paper currency.

Another feature of President Riesco’s administration is the fact that it closed with a national calamity, caused by the great earthquake that occurred in August, 1906, causing serious loss of life and great destruction of property in the cities and towns throughout the country.

In the general election of 1906, Don Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt, President of Chile from 1851 to 1861, was elected president by a larger majority than that received by any candidate in the history of the Republic.

Señor Montt was for many years previous to his election regarded as the most able and conservative statesman in the country. He was born in Santiago in 1846, and was graduated from the University in his native city in 1870. In 1874 he was elected a member of the House of Deputies, where he remained for several years. He also served as Speaker of the House, Minister in different cabinets and Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States. With a long and successful political career to his credit he was inaugurated under more favorable and auspicious circumstances than any president since his father, to whom history gives the credit of being one of the ablest executives ever elected to the office.

It was President Montt’s ambition to improve the industrial and financial conditions of the country by establishing the gold standard, and thereby do away with the ruinous fluctuations in the currency values. But in this commendable undertaking he was doomed to disappointment, being defeated in his plans for accomplishing that most desirable reform by the factions that dominated the politics of the Republic, and in 1908-9, the exchange rate reached its lowest level, the Chilean peso being worth at one time only 20 cents U. S. currency, whereas upon a gold standard basis it represents a value of 34 cents.

In May 1910 President Montt attended the inauguration of the centennial exposition of the Argentine Republic in Buenos Aires, making the trip by rail over the Transandine Railway, which was opened to traffic about that time. In July he started on a trip to Europe, going by way of the United States, arriving in New York, August 3. On August 9 he sailed for Europe, arriving in Hamburg on the 16th, where he died soon after his arrival.

After the death of President Montt, Vice-President Elias Fernandez Albano became president. On September 6, of the same year President Albano died and Senator MacIver Como, vice-president of the Council of State became the acting president.

At the regular election in 1910, Don Raymon Barros Luco was elected to the presidency.

INDIANS

The indigenous races of Chile consist of the following tribes: Araucanians, Chilotes, Chonos, Onas, Fueginos, Yahgans, Alacalupes and Patagonians.

The Araucanians, the most powerful, brave, and warlike tribe of South American Indians, formerly occupied all the territory now constituting the northern half of Chile. In the Araucanians the Spaniards met a strong resistance to their invasion of the territory. The tribe then numbered one million, and for three hundred and fifty years they maintained a warfare against the occupation of their country by white men. The Spaniards were unable to subdue them, and even after the war of independence and the establishment of the Republic, they maintained a hostile attitude. Although being gradually and peacefully subjugated they still maintain a sort of independence, living under a form of government agreeable to their common tribal laws and customs. They are now generally engaged in the peaceful pursuits of agriculture.

The Araucanian government consists of a confederation constituted by the union of three independent tribes, each of which is governed by a hereditary chief, called Toqui, or Cacique. A few years ago the territory was divided into sub-districts, for each of which there is a subordinate chief. The Caciques are elected by their respective tribes. They hold armed diets, like the ancient Poles and Germans. In the formation of laws governing their actions, and determining upon military operations, every member of the confederation has a vote.

In more recent years these erstwhile savages have manifested a friendly disposition towards foreigners, some of whom have been admitted to membership in their tribes. These “white Indians,” who usually possess superior intelligence, education and knowledge of the world, sometimes rise to eminence among the tribes. A French lawyer named De Tonneins, once humbugged the Indians into believing in his alleged magical and spiritual attainments to such an extent that the Araucanian tribes proclaimed him king, which distinction he assumed under the title of King Orelie Antonio I, and reigned for several years. The small court by which he was surrounded paid him great deference. His Fraudulent Highness made war against the Chilean government, was captured and deported to his native country, where after several uneventful years, he died in an asylum in Bordeaux.

The Araucanians are a sturdy race, with fine physiques. They are tall, muscular, agile and possess wonderful power of endurance. They are brave to foolhardiness, but lack intelligence, ambition and creative genius. Their stupidity combined with their passions, cruel natures and natural characteristics have prevented them from rising little above the low level of animals in their domestic life. A study of their past history and present conditions has a tendency to disillusionize one who has formed ideas of the Araucanians from descriptions written by historians and tales related by travelers who have never visited the habitations of that peculiar people. In general appearance the Araucanians resemble the other indigenous tribes of North and South America. They are copper colored, have black, straight, coarse hair and deep set, piercing black eyes. There is a trace of foreign blood apparent in many of them, due to their association with the Spaniards who first invaded the country, and shipwrecked sailors, many of whom cast their lots with the Indians, and lived peacefully among them, frequently marrying Indian women.

When America was discovered, the indigenous tribes wore little clothing, but contact with white men has wrought some changes in their customs and habits, and taught them the propriety of wearing at least a semi-civilized garb. The costume of the Araucanian consists of a shirt, a loin cloth, a manta or poncho of dark blue or black fabric, and a scarlet turban, all woven by hand and from natural wool, and colored from dyes extracted from the roots of plants and bark of trees. The women wear long, scarlet petticoats, and over the head a blue manta, which drapes over the body down to and below the waist. Their costumes are also made of hand-woven wool cloth, which is soft and warm, and very durable. A unique feature of the cloth made by the Indians is the variety and peculiarity of colors woven into the fabric. The designs are odd and quaint, and not infrequently weird figures representing animals, serpents and imaginary gods and devils are worked into the patterns. A peculiar feature of the fabric is that the designs are never duplicated, no two pieces of cloth being made of the same pattern. Hence, if one buys an Indian poncho, he has the satisfaction of knowing that no one else will have one like it in design. The mantas worn by the men and women are in plain colors, as a rule, but they are unique garments, the feature of which is a long nap on the outer side of the fabric, which makes it almost impervious to water. These mantas are usually fastened with a huge silver pin, ornamented with a round, flat disk. Both men and women wear silver earrings of huge proportions, very heavy and of varied and odd design. The women wear various other silver ornaments in the form of necklaces, bangles, crosses and pendants. These articles are all made of hammered silver and have an intrinsic as well as a decorative value. The usual aversion of Indians in general to familiarity, or to become communicative, the traditional stolidity of the race, holds good with the Araucanians. They are averse to selling any of their personal apparel or adornments, and all efforts to purchase such articles are resented.

These people, constituting the remnant of a once powerful and proud race, live in miserable huts, the roofs of which provide little protection against rain, and the walls of which are sometimes conspicuous by their absence. In a climate where it rains one half the year, and where the temperature frequently drops to zero, these places of habitation afford little comfort. In these miserable “rucas” live the family, not infrequently consisting of a large number of children, together with donkeys, pigs, dogs and fowls, in sanitary conditions that are shockingly disgusting.

In the Araucanian country, which extends from the River Bio Bio on the north to Valdivia on the south, and from the Cordillera to the sea, some strange sights may be witnessed. Almost the entire country is covered with forests, and there are hundreds of miles of solitude and unbroken wilderness, save the little cultivated patches, where the Indians engage in farming. Their farms and ranchos are usually back from, rather than along the trails where travelers pass. There is little bird or animal life in the forests, and one may ride for days through those solitudes, with little or nothing to attract attention or relieve the oppressive silence and monotony, save the sight of an occasional Indian. The strange, mysterious manner of the Indians only adds to the uncanny aspect of the wilderness. They are mysterious, and undesirable as companions, ignorant, superstitious, and by nature vicious, but like animals, they are dangerous only when disturbed in the pursuit of life.

The deeds of heroism, acts of valor and bravery, which caused the Araucanians to be immortalized in verse and recorded in the more sober lines of prose and history, were enacted during the days of the Spanish conquest.

In 1535, Don Diego de Almagro, the ally and rival of Pizarro, the despoiler of Peru, set out on a mission of conquest of the territory which now constitutes the Republic of Chile. He came not as a peaceful conqueror, as did the Incas long before, but as a tyrant and butcher, endeavoring to strike terror to the hearts of the Indians by acts of cruelty and inhuman treatment. They were treated as so many beasts to be enslaved or slaughtered at the pleasure of those who invaded the country in quest of gold, only. The attitude of Almagro and his followers aroused all the latent fierce combative spirit and resentful feelings that had been smoldering in the hearts of the aborigines during centuries of peaceful occupation of the country, and they resisted the invasion with a heroism and determination that finds few parallels in primitive warfare in the history of the world.

There were then no horses in the country, save those brought by the Spaniards, and the Indians had to fight on foot. The only weapons they possessed were bows and arrows, and lances made of long, flexible bamboo poles, the latter being the weapons of war. They had no military training or leaders and were ignorant of the arts of war, not even appreciating or understanding the advantages of combined or orderly attack. They depended entirely upon impetuous charges, ambush and secret night attacks. They had no fear of death, and not infrequently in battle they continued the conflict until every man engaged was killed. After years of warfare against the Spaniards, they learned the advantages to be gained by the use of horses in battle, which they adopted to some extent, but they did not follow the example of their enemies in the use of saddles, always riding bareback. After many generations of resistance to the invaders, they became more clever and systematic in attack and defense, having learned the importance of better preparation, councils of war and leadership. The Araucanian war extended intermittently over three centuries, and as the case in all wars, whether among barbarians or civilized nations, brought conspicuously to the front individuals who by superior intelligence and bravery were recognized as natural leaders. Chief among those who achieved fame as warriors, and whose deeds of daring form thrilling chapters in Chilean history, were Lautaro, a young brave who at the age of twenty was recognized as the leader of the Indian forces. It was Lautaro who first attempted to organize the various tribes and bands into something like a military force. After many successful battles he was surprised in a night attack by the Spaniards, near Talca, where almost the entire army under his command was annihilated, he being among the killed. He was decapitated, and his head taken to Santiago, where it was placed upon a pole and paraded through the streets as a victorious trophy.

Later Caupolican, one of the bravest of his race, assumed the leadership of the Araucanians. He was finally captured, and his enemies wishing to make an example of the chief cut off both his arms at the elbows, after which he was released. Caupolican pointing the stumps of his amputated arms at his persecutors said: “Be careful, be careful, murderers and persecutors, I will return to avenge these wrongs.” And notwithstanding his maimed condition he later returned to the attack with renewed courage and fierceness, and in many battles, Caupolican was first in the fray, and when beaten, was the last to retire from the field.

Since the days of the conquest of Chile, the Araucanian Indians have been hedged about and encroached upon with modern civilizing influences. Under these conditions they have degenerated until their greatness is only a memory. They now have fixed places of residence, and live upon the proceeds of their labor or lands.

Some of these Indians own large tracts of land, portions of which they cultivate, and upon which they raise large numbers of cattle and horses. The methods employed in farming are crude and primitive. The rich landowners are personages of note in the section of country where they live. And when one of them starts on a trip from his ranch, always on horseback, he is adorned with much silver in the way of ornaments. He is usually accompanied by five or six “mocetones” (servants), and travels in grand style.

Having few wants these Indians work only when it is necessary to supply their needs. Missionaries have tried in recent years to improve their moral condition, but have made little progress. The Araucanian ideas of a serious life are not deep-rooted; there is more stubbornness than intellect in their composition. The Incas who were the first foreign nation to invade Chile, taught them to worship the sun, but in their present degenerate condition they seem to worship only the God Bacchus. Strong drink and its attendant abuses, the curse of all barbarous races, when once introduced by civilized nations, is causing degeneration and a decrease in numbers. It will no doubt continue to aid materially in the consummation of their final extinction.

In 1890, during the administration of President Balmaceda, rail and wagon roads were built through the Araucanian country, and many towns, populated by Chilenos and foreigners sprung up along these routes of communication. Special European immigration was solicited and encouraged by government aid, for the settlement of portions of the territory. Foreign association and influence, changed conditions and environments affected radical changes in the character, customs, habits and beliefs of the Indians. They were brought face to face with the on-marching hosts of civilization, and confronted with the problem of accepting and adapting themselves to the new order of things, or extinction. The ultimate result will be the latter.

With the indigenous races of Chile, and the same is true of other countries, vices tread fast upon the heels of civilization. With the influx of peaceful neighbors, the martial valor of these warlike Indians seems to have disappeared. They have acquired a passion for the cheap brands of liquor introduced by foreigners, and in the indulgence of their appetites for strong drink they have become indolent, and are neglecting their farms and ranches. Many of them have turned their lands over to the colonists, to work on shares, and are thus enabled to lead lives of indolence and excessive indulgence. The raw liquor which they drink is called “Blanco Toro” (white bull); the vile tobacco they smoke is “peclen,” and their pipes are called “guitas.” They still consume large quantities of the ancient Indian drink, “chicha mascada,” which is made from corn that is first chewed by old women, and then put through a process of fermentation. A drink is made from flaxseed by the same process. They are determined and inveterate gamblers, their favorite game being cards, “cayo.” The game they play is peculiar to the tribe, and is called “achaco.” Among the traditional customs to which they cling tenaciously are their Indian dances, “loncomeos,” which are indulged in to the music of an instrument called “cuntum.” This instrument is odd in design and peculiar in tone, being a sort of combination banjo and tambourine.

The Araucanians are as improvident as they are dishonest, and as proud as they are lazy. Yet there is little extreme poverty and there are no beggars among them. Until recent years they were strict vegetarians, and still abstain from eating the flesh of cattle, but they have become so far civilized as to develop a fondness for horse meat. An Indian will willingly exchange a cow or bullock, regardless of value, for a horse, if the equine is sufficiently fat to make it desirable for food. Although many of them are skilled in the use of firearms, which have been generally introduced in recent years, they still manifest a fondness and preference for their bamboo lances, the weapon of war used by their ancestors. They frequently indulge in personal encounters, but always without weapons. These fights are questions of force and endurance, science being left out of the contest, and the belligerent methods employed are not sufficiently violent to result in death. The combatants clutch each other by the hair of the head and indulge in a game of pull-and-haul, the performance being accompanied usually with a volley of wrathful words uttered in a high shrill voice. Unlike the North American Indians they seldom resort to the use of a knife as a weapon of offense or defense.

The system of counting is strictly decimal—from one to ten. Twenty is two tens, fifty, five tens, and one hundred is ten tens; two hundred is two tens of ten, etc.

In case of sickness the “machi” (doctor) is called. That functionary passes his mouth over the entire body of the patient, pinching the flesh with his lips to ascertain the location of the affliction. When that portion is reached where the disease is supposed to be located, an incision is made, from which the “machi” sucks the blood with his mouth. Very few medicines are employed, the chief medicinal remedy used being the leaf of the canelo (wild cinnamon) tree, which is considered a cure for almost every ill.

The treatment of the body after death, previous to burial, is one of the queer and barbarous customs prevalent among the Araucanians. The body is hung up in a building, usually the house in which the person dies, and a slow wood fire built under the corpse. This process of smoking is kept up for several weeks. When the antiseptic principle of the creosote has completely cured the flesh, the body is taken down, and is considered ready for burial. A rope is then attached to the corpse, and a yoke of oxen employed to drag the body to the place of burial. This grewsome procession is preceded by a number of men armed with lances, who march in advance in order to drive away any enemies or evil spirits, that they may not be buried with the dead to disturb their future.

CHILOTES AND CHONOS.

The Chilote Indians inhabit the Island of Chiloe, and a portion of the coast country in the province of Llanquihue, in which territory they constitute the working population. They are a light copper color, and differ materially in physical appearance from the Araucanians. They are short in stature, heavy-set, broad, square shoulders, thick necks, large heads, hands and feet. They have no chiefs or tribal government, being peculiarly unrestrained in their personal lives by traditional laws or government. They are peaceful and industrious. Each person pursues such occupation as he may find or desire, that will afford a living, without regard to the wishes or requirements of others. The chief occupation of this small tribe in recent years is the manufacture of a rough grade of lumber and timbers from a species of red pine, called alerce. This wood has a beautiful straight grain, and the boards are made by riving, instead of sawing. This rough lumber is transported long distances upon the heads of the Indians, to the coast and interior towns, where the product is exchanged for articles of food and clothing.

The Chono Indians, inhabiting the archipelagoes of Guitecas and Chonos, are few in numbers and live in a barbarous state. They live in caves and small brush huts, and subsist entirely upon fish, which they procure along the island coast. The Chonos are small in stature, repulsive in appearance, and in intelligence, and their manner of living ranks little above animals.

FUEGUINOS OR CANOE INDIANS.

The archipelago of Tierra del Fuego, which consists of the large island of the same name, and numerous smaller islands, many of which are rocky, ice-bound and forbidding in aspect, constitutes the extreme southern territorial limits of the continent, and is separated from the mainland by the Strait of Magellan. The aborigines of this far southern territory are divided into three tribes,—the Onas, Yahgans and the Alacalupes. It is among these tribes, inhabiting a wild and forbidding country, undisturbed by the march of progress and civilization, that one may find the indigenous races living under the same conditions and maintaining the traditions and customs that prevailed before the coming of the white man to the western world.

ONAS.

The Onas are physically a fine race of people, the average height of the men being a little over six feet; the women are also tall and muscular. They have no system of tribal government, and are nomadic. Their only occupation is hunting the guanaco, a fur-coated herbivorous animal found in great numbers in the lower ranges of the Andes Mountains in the south. The meat of the guanaco constitutes the chief food supply of the Onas, and many of them subsist upon it entirely. The skins of the animals are made into a sort of manta, which constitutes the only costume worn by the men. They discard this costume when at war, or in pursuit of the guanaco. The women wear only a small piece of guanaco skin about their loins. The Onas live in families, one man usually possessing several women. There is little regard for marriage rites or usage, the more powerful and valiant of the men selecting such women from the tribe as they may desire, and are able to maintain against their rivals.

Their only weapons are bows and arrows, slings and harpoons, the latter being pointed with barbed bone spikes. The number of Onas is now estimated at three thousand five hundred, but like the other tribes in Chile they are decreasing.

YAHGANS.

The coast of the Beagle Channel and all the archipelago south of Tierra del Fuego to Cape Horn is inhabited by the Yahgan Indians. They have no chiefs nor tribal laws and are perhaps the lowest grade of human beings, in point of intelligence, and in the manner and customs of living, existing on the American continent. They are dwarfed in stature, have very dark skins and are repulsive in appearance. A peculiar feature of the Yahgans is the extraordinary projection of their front teeth, which are used for opening the shells of oysters and mollusks. These bivalves and crustacea, their sole article of food, are eaten raw.

The Yahgans, like their neighbors, the Alacalupes of the western channels of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, live almost constantly in their canoes, their only means of transportation. For their fishing expeditions they rarely pass the night on shore, traveling long distances in their frail barques. Considering the turbulent waters in the channels of the archipelago, and the fact that their canoes are made of trunks of trees, propelled with paddles, and that a single frail craft is sometimes laden with a family consisting of several persons, their feats are little less than marvels of navigation.

About fifty years ago English missions were established at Usuhaia, on the Wallston Islands, and later at Takanika, where some favorable results were obtained in distracting the natives somewhat from the pursuits of their nomadic life. A few of them utilize the knowledge acquired from the missionaries in the cultivation of the soil. But the missionaries having practically ceased their efforts in that inhospitable country, most of the Indians have lapsed into their traditional nomadic life, and their condition is perhaps worse to-day than ever before. To add to the misfortunes of these miserable nomads, who have sterility of soil and a rigorous climate to contend with, many of them have been placed in actual slavery in recent years by foreigners, who have acquired interests in the far south, and taking advantage of the helplessness of the Indians have impressed them into service without justification in moral or statutory law.

The Chilean government, apparently indifferent to their fate, has failed to interest itself in the cause of those unfortunate pariahs of human society, whose ranks are being rapidly decimated and whose utter extinction, under present conditions, is only a question of a few years.

In 1882, Mr. Bridge, the missionary, calculated the Yahgan population of the archipelago of Tierra del Fuego at three thousand, but in 1883, the scientific expedition of the “Romanche” estimated the diminishing population at one thousand three hundred. This estimate was based upon the number of canoes counted in the channels, approximately two hundred, each of which was manned by a family of six persons on the average. From later data, which has been furnished by people living in the archipelago, who have endeavored to make a census of the population, the number of this tribe is calculated at seven hundred.

On several occasions the Yahgans have requested foreigners who have visited the islands to present their case to the Chilean government and ask for relief from existing conditions. But so far nothing has been done in the way of providing for or improving the condition of these unfortunate people.

ALACALUPES.

The Alacalupes occupy the coast of the Patagonian Cordilleras to the northwest of the Straits of Magellan. They are also nomads, practically living in their canoes. Like the Yahgans they are small and are very dark, their color being that of mahogany. Notwithstanding the severity of the climate they wear no clothing, and their appearance is one of misery and total depravity. Their only food is fish, which they are most dexterous in catching, and which is eaten raw. This tribe has no chiefs, nor has it any laws governing or restricting individual action. They have no religion and observe no religious rites. All property, such as they have, is individual. Agriculture is unknown among them. When not in their canoes they remain along the shore, never going far inland. They sometimes cut branches from trees and arrange them as a protection against the fierce winds that sweep the coast in winter, but they never use fire, either as a protection against cold or for cooking.

Notwithstanding the fact that these poor, depraved human beings wear no clothing, they are not dead to a sense of modesty, as is sometimes evidenced when in the presence of foreigners. Marriage is a question of reciprocal sentiment, without ceremony or demonstration. Each of these tribes speaks a different language, which like all Indian languages is euphonious, and attractive in its simplicity.

PATAGONIANS.

The most intelligent and progressive race of aborigines in southern South America, a tribe that raises to considerable extent the general low level of life that exists in that section, is the Patagonians. They live in well-constructed, portable tents, called “toldos,” made from guanaco skins, fastened to wooden supports by rawhide thongs, and staked to the ground with pieces of bone. These toldos are so arranged that they can be easily taken apart and removed as necessity may require. Their food consists of the meat of the ostrich, guanaco and deer, all of which abound in the territory inhabited by them.

Physically the Patagonians are a superior race, the average height of the men being considerably over six feet, and many of them are fully seven feet tall. They are well proportioned, deep chested and muscular. They have intelligent faces, regular features, aquiline nose, high forehead and square chin. Their facial expression is one of amiability and good nature. The complexion of the men, when their faces are clean of paint, is a reddish brown; that of the women a healthy, ruddy hue. The young women are often good-looking, but the severe climate and their manner of living make them prematurely old and ugly. The men’s costume consists of a woolen cloth worn next to the body, and a heavy cloak made of guanaco skins, fastened at the neck and extending to the ankles. Their high boots, “buskins,” are made from the skin of the lower part of the hind legs of horses, and worn in the natural form. These buskins are procured from the wild horses, thousands of which roam over the pampas of Patagonia. The costume of the women is practically the same as that worn by the men, except that the clothing beneath the guanaco cloak is a little more elaborate.

They possess the Indian characteristic fondness for jewelry and personal adornment. They wear huge silver earrings, the pendants of which are sometimes eight inches square; they also adorn themselves with silver necklaces and quantities of beads. A Patagonian Indian six and a half feet tall, robed in a beautiful guanaco cloak with flowing folds, and adorned with huge silver ornaments, presents a picturesque and striking appearance.

The Patagonians differ from most Indian races in their observance of certain hygienic laws. They sleep upon beds made of guanaco skins, in tents that are kept fairly clean. Men, women and children indulge in a cold bath every morning in the year. This practice, in addition to aiding materially in building up and maintaining the splendid physical constitutions for which they are noted, enables them to withstand more easily the rigors of the severe climate. Their occupation is that of hunting the ostrich, guanaco and other animals indigenous to the territory. The flesh of the game is used for food, and the skins converted into robes and rugs, which they market at Punta Arenas, and for which they receive good prices. They are skillful hunters and the method they employ in hunting ostriches and guanacos is unique. They possess firearms, both rifles and revolvers, and are not unskilled in their use; they also carry swords, daggers and lances, which are used only when dismounted, and none of which are employed in the chase. Ostriches and animals are pursued on horseback, the hunter carrying a “bola,” which on near approach to the object of his pursuit he hurls with unerring aim, seldom failing to stun and entangle the bird or beast until it becomes an easy victim to his knife or lance. The bola, which is peculiar to Patagonia, consists of three round stones, or metal balls, the size of an orange, covered with rawhide. To each of these is fastened a plaited rawhide rope six feet in length. The ends of these ropes are united and fastened to a lasso. The hunter before casting the bola takes it in one hand and by swinging it rapidly over his head sends the balls rotating in the air with great velocity. He then casts it as the vaquero does his lasso. When it strikes, the revolving balls wrap the thongs tightly about the object of the chase, entangling it and putting a stop to its flight. The hunter then rides along by the side of the entrammeled prey and dispatches it. It is an exciting scene to see a Patagonian mounted upon a fleet pony racing across the pampa in pursuit of an ostrich. It possesses elements of sport that are peculiarly attractive to one who is fond of hunting.

These people have no religious creed and do not believe in a personal God. There is a tradition among them that there is a great good spirit who created them, but they have no well-defined creed, and religious feasts are unknown among them. They believe in the sanctity of animals, but do not worship any of them. They have a superstitious dread of demons, whom they try to propitiate through the mediation of medicine men, to whom only the demons are supposed to be visible. Charms and talismans are worn as a means of warding off evil spirits. They are ignorant of culture and conventionalities, yet they are not ungrateful or inhospitable. They never give presents, nor will they receive favors from others.

One of the queer customs of this peculiar people is that of celebrating marriages. The bridegroom secures the consent of both his own parents and those of the bride. The fathers of the young couple then move their tents near each other. An unsaddled horse is placed in front of each of the tents, and at a prearranged signal the bride and groom rush from their respective tents, mount the horses and gallop away on their wedding trip.

CLASSIFIED HUSBANDMEN

To describe the life of the country people of Chile it is necessary to classify the disintegrate parts which enter into combination with all those who till the soil, and in which each has a personal and common interest. The first grade in the classification is the peon, the lowest class, who owns no land, and is illiterate, hard working, destitute, and docile.

The second, Land Owner No. 1, lives upon a small plot of non-productive ground. The possession is small, but nevertheless his own, acquired by industry, economy, or inheritance. If he works for others as a peon, it is a matter of choice. If he has sons they work where they choose. His land being insufficient to maintain himself and family, is used as a residence only.

The third husbandman in the classification is different only in distinction as to the amount of his worldly effects; his habits, customs and life are the same as Land Owner No. 1, except upon a little more extensive scale. He is perhaps more selfish and self-contained. His ambition is not to improve himself or his family, but to add to his money and possessions. He is facilitated somewhat in his avaricious aims by his small means.

The fourth grade in the agricultural classification is the outgrowth, the evolution of the classes below him. He calls himself a gentleman, but lacks the breeding, manners and education to justify the title. He is of the “roto” type, only richer, and better dressed, on parade occasions. He owns lands sufficient to support himself and family without manual labor. This independence is usually acquired by years of selfish economy and penuriousness, or by inheritance or marriage. His one aim in life seems to be the acquisition of money, no matter by what means.

Fifth and last in the grading of the agriculturists comes the hacendado, or landlord, the owner of large, valuable and productive haciendas. He usually regards himself as the prince of earth, all-powerful and influential. His hacienda is his dukedom, his fortress. No one can enter or leave without his permission and all within its limits do his bidding unquestioned. He is lord and monarch of all he surveys, and takes little heed of those below his social station. The hacendados run politics and make presidents, name congressmen, senators, judges and governors.

PEONS.

It is difficult to describe the peon, or Roto Chileno. He is contradictory by nature, compound and complex in character. He is industrious and lazy, simple and cunning, honest and dishonest, brave and cowardly, true and false. He is homeless, roving, restless, dirty, slovenly, cares nothing for his past life and is without hope or ambition for the future. With limitless improvidence he lives in the present and is a happy-go-lucky, generous, careless, good-natured individual who never wastes time gazing upon the sorry side of life. He roams from place to place in search of a job, earning barely enough to keep soul and body together, and not always sufficient to clothe himself. Russian serfdom is not worse than the life some live in Chile, especially the “inquilinos” (farm laborers), living upon their master’s property. Do not pity the peon; he does not ask for, need nor want it. He possesses the faithful humility of a dog and the cunning qualities of the fox. Do not try to reform, civilize, reconstruct, or otherwise change or reclaim him; he will successfully defy all efforts. The blood of the Incas is in his veins, the old-fashioned way is best for him, and he is content. He wants no changes or innovations, and will admit of none. All he wants is to be left alone. Although he has never known the pleasure of prosperity, he is apparently contented and never unhappy. Born in poverty and humility, so he lives and dies.

The Roto Chilenos not only constitute the laboring class in Chile, but the army, navy and police force are largely recruited from their ranks. As soldiers they possess a reckless bravery that will stop at nothing. With a cry of “viva Chile” they will charge an enemy, never to return, unless victory makes it possible. They are fearless to foolhardiness. They will rush fortifications under fire, scale walls or steep bluffs, swim rivers, and if all are killed the loss is not considered. One single handed will not fight against odds, but in numbers and in hand to hand conflicts the bravery of the Chileno is not excelled by any nationality. They do not fight intelligently, but desperately. Their favorite weapon is a knife, and every Roto Chileno goes armed with a “corvo,” a knife with a long, curved blade, tapering to a sharp point, and usually ornamented with a heavy metal handle. It is encased in a leather sheath, and is carried in the belt or boot of the possessor. It is an article of common utility, as well as a weapon of offense and defense. When angered, or threatened with danger, the Chilean produces a corvo as naturally as the American negro does a razor, and he is exceedingly skillful in its use. It is not an uncommon thing for one peon to disembowel another with one sweep of the corvo, usually leaving a triangular shaped wound, a mark of this weapon that is peculiar to the people. As an evidence of their partiality for the knife as a fighting weapon, it is related that in many instances during the war between Peru and Chile, in time of battle, the Chilean soldiers threw away their rifles and rushed upon the enemy with corvos, fighting in hand-to-hand conflict.

These same men are afraid of a small dog, and will exhibit fear in many ways under most ordinary circumstances. Contradictory elements enter into their composite characters. They are patient, long suffering, and have wonderful endurance. They think nothing of a serious flesh wound, but if one of them has a toothache or headache he will wrap up his head like an old woman with the mumps. Often they wear such a woe-begone, lost look that one would almost believe in their manifest troubles if their cunning ways of shirking a duty were not so well known.

With five centavos in his pocket the roto is a capitalist, and will not work until prompted by necessity. He speaks Spanish badly, and in a mumbling, drawling manner, often using the most vile and profane language in the presence of both men and women of his own class. In stature the Roto Chileno is, as a rule, short, massive and muscular; his skin is an amber brown. He has small, black, beady eyes, slight beard, stiff black hair that grows low upon his forehead. The shape of his head is generally that of a pumpkin, the back of the head being quite flat. He has a short, thick neck, large flat feet, and small tapering hands. The ears, mouth and nose are not out of proportion to his size. He walks with a rapid, ambling gait, body bent forward, legs wide apart and his long arms swinging at his sides. His few, scanty, ragged garments are usually covered with a homemade wool “poncho.” The bottoms of his feet are covered with rawhide sandals, “ojotas,” and he invariably wears a straw hat, “chupalla.” The general appearance of the roto, as one sees him on the road, with dirty face, dingy straw hat drawn well down over his eyes, trousers rolled up at the ankle, shirt open at the chest, a corvo in his belt and a poncho thrown over his shoulders, is that of approaching ruin. His face is more repulsive than ugly, and he is more nearly naked than ragged. Some of the more provident among them, however, wear clean clothes on Sundays and other feast days. They occasionally wash their hands and faces, but never their bodies. They are by nature a pacific people. The fighting spirit is generally aroused in them by the consumption of bad liquor. They help each other in their personal work or difficulties, and are great jokers, one with another.

The “patron” (employer) always furnishes food to his laborers. The universal food of the country for the poor people is “porotos” (beans), and the ration for each man or boy, per day, is all the beans he can hold in his two hands placed together. The rations are cooked together, as many being placed in the pot as there are persons to be provisioned. At meal-time the pot is delivered to the peons who sit on the ground in a circle around the vessel. Each is supposed to have his own spoon, but if not, a flat stick or piece of bark serves the purpose. After all are seated each dips into the pot and eats until the allowance is finished. One meal is all they eat in a day after eight o’clock in the morning, at which hour they eat a loaf of black bread, in exchange for which they may receive a double handful of toasted wheat, “harina tostado.” This diet is never changed, never varied, after they leave the mother’s breast. When the supply of beans is short, “mote” (wheat boiled in lye until the hull is loosened, after which it is removed by rubbing the grains between two stones), is sometimes mixed with the beans.

In the extreme southern part of Chile, the ration is somewhat different. There, “chuchoca” (green corn boiled and dried on the cob) is mixed with the beans. The peons never depart from the established ration. When not working they eat a little parched wheat flour in the morning, or such other food as they may be lucky enough to obtain. If one has no food he goes to some rancho where there is a supply, and where he is invariably served, as they are always generous with each other.

Peons will sleep anywhere, in places wet or dry, clean or unclean. With a stick of wood or a stone for a pillow, and with a poncho spread over him he will sleep the sleep of innocence, without care for the present or thought of the future. An old “mozo” (man servant), known to be honest, through many years of faithful service, went one day to the home of his former employer, where he was given food, and a bed was provided for him in the house. During the night the gentleman was disturbed by sounds of apparent distress in the corridor. Thinking the mozo was ill, he went to inquire the cause of the trouble. The peon informed him that he could not sleep upon that “soft thing,” meaning the mattress, and asked permission to make his bed out-of-doors. He was informed that he could sleep where he pleased. Taking his saddle for a pillow, and a sheepskin for his bed, and spreading a poncho over him he lay down upon the pavement of the patio. In the morning he was found sleeping soundly, his face turned toward heaven, his unkempt beard covered with frost.

Peons in the cities do not receive a daily ration of beans, as is the custom in the country, but are given money, “diario,” with which to buy food. The Chilean peon cannot stand prosperity. As a general rule the worse he is treated and fed, the better service he will render. This applies more directly to the “inquilinos,” than to independent peons.

The rotos are polite to each other and salute when they meet by touching their hats, saying “Buenos dias, Caballeros” (good day, gentlemen). When asking for and receiving a light for a cigarette, they say, “Mil gracias, Dios guarde Ud.,” (a thousand thanks, God guard you). When a peon meets a superior who says, “como le va” (how do you do), the peon answers, “muy bien, para servirle a Ud.,” (very good, I offer you my services). They are rarely insolent to their superiors and when sober, never. They are illiterate to the extreme, having no desire to learn, but they are naturally clever and are capable of rendering good service, where mechanical skill is not required. You cannot out-figure one of them, and he will quickly remind you of any mistake in a transaction, if it counts against him.

Among the roto class, grandfather, father and son all work together, and have always been, as they are now, upon an equality in destitution. Their only apparent ambition seems to be to work enough during the week to secure a few pesos on Saturday night, with which to buy “aguardiente” (raw brandy), “vino” or “chicha” (wine or cider) at the “Cancha de Bola.” When a crowd of peons congregate at any one of the many places where drinks are sold, in the country, first one buys a litro (quart), and after taking a drink, he passes the cup, called “potrillo,” to the friend next to him, and so it is passed until empty. Then another buys a litro and passes it, and they continue to treat each other until all are fighting drunk. This is continued from Saturday night until Monday morning, and not infrequently until Monday night or Tuesday. Employers of labor have learned by experience not to expect anything from or depend upon their workmen for regular service on Monday, as the majority of them are incapacitated from the effects of drink—on Sunday. In the drinking places where the roto spends his Sundays and feast days, in drinking and gambling, there are always a number of women, “cantoras,” who join in the drinking, and between drinks entertain the crowd with dancing and singing, playing accompaniments on guitars.

The Saturday night and Sunday debauch of the peons generally commences after a hard week’s work, and frequently lasts thirty-six hours without sleep, and sixty hours without food. After having slept off the effects of drink, they are ready for business Tuesday or Wednesday morning. When they return to work they give a legal day’s labor, without persuasion to stimulate their activity. All differences are forgotten and no questions asked, knowing that it is only a few days until they will have another spree, and the weekly experience be repeated. They are inveterate gamblers. Men may be seen naked in the road, having lost all their clothing on a game of chance. The game may be cards, dice, topeadura, a cock fight or any contest in which the result is in doubt. The peon is a born gambler, and a cheerful loser. If beaten in a game he accepts the results with the indifference of a stoic or the sang-froid of a professional. He never complains, but bides his time for another chance to recover his losses.

The “Cancha de Bola,” the peon’s clubhouse, is a cemented or smooth floor space, covered with a thatched roof, but not enclosed. The game at the cancha is a sort of Indian billiards, played by rolling large wooden balls over the floor. There men and women meet on Sundays and feast days, to play games, drink and discuss the events of the week. And every cent is coaxed from every pocket to fill the coffers of the owner of the cancha.

Drunkenness is one of the chief curses of Chile, especially among the common people. The moral standard is not of a character that sets a ban upon drunkenness, and the custom of excessive drinking is indulged in by men, women, and not infrequently children. All classes are engaged more or less in the manufacture, sale and consumption of wine, chicha, aguardiente and pisco, the latter being alcohol made from the white grape. Every village store or shop dispenses liquors, and many of the huts along the country roads retail drinks. On Sundays and feast days these road houses are common resorts for peons, huasos and inquilinos. And there viciousness and crime are encouraged by excessive indulgence in cheap, and often adulterated and poisonous wines and liquors.

A new liquor law went into effect in 1902, which had for its purpose a sweeping reform in the manufacture and sale of intoxicants. It takes control of the production, limits the number and location of saloons; prohibits the sale within a reasonable distance of a church or schoolhouse, imposes a fine upon drunkenness and provides a severe penalty for the adulteration, falsifying or placing upon the market a product of the country not up to the standard fixed by law. But reforms and radical changes in customs in Chile are much easier in theory than in practice, and the promoters of the liquor law find it difficult to enforce its provisions. It is, however, a move in the right direction, and much good has resulted from the effort to carry it into effect.

The scene at a country despacho on Sunday or feast days is as picturesque as it is characteristic. There one will see a great number of men and women on horseback, frequently indulging in their cups, while seated on their horses in front of the despacho. The men are dressed in the peculiar costume of the country, wide-brimmed straw hats, ornamented with silk cord or braid, ponchos of brilliant colors, leggings reaching to the thighs, huge spurs and high heeled, pointed toed boots. Their saddles and bridles are richly ornamented, curiously fashioned, and form an interesting feature of the peculiar outfit. To the side of the saddle is usually attached a lasso, made of braided rawhide, strong, supple and ready for instant use. With this article the huaso is an artist. He practices the trick of casting the lasso in his infancy, keeps it up in youth, and becomes a master in the use of it as a man. One end is attached to his saddle, and the pony on which he is mounted is schooled in all the tricks of pursuing the animal or object to be captured, and to stop suddenly and brace itself for the shock when the lasso has been thrown. So accurate is the aim that it is difficult for man or beast to escape the noose of the huaso’s lasso when he sends it circling through the air. He is even more clever than the cowboy of the western plains, for the reason that his education begins earlier in life. His use of the lasso is not always limited to the business of capturing animals. He frequently resorts to it as a means of sport.

Two or more will take sides, and, riding at each other full speed, attempt to drag their opponents from their horses. There is little regard for consequences, and when the noose encircles the arm, neck, or body of one, and he receives the shock that comes from being suddenly dragged from his horse at the end of a rawhide rope, the sensation is not pleasant to say the least.

Unless fired by bad liquor there prevails among the Chilean huasos a general good fellowship and friendly familiarity. They are clannish, with a strong prejudice against all “gringos” (foreigners). When a crowd of huasos congregate in the country or village, they invariably indulge in some exciting games or contests requiring rare skill on the part of the participants, and strength and endurance of the stocky, intelligent ponies on which they are mounted. One of the most common of their sports is “topeadura,” on which large sums of money are frequently wagered—a game which the people for miles around will assemble to see. On feast days it is the common attraction at all the despachos and road houses, and every hacienda of any consequence has its own contest at such times. The game is played at a long pole called “vara,” generally cut from the blue gum, and fixed in Y-shaped supports, the object of the opposing teams being to push each other back to the end of the pole. The captains, or leaders, toss for position, which is important, as the winner places his horse’s head under that of his opponent’s, giving him the advantage of driving his mount like a wedge between the other and the pole. Other members of the two teams range themselves behind the captains, and a perfect pandemonium of clamor arises from the players and spectators as soon as the struggle begins. The horses enter into the spirit of the game, and strive with every nerve and sinew to force themselves forward, and it is a rare thing to see the players use their spurs. The game is far more interesting when it is reduced to a match or wager between two players of note, because they are then splendidly mounted, large sums often being paid for well-trained horses. The terrific straining of two animals to force each other back provides a marvelous study of anatomy with muscle at its highest tension. The horse which has the disadvantage in position will, before the signal to begin has been given, press down upon its adversary’s neck so as to nullify the advantage. A feature of the game is the excitement of spectators, one or more of whom are frequently impelled by zeal or drink, to drive their horses into the struggle and spoil it. Such interruptions usually result in the indiscreet meddler getting roughly handled by the indignant players, whence the Chilean saying that “topeadura is a good game to watch from a distance.”

All the horses of Chile cannot, however, be judged by the standard of these high priced sporting animals. The typical horse of the country is one peculiar to the Republic and when mounted by a huaso in his picturesque costume, the pony presents the appearance of supporting a pair of spurs with rider attached. He is a product of the old Spanish stock, docile, intelligent, and hardy, and though he has not the fine quarters of the improved breeds, he is strong, has wonderful endurance and can climb like a goat. They furnish all the mounts for the Chilean cavalry, and in recent years Great Britain and some of the European nations are adopting Chilean horses for cavalry purposes. They are gentle, obedient, seldom ever vicious, and are easily trained for any kind of service. From this description it would seem that the remarkable spurs invariably worn by the huaso and “vaqueros” might be dispensed with, but they are as much a part of their riding kit as their ponchos and lassos.

The Chilean saddle, “silla,” is peculiar to the country, and is the most expensive part of the huaso’s outfit. Many of them are works of art, covered with patent leather, beautifully and elaborately stitched with silk thread and ornamented with silver. In shape they are not unlike the Mexican saddle, except that they are shorter in the seat, and the front, instead of forming a high pommel with a neck-like projection, to which the lasso is fastened, is oval-shaped like the high back, forming a deep cushioned seat into which the rider fits closely. On either side in front is a leather roll, which prevents the rider from slipping forward. The stirrups, “estribos,” huge affairs made from solid blocks of wood, artistically designed, hand-carved and beautifully ornamented, are supported by single straps, attached to the saddle so far back that they cause the rider to lean well forward. These stirrups, which are perhaps the most unique article of their kind in the world, are usually adorned with silver or inlaid steel mountings. The wooden stirrups prevent the feet of the rider from getting wet and protect them from the “espino,” a bush with harsh, stiff branches and fierce thorns; they also serve as a means of warming the feet on cold days, as the person in the saddle can by striking his feet against the stirrups dispel the numbness resulting from cold. The saddle is always fastened with a rawhide cinch and never with a buckle girth. Many of the saddles have two cinches and are bound so securely that there is little possibility of accident from slipping or turning.

The “montura,” a peculiar kind of saddle much used in Chile in pioneer days, is now seldom seen. It is composed of six sheepskins, a rather excessive foundation, upon which is placed an “enjalma,” a skeleton saddle made of wood and bound together with rawhide. Over this are spread six more skins with the wool on, the whole being covered with a beautifully dressed kid skin. The montura is fastened with a cinch, into the fabric of which is woven the national colors of the Republic. It constitutes a rather elevated seat, which gives to the rider a peculiarly awkward position. But the montura was designed for and serves more purposes than one. In the early days when roads were few and long trips were made across country on horseback the numerous skins composing the odd saddle were used by the rider for a bed and covering at night.

The “espuelas” (spurs), worn by the Chilenos are the largest in the world, the rowels on some of them being six or eight inches in diameter. In order to prevent the rowels from dragging on the ground, they are worn with high heeled boots on which there is a leather projection back of and above the heel, upon which the spurs rest, and which keeps them at an elevation that prevents their coming in contact with the ground. The rowels are not sharp, however, and are less severe than the smaller spurs with sharp cutting points. They are also used by the wearer as a means of maintaining his equilibrium when a horse attempts to unseat him. This is accomplished by catching the spurs in the saddle cinch.

The bridle, “freno,” made of plaited rawhide, is strong, durable, and artistic. It is frequently ornamented with silver or inlaid steel attachments. Buckles are seldom used in the Chilean bridle. The reins are joined at the ends with a heavy ring to which is attached a single strand of braided rawhide, ending with a flat piece of the same material, called “chicote,” or as is often the case, loaded with lead, when it is called “penca.” The Chilean bit is unlike anything else of its kind. It is an instrument of torture, unique in design and terrible in its effect. It is very heavy, and is so formed that the rider can almost break the jaw of a horse with a hard, quick pull on the reins. They are used unsparingly upon the poor ponies, who serve their masters so faithfully. It is a custom of the huaso to practice bringing his horse from a run to an instant stop. He teaches the animal to rush full speed at any object. In order to accomplish these maneuvers they apply the full force of the terrible bit. It is one of the many cruelties practiced upon the horses. Originally the best of the beautiful and artistic bits used in Chile were designed by a Chilean mechanic whose shop or factory was at Pana Flor, a small village near Santiago. The Pana Flor bits are known throughout the Republic, and the huaso who possesses one is a proud man, especially if it is silver mounted, as many of them are. The owner of one of these much prized articles might be induced to part with his wife, but not with his bridle. This is particularly true now because in recent years the market has been flooded with cheap imitations of the genuine article, and the Pana Flor genius who created the unique bit, so characteristic of the country, has passed from the stage of action, and the product is now regarded as a “recuerdo” of rare value.

With all the ill-treatment imposed upon them, the Chilean horses seem fond of their masters. If left alone unfastened they will wait for hours for the return of their owners. They will gallop long distances over sand roads, up-hill and down, over stones, without shoes, and after a night’s foraging upon scant grass they are fit for another day’s work that may mean many leagues over bad roads.

It is interesting to witness the performance of a drunken huaso trying to reach home on his pony. The animal, perhaps from much experience with drunken riders, seems to understand the condition of his master, and his intelligence and patience in trying to help the man who is helplessly drunk, is both amusing and pathetic. He will stand firmly and patiently until the man is in the saddle, then start gently along, swaying from side to side as the rider loses his equilibrium, and when the man can sit erect no longer, will stop and wait for him to straighten up. Sometimes hours are spent in going a short distance. Cruel spurs rake him, and the terrible bit lacerates his mouth, but he seldom becomes excited, and if the man falls off, the patient beast invariably stops and waits for him to remount.

For general thieving the Roto Chileno has an international reputation, and it is conceded that he is capable of more clever lying and stealing than any known individual. They are not bold thieves, but rather of the sneak-thief order. If useful articles are left unguarded they seem to take wings and fly away. Yet no one has been seen or heard, and the rotos are the meekest of the innocent.

With all his faults the roto has, however, in many things a sense of responsibility. You may place one of them to guard any property (liquors excepted), and he will not steal nor permit others to do so. You may dispatch him with ladened carts, troops of cargo mules, money or other valuables, and under most circumstances your orders will be executed with the utmost fidelity. The responsibility attached to the service, when upon special missions, seems to convey the idea that he is under your eye. His faults may be attributed to ignorance and the custom of bad example rather than an evil heart. If treated kindly and fairly he will show some gratitude and appreciation by rendering faithful service. All work done by the peons is under the supervision of mayordomos. They are not supposed to think, but simply to do as they are ordered. They work with their hands and not with their heads, yet no one can give a better day’s work than the roto when he exerts himself. Their hours are from sunrise to sunset, stopping an hour for the midday meal. The peons formerly received from twenty to thirty cents per day, Chilean currency, the latter sum being paid to those in the country adjacent to the cities, but in more recent years they are a little better paid. They must be paid on Saturday night or they will not work willingly. If not working, they are left without food, but this makes little difference as those who are employed divide with their friends.

The peons are nearly all born out of wedlock; illegitimacy is nothing to them. Many are married, but even then they admit no obligations to support their families. In every district they are nearly all related. Fathers, mothers, if they can be identified, aunts, uncles, nephews, cousins, address each other as “comdares” or “compadres” (comrades). If increased pay tempts the peon away from his district, he will save his money until a few dollars have accumulated, then he will return and spend it with his old friends. In the winter months, when the rain prevents outdoor work, they have many ways to get money. They sell their labor in advance at greatly reduced rates. This is called “en verde,” signifying in green, or while growing. They sell a number of “tareas” of wheat, a certain term used in measuring the cutting of wheat. Animals are often sold before they are born, fowls before they are hatched, and wheat before it is sown.

LAND OWNER NO. 1.

The possessions of Land Owner No. 1 being too small to maintain himself and family, he rents land to till on the shares. The custom is for the landlord to provide the land, the seed and the animals with which to do the cultivating and threshing. The tenant performs the labor and prepares for market the grain, which is divided equally. When not engaged in the necessary work of cultivating and harvesting the crops upon his own or rented land, he works in a “chacra” (vegetable garden), or finds employment in making adobes, bricks, tiles, or wooden stirrups, cutting lumber, curing skins, etc. Sometimes he is sent by neighboring hacendados on errands to the city for cargoes of goods, to mill with wheat, or to the railway with mule trains carrying charcoal. His possessions consist of a horse, a yoke of oxen, and possibly a mule. All the tools that he has or requires are an ax, a shovel, a hoe and a crowbar. His animals are usually pastured in the hacienda, and the “talaje” (pasturage), paid for in work during plowing, sowing, or harvest time. His “rancho” (house), which he refers to as “mi vivienda,” is a creation not defined in the annals of architecture. It is constructed by placing a number of poles in the ground; to the tops of these upright posts other timbers of a similar character are fastened by tying them with rope or pieces of bark. Between the posts, sticks and branches of trees are woven, forming a sort of basket work. Over this a coating of mud mixed with straw forms the walls. The frame for the roof is also made of the trunks of small trees fastened together with bark; over the crude skeleton is woven a straw thatch, which is seldom rain proof. The door is made by tying together sticks or planks, for which pieces of bark or rawhide serve as hinges. The floors are dirt, and there are no windows or chimneys, and when necessary to build a fire in the house the smoke filters out through crevices in the walls and the thatch roof. These miserable huts, which form the places of habitation of the poor, are never perpendicular nor stand at proper angles, for the reason that they are shaped by the crooked timbers forming their framework. The interior presents an appearance quite as barren and devoid of comfort as the exterior. The furniture consists of a crude bedstead, a rickety table, and a few benches or stools. There are no articles of comfort or luxury in the homes of the poor. The men sleep upon the ground, inside or out of the house, as they choose, or as the weather permits. The crude furniture and the burnt clay dishes upon which their food is served are made by the women. The food is usually cooked in an iron kettle over an open fire, or in an oven of brick and mud built outside of the house. A peculiar feature of these squalid ranchos, especially in the interior of the country, is the barrenness of their surroundings. Usually there is not a tree, shrub, plant or flower, or any living, growing, green thing to relieve the dreariness of the desolate surroundings. This is all the more surprising when it is remembered that Chile possesses a prodigious soil, and that all kinds of vegetation grows quickly and prolifically when water is applied to the ground. Along the railways and near the cities a majority of the ranchos are distinguished by the cultivation of a variety of fruit trees, vegetables and flowers. The site selected for a country house is usually with reference to a supply of water.

Viewed from the roadside these rickety ranchos present a picturesque appearance. It is the frayed edge of home life that is always to be found behind the sub-tropical finery of semi-tropical countries. It is not well, however, to examine too closely or inquire carefully into the details of this home life. It is better to be gracious, for squalid as is the peon’s cottage, and unkempt as the family may appear, the extraordinary variety of dirt and the fantastic untidiness of the huts baffle description and escape reproduction. Similar spots may be seen in any land, for every population has its wastrels, but in the far east there is not to be found a lower level of life and greater lack of comfort generally, than that which suffices for the lowest classes in Chile. In a country blessed with a paucity of noxious reptiles and insects, where no beast more formidable than the cowardly puma dwells, and where birds and flowers of rare beauty abound, it seems inappropriate that man should dwell in such domestic squalor.

The male occupants of these houses do not, as a rule, contribute anything to the maintenance of the family. That feature of domestic life is left exclusively to the women, who are a hard working, self-sacrificing, humble and long suffering class. While they are neither honest nor virtuous, their vices are due more to ignorance and circumstances than natural tendencies, and their rewards do not match their merits. They do not feel the necessity of acting with scrupulous honesty at all times, as they are possessed of the belief that the priests will remit all their sins upon the payment of a given sum of money. Their education is narrow and limited, and they have never been well instructed in the virtues of the ten commandments. They spin, weave and dye ponchos for their men folk, and for sale; make blankets, fabrics for clothing, and clay dishes for their own use and for the market. They raise poultry, not for home consumption, but that they may sell the fowls and eggs, which are usually sold in advance.

These people are always in debt to the well-to-do landowners in the community where they live, and from whom they buy cloth, wool, dyes, food, etc. When eggs are laid or fowls are grown they are given in payment for these articles. One not familiar with the customs and conditions would be surprised in traveling through the country to find that it is difficult to buy an egg or a chicken at any of the ranchos, notwithstanding the fact that there seems to be a plentiful supply at every house.

When in need, peons buy on credit, and will obligate anything they possess, present or prospective, in payment. They live from hand to mouth, and seldom have more than one day’s supply of food on hand. Their wants are few, they are easily satisfied and generally contented. In the production of articles requiring intelligence and skill, the women excel the men. In different localities they produce different kinds of articles. For example, in Linares they make a great variety of beautiful baskets and curios from colored horse hair and fine straw; in Talcahuano, Concepcion, Chillan and Quillota the country women devote their time to the production of pretty and durable lace called “minaque,” which is made by hand and in a variety of patterns; along the coast country they make excellent hats from the dwarf palm, called “olma”; in other localities they make baskets, large and small, useful and ornamental; they also make beautiful as well as useful articles from the horns of animals, and of wood, stone and paper. They are clever and adaptive in all of their occupations, but lack in those qualities which lead to independence. Their favorite position is sitting on the ground, and while engaged in their various occupations they carry on a chatty gossip about their personal affairs, or those of their neighbors, which is usually more racy than edifying.

There is a rustic beauty about the Chilean women in their youth, but their manner of living causes their beauty to fade at an early age, and at twenty-five the majority of them begin to look old and grow stout and homely. They acquire an erect carriage and grace of movement from the custom of carrying articles of various kinds upon the head. They have broad hips, well-developed busts, medium-sized feet and small, tapering hands. A bright, smiling, and attractive face, with sparkling eyes, small mouth, cherry lips and beautiful teeth, are some of the features of these peasant women. On Sundays and other feast days, when dressed in their quaint and fantastic costumes, in which brilliant colors form a conspicuous feature, they present an attractive appearance. They are polite, seldom bold and never intrusive. They are devotees of the Catholic church, but their religion is of a flexible character. They often go from the church to the “cancha de bola” to dance, drink and gossip, but are rarely drunk or disorderly. They are superstitious and believe in witchcraft. In their homes they are undemonstrative, but show their affection for their families and friends by their services and sacrifices, and their considerate attendance upon the aged rather than in expressions of sentiment and caresses.

Their love for their offspring is a question that is difficult to solve. If a male child is born they are pleased, because it means that the work of another peon will be added to the family resources. If a girl baby arrives, “it is too bad, but will serve.” In this and other ways they indicate that maternal love corresponds to the prospective benefits to be derived. If a child leaves its home, or dies, the parents show little grief or sorrow. Perhaps their sorrow is concealed from view,—at least it is to be hoped that such is the case.

The common drink among the people is “mate,” made from the leaves of the “yerba mate,” a plant that grows in Uruguay, Paraguay and Brazil. Over five million pounds of mate, valued at more than 1,000,000 pesos, is imported into Chile annually. The beverage is made by steeping the leaves in hot water. It is drunk from a mate cup, an article peculiar to the country. They are usually the most expensive part of the household equipment. Many of those used by the better class of people are made of hammered silver, oddly shaped, curiously fashioned and artistically finished. They are frequently ornamented with quaint figures, representing birds, animals or reptiles. Others are made of gourds, artistically carved and ornamented with silver mountings, while common gourd cups serve the poor people. The method of drinking the mate is through a silver tube called “bombilla,” one end of which is enlarged, forming a kind of perforated ball, which serves as a strainer, preventing the dregs of the plant being drawn into the mouth. One of the curious and interesting sights in the country is the women sitting about the little ranchos indulging in their cups of mate.

The men comprising farmers No. 1 are more serious and more honest than the peons. Their food consists of wheat and beans. The wheat, which is roasted and ground into flour with a stone, is called “harina tostado.” It is eaten instead of bread, which they seldom have. When mixed with water or wine it makes a very nourishing drink, called “ulpo.” Sometimes when these poor farmer folk have a desire for bread, they buy a bag of flour, make a quantity of bread and sell it. When they have disposed of enough to pay for the flour, they convert the remainder of the supply into bread for home consumption.

From the families of this class of agriculturists the servants for the cities are obtained. The women act as house servants, in which capacity they have no responsibilities, simply performing such duties as they are given by their masters. They have no initiative, but make good servants, when properly trained. It is the custom to keep everything of value under lock and key, but the house servants, especially the women, are no more dishonest than those of other countries. The boys from the families in this class also go to the cities, where they become carpenters, blacksmiths, tailors, harness-makers, or laborers. They seldom rise to ownership, or positions of greater responsibility than performing a certain kind of labor for specific wages. As they become more proficient in their work or trade, enabling them to command better remuneration for their services, they invariably imitate the better classes, spending more money than they earn, and are always “atrasado” (behind in their accounts).

Few of the poor or middle classes know their ages. No certificate is given of baptism. If a priest is asked why this is not done, he will say that it is useless, as they cannot read. If it becomes necessary to establish the right to an inheritance, the church record is examined, provided that the person whose age is to be ascertained knows where he was baptized, and that the church register is in existence.

LAND OWNER NO. 2.

Land Owner No. 2 possesses more land than No. 1, but his holdings are very small. He owns a cart, a few yoke of oxen, some cows, sheep, hogs and poultry. He freights grain, flour, and charcoal for others from haciendas to the mills or railway stations, thereby adding to his income. The surplus from his earnings he prudently invests in property. These farmers are, as a rule, provident, having always food supplies in their houses, yet they seldom lift their families out of the rut of poverty. Most members of the family, including the head of the house, either go barefooted or wear only rawhide sandals upon their feet the year round, except Sundays, feast days and special occasions. It is only the women who are permitted to indulge frequently in the luxury of shoes and clean gowns. The sons work with the father and not as peons for others. These people associate with Farmers No. 1, and even with the peons as equals. Not, however, without prideful reflection, for they consider themselves above their poorer neighbors, although they do not say so. They are not admitted to the society of Land Owner No. 3, or the hacendados, although they have many interests in common and commercial relations with those classes. If you are his guest he will serve you wine or water in a glass tumbler, but he never uses such an article himself, and perhaps you will be given a knife and fork with which to eat your food. These middle class farmers constitute the best element in Chile. They work honestly to gain a livelihood, and ask no favors from others. They are too poor to engage in politics.

A peculiar feature of the life of this class of people is the methods they resort to to save money and increase their possessions. They live solely upon the products of their little farms, and seldom eat what they can sell. They make bread, but eat very little of it, the family consumption being limited to the equivalent of the profits on that which is sold. They keep liquors in the house, but to sell. If an animal is slaughtered, some kind of a function is arranged, to which the neighbors are invited and the meat disposed of in a feast, their guests being served as long as they have money with which to buy. If a woman desires some article of dress or adornment, and has not the money with which to purchase it, she gives a feast. She will go to a neighbor who has a hog and negotiate for the animal on credit: she also purchases an “arroba” (ten gallons) of “chicha,” for which she gives her promise to pay, the credit extending until the respective articles are disposed of. The hog, “chancha,” is slaughtered, and the feast is announced. There is music and a number of women who dance and sing are there as a special attraction. These feasts always attract a crowd and by the time the chancha and the chicha are disposed of, the woman conducting the affair has made sufficient profit to pay her indebtedness and to purchase the desired article.

LAND OWNER NO. 3.

The transition of Land Owners No. 3, from what is recognized as the inferior classes, to respectable citizens is generally due to the accumulation of property. Wealth constitutes recognized citizenship, and when obtained, they think that the right of sovereignty is theirs in the fullest degree. This transition often carries with it the idea that all law and government should be administered by them. Fortunately their inexperience and lack of education seldom permits them to rule higher than municipal legislation, or perhaps sub-delegate of a district. The phlegmatic temperament of this class of Chilenos is universal. If emotions ever stir the depths of their souls they manage to conceal the fact by an apparent calm composure.

Most of them are illiterate, but to their credit they have in recent years been endeavoring to secure for their children better education than that afforded them. The educational facilities of the country are not good, but the majority of the children of this class of farmers secure sufficient technical training in the schools to suffice for their simple lives. They are orderly, hard working people, and generally honest, as they interpret the meaning of the term. The Chilean characteristic of sticking tenaciously to custom and tradition is exemplified in the home life of these people. Their condition is little better or above that of Land Owners No. 1 and 2. From choice, rather than necessity, they follow the custom of their Indian ancestors by sitting upon the ground, a stone or a billet of wood; the food for the family is served from one dish, there being as many spoons as persons to be served. The materials which enter into the composition of the food of these farmer folk consisting of wheat, corn, beans, fruit, pepper, etc., are ground between stones. In fact the grinding stones are the most useful utensils in the equipment of the kitchen. They consist of one large flat stone with a smooth surface, and a smaller one, oval shaped. The material is placed upon the large stone, and the other in the hand of the operator is used to crush and grind the grain or dried vegetables to the proper consistency. This work is always done by the women. In the kitchen may be found a few pots, clay dishes, tin cups, wooden spoons and quantities of dirt. Occupying the kitchen, and apparently upon the most intimate terms with members of the family are pigs, goats, dogs, and chickens. If there are guests in the house, food is served in the dining room with some show of formality, but when the family is alone, the food is served in one dish from which the members help themselves with spoons until the supply is exhausted. It is then refilled with some other kind of food and the meal continues until all are satisfied. With a change of food the same dish and spoons are used without being washed. Tea and coffee are sometimes served when strangers are present, but when the family is alone, mate only is served as a drink, with their meals. The mate cup is filled and passed to the head of the house who drinks the contents through a “bombilla.” The cup is filled again and again, each member of the family drinking out of the same vessel and through the same bombilla. When there are no guests in the house the servants sometimes form part of the family group, eating out of the same pot, and having their turn at the mate through the family bombilla.

The tile-roofed adobe houses inhabited by this class of farmers are very plain. They are devoid of ornamentation within or without, and there is seldom a tree or shrub to relieve the dreary monotony of the surroundings. There are no windows in these places of abode, and the floor is either dirt or common brick. The furniture consists of beds, one or two home-made tables, and a few chairs of the commonest kind.

If a person of the better class visits the home of one of these Chilean farmers, he must do most of the talking, and it will be necessary to limit the conversation to subjects pertaining to the church, crops, animals, gossip, or questions relating to their districts. They know little of the great world lying beyond the narrow horizon of their local environments. The methods employed by this class of farmers in cultivating the soil are crude and primitive. The wooden plow used by the Spaniards and Greeks a thousand years ago, furnishes the model for the implement used by these people in this twentieth century. It is made by mortising one piece of a small tree trunk into another, at an angle of about forty-five degrees. A piece of iron is usually fastened over the point of the portion that is intended to stir the ground. Oxen, attached by a wooden yoke fastened to their horns with rawhide thongs, are employed in drawing the plows. A stick serves as a handle, and holding on to the crude implement with one hand, the other used in directing the oxen, the plowman manages to scratch the ground, but is never able to stir the soil to any depth. When the plowing is done and the grain planted or sown, some branches of trees serve as a drag for covering it. Forks for handling grain and hay are made from branches of trees.

The grain is harvested with reap hooks, and the threshing is done with animals. The wheat or barley is placed upon the ground within a circular enclosure. A number of animals, usually young mares from the farm, are turned into the enclosure, and one or more men mounted upon strong horses, follow them around, shouting, whipping and pursuing them over the grain until the tramping of hoofs has crushed the grain from the straw. Then comes the process of separating the chaff from the grain. This, as are all other methods employed in cultivating and preparing products of the farm for market, is curious and primitive. The wheat and chaff are placed in baskets, which men hold in their hands above their heads allowing the contents to empty slowly. As it falls the chaff and refuse are carried to one side by the wind, leaving the grain, which is heavier and which falls directly to the ground, clean and ready for the market.

Nearly all the land occupied and cultivated by this class of farmers is what is known as “campo de rulo” (dry hill land), which constitutes the greater part of agricultural Chile. The only moisture it has is from the three or four months’ rainfall from June to October. For about half the year these hill lands are brown, sear and desolate looking, but in the autumn, winter and spring, they are covered with a mantle of rich verdure, presenting a landscape scene that is attractive and prepossessing. During the rainy season the mud is deep, roads are often impassable, bridges are carried away by the swift current of the streams and there is little communication between different communities or between country and city.

The theory of these hill farmers is to get as much out of the soil as possible, without expense. The land is never fertilized, and crops are grown alternate years. The plowing is done after the rains set in in the autumn, and the soil being clay, remains very hard and lumpy. This plowed land, called “barbecho,” is left over the winter, the rains having the effect of pulverizing and putting it in condition for the sowing or planting for the next season. Oxen are used for plowing, and it is a novel sight to see a large number of those slow, plodding beasts winding about the hills dragging the crude plows. Fifty yoke of oxen are often engaged in plowing on one hacienda. This method of cultivating is employed until the soil becomes so worn that it will not produce a satisfactory crop. It is then let stand for several years until nature rejuvenates it, and it is again put into service. The grain is harvested by hand, and brought from the hills in primitive wooden carts, or upon the heads of peons. The general appearance of the soil would indicate that this hill land is valueless for agricultural purposes, but it produces annually a large per cent. of the agricultural products of the country, besides maintaining many horses, cattle and sheep.

The farmers of this class live in a narrow world. The majority of them have never been out of the province in which they were born and many of them never saw a railway train; they know the villages in their vicinity, and perhaps the provincial capital, but one who has seen Santiago, the national capital, is the rare exception. The customs prevailing in other countries, or what is going on in the great world, are of little consequence to them; they are interested only in what they are doing. Even if one can read, he seldom subscribes for a newspaper, as that is considered a useless expenditure.

The men engage only in the larger affairs of the business of the family, such as marketing the animals and the grain raised on the farm. The small trade in chicha, liquors, poultry, etc., is attended to by the women. In nearly every house is kept a supply of such articles as may be required by the peons. In the sale of these, the money that is paid out by the farmer, in wages, comes back in small amounts, and with interest. The profit made on this small mercantile business, in the sale of sugar, mate, chicha, etc., pays for the articles of the same class consumed by the farmer’s family. In these transactions they never refuse credit to anyone, but politely say they have not the article called for, notwithstanding the fact that it may be in plain view of the would-be purchaser, or sold to another before his eyes. They understand each other and their method of dealing with delinquent customers furnishes an example that might be emulated with profit by more progressive and up-to-date tradesmen.

These farmers are received at the haciendas, not exactly as equals, but because of a money consideration. They have land, stock, and usually money in the bank. Notwithstanding the fact that many of them have a competency, they resort to a method of economy that is absolute penuriousness,—stinginess personified. They never visit their friends, or entertain their neighbors. They never keep a coach, for two reasons, one being that where they reside, and places to where they journey, there are no coach roads, and for the more general reason that they never spend money for such an unnecessary luxury. The men always ride horseback, and when the women go away from home, which is seldom, they also travel on horseback. Few of them possess sidesaddles, and the common custom is for them to go “en anca,” sitting upon a cloth spread upon the back of the horse, behind the saddle occupied by the man. There is still another class of dry land, hill farmers, who own large tracts of land, and farm upon a large scale. In sandy or loam soil they employ modern machinery and implements. This class often becomes rich, in which case they invariably move to the provincial cities and work their estates through an “administrador.” These hill farmers are autocrats in their respective communities; not in the same despotic manner as the owners of the large irrigated estates, for the inquilinos and peons of the hills are more independent, are treated with greater consideration, and are more nearly on an equality than is the case on the great hacienda.

HACIENDAS AND HACENDADOS.

In the fertile valleys, through which flow the rivers of Chile, are many magnificent estates, some of them including thousands of acres of productive land. Upon an eminence in the midst of broad acres, of golden grain, waving corn and verdant pastures, all framed with avenues of stately alamos, stands the splendid residence of the owner, overlooking the picturesque and pastoral scene. The majority of these country mansions are built upon the same general plan, varying only in size and ornamental elaboration. They represent a letter H in form, with a front entrance in the middle of the bar connecting the main lines of the letter, the drawing-room upon one side and the dining-room on the other. A wide, roomy corridor leads from the main entrance in front to the beautiful patio, upon either side of which is arranged the sleeping apartments. These residences are almost invariably well furnished and finished with artistic interior decorations. Some of them include rare old paintings and splendid specimens of wood carving. The drawing-room and dining-room usually contain the best of the furniture and decorations, as those are the portions of the house most occupied by guests. There is an absence of fireplaces and stoves, due to the mild climate. The house is surrounded by well-kept parks and gardens containing rare trees, shrubs and flowers. There is a peaceful harmony in the beauty of the surroundings and everything in the environment is suggestive of comfort and luxury.

The hacienda constitutes a small empire, with various executive and administrative branches. The territorial limits are usually defined by walls made of loose piled stones or adobes. The irrigated portions are divided into potreros (fields), of from one hundred to two hundred acres each, the dividing lines being indicated by rows of growing trees, usually poplar, or alamos, that grow straight and tall, and which not only add to the beauty of the landscape, but also furnish shade for the animals in the pastures. The hill lands are divided into larger sections, frequently as much as one thousand acres constituting one pasture field or range. These potreros are enclosed with thorned hedges, from the espino which grows abundantly in the low lands. Irrigating canals carry water from the hill streams to the cultivated fields and the pasture land, where clover, alfalfa, and other grasses grow prodigiously in the rich loam soil.

Roads flanked with graceful trees lead out from the residence and from the corrals to various parts of the property. A photographic view of one of these country homes needs only a few touches of the artist’s brush to make it an idyl. A home glimpse in Chile, even on an hacienda, is no exception. Sunlight through a camera glorifies vistas and ennobles foliage; it promotes stucco and plaster to marble and gives grace and beauty to commonplace things. The lumbering teams of oxen and the huge two-wheeled carts add to the picturesque placidity of the scene which presents an appearance of perpetual summer and glorious afternoon. But the photograph says nothing, and it is well for the chronicler to omit any mention of the dust through which the carts creak and groan at harvest time, in a country where rain falls only between May and September.

The servants on a large hacienda consist of an administrador, a capataz (sub-manager), various mayordomos, vaqueros (cowboys), shepherds and a troop of peons. The administrador, or manager, is the responsible executive head, and has entire charge of the farm. He receives orders only from the proprietor. He suggests to the owner the work and improvements necessary, and when his suggestions are approved he gives orders to his subordinates to execute the plan; he receives from the mayordomos accounts of the work done and wages earned, pays employés, etc. It is also the business of the manager to dispose of the animals raised on the farm, when ready for market. These sales are usually made at auction at the most convenient railway station or shipping point. Sometimes the sales amount to as much as fifty thousand pesos in one day. The owner or his representatives are always present, and animals are never sold for less than they are actually worth.

The service of an hacienda manager consists in whatever the owner may order; he passes most of his days on horseback, as do the other servants, except the peons. The pay of this important personage is three hundred pesos, equal to one hundred dollars United States currency, a year. In addition to this meager money compensation he has the use of ten acres of dry land, suitable for growing wheat, six or eight acres of chacra, or vegetable producing land, and pasture for fifteen to twenty animals. Ten horses of the hacienda are usually set apart for his exclusive use.

The capataz occupies a position next in importance to the manager; his business is to ride over the farm daily, and make reports and suggestions to the manager. It is also the duty of this functionary to impound all animals not belonging to the estate found in the potreros. A fine of so much per head is assessed against all such animals, and the owner is required to pay the amount before they are released.

Vaqueros, who are under the direction of a manager, have certain fields and animals under their charge. Each is held responsible for the animals under his care. A daily count is made, and if any are missing the vaquero is sent in search of them. The vaquero is the cowboy of South America, and represents a type peculiar to the country.

His leggins usually consist of untanned goat skin, worn in the natural form and without attempt to make them conform to the shape of the legs. They not infrequently differ in color and marking, causing the wearer to present a grotesque appearance. He also wears immense spurs and other articles correspondingly fantastic, not the least conspicuous of which is his hat, an enormous cone-shaped sombrero made of felt and embroidered in fancy colors. His lasso of plaited rawhide, loosely coiled in two-foot circles, rests upon the back of his horse. These servants on the hacienda receive as compensation fifty pesos in cash annually, the use of two acres of chacra, four acres of wheat-growing land, and pasture for six or eight animals.

For each department of labor on these properties, including canals, corrals, repairs, storehouse, direction of peons, etc., there is a mayordomo, or foreman. Their pay is the same as that of the vaqueros. The proprietor furnishes horses but not saddles for all of his employés, except the peons.

“Ovejeros” (shepherds), connected with these estates live in the hills and work on contract. They receive twenty-five centavos for each lamb born, or one-third of the lambs. In case one receives a per cent. of the lambs as compensation for his labor, he is compelled to sell them to his master for one peso each. Each shepherd has in his care from five hundred to one thousand sheep.

“Inquilinos,” or farm tenants, comprise the servants living on the farm. They must work when ordered or furnish someone to labor in their stead. The head of each of the families is given an allowance of four acres of wheat-growing land, and pasture for six animals; they receive no cash compensation. The peons on the hacienda are not given land and pasturage for animals, but are furnished with a daily ration of food. The owners of estates furnish houses for their servants, free of rent.

The owners of the large, irrigated and well-equipped haciendas constitute the wealthiest, most cultured and aristocratic class in Chile. Presidents, senators and congressmen are elected from this class, and ministers, judges, admirals and generals are selected from the landed gentry. Prominent and influential professional and business men rely upon their estates for both pleasure and profit. The owners live upon their haciendas a portion of the year, but their homes are in the cities, most of them in Santiago, where they live in mansions and spend with lavish hand the income from their estates. The majority of them spend more than their income and as a result the heavily capitalized mortgage bank of Santiago has its octopus-like hand upon ninety per cent. of the beautiful and valuable country estates in Chile. The extravagance of the wealthy class in the Republic is cause for comment, and a surprise to most foreigners. Their prodigality furnishes a ruinous example to the middle classes, who try to emulate them, producing thereby a cheap, imitative kind of aristocracy. Most of them belong to old and influential families who inherited their fortunes and names from pioneer colonists. Some, however, are parvenu aristocrats who have gained access to the exclusive social circles by means of money, a position which from lack of education and breeding they are not qualified to maintain.

Large landowners give little time to the cultivation of their estates, and as a result the haciendas never produce to their full capacity. The chief occupation of the owners is a calculation of the probable income, with the application of as little capital and labor as possible on the property.

Notwithstanding the fact that Chile owns the richest and most extensive nitrate fields and guano deposits in the world, and that thousands of tons of fertilizing material are exported annually to other countries, to enrich depleted soil, little or none of this valuable re-creative agency is utilized to rejuvenate the sterile soil of the worn hill farms of the Republic. They refuse to return to the soil by artificial means that which is annually drawn from it in the production of crops, and as a result much valuable land has lapsed into disuse, being considered sterile and valueless because its producing quality has been exhausted. Under existing circumstances the farmer’s expenses are heavy and certain and his income decreasing and uncertain. The result is that the handsome estates are fast falling under the bane of mortgages, the payment of the interest on which is sapping the life of the soil. Economy is not one of the ruling characteristics of the Chileno; social and political prestige must be maintained, even if the inevitable result is financial ruin.

Mortgages will not permit of a disunion of the estates they cover, or selling of a portion of the land with which to pay interest, and when the owner is unable to longer meet his obligations the hacienda is sold at auction. The family then retires to a life of seclusion, and thereafter live upon a very meager income. There is no moral; remembering their former achievements and the splendor of past life, they indulge in no regret over present conditions. These families do not as a rule, however, belong to the best blood of Chile. They generally consist of those who go from country to the city and whose vanity leads them into unwonted extravagance.

The artificial and realistic phases of social life among the above mentioned classes furnish some sharp and well-defined contrasts. The phase most commonly known, and the one invariably presented to the world, is the artificial, with stage effects and deceptive lights; the other is the real,—the everyday home life, where the natural characteristics of the actors are presented. In the home, all show, pomp and exhibition can be safely discarded; no stage effects are necessary. A “peep” into the home life of some of these families will reveal the female members sitting in groups upon low stools, or on the floor, around a “bracero,” charcoal fire, the servants squatting in close proximity, discussing in a familiar way the latest social triumphs or the day’s hidden economies.

Another striking contrast in the home life is the different characteristics possessed by the men and women. The women are domestic by nature, patient to a degree, long suffering, good mothers and loyal wives. They are content with little, and either by inheritance or through generations of experience and training they do not expect much from their lords and masters. Their education, which is generally secured in the parochial schools, is influenced by religious prejudice. They manifest little interest in politics or world affairs, and a professional career is not to be thought of by a Chilena. ’Tis considered more respectable for a woman to live proudly in abject poverty than to earn a livelihood in a profession or commercial occupation. Many of the Chilean señoritas possess great beauty, are graceful and vivacious. They know the force and effect of flattery, and are artists in the use of that dangerous weapon of society. They have natural talent for languages, usually speak French and have some knowledge of English, and their own language they use with consummate skill.

The sons in the families of the better class are often educated in the belief that labor is degrading, and encouraged to lead lives of indolence. Instead of being taught that labor is honorable, that the gods sell everything to those who work; that the most useless and uninteresting members of society in this busy world are the drones; that intelligent industry is the chief factor in modern civilization; that honest effort is the advance guard of commercial and industrial progress, the youth of Chile is encouraged in the belief that it is honorable and manly to rely upon paternal dependence. Their education and youthful training too often lead them into the erroneous idea that business is drudgery, and that discipline of mind and will are hardships to be endured only by the servants and poor classes.

The men who constitute the wealthy class in Chile contrast sharply in characteristics with the women in the same social cast. They have an agreeable, dignified manner and polite address. Intellectually keen, they are quick to grasp a theory and clever in presenting it. Super-sensitive, they are quick to take offense, but will keep a smiling countenance, a polite, unruffled exterior, and even manifest a liking for people whom they inwardly detest. They are drawn together by business and political interests and whenever their interests conflict, enmity and even hatred are the result. This is carried to such extent that in the cities the families of the managers or heads of competing commercial houses or business firms will not associate with each other, and friendship between two Chilean gentlemen engaged in opposition business is the rare exception. Political opponents are enemies so long as their interests clash.

It is generally among the hacendados that political schemes, resulting in combinations of far-reaching consequence, have their origin. When a candidate aspires to an elective office, he makes his wants known to the managers of the party to which he belongs, and assures them of his willingness to pay the required sum to carry the election. After securing the nomination the candidate puts himself in communication with the influential men of his party in the province in which he stands for election. Among these men he distributes the amount he is willing to pay for the office. These confidants distribute the fund among their friends, who in turn re-distribute it, each retaining as it passes through his hands what he believes is the value of his services. There is never any accounting, and no questions are asked. On election day, which is a general feast and field day for the peons, each candidate has friends and money representing him at the various voting places. The peons have no political faith or party, probably do not know, much less care, for what the election is being held. Their votes are for sale, either publicly or privately, to the highest bidder. Those from the same farm, district or village, usually band together, one of the number acting as spokesman. When the polls are declared open the inspectors of registration take their places behind the ballot box, and the bidding for the purchase of votes begins. The agent of one candidate approaches a group of peons and asks for their votes, the spokesman for the crowd asking in turn what is bid for their suffrages. After some bargaining an offer is made. Taking that as a basis, negotiations are then opened by a representative of the peons with the agent for another candidate. When convinced that they cannot secure more the peons close with the highest bidder, and march in single file to the voting place. One by one their names are called, and as their right to vote is admitted, the agent of the candidate making the purchase deposits the vote. After the voting is completed according to agreement, the peons receive the money in the presence of the inspectors, politicians and other voters. There is no attempt at secrecy. There is a law upon the statute books making the purchase or the sale of a vote a crime, with severe penalties attached, but it is disregarded and has become almost a dead letter. The laws of Chile also provide for a secret ballot, but it is neither secret nor sacred. The election of a president in Chile is by the electoral system, the electors being selected by popular vote, and apportioned on a basis of population.

The constitution gives to the poor of Chile the birthright of freedom, and all men are supposed to be equal under the laws of the Republic. Many of those living upon the large haciendas, however, have little freedom of action or individuality and some of them are little more than a part of the general farm equipment. They are dependent and apparently defenseless. Inquilinos almost invariably sell their labor in advance to the owners of the property on which they live. They never leave the hacienda, for conditions are everywhere the same. The rich landowners are powerful enough to force into subjugation all within their domains, and they assert their authority with the arrogance of autocrats. The inquilinos have nothing beyond a meager living; they always remain poor. They are not permitted to sow, reap or do any work for themselves until all the work of a similar character on the hacienda is finished.

The majority of these poor people are honest with their patrons. When crimes are committed it is against others and not their master. As a rule the only offense of which they are guilty is that of harboring friendly thieves in their houses on the haciendas, thereby indirectly aiding in theft committed. If an hacienda changes hands, it makes not the slightest difference with the servants, who remain, many of them spending their entire lives upon the estate where they are born. The average wage of these farm laborers is about forty centavos per day. This low compensation is not due to a surplus of farm labor, for in fact there is a scarcity.

The condition of the poor people in the farming communities has resulted in recent years in an exodus of labor to the nitrate fields and mineral districts of Atacama, Tarapaca, Copiapo and Coquimbo, where they receive good wages and are paid regularly. This inviting field for labor, within the territorial limits of the Republic, is encouraging a more independent spirit among the working classes. That, together with the resentment against oppression so long imposed upon them by the hacendados, has already produced a marked effect and is rapidly growing into a condition of open hostility between employer and employés. The laborers are already organizing themselves into unions which opens a fruitful field for the agitator and the political demagogue. This has been evidenced by organized demands for shorter hours and higher wages among the employés in many of the seaport towns within the past few years. It had its most striking and tragic illustration in the riots in Valparaiso in May, 1903, when the city was sacked and property burned by a mob of striking stevedores.

This independent movement, this breaking away from former conditions had its origin in the revolution of 1891, which inaugurated new and worse relations between capital and labor. The uprising gave the Roto Chileno an opportunity to unmask and to manifest his natural characteristics. Not at first upon a strike plan, but in secret combination against those who employ labor; to shield each other in infractions of the law; to organize a class into a union of criminals that includes in its depredations every act in the category of crime. An undeclared war is waged, unexpressed antagonism, and unspoken enmity have been inducted into being. The policy of weak submission, in which they so long acquiesced, is gradually but surely changing to one of open defiance. Generations of smoldering hatred burst forth in the flame of strife and revolution, and the growth and menacing hostile attitude of labor and capital to-day is the outgrowth of that movement.

These labor troubles, felt first in the populous centers, are gradually finding their way to the farms and haciendas, and it is easy to predict the changed condition that will result within a few years; conditions that will reach the other extreme. There is no class of people so tyrannical, so unreasonable and dictatorial, as the ignorant, the poor and oppressed, when once they hold the balance of power. The Roto Chilenos, as an organized force, would be a desperate, dangerous class, a menace to society and good government. Let us hope that the distance between these extremes will be narrowed, that capital will be given the protection and encouragement to which it is entitled, and upon which its existence depends, and at the same time labor will be given the best remuneration, the broadest field and the amplest opportunity possible. This is a problem that should concern the politicians and statesmen of Chile. The time has passed when the working class will submit to intolerance and oppression, and the fact that conditions are changing, even in a country where the common people cling tenaciously to tradition and usage, must be recognized. The sons and daughters of farmers go to the cities and take service with foreigners. When they return to their country homes they take with them manners and ideas acquired from a different people—transplanted customs from another world. And so, slowly, backward and forward among the people passes the shuttle of changing methods, weaving into the fabric of life new and strange conditions. These influences are making themselves felt in many ways. In the typical Chilean village one sometimes sees among the thatched roof adobe huts, a house with some pretensions to ornamentation. Instead of an earthen floor, and the patio occupied by fowls and animals, there is a brick or tile floor, and the walls are ornamented with pictures. The poncho, which was formerly universally worn by the men, has been almost entirely discarded in the cities, and generally so in the villages. The mantilla, that most unsanitary of articles, with which all the women of Chile formerly draped their heads and faces, and which had also the objectionable feature of giving them a common and unattractive appearance, is fast growing into disuse, and is being supplanted by more modern feminine headdress. The country people are beginning to discard sandals for shoes, and in many ways manifest a more progressive spirit.

A Chileno may appear upon the streets of a city in personal attire the same as that prescribed for gentlemen in any country, but custom in the country prescribes a different standard. A gentleman huaso, well mounted and properly equipped, will have several hundred dollars represented in his personal adornment and caparison, for he must appear “a la moda del campo” (in the costume of the country). The cost of the outfit of the average well-mounted Chilean gentleman farmer may be calculated as follows: Horse, three hundred pesos; silver mounted bridle and reins, seventy-five; silver mounted saddle, two hundred; inlaid silver belt and knife, fifty; silver spurs, seventy-five; poncho, fifty; hat, twenty; special riding suit, one hundred; embroidered leggins, seventy-five; boots, twenty-five; watch and other extras, two hundred; total, one thousand one hundred and seventy pesos, equal to four hundred dollars United States currency.

RODEO.

One of the most exciting of the many peculiar practices indulged in by the country people, and one which requires great skill and courage, is the “rodeo” (method of managing wild bullocks in a corral, by men on horseback). It is the Chilean Corrida, taking the place of the Spanish bull fight, and is an inoffensive sport. A rodeo is an event of much general interest, and is usually attended by large crowds of people, friends and invited guests of the owner of the hacienda where it takes place. Special and elaborate preparations are made, and the rodeo is looked forward to with much interest, not only by those who take part in the dangerous proceedings, but also by everyone favored with an invitation or an opportunity to attend. The company first assembles at the residence of the gentleman giving the function, where all the specially invited guests and personal friends are entertained.

The vaqueros have been instructed to collect in a large corral, representing a half circle, all the cattle from the hill potreros. The animals are usually unaccustomed to the sight of anyone except the vaquero who attends them, and are wild and easily excited. When the time arrives for opening the rodeo, the horses of the men who are to participate, are brought out, each attended by a mozo (personal servant), who carefully adjusts the huge spurs always used on such occasions, to the boots of their respective masters. The men then mount and ride to the corrals, each followed by his mozo with several reserve horses to be used in case of necessity. About the corrals, which are decorated with flags and bunting, is a large crowd, including the mounted servants of the hacienda, as well as the inquilinos and servants from other farms, on horseback and in carts. Later the ladies of the household and their friends and guests arrive and occupy seats especially prepared for them, which command a good view of the corral. An order is given for the function to begin and employés of the hacienda enter the corral and drive the animals close together, encircling them to prevent their escape. The men who are to participate in this sport take their positions and a bullock is permitted to pass through the line encircling the herd. It is immediately charged by two of the waiting party, one following and urging it on, the other riding by its side, forcing the beast as closely as possible to the corral fence. When they have traversed the distance of the corral enclosure the person riding by the animal’s side rushes to its head, and by a clever move turns it suddenly around. The positions of pursuing parties are reversed, first one riding at the side of and turning the infuriated beast, and then the other, until it is completely subdued. Until it is conquered the riders must at no time leave the animal. If it bolt through the herd, or amongst the bunch of mounted servants on guard, they must follow, each keeping his respective position. Their horses are well trained and enter into the sport with as keen a zest as the riders. When one animal has been conquered it is driven from the corral and another turned loose, different persons taking part in each separate contest. If a horse is gored, as is often the case, or the rider dismounted and trampled upon, others quickly take their places and the sport continues. During the rodeo the spectators applaud or groan at the acts of the participants, according to their merit or demerit. Rodeos sometimes last for several days. An intermission is given in the middle of the day during which lunch is served, and at night there is always entertainment and much merrymaking at the hacienda residence. This sport is full of surprises, both comic and tragic, as there is always an element of uncertainty in the actions of a wild and infuriated young bull, when pursued and harassed until he becomes desperate. The day’s entertainment often closes with some daring vaquero lassoing, saddling and mounting a big, untamed bull.

One of the purposes of a rodeo is that the owners of cattle in neighboring haciendas may have all of the cattle brought in from the hills, identified and separated. The cattle belonging to each estate bear the registered mark of the owner by which they are identified. Frequently animals stray from their ranges and potreros and join the herds in neighboring haciendas. In these annual rodeos, or round-ups, they are divided and each lot according to mark or brand is returned to the owner. All the vaqueros of the different estates in the locality attend and participate. In this way the hacendados get all the wild young animals from the hills brought in, separated and branded at practically no expense. What is considered sport, and a festival by the vaqueros and employés on the big farms, is in reality the annual collection of cattle, as a matter of business to the owner.

The crowd constituting the spectators at a rodeo is made up of peons, inquilinos and vaqueros from neighboring haciendas. They dance the cuaca, and there is music of primitive harps and guitars. There is much drinking of chicha and exchange of badinage, all mixed with talk of, and comment on the rodeo, and the personal skill and bravery, or the lack of those qualities, displayed by those engaged in the sport. In the evening, after the conclusion of the rodeo, along the dusty country roads leading to the homes of these people one may witness strenuous and exciting contests in topeadura, in which sturdy Chilean ponies and tipsy riders form the component part.

CHACRA.

Chacra (vegetable farm), is usually land rented in small sections by the poor people from the rich landowners. After the servants have been allotted their portion of land in the poorest soil of the hacienda, other portions are rented, usually for a stipulated rental of two thousand kilos of beans for each quadra (four acres). At the harvest time the landowner must be paid his rent, either in the proportion of the products stipulated, or the cash market value of same. This settlement must be made before the “chacrero” is permitted to remove any of the crops. The lessee’s family live in the chacra in huts made of the branches of trees. The hacendado knows the productive capacity of his land, and gauges the rental value accordingly. If the renter manages to save a few sacks of beans, after living and paying his rent, he is fortunate. As a rule this class of tillers of the soil receive nothing more than a meager living for their labor.

HABITS AND CUSTOMS

A careful study of the history of Chile from the time that Pedro de Valdivia attempted to subjugate the Indians, through the colonial period to the revolution of 1810, when Spanish rule was overthrown and Chile took her place in the sisterhood of South American Republics; through the varying vicissitudes of its first half century of national existence, down to the present time, will reveal the fact that certain customs and traditions characteristic of the race have been maintained. In some instances they reflect the influences of changed conditions and environments; foreign ideas have been engrafted upon the social structure and the body politic, but in character, and in general characteristics, the Chileno retains his inheritance from Spanish and Indian ancestors. This is particularly true of their economic use of water. It can be safely said that the majority of the working classes or country people apply water sparingly to their hands and faces only, and never to their bodies, and many of them are utter strangers to its personal application.

This does not apply, of course, to the wealthy, educated and traveled Chilenos, who go annually to the seashore, or other pleasure and health resorts, such as Panca, Cauquenes, or Viña del Mar, the latter being the summer playground of the rich. A visit to any of the pleasure resorts by a Chilean family, be they residents of the country or city, is an event attended with much pomp and ceremony. They take with them their horses and carriages, a retinue of servants and an extra supply of clothes for display for the purpose of impressing other visitors with their financial standing and social importance. The vacation season in Chile is usually from the first of January to the fifteenth of March. For two months government service is transferred from Santiago to Valparaiso, the president and his cabinet taking up their temporary residence in Viña del Mar, a suburb of Valparaiso. The courts are closed and practically all business suspended in the capital. Members of the diplomatic corps follow the Santiaginas to the seashore, and the suburbs of Valparaiso, with their hotels and bathing beaches, are gay with fashionably dressed visitors and social functions. Many people who indulge in this annual seaside frolic are compelled to resort to strenuous domestic economy for the remainder of the year, in order to recuperate from the financial sacrifice made in the effort to compete in the social exhibit with those who can well afford the expense. Others whose financial condition will not admit of their joining the procession of those who appear for a few brief weeks in the year upon the social stage at Viña del Mar, close the front of their city residences, and do not appear in public during the vacation season.

The poor classes who cannot afford a vacation, live in filth and unsanitary conditions the year round, and during their natural lives. The dwellings of the poor are built without regard to architecture, comfort or hygiene, and the domestic condition of the occupants is a menace to health. The floor of a majority of the huts is the ground, which during the rainy season becomes damp, and not infrequently muddy. The refuse water from the houses is thrown any place outside to get rid of it, and there being no drains to carry it away, it becomes stagnant and creates disease. Donkeys, dogs, pigs and poultry maintain intimate social relations with the members of the household, not infrequently being housed with the family at night.

Chile has several dishes peculiar to and characteristic of the country. Cazuela is, strictly speaking, a national dish. It is a sort of soup, served as a first course at any meal, but more particularly for breakfast. It is made of mutton, “cordero,” or fowl, with various kinds of vegetables, all cooked together and served hot. It possesses the merit of including both meat and vegetable, solid and liquid food. In addition to being inexpensive, it is easily made and is very palatable. It is extremely popular with all classes of Chilenos and is a dish that foreigners invariably become fond of after once having tested its good qualities. A breakfast in Chile without cazuela would be considered a poor meal. “Puchero,” is another dish of which the Chilenos are fond, and which is usually served at dinner. It consists of meat boiled with a variety of vegetables, all being cooked dry, and served without liquid. “Empanadas,” a sort of meat pie, is also popular and peculiar to the country.

The zama cuaca is the national dance of Chile. It is danced by all classes, and is made clownish or genteel, coarse or refined, according to the different social grades of the participants. In no case can it be considered vulgar, and when properly danced it is graceful and attractive. It is danced in couples. The lady and gentleman each carry a handkerchief in the right hand, which they wave in front of their partner as they move about the room, keeping time to the lively and inspiring music of harps and guitars. The music of the instruments is usually accompanied with the hum of voices and the clapping of the hands of spectators. The dancers always face each other, except at certain intervals, when they turn suddenly around and then proceed as before. Whether in the parlor, in a despacho, a cancha de bola, or in the open, the zama cuaca is a national favorite, and the music will always arouse the interest and enthusiasm of everyone present. It is indulged in on all occasions where people congregate, day or night, and crowds frequently stop along the country roads to dance the cuaca.

At places where the country and village people congregate on feast days, “fondas,” enclosures prepared especially for dancing, are provided. The fonda is enclosed on three sides and is covered with branches of the arrayan, a flowering bush, which emits a strong, but pleasant odor. In front of the entrance is a “vara” for topear. Most of the people attending feast day demonstrations go on horseback, and there is always a mixed and miscellaneous mounted crowd in front of the fonda. Inside, seated upon benches, are men and women who divide their time between dancing and drinking. Those not engaged in the dance keep up a constant hand-clapping, timing their movements with the music. Sometimes during the dance, when a woman performs a special evolution that is thought to be very clever or unusually graceful, some man in the crowd, perceptibly affected with alcohol, calls out in a loud voice, “aro, aro.” At the sound of this magic word, which means drinks for all, the music and the hand-clapping cease and the dancers stop. Then the woman in charge of the fonda appears and passes to the man who called “aro,” a “potrillo” (a large glass tumbler) filled with chicha, or a mixture of aguardiente and milk. The man takes the brimming potrillo, approaches the dancers, and bowing profoundly, offers it to the lady. She appears shy, makes several courtesies, accepts the cup, takes a sip and returns it to the man. After the women dancers have been served, the cup is passed to the men engaged in the dance, and later to the spectators, all drinking from the same potrillo until it is finished. The man calling aro does the honors in passing the drink, and for anyone present to refuse would be considered an insult that would probably be resented.

A peculiar feature of the cuaca is the solemnity with which it is conducted. There is never a laugh or a joke, and seldom a smile. Levity on such occasions would be considered an indiscretion. The Chilenos take every phase of life lightly and indifferently, except their amusements, which are sacredly serious.

A peculiar custom in Chile is that of offering to a friend any article that he may desire. It is not proper, however, to accept the proffered gift. The would-be donor is given an opportunity to show his generosity, and at the same time made happy by having his offer declined.

There prevails in Chile a pretty custom in salutations, conversation and in summoning persons, in which the christian name is always used. It is practiced between members of families, friends, acquaintances, servants and masters. To strangers it conveys the idea of familiarity, but on the contrary it is the most polite formality. The christian name is always used in social, domestic and commercial intercourse where the parties are known to each other. When strangers are addressing each other it is always Señor, Señora or Señorita. Friends and even acquaintances are profuse in the use of personal and endearing terms. Another method of expressing pleasure when friends or relatives, either male or female, meet, is to embrace, each passing the right hand around and patting the other affectionately upon the back.

Politeness is one of the characteristics inherited by the Chilenos from their Spanish ancestors. Members of the same family, especially among the better classes, are kind and always considerate of each other’s feelings and wishes. Family quarrels and disputes are seldom indulged in, and never in the presence of strangers. Among the middle and poor classes, there are occasional rows, and sometimes encounters between members of the same family, but it is usually due to the influence of drink rather than their natural inclinations. It is a national custom for the right of correction and punishment to rest with parents, so long as they and their children live. A son never becomes too old to be chastised by his father or mother. He may have reached middle age, be the father of a large family, and even venerably gray, but if either of his parents sees fit to box his ears, or even to apply more vigorous methods of punishment for any dereliction of duty or for any offense, the chastisement is administered with impunity and is accepted without resentment.

It is the custom among uneducated country people in calculating their ages, to reckon time from some important event that has taken place in the country, such as the revolution, severe earthquake, or other notable occurrences. The great earthquake of 1851, is often used as a basis for calculating the ages of old people.

An aire is a muscular affliction of the face or neck, which may result from sitting or remaining in a draught when one is warm or perspiring. It is a common affliction in Chile, and to avoid the danger, not only the country people, but those living in cities and towns, are disposed to keep their rooms closed to the exclusion of fresh air, and to the great discomfort of the occupants.

Sometimes foreigners on arriving in Chile find the customs of the country unsatisfactory, according to their theories, and at once constitute themselves missionaries to “convert the natives,” as they put it. They proceeded to introduce ideas and methods that conform to their own standard of ideals. The result usually is the acquisition of an unsatisfactory lot of experience, without having affected any changes in the prevailing customs, or even made any impression upon those for whom the education was intended. The Chilenos are slow to accept innovations, and quick to resent the presumption of foreigners who attempt to engraft new ideas and customs upon the ways and traditions of their country.

RELIGION