A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,
BY SEA AND LAND,
FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY
ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. VI.
WILLIAM BLACKWOOD, EDINBURGH:
AND T. CADELL, LONDON.
MDCCCXXIV.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI.
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLY CONQUESTS IN THE NEW WORLD.
Early English voyages of discovery to America. Introduction.
SECTION I. Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in the service of Henry VII. of England.
SECTION II. Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot.
SECTION III. Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to the third Volume of his Navigations.
SECTION IV. Notice respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the north-west, from Peter Martyr ab Angleria.
SECTION V. Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries of Sebastian Cabota.
SECTION VI. Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latter part of Fabians Chronicle.
SECTION VII. Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr Robert Thorne.
SECTION VIII. Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension and the Office of Grand Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot.
SECTION IX. Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516, to Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico.
SECTION X. Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before the year 1526.
The Voyages of Jacques Cartier from St Maloes to Newfoundland and Canada, in the years 1534 and 1535.
Introduction.
SECTION I. The first voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada, in 1534.
SECTION II. The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega, Saguenay, and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and Customs of the Natives.
SECTION III. Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to France in 1537.
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN NATIONS TO INDIA.
Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese in India, from 1505 to 1539, both inclusive, resumed from Book I. of this Part.
SECTION I. Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by the Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs on the East Coast of Africa.
SECTION II. Voyage of Don Francisco de Almeyda from Lisbon to India, in quality of Viceroy, with an account of some of his transactions on the Eastern coast of Africa and Malabar.
SECTION III. Some Account of the state of India at the beginning of the sixteenth Century, and commencement of the Portuguese Conquests.
SECTION IV. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, during the Viceroyalty of Almeyda.
SECTION V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India under the Government of Don Alfonso de Albuquerque, from the end of 1509, to the year 1515.
SECTION VI. Portuguese Transactions in India, under several governors, from the close of 1515, to the year 1526.
SECTION VII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India; from 1526 to 1538.
Particular Relation of the Expedition of Solyman Pacha from Suez to India against the Portuguese at Diu, written by a Venetian Officer who was pressed into the Turkish Service on that occasion. Introduction.
SECTION I. The Venetian Merchants and Mariners at Alexandria are pressed into the Turkish service, and sent to Suez. Description of that place. Two thousand men desert from the Gallies. Tor. Island of Soridan Port of Kor.
SECTION II. Arrival at Jiddah, the Port of Mecca. The islands of Alfas, Kamaran, and Tuiche. The Straits of Bab-al-Mandub.
SECTION III. Arrival at Aden, where the Sheikh and four others are hanged. Sequel of the Voyage to Diu.
SECTION IV. The Castle of Diu is besieged by the Moors. The Turks plunder the City, and the Indian Generals withdraw in resentment. The Pacha lands. A man 300 years old. Women burn themselves. The Fleet removes.
SECTION V. A Bulwark Surrenders to the Turks, who make Galley-slaves of the Portuguese Garrison; with several other incidents of the siege.
SECTION VI. Farther particulars of the siege, to the retreat of the Turks, and the commencement of their Voyage back to Suez.
SECTION VII. Continuation of the Voyage back to Suez, from the Portuguese factory at Aser, to Khamaran and Kubit Sharif.
SECTION VIII. Transactions of the Pacha at Zabid, and continuation of the Voyage from Kubit Sarif.
SECTION IX. Continuation of the Voyage to Suez, along the Arabian Shore of the Red Sea.
SECTION X. Conclusion of the Voyage to Suez, and return of the Venetians to Cairo.
The Voyage of Don Stefano de Gama from Goa to Suez, in 1540, with the intention of Burning the Turkish Gallies at that port. Written by Don Juan de Castro, then a Captain in the Fleet; afterwards governor-general of Portuguese India.
Introduction.
SECTION I. Portuguese Transactions in India, from the Siege of Diu by the Turks, to the Expedition of Don Stefano de Gama to Suez.
SECTION II. Journal of the Voyage from Goa to the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub.
SECTION III. Continuation of the Voyage, from the Straits of Bab-el-Mandub to Massua.
SECTION IV. Digression respecting the History, Customs, and State of Abyssinia.
SECTION V. Continuation of the Journal of De Castro from Massua to Swakem.
SECTION VI. Continuation of the Voyage from Swakem to Comol.
SECTION VII. Continuation of the Voyage from the Harbour of Comol to Toro or Al Tor.
SECTION VIII. Continuation of the Voyage from Toro or Al Tor to Suez.
SECTION IX. Return Voyage from Suez to Massua.
SECTION X. Return of the Expedition from Massua to India.
SECTION XI. Description of the Sea of Kolzum, otherwise called the Arabian Gulf, or the Red Sea. Extracted from the Geography of Abulfeda.
POSTSCRIPT.--Transactions of the Portuguese in Abyssinia, under Don Christopher de Gama.
Continuation of the Portuguese transactions in India, after the return of Don Stefano de Gama from Suez in 1541, to the Reduction of Portugal under the Dominion of Spain in 1581.
SECTION I. Incidents during the Government of India by Don Stefano de Gama, subsequent to his Expedition to the Red Sea.
SECTION II. Exploits of Antonio de Faria y Sousa in Eastern India.
SECTION III. Transactions during the Government of Martin Alfonso de Sousa, from 1542 to 1543.
SECTION IV. Government of India by Don Juan de Castro, from 1545 to 1548.
SECTION V. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1545 to 1564, under several Governors.
SECTION VI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1564 to the year 1571.
SECTION VII. Portuguese Transactions in India from 1571 to 1576.
SECTION VIII. Transactions of the Portuguese in Monomotapa, from 1569 to the end of that separate government.
SECTION IX. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1576 to 1581; when the Crown of Portugal was usurped by Philip II. of Spain on the Death of the Cardinal King Henry.
SECTION X. Transactions of the Portuguese in India, from 1581 to 1597.
SECTION XI. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions in India, from 1597 to 1612.
SECTION XII. Continuation of the Portuguese Transactions, from 1512 to 1517.
A GENERAL HISTORY AND COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
[PART II.--Continued]
[BOOK II.--Continued.]
HISTORY OF THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, AND OF SOME OF THE EARLY CONQUESTS IN THE NEW WORLD.
[CHAPTER XI.]
EARLY ENGLISH VOYAGES OF DISCOVERY TO AMERICA.
INTRODUCTION.
Although we have already, in the Introduction to the Second Chapter of this Book, Vol. III. p. 346. given some notices of the voyages of John and Sebastian Cabot to America in the service of Henry VII. and VIII. it appears proper on the present occasion to insert a full report of every thing that is now known of these early navigations: As, although no immediate fruits were derived from these voyages, England by their means became second only to Spain in the discovery of America, and afterwards became second likewise in point of colonization in the New World. The establishments of the several English colonies will be resumed in a subsequent division of our arrangement.
It has been already mentioned that Columbus, on leaving Portugal to offer his services to Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain for the discovery of the Indies by a western course through the Atlantic, sent his brother Bartholomew to make a similar offer to Henry VII. King of England, lest his proposals might not have been listened to by the court of Spain. Bartholomew, as has been formerly related, was taken by pirates; and on his arrival in England was forced to procure the means of living, and of enabling himself to appear before the king, by the construction and sale of sea-charts and maps, in which he had been instructed by his brother. Owing to this long delay, when he at length presented himself to King Henry, and had even procured the acceptance of his brothers proposals, so much time had been lost that Isabella queen of Castille had already entered into the views of his illustrious brother, who had sailed on his second voyage to the West Indies, while Bartholomew was on his journey through France to announce to him that Henry King of England had agreed to his proposals.
The fame of the astonishing discovery made by Columbus in 1591, soon spread throughout Europe; and only four years afterwards, or in 1595, a patent was granted by Henry VII. to John Cabot, or Giovani Cabota, a Venetian citizen, then resident in England, and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, and their heirs and deputies, to sail to all parts countries and seas of the east west and north, at their own cost and charges, with five ships; to seek out discover and find whatsoever islands, countries, regions, or provinces belonging to the heathen and infidels, were hitherto unknown to Christians, and to subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles, and islands as they might be able; setting up the royal banners and ensigns in the same, and to command over them as vassals and lieutenants of the crown of England, to which was reserved the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same. In this grant Cabot and his sons, with their heirs and deputies, were bound to bring all the fruits, profits, gains, and commodities acquired in their voyages to the port of Bristol; and, having deducted from the proceeds all manner of necessary costs and charges by them expanded, to pay to the king in wares or money the fifth part of the free gain so made, in lieu of all customs of other dues; of importation on the same. By these letters patent; dated at Westminster on the 5th of March in the eleventh year of Henry VII. all the other subjects of England are prohibited from visiting or frequenting any of the continents, islands, villages, towns, castles, or places which might be discovered by John Cabot, his sons, heirs, or deputies, under forfeiture of their ships and goods[1].
[Footnote 1: Hakluyt, III. 26.]
No journal or relation remains of the voyages of Cabot and his sons in consequence of this grant, and we are reduced to a few scanty memorials concerning them; contained in the third volume of Hakluyt's Collection of the Early Voyages, Travels, and Discoveries of the English Nation. We quote from the new edition, with additions, published at London in 1810.
Two years after the before-mentioned letters patent, or on the 18th of February 1497, a licence was granted by the same king of England, Henry VII. to John Cabot, to take six English ships in any haven or havens of England, being of 200 tons burden or under, with all necessary furniture; and to take also into the said ships all such masters, mariners, or other subjects of the king as might be willing to engage with him.
It would appear that the patent of 1495 had never been acted upon; but in consequence of this new licence, John Cabot and his son Sebastian proceeded from the port of Bristol and discovered an island somewhere on the coast of America to which they gave the name of Prima Vista, probably the island of Newfoundland. The short account of this voyage of discovery left to us by Hakluyt, is said to have been inserted in Latin on a map constructed by Sebastian Cabot, concerning his discovery in America, then called the West Indies; which map, engraved by Clement Adams, was to be seen in the time of Hakluyt in the private gallery of Queen Elizabeth at Westminster, and in the possession of many of the principal merchants in London. This memorandum, translated into English, is as follows[2].
[Footnote 2: Id. III. 27.]
SECTION I.
Discovery of Newfoundland by John and Sebastian Cabot in 1497, in the service of Henry VII. of England.
"In the year 1497, John Cabot a Venetian and his son Sebastian, discovered on the 24th of June, about five in the morning, that land to which no person had before ventured to sail, which they named Prima Vista[3], or, first-seen, because as I believe it was the first part seen by them from the sea. The island which is opposite[4] he named St Johns Island, because discovered on the day of St John the Baptist. The inhabitants of this island use the skins and furs of wild beasts for garments, which they hold in as high estimation as we do our finest clothes. In war they use bows and arrows, spears, darts, clubs, and slings. The soil is sterile and yields no useful production; but it abounds in white bears and deer much larger than ours. Its coasts produce vast quantities of large fish, among which are great seals, salmons, soles above a yard in length, and prodigious quantities especially of cod, which are commonly called bacallaos[5]. The hawks, partridges, and eagles of this island are all black."
[Footnote 3: Presuming that this discovery was Newfoundland, a name nearly of the same import, perhaps the land first seen was what is now called Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48° 50' N. long. 62° 32' W. from London. In the text, there is every reason to believe that it is meant to indicate, that Cabot named the island he discovered St Johns, and only the first seen point of land Prima-Vista.--E.]
[Footnote 4: By this phrase is probably to be understood, the island behind this first-seen cape named Prima-Vista.--E.]
[Footnote 5: Vulgari Sermoni, is translated by Hakluyt, in the language of the savages; but we have given it a different sense in the text, that used by Hakluyt having no sufficient warrant in the original.--E.]
Besides the foregoing memorandum on the ancient map, Hakluyt gives the following testimonies respecting the discovery of the northern part of America, by Cabot.
SECTION II.
Discourse by Galeacius Butrigarius, Papal Legate in Spain, respecting the Discoveries in America, by Sebastian Cabot[6].
Do you know how to sail for the Indies towards the northwest, as has been lately done by a Venetian citizen, a valiant man and so learned in all things pertaining to navigation and cosmography, that no one is permitted to sail as pilot to the West Indies who has not received his licence, he being pilot-major of Spain? This person, who resides in the city of Seville, is Sebastian Cabot, a native of Venice, who is most expert in these sciences, and makes excellent sea-charts with his own-hands. Having sought his acquaintance, he entertained us in a friendly manner, showing us many things, and among these a large map of the world containing sundry navigations, both those of the Spaniards and Portuguese. On this occasion he gave us the following information.
[Footnote 6: Hakluyt, III. 27. from the second volume of Ramusio.]
His father went many years since from Venice to England, where he followed the profession of a merchant, taking this person his son along with him to London, then very young, yet having received some tincture of learning, and some knowledge of the sphere. His father died about the time when news was spread abroad that Don Christopher Columbus, the Genoese, had discovered the coasts of the Indies by sailing towards the west, which was much admired and talked of at the court of King Henry VII. then reigning in England, so that every one affirmed that it was more attributable to divine inspiration than human wisdom, to have thus sailed by the west unto the east, where spices grow, by a way never known before. By these discourses the young man, Sebastian Cabot, was strongly incited to perform some notable and similar action; and conceiving by the study of the sphere that it would be a shorter route for going to India, than that attempted by Columbus, to sail by the north-west, he caused the king to be informed thereof, who accordingly gave orders that he should be furnished with two ships, properly provided in all things for the voyage. He sailed with these from England in the beginning of summer 1496, if I rightly remember, shaping his course to the north-west, not expecting to find any other land intervening between and Cathay or Northern China. He was much disappointed by falling in with land running toward the north, the coast of which he sailed along to the lat. of 56° N. and found it still a continent. Finding the coast now, to turn towards the east, and despairing to find the passage to India and Cathay of which he was in search, he turned again and sailed down the coast towards the equinoctial line, always endeavouring to find a passage westwards for India, and came at length to that part of the continent which is now called Florida[7]. And his victuals running short, he bore away for England; where he found the country in confusion preparing for war with Scotland, so that no farther attention was paid to his proposed discoveries.
[Footnote 7: Florida is here to be taken in the extended sense as at first applied to the whole eastern coast of North America, to the north of the Gulf of Mexico. The commencement of this voyage appears to have been in search of a north-west passage; but Sebastian must have gone far above 56° N. to find the land trending eastwards: He was probably repelled by ice and cold weather.--E.]
He went afterwards into Spain, where he was taken into the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, who furnished him with ships at their expence, in which he went to discover the coast of Brazil, where he found a prodigiously large river, now called the Rio de la Plata, or Silver River, up which he sailed above 120 leagues, finding every where a good country, inhabited by prodigious numbers of people, who flocked from every quarter to view the ships with wonder and admiration. Into this great river a prodigious number of other rivers discharged their waters. After this he made many other voyages; and waxing old, rested at home discharging the office of chief pilot, and leaving the prosecution of discovery to many young and active pilots of good experience.
SECTION III.
Notice concerning Sebastian Cabot by Ramusio, in the Preface to the third Volume of his Navigations.[8]
[Footnote 8: Hakluyt, III. 28.]
In the latter part of this volume are contained certain relations of Giovani de Varanzana of Florence, of a certain celebrated French navigator, and of two voyages by Jacques Cartier a Breton, who sailed to the land in 50° north latitude, called New France; it not being yet known whether that land join with the continent of Florida and New Spain, or whether they are separated by the sea into distinct islands, so as to allow of a passage by sea to Cathay and India. This latter was the opinion of Sebastian Cabota, our countryman, a man of rare knowledge and experience in navigation, who wrote to me many years ago, that he had sailed along and beyond this land of New France in the employment of Henry VII. of England. He informed me that, having sailed a long way to the north-west, beyond these lands, to the lat. of 67-1/2° N. and finding the sea on the 11th of June entirely open and without impediment, he fully expected to have passed on that way to Cathay in the east; and would certainly have succeeded, but was constrained by a mutiny of the master and mariners to return homewards. But it would appear that the Almighty still reserves this great enterprise of discovering the route to Cathay by the north-west to some great prince, which were the easiest and shortest passage by which to bring the spiceries of India to Europe. Surely this enterprise would be me most glorious and most important that can possibly he imagined, and would immortalize him who succeeded in its accomplishment far beyond any of those warlike exploits by which the Christian nations of Europe are perpetually harassed.
SECTION IV.
Notices respecting the voyage of Sebastian Cabot to the northwest, from Peter Martyr ab Algeria[9].
These northern seas have been searched by Sebastian Cabot, a Venetian, who was carried when very young to England by his parents, who, after the manner of the Venetians, left no part of the world unsearched to obtain riches. Having fitted out two ships in England at his own expence, with three hundred men, he first directed his course so near the north pole, that on the 11th of July he found monstrous heaps of ice swimming in the sea, and a continual day, so that the land was free from ice, having been thawed by the perpetual influence of the sun. By reason of this ice he was compelled to turn southwards along the western land, till he came unto the latitude of the Straits of Gibraltar[10]. In the course of this north-west voyage he got so far to the west as to have the island of Cuba on his left hand, having reached to the same longitude[11]. While sailing along the coast of this great land, which he called Baccalaos[12], he found a similar current of the sea towards the west[13] as had been observed by the Spaniards in their more southerly navigations, but more softly and gently than had been experienced by the Spaniards. Hence it may be certainly concluded that in both places, though hitherto unknown, there must be certain great open spaces by which the waters thus continually pass from the east to the west; which waters I suppose to be continually driven round the globe by the constant motion and impulse of the heavens, and not to be alternately swallowed and cast up again by the breathing of Demogorgon, as some have imagined on purpose to explain the ebb and flow of the sea. Sebastian Cabot himself named these lands Baccalaos, because he found in the seas thereabout such multitudes of certain large fishes like tunnies, called baccalaos by the natives, that they sometimes stayed his ships. He found also the people of these regions clothed in the skins of beasts, yet not without the use of reason. He says also that there are great numbers of bears in those countries, which feed on fish, and catch them by diving into the water; and being thus satisfied with abundance of fish, are not noisome to man. He says likewise that he saw large quantities of copper among the inhabitants of these regions. Cabot is my dear and familiar friend, whom I delight to have sometimes in my house. Being called out of England by the Catholic king of Castille, on the death of Henry VII. of England, he was made one of the assistants of our council respecting the affairs of the new found Indies, and waits in daily expectation of being furnished with ships in which to discover these hidden secrets of nature.
[Footnote 9: Hakluyt, III. 29. quoting P. Martyr, Dec. III. Ch. vi.]
[Footnote 10: The Straits of Gibraltar are in lat. 36° N. which would bring the discovery of the eastern coast of North America by Cabot, all the way from 67-1/2° N. beyond Hudsons Bay, to Albemarle Sound on the coast of North Carolina--E.]
[Footnote 11: The middle of the island of Cuba is in long. 80° W. from Greenwich, which would have carried Cabot into the interior of Hudsons Bay, to which there is no appearance of his having penetrated, in the slight notices remaining of his exploratory voyage.--E.]
[Footnote 12: We have before seen that he named the country which he discovered, the island of St John, and that he gave the name in this part of the text, baccalaos, to the fish most abundant in those seas, which we name cod.--E.]
[Footnote 13: It is probable this applies to the tide of flood setting into the Gulf of St Lawrence or Hudsons Bay or both; which led Cabot to expect a passage through the land to the west--E.]
SECTION V.
Testimony of Francisco Lopez de Gomara, concerning the discoveries of Sebastian Cabota[14].
Sebastian Cabota, who came out of England into Spain, brought most certain information of the country and people of Baccalaos. Having a great desire to traffic for spices, like the Portuguese, he fitted out two ships with 300 men, at the cost of Henry VII. of England, and took the way towards Iceland from beyond the Cape of Labradore, until he reached the lat. of 58° N. and better. Even in the month of July, the weather was so cold and the ice in such quantities, that he durst not proceed any farther. The days were so long as to have hardly any night, and what little there was, was very clear. Being unable to proceed farther on account of the cold, he turned south; and, having refreshed at Baccalaos, he sailed southwards along the coast to the 38° of latitude[15], from whence he returned into England.
[Footnote 14: Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting Gomara, Gen. Hist. of the W. Indies, Book II. Ch. iv.]
[Footnote 15: By this account the progress of Cabot to the south along the eastern coast of North America, reached no farther than coast of Maryland.--E.]
SECTION VI.
Note respecting the discoveries of Sebastian Cabot; from the latter part of Fabians Chronicle[16].
[Footnote 16: Hakluyt, III. 30. quoting from a MS. in possession of Mr John Stow, whom he characterizes as a diligent collector of antiquities.]
In the 13th year of Henry VII. by means of John Cabot, Venetian, who was very expert in cosmography and the construction of sea-charts, that king caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, to search for an island which Cabot said he well knew to be rich and replenished with valuable commodities. In which ship, manned and victualled at the kings expence, divers merchants of London adventured small stocks of goods under the charge of the said Venetian. Along with that ship there went three or four small vessels from Bristol, laden with slight and coarse goods, such as coarse cloth, caps, laces, points, and other trifles. These vessels departed from Bristol in the beginning of May; but no tidings of them had been received at the time of writing this portion of the chronicle of Fabian.
In the 14th year of the king however, three men were brought from the New-found-Island, who were clothed in the skins of beasts, did eat raw flesh, and spoke a language which no man could understand, their demeanour being more like brute beasts than men. They were kept by the king for some considerable time; and I saw two of them about two years afterward in the palace of Westminster, habited like Englishmen, and not to be distinguished from natives of England, till I was told who they were; but as for their speech, I did not hear either of them utter a word.
SECTION VII.
Brief notice of the discovery of Newfoundland, by Mr Robert Thorne.[17]
[Footnote 17: Hakluyt, III. 31. quoting a book by Mr Robert Thorne, addressed to Doctor Leigh.]
As some diseases are hereditary, so have I inherited an inclination of discovery from my father, who, with another merchant of Bristol named Hugh Eliot, were the discoveries of the Newfoundlands. And, if the mariners had followed the directions of their pilot, there can be no doubt that the lands of the West Indies, whence all the gold cometh, had now been ours; as it appears by the chart that all is one coast.
SECTION VIII. Grant by Edward VI. of a Pension, and the Office of Grand Pilot of England to Sebastian Cabot[18]
[Footnote 18: Hakluyt, id. ib. Supposing Sebastian to have been sixteen years of age in 1495, when he appears to have come to England with his father, he must have attained to seventy years of age at the period of this grant--E.]
Edward the Sixth, by the Grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, to all believers in Christ to whom these presents may come, wisheth health. Know ye, that in consideration of the good and acceptable service, done and to be done to us by our well-beloved servant Sebastian Cabot, we of our special grace, certain knowledge and goodwill, and by the councel and advice of our most illustrious uncle Edward Duke, of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of our kingdoms, dominions, and subjects, and by advice of the rest of our councillors, have given and granted, and by these presents give and grant to the said Sebastian Cabot a certain annuity or yearly revenue of one hundred and sixty-six pounds, thirteen shilling and fourpence sterling[19], to have, enjoy, and yearly to receive during his natural life from our treasury at the receipt of our exchequer at Westminster, by the hands of our treasurers and chamberlains for the time being, by equal portions at the festivals of the annunciation of the blessed virgin, the nativity of St John the Baptist, of St Michael the Archangel, and the nativity of our Lord. And farther, as aforesaid, we grant by these presents so much as the said annuity would amount to from the feast of St Michael the Archangel last past unto this present time, to be received by said Sebastian from our foresaid treasurers and chamberlains in free gift, without account or any thing else to be yielded, paid or made to us our heirs or successors for the same. In witness whereof, &c. Done by the King at Westminster on the 6th of January 1548, in the second year of his reign.
[Footnote 19: At the rate of six for one, as established by the Historian of America for comparing sums of money between these two periods, this pension was equal to L.1000 in our time.--E.]
SECTION IX.
Voyage of Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot about the year 1516, to Brazil, St Domingo, and Porto Rico.
That learned and painefull writer Richard Eden, in a certain epistle of his to the Duke of Northumberland, before a work which he translated out of Munster in 1553, called A Treatise of New India, maketh mention of a voyage of discoverie undertaken out of England by Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabota, about the eighth year of Henry VIII. of famous memorie, imputing the overthrow thereof unto the cowardice and want of stomack of the said Sir Thomas Pert, in manner following:
If manly courage, saith he, (like unto that which hath bene seene and proved in your Grace, as well in forreine realmes, as also in this our country) had not bene wanting in others in these our dayes, at such time as our souereigne lord of famous memorie king Henry VIII. about the same yeere of his raigne, furnished and sent out certaine shippes under the governance of Sebastian Cabot yet living, and one Sir Thomas Pert, who was vice-admiral of England and dweleth in Poplar at Blackwall, whose faint heart was the cause that the voyage took none effect. If, I say, such manly courage, whereof we have spoken, had not at that time beene wanting, it might happily have come to passe, that that rich treasurie called Perularia, (which is nowe in Spaine in the citie of Seville, and so named, for that in it is kept the infinite riches brought thither from the newfoundland kingdom of Peru) might long since have beene in the tower of London, to the kings great honour and the wealth of this realme.
Hereunto that also is to bee referred which the worshipfull Mr Robert Thorne wrote to the saide king Henry VIII. in the yeere 1527, by Doctor Leigh his ambassador sent into Spaine to the Emperour Charles V. whose worries bee these:
Now rest to be discovered the north parts, the which it seemeth unto me is onely your highnes charge and dutie; because the situation of this your realme is thereunto neerest and aptest of all other: and also, for that already you have taken it in hand. And in mine opinion it will not seeme well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger be followed and obteined. Though hitherto your grace have made thereof a proofe, and found not the commoditie thereby as you trusted, at this time it shal be none impediment: for there may be now provided remedies for things then lacked, and the inconveniences and lets remooved, that then were cause your graces desire tooke no full effect: which is the courses to be changed, and to follow the aforesayd new courses. And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meete and convenient, much better than hitherto: by reason whereof, and by Gods grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect.
And where as in the aforesayd wordes Mr Robert Thorne sayth, that he would have the old courses to bee changed, and the new courses [to the north] to be followed: It may plainely be gathered that the former voyage, whereof twise or thrise he maketh mention, wherein it is like that Sir Thomas Pert and Sebastian Cabot were set foorth by the king, was made towards Brazil and the south parts. Moreover it seemeth that Gonzalvo de Oviedo, a famous Spanish writer, alludeth unto the sayde voyage in the beginning of the 13. chapter of the 19. booke of his generall and natural historie of the West Indies, agreeing very well with the time about which Richard Eden writeth that the foresayd voyage was begun. The authors wordes are these, as I finde them translated into Italian by that excellent and famous man Baptista Ramusio[21].
[Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt gives the Italian of Ramusio; we are satisfied on the present occasion with his translation.--E.]
In the year 1517, an English rover under the colour of travelling to discover, came with a great shippe unto the parts of Brazill on the coast of the firme land, and from thence he crossed over unto this island of Hispaniola, and arrived near unto the mouth of the haven of this citie of San Domingo, and sent his shipboate full of men on shoare, and demaunded leave to enter into this haven, saying that hee came with marchandise to traffique. But at that very instant the governour of the castle, Francis de Tapia, caused a tire of ordinance to be shot from the castle at the shippe, for she bare in directly with the haven. When the Englishmen sawe this, they withdrew themselves out, and those that were in the shipboate got themselves with all speede on shipboard. And in trueth the warden of the castle committed an oversight: for if the shippe had entered into the haven, the men thereof could not have come on lande without leave both of the citie and of the castle. Therefore the people of the shippe seeing how they were received, sayled toward the Island of St John de Puerto Rico, and entering into the port of St Germaine, the Englishmen parled with those of the towne, requiring victuals and things needful to furnish their ship, and complained of the inhabitants of the city of St Domingo, saying that they came not to doe any harme, but to trade and traffique for their money and merchandise. In this place they had certain victuals, and for recompence they gave and paid them with certain vessels of wrought tinne and other things. And afterwards they departed toward Europe, where it is thought they arrived not, for we never heard any more news of them.
Thus farre proceedeth Gonzalvo de Oviedo, who though it please him to call the captain of this great English ship a rover, yet it appeareth by the Englishmens owne words, that they came to discover, and by their traffique for pewter vessels and other wares at the town of St Germaine in the iland of San Juan de Puerto Rico, it cannot bee denied but they were furnished with wares for honest traffique and exchange. But whosoever is conversant in reading the Portugal and Spanish writers of the East and West Indies, shall commonly finde that they account all other nations for pirats, rovers and theeves, which visite any heathen coast that they have once sayled by or looked on. Howbeit their passionate and ambitious reckoning ought not to bee prejudiciall to other mens chargeable and painefull enterprises and honourable travels in discoverie.
SECTION X.
Brief note of a voyage by Thomas Tison to the West Indies, before the year 1526[22].
It appears from a certain note or memorandum in the custody of me Richard Hakluyt, taken out of an old ledger-book formerly belonging to Mr Nicholas Thorne senior, a respectable merchant of Bristol, written to his friend and factor Thomas Midnall and his servant William Ballard, at that time residing at San Lucar in Andalusia; that before the year 1526, one Thomas Tison an Englishman had found his way to the West Indies, and resided there as a secret factor for some English merchants, who traded thither in an underhand manner in those days. To this person Mr Nicholas Thorne appears to have sent armour and other articles which are specified in the memorandum or letter above mentioned--This Thomas Tison, so far as I can conjecture, appears to have been a secret factor for Mr Thorne and other English merchants, to transact for them in these remote parts; whence it is probable that some of our merchants carried on a kind of trade to the West Indies even in those ancient times; neither do I see any reason why the Spaniards should debar us from it now.
[Footnote 22: Hakluyt, III. 595.]
[CHAPTER XII.]
THE VOYAGES OF JACQUES CARTIER FROM ST MALOES TO NEWFOUNDLAND AND CANADA, IN THE YEARS 1534 AND 1535[23].
INTRODUCTION
These voyages are to be considered as among the early discoveries of the New World, and are therefore inserted in this place. The only edition of them which we have been able to procure, is that which is inserted in the ancient and curious collection of voyages by Hakluyt, which appears to have been abridged from the original in French, published at Rouen in 8vo 1598[24]of this voyage, the author of the Bibliotheque des Voyages gives the following notice. "So early as the year 1518, the baron De Levi had discovered a portion of Canada, and Jacques Cartier not only added to this first discovery, but visited the whole country with the judgment of a person well instructed in geography and hydrography, as is apparent in the relation of his voyages; which contain an exact and extended description of the coasts, harbours, straits, bays, capes, rivers, and islands which he visited, both in his voyages on the river St Lawrence, and in his excursions by land into the interior of Canada. To this day navigators use most of the names which he affixed to the various parts which he explored with indefatigable industry." In the present edition, the only freedom used is reducing the antiquated language of Hakluyt to the modern standard.----Ed.
[Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 250.]
[Footnote 24: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. VI. 15.]
SECTION I.
The first Voyage of Jacques Cartier to Newfoundland and Canada, in 1534.
The Chevalier de Mouy lord of Meylleraye and vice-admiral of France, having administered the oaths of fidelity to the king, and of obedience to M. Cartier, to the captains, masters, and mariners of the ships employed in this expedition, we left the port of St Maloes on the 20th of April 1534, with two ships of 60 tons, and having sixty-one chosen men. Having prosperous weather, we reached Newfoundland on the 10th of May, making Cape Bonavista, in lat. 48° 30' N[25]. Owing to the great quantities of ice on the coast, we were obliged to go into port St Catherine [26], which is about five leagues S.S.E. from the harbour of Cape Bonavista, in which we remained ten days waiting fair weather, and employed ourselves in repairing and fitting out our boats.
[Footnote 25: In our most recent maps Cape Bonavista is laid down in lat. 48° 58' N.--E.]
[Footnote 26: Named in English charts Catalina Harbour, in lat. 48° 44' N.--E.]
On the 21st of May we set sail with the wind at west, steering N. and by E. from Cape Bonavista till we came to the Isle of Birds, which we found environed by ice, but broken and cracked in many places. Notwithstanding the ice, our two boats went to the island to take in some birds, which are there in such incredible numbers that no one would believe unless he had seen them. The island is only a league in circuit, and so swarms with birds as if they had been strewed on purpose; yet an hundred times as many are to be seen hovering all around. Some of these are black and white, as large as jays, and having beaks like crows, which lie always on the sea, as they cannot fly to any height on account of the smallness of their wings, which are not larger than the half of ones hand; yet they fly with wonderful swiftness close to the water. We named these birds Aporath, and found them very fat. In less than half an hour we filled two boats with them; so that, besides what we eat fresh, each of our ships salted five or six barrels of them to aid our sea stock. Besides these, there is another and smaller kind, which hovers in the air, all of which gather themselves on the island, and put themselves under the wings of the larger birds. These smaller birds we named Godetz. There was also another kind, which we called Margaulx, considerably larger and entirely white, which bite like dogs. Although this island is 14 leagues from the main[27], yet the bears swim off to it to eat the birds, and our men found one there as large as an ordinary cow, and as white as a swan. This monstrous animal leapt into the sea to avoid our men; and upon Whitson Monday, when sailing towards the land, we fell in with it swimming thither as fast almost as we could sail. We pursued in our boats, and caught it by main strength. Its flesh was as good eating as a steer of two years old. On the Wednesday following, the 27th of May, we came to the Bay of the Castles; but, on account of bad weather and the great quantities of ice, we were obliged to anchor in a harbour near the entrance of that bay, which we named Carpunt. We were forced to remain there till the 9th of June, when we departed, intending to proceed beyond Carpunt, which is in lat. 51° N[28]
[Footnote 27: This island of birds, judging by the course steered and its distance from the main of Newfoundland, appears to be that now called Funk Island, in lat. 50° N. 15 leagues N.E. from Cape Freels.--E.]
[Footnote 28: From the latitude in the text, Carpunt appears to have been what is now called Carouge Harbour, and the Bay of the Castles may be that now named Hare Bay, 6-1/2 leagues farther north.--E.]
The land between Cape Razo and Cape Degrad[29], which lie N.N.E. and S.S.W. from each other, is all parted into islands so near each other, that there are only small channels like rivers between them, through most of which nothing but small boats can pass; yet there are some good harbours among these islands, among which are those of Carpunt and Degrad. From the top of the highest of these islands, two low islands near Gape Razo may be seen distinctly; and from Cape Razo to Port Carpunt, the distance is reckoned 25 leagues. Carpunt harbour has two entries, one of which is on the east side of the island, and the other on the south. But the eastern entrance is very unsafe, as the water is very shallow and full of shelves. The proper entry is to go about the west side of the island, about a cables length and a half, and then to make the south entrance of Carpunt. It is likewise necessary to remark, that there are three shelves under water in this channel, and towards the island on the east side in the channel, the water is three fathoms deep with a clear bottom. The other channel trends E.N.E. and on the west you may go on shore.
[Footnote 29: Capes Rouge and De Grat. The former being the north head land of Carouge Bay, the latter the north-eastern extremity of Newfoundland, in lat. 51° 40' N.--E.]
Going from Point Degrad, and entering the before-mentioned Bay of the Castles, we were rather doubtful of two islands on the right hand, one of which is 3 leagues from Cape Degrad and the other seven. This last is low and flat, and seemed part of the main land. I named it St Catherines Island. Its north-east extremity is of a dry soil, but the ground about a quarter of a league off is very foul, so that it is necessary to go a little round. This island and the Bay of the Castles trend N.N.E. and S.S.W. 15 leagues distant from each other. The port of the Castles and Port Gutte, which is in the northern part of the bay, trend E.N.E and W.S.W. distant 12-1/2 leagues. About two leagues from Port Balance, or about a third part across the bay, the depth of water is 38 fathoms. From Port Balance to Blanc Sablon, or the White Sands, it is 15 leagues W.S.W. but about 3 leagues from the White Sands to the S.W. there is a rock above water like a boat. The White Sands is a road-stead quite open to the S. and S.E. but is protected on the S.W. by two islands, one of which we called the Isle of Brest, and the other the Isle of Birds, in which there are vast numbers of Godetz, and crows with red beaks and red legs, which make their nests in holes under ground like rabbits. Passing a point of land about a league beyond the White Sands, we found a port and passage which we called the Islets, which is a safer place than the White Sands, and where there is excellent fishing. The distance between the Islets and a port named Brest is about 10 leagues. The port of Brest is in lat. 51° 55'[30]. Between it and the Islets there are many other islands, and the said port of Brest is among them, being surrounded by them for above three leagues farther. All these small islands are low, and the other lands may be seen beyond them. On the 10th of June we went into the port of Brest, to provide ourselves with wood and water; and on St Barnabas Day, after hearing divine service, we went in our boats to the westwards, to examine what harbours there might be in that direction.
[Footnote 30: If right in the latitude in the text, Cartier seems now to have got upon the coast of Labradore, to the north-west of Newfoundland; yet from the context he rather appears to have been on the north-end of Newfoundland, about Quirpon Harbour, the Sacred Isles, or Pistolet Bay.--E.]
We passed through among the small islands, which were so numerous that they could not be counted, as they extended about 10 leagues beyond that port. We rested in one of them all night, where we found vast quantities of duck eggs, and the eggs of other birds which breed there. We named the whole of this group the Islets. Next day, having passed beyond all these small isles, we found a good harbour which we named Port St Anthony. One of two leagues beyond this we found a little river towards the S.W. coast, between two other islands, forming a good harbour. We set up a cross here, and named it St Servans Port. About a league S.W. from this port and river there is a small round island like an oven, surrounded with many little islands, and forming a good mark for finding out Port St Servan. About two leagues farther on we came to a larger inlet, which we named James River, in which we caught many salmon. While in this river we saw a ship belonging to Rochelle, which intended to have gone a fishing in Port Brest, but had passed it as they knew not whereabout they were. We went to her with our boats, and directed them to a harbour about a league west from James River, which I believe to be one of the best in the world, and which therefore we named James Cartiers Sound. If the soil of this country were as good as its harbours, it would be a place of great consequence: But it does not deserve the name of the New-found-land, but rather the new stones and wild crags, and is a place fit only for wild beasts. In all the north part of the island I did not see a cart load of good earth, though I went on shore in many places. In the island of White Sand there is nothing growing but moss and stunted thorn bushes scattered here and there, all dry and withered. In short, I believe this to have been the land which God appointed for Cain. There are however, inhabitants of tolerable stature, but wild and intractable, who wear their hair tied upon the top of their heads, like a wreath of hay, stuck through with a wooden pin, and ornamented with birds feathers. Both men and women are clothed in the skins of beasts; but the garments of the women are straiter and closer than those of the men, and their waists are girded. They paint themselves with a roan or reddish-brown colour. Their boats are made of birch bark, with which they go a fishing, and they catch great quantities of seals. So far as we could understand them, they do not dwell all the year in this country, but come from warmer countries on the main land, on purpose to catch seals and fish for their sustenance.
On the 13th of June we returned to our ships, meaning to proceed on our voyage, the weather being favourable, and on Sunday we had divine service performed. On Monday the 15th, we sailed from Brest to the southwards, to explore some lands we had seen in that direction, which seemed to be two islands. On getting to the middle of the bay, however, we found it to be the firm land, being a high point having two eminences one above the other, on which account we called it Double Cape. We sounded the entrance of the bay, and got ground with a line of 100 fathoms. From Brest to the Double Cape is about 20 leagues, and five or six leagues farther on we had ground at 40 fathoms. The direction between Port Brest and Double Cape is N.E. and S.W. Next day, being the 16th, we sailed 35 leagues from Double Cape S.W. and by S. where we found very steep and wild hills, among which we noticed certain small cabins, resembling what are called granges in our country, on which account we named these the Grange Hills. The rest of the coast was all rocky, full of clefts and cuts, having low islands between and the open sea. On the former day we could not see the land, on account of thick mists and dark fogs, but this evening we espied an entrance into the land, by a river between the Grange Hills and a cape to the S.W. about 3 leagues from the ships. The top of this cape is blunt, but it ends towards the sea in a sharp point, on which account we named it Pointed Cape. On its north side there is a flat island. Meaning to examine if there were any good harbours at this entrance, we lay to for the night; but on the next day we had stormy weather from the N.E. for which reason we stood to the S.W. till Thursday morning, in which time we sailed 37 leagues. We now opened a bay full of round islands like pigeon-houses, which we therefore named the Dove-cots. From the Bay of St. Julian to a cape which lies S. and by W. called Cape Royal, the distance is 7 leagues; and towards the W.S.W. side of that cape there is another, the lower part of which is all craggy, and the top round. On the north side of this cape, which we called Cape Milk, there is a low island. Between Cape Royal and Cape Milk there are some low islands, within which there are others, indicating that there are some rivers in this place. About two leagues from Cape Royal we had 20 fathom water, and found cod in such abundance, that, while waiting for our consort we caught above a hundred in less than an hour.
Next day, the 18th, the wind turned against us with such fury that we were forced back to Cape Royal; and, sending the boats to look for a harbour, we found a great deep gulf above the low islands, having certain other islands within it. This gulf is shut up on the south, and the low islands are on one side of the entrance, stretching out above half a league to seawards; it is in lat. 48° 30' N. having an island in the middle of the entrance. The country about is all flat, but barren. Finding we could not get into any harbour that night, we stood out to sea, leaving Cape Royal towards the west. From that time to the 24th of the month, being St Johns Day, we had such stormy weather, with contrary winds and such dark mists, that we could not see the land; but on that day we got sight of a cape, about 35 leagues S.W. from Cape Royal, which we named Cape St John. On that day and the next the weather still continued so foggy and dark, with wind, that we could not come near the land; yet we sailed part of the 25th to the W.N.W. and lay too in the evening, about 7-1/2 leagues N.W. and by W. of Cape St John. When about to make sail, the wind changed to the N.W. and we accordingly sailed S.E. After proceeding about 15 leagues in that direction, we came to three islands, two of which are as steep and upright as a wall, so that it is impossible to climb them, and a small rock lies between them. These islands were closely covered over with birds, which breed upon them; and in the largest there was a prodigious number of those white birds we named Margaulx, larger than geese. Another of the islands, which was cleft in the middle, was entirely covered with the birds called Godetz; but towards the shore, besides Godetz, there were many Apponatz[31], like those formerly mentioned. We went ashore on the lower part of the smallest island, where we killed above a thousand godetz and apponatz, putting as many as we pleased into our boats; indeed we might have loaded thirty boats with them in less than an hour, they were so numerous and so tame. We named these the Islands of Margaulx. About five leagues west from these islands, we came to an island two leagues long and as much in breadth, where we staid all night to take in wood and water, which we named Brions Island. It was full of goodly trees, verdant fields, and fields overgrown with wild-corn and pease in bloom, as thick and luxuriant as any we had seen in Brittany, so that it seemed to have been ploughed and sown; having likewise great quantities of gooseberries, strawberries, roses, parsely, and many other sweet, and pleasant herbs; on the whole it had the best soil of any we had seen, and one field of it was more worth than the whole of Newfoundland. The whole shore was composed of a sandy beach, with good anchorage all round in four fathom water; and the shore had great numbers of great beasts, as large as oxen, each of which have two large tusks like elephants teeth[32]. These animals live much in the sea. We saw one of them asleep on the shore, and went towards it in our boats in hopes of taking it, but as soon as he heard us, he threw himself into the sea and escaped. We saw also wolves and bears on this island, and there were considerable lakes about it towards the S.E. and N.W. As far as I could judge, there must be some passage between this island and Newfoundland, and if so it would save much time and distance, if any useful purpose is to be had in these parts.
[Footnote 31: This word has not been used before, but is probably meant for the same bird formerly called Aparath. These names of birds in Newfoundland are inexplicable.--E.]
[Footnote 32: Probably the Morse, vulgarly called the sea-horse.--E.]
About four leagues W.S.W. from Brions Island we saw some other land surrounded by small isles of sand, which we believed to be an island, and to a goodly cape on this land we gave the name of Cape Dauphin, as the good grounds begin there. We sailed along these lands to the W.S.W. on the 27th of June, and at a distance they seemed to be composed of low lands with little sand-hills; but we could not go near, as the wind was contrary. This day we sailed 15 leagues. Next day we went about 10 leagues along this land, which is all low, till we came to a cape composed of red and craggy rocks, having an opening which fronts to the north, and we noticed a pool or small lake, having a field between it and the sea. About 14 leagues farther on we came to another cape, the shore between forming a kind of semicircular bay, and the beach was composed of sand thrown up like, a mound or dike, over which the whole country appeared nothing but marshes and pools of water as far as the eye could reach. Just before coming to the first of these capes, which we named St Peter, there are two small islands, very near the main land. About 5 leagues from the second cape toward the S.W. there is a high pointed island which we named Alezai. From Brions Island to Cape St Peter there is a good anchorage on a sandy bottom in 25 fathoms water five leagues from shore; a league off the land the depth is 12 fathom, and 6 fathom very near the shore, seldom less, and always good ground. Next day, the 29th of June, with the wind S. and by E. we sailed westwards, till the following morning about sunrise without being able to see any land, except that about sunset we saw some land about 9 or 10 leagues W.S.W. which we believed to be two islands. All next day we sailed westwards about 40 leagues, when we discovered that what we had taken for islands was the main land; and early next morning we came to a good point of land, which we named Cape Orleans; the whole of the land being low and plain, full of fine trees and meadows, and very pleasant to behold. This coast trends S.S.E. and N.N.W. but on this great extent of coast we could find no harbour, it being everywhere full of shelves and sand-banks. We went on shore in many places with our boats, and in one place we entered a fine river, very shallow, which we named Boat River, because we saw some boats full of savages crossing the river. We had no intercourse with these people; for the wind came from the sea, and beat our boats in such a manner against the shore, that we were forced to put off again to the ships. Till next morning, the 1st July, at sunrise, we sailed N.E. when we struck our sails in consequence of thick mists and squalls. The weather cleared up about two in the afternoon, when we got sight of Cape Orleans, and of another about 7 leagues N. and by E. from where we were, which we named Cape Savage. On the north side of this cape, there is a very dangerous shelf and a bank of stones about half a league from shore. While off this cape and our boats going along shore, we saw a man running after the boats and making signs for us to return to the cape; but on pulling towards him he ran away. We landed and left a knife and a woollen girdle for him on a little staff, and returned to our ships. On that day we examined nine or ten leagues of this coast for a harbour, but found the whole shore low and environed with great shelves. We landed, however, in four places, where we found many sweet-smelling trees, as cedars, yews, pines, white-elms, ash, willow, and many others unknown, but without fruit. Where the ground was bare of trees, it seemed very fertile, and was fall of wild-corn, pease, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, and blackberries, as if it had been cultivated on purpose. The wild-corn resembled rye. This part of the country enjoyed a better temperature than any we had seen, and was even hot. It had many thrushes, stock-doves, and other birds, and wanted nothing but good harbours.
Next day, 2d July, we had sight of land to the north, which joined the coast already mentioned, having a bay which we named St Lunario, across which our boats went to the north cape and found the bay so shallow that there was only one fathom water a league off shore. N.E. from this cape, and 7 or 8 leagues distant, there is another cape, having a triangular bay between, compassed about with shelves and rocks about ten leagues from land. This bay has only 2 fathoms water, but appeared to penetrate far into the land towards the N.E. Passing this cape, we observed another head-land N. and by E. All that night we had very bad weather and heavy squalls, so that we could carry very little sail. Next morning, 3d July, the wind was from the west, and we sailed north that we might examine the coast, where we found a gulf or bay about 15 leagues across, and in some places 55 fathoms deep. From the great depth and breadth of this gulf, we were in hopes of finding a passage through, like that of the Castles before mentioned. This gulf lies E.N.E. and W.S.W. The land on the south side of this gulf is of good quality and might be easily cultivated, full of goodly fields and meadows, quite plain, and as pleasant as any we had ever seen. The north side is altogether hilly, and full of woods containing large trees of different kinds, among which are as fine cedars and firs as are to be seen anywhere, capable of being masts for ships of three hundred tons. In two places only of this side we saw open meadows, with two fine lakes. The middle of this bay is in lat. 47° 30' N. We named the southern cape of this bay Cape Esperance, or the Cape of Hope, as we expected to have found a passage this way.
On the 4th of July we went along the northern coast of this bay to look for a harbour, where we entered a creek which is entirely open to the south, having no shelter from the wind when in that quarter. We named this St Martins Creek, in which we remained from the 4th to the 12th of July; and on the 6th, going in one of our boats to examine a cape or head-land on the west side, about 7 or 8 leagues from the ships, and having got within half a league of the point, we saw two fleets of canoes of the savages, 40 or 50 in all, crossing over from one land to another, besides which there were a great number of savages on shore, who made a great noise, beckoning to us to come to land, and holding up certain skins on pikes or poles of wood, as if offering them for barter. But as we had only one boat and they were very numerous, we did not think it prudent to venture among them, and stood back towards the ships. On seeing us go from them, some savages put off in two canoes from the shore, being joined by five other canoes of those which were crossing, and made towards us, dancing and making many signs of joy, as if inviting us to their friendship. Among other expressions we could distinctly make out the following words, Napeu tondamen assurtah, but knew not what they meant. We did not incline to wait their civilities, as we were too few in case they chose to assail us, and made signs therefore for them to keep at a distance. They came forwards notwithstanding, and surrounded our boat with their canoes; on which we shot off two pieces[33] among them, by which they were so much alarmed that they immediately took to flight towards the point, making a great noise. After remaining there some time, they came again towards us and surrounded our boat as before. We now struck at them with two lances, which again put them in fear and put them to flight, after which they followed us no more. Next day, a party of the savages came in nine canoes to the point at the mouth of the creek, where our ships were at anchor; on which we went ashore to them in our boats. They appeared much alarmed at our approach, and fled to some distance, making signs as if they wished to traffic with us, holding up to our view the skins of which they make their apparel, which are of small value. We likewise endeavoured to explain by signs that we had no intention to injure them; and two of our men ventured to land among them, carrying some knives and other iron ware, and a red hat for their chief. Encouraged by this confidence, the savages likewise landed with their peltry, and began to barter with them for our iron wares, which they seemed to prize much, and shewed their satisfaction by dancing and many other ceremonies, throwing at times sea-water from their hands on their heads. They gave us every thing they had, so that they went away almost naked, making signs that they would return next day with more skins.
[Footnote 33: The nature of these is not explained, but they must have been fire-arms of some kind.--E.]
On Thursday the 8th of July, as the wind was contrary for using our ships, we proceeded in our boats to explore the bay, and went that day 25 leagues within it. As the next day was fine, with a fair wind, we sailed till noon, in which time we had explored most part of this bay, the shore of which consisted of low land, beyond which were high mountains. Finding no passage through the bottom of the bay, we turned, back along the coast, and at one place saw a good many of the savages on the shore of a lake among the low grounds, where they had kindled some fires. As we proceeded, we noticed that a narrow creek or channel communicated between the bay and the lake, into which creek our boats went. The savages came towards us in one of their canoes, bringing some pieces of boiled seals flesh, which they laid down on pieces of wood, and then retired, making signs that they gave them to us. We sent two men to them with hatchets, knives, beads, and such wares, with which they were much pleased; and soon afterwards great numbers of them came to where we were in canoes, bringing skins and other things, to barter for our commodities. There were at least 300 of them collected at this place, including women and children; some of the women who remained on the other side of the inlet, were seen up to their knees in the water, singing and dancing; while other women, who were on the same side with us, came up to us in a friendly manner, rubbing our arms with their hands, and then holding up their hands towards heaven, as if in token of admiration and joy. So much confidence was established on both sides, that the savages bartered away every thing they possessed, which was indeed of small value, and left themselves entirely naked. These people might easily be converted to our religion. They wander about from place to place, subsisting entirely by fishing, for which they have stated seasons. The country is warmer even than Spain, and exceedingly pleasant, being entirely level, and though sandy, it is everywhere covered with trees. In some places where there are no trees, it is luxuriantly covered with wild corn or pease. The corn resembles oats, but with an ear like that of rye; and the pease are small, but as thick as if the ground had been ploughed and sown. It produces, likewise, white and red gooseberries, strawberries, blackberries, white and red roses, and many other sweet-smelling flowers. The whole country is interspersed with fine grass meadows, and lakes abounding in salmon. In their language, a hatchet is named cochi and a knife bacon. We named this fine bay, Baye de Chaleur, or the Warm Bay[34].
[Footnote 34: Chaleur Bay on the north-eastern coast of Nova Scotia is probably meant; though, from the changes of names, we have not been able to trace the course of Cartier from the northern extremity of Newfoundland to this part of the Gulf of St Lawrence. He probably returned to the south, along the eastern coast of Newfoundland, and then sailed west, along the south coast of that island into the Gulf of St Lawrence, probably in search of a passage to the Pacific.--E.]
Having ascertained that there was no passage through this bay, we set sail from St Martins Creek on Sunday the 12th July, to proceed on farther discoveries beyond, going eastwards about 18 leagues along the coast, till we came to Cape Prato, where we found shallow water, with a great tide and stormy sea, so that we had to draw close in shore, between that cape and an island about a league to the eastwards, where we cast anchor for the night. Next morning we made sail to explore the coast to the N.N.E. But the wind, which was contrary, rose almost to a storm, and we were forced to return to our former anchorage. We sailed again next day, and came to a river five or six leagues to the northward of Cape Prato, where the wind became again contrary, with thick fogs, by which we were obliged on the 14th to take shelter in the river, where we remained till the 16th. On that day, the wind became so boisterous that one of our ships lost an anchor, and we had to run 7 or 8 leagues up the river for shelter, where we found a good harbour, in which we remained till the 25th July. While there, we saw many of the savages fishing for mackerel, of which they caught great numbers. They had about 40 boats or canoes, and after some time they became so familiar with us as to come with their canoes to our ships in perfect confidence receiving knives, combs, glass-beads, and other trifles from us, for which they were exceedingly thankful, lifting up their hands to heaven, and dancing and singing in their boats. These people may truly be called savages, as they are the poorest wretches that can be imagined; as the value of every thing they had among them all, besides their canoes and nets, was not worth five farthings. They go entirely naked, except their parts of shame, over which they had small pieces of skin; besides which they only had a few old pieces of skin to shelter their bodies from the weather. They differ entirely both in language and appearance from those we had seen before. Their heads are close shaven, except one lock on the crown, as long as a horse tail, which they bind up into a knot with leather thongs. Their only dwelling-places are their boats or canoes turned keel upwards, under which they sleep on the bare ground. They eat their fish and flesh almost raw, only heating it a little on the embers. We went freely on shore among these people, who seemed much pleased with our company, all the men singing and dancing around, in token of joy; but they made all their women retire into a wood at some distance, two or three excepted, to each of whom we gave a comb and a small tin bell, with which they were much delighted, shewing their gratitude to our captain by rubbing his breast and arms with their hands. The reception of these presents occasioned all the other women to return from the wood, that they likewise might participate; for which purpose they surrounded the captain, to the number of about twenty, touching and rubbing him with their hands, as soliciting him for such trinkets as he had given the others. He accordingly gave each of them a small bell, on which they all fell a singing and dancing. We here found great quantities of mackerel, which they take on the shore by means of nets which they construct of a species of hemp. This grows in the part of the country where they principally reside, as they come only to the sea side during the fishing season. So far as I could understand, they have likewise a kind of millet, or grain, as large as pease, like the maize which grows in Brasil, which serves them instead of bread. Of this they have great abundance, and it is called kapaige in their language. They have also a kind of damsin plumbs, which they call famesta. They possess likewise, figs, nuts, apples, and other fruits, and beans which they call sahu; their name for nuts is cahehya. When we shewed them any thing which they had not or were unacquainted with, they used to shake their heads, saying nohda! nohda! implying their ignorance or want of that article. Of those things which they had, they explained to us by signs how they grew, and in what manner they used to dress them for food. They use no salt, and are very great thieves, stealing every thing they could lay their hands on.
On the 24th of July, we made a great cross thirty feet high, which we erected on a point at the entrance of our harbour, on which we hung up a shield with three flowers de luce; and inscribed the cross with this motto, Vive le roy de France. When this was finished in presence of all the natives, we all knelt down before the cross, holding up our hands to heaven, and praising God. We then endeavoured to explain to these savages by means of signs, that all our salvation depended only on him who dwelleth in the heavens; at which they shewed much admiration, looking at one another, and then at the cross. After our return to the ships, their chief came off in a canoe accompanied by his brother and two sons. Keeping at an unusual distance, he stood up in the canoe, where he made a long oration, pointing frequently to our cross, and making a cross with his two fingers; he then pointed out to all the country round about, as if shewing that all was his, and that we must not erect any more crosses without his leave. When he concluded his speech, we shewed him an axe, making him believe that we would give it to him for an old bears skin which he wore; on which he gradually came near our ship, and one of our men who was in the boat along side, took hold of their canoe; into which he, and three or four more of our men leapt, and obliged them all to come on board our ship, to their great astonishment and dismay. Our captain immediately used every means to assure them of being in perfect safety, and entertained them in a friendly manner, giving them to eat and drink. After this, we endeavoured to explain to them by signs, that the sole use of the cross we had erected was to serve as a land mark for finding out the harbour, and that we should soon return to them with great plenty of iron wares and other commodities; but that in the mean time we would take two of his sons along with us, whom we would bring back again to the same place. We accordingly clothed two of the lads in shirts and coloured coats, with red caps, putting a copper chain round each of their necks, with which they seemed much pleased, and remained willingly along with us, giving their old garments to the rest who went back to the land. We gave to each of the three who returned, a hatchet and some knives, with which they seemed well content. When these had told their companions on shore what had happened in the ship, six canoes came off to us in the afternoon, having five or six men in each, who came to take farewell of the two lads we had detained, and brought them some fish. They spoke a great deal that we did not understand, making signs that they would not remove our cross.
The weather becoming fair next day, the 25th July, we left that port[35], and after getting out of the river, we sailed to the E.N.E. the land forming a semicircular bay, the extremities lying S.E. and N.W. From Monday the 27th of the month, we went along this land, till on Wednesday the 29th we came to another cape, after which the land turned to the east for about 15 leagues, and then turned to the north. We sounded about three leagues from this cape, and had ground at 24 fathoms. The land on this part of the coast seems better and freer of woods, than any we had seen, having fine green fields and fair meadows. We named this land Cape St Alvise, because first seen on the day of that saint. It is in lat. 49° 30' N. On Wednesday morning, being to the east of that cape, whence we sailed N.W. till night, keeping near the land, which trends from south to north for about 15 leagues to another cape, which we named Memorancie, after which the coast trends to the N.W. About 3 leagues from this cape we tried soundings, but had no bottom with a line of 150 fathoms. We went along this coast to the lat. of 50° N. At sunrise of Saturday 1st August, we had sight of other land lying north and north-east, which was high, craggy, and mountainous, having low land interposed, with woods and rivers. We continued along this coast, still trending N.W. to look for a gulf or passage, till the 5th of the month; but we had great difficulty to advance five miles in all that time, the wind and tide being both adverse. At the end of these five miles, we could plainly see land on both sides, which appeared to spread out; but as we were unable to work up to windward, we proceeded to another cape to the southward, being the farthest out to sea within sight, and about five leagues from us. On coming up to this head-land, we found it nothing but rocks, stones, and craggy cliffs, such as we had not seen the like of since leaving Cape St Johns. The tide being now in our favour carried our ships to the westwards against the wind, when suddenly one of our boats struck on a rock and overset, so that our people had to leap out and set it to right again. After going along this coast for two hours, the tide turned against us, so that it was impossible to advance any farther with all our oars. We went therefore to land, leaving 10 or 12 of our people to keep the boats, and going by land to the cape, we observed the land beyond to trend S.W. After this we returned to our boats, and then to the ships, which had drifted four leagues to leeward of the place where we left them.
[Footnote 35: In a side-note, Hakluyt expresses an opinion that this harbour is what is now called Gaspay, or Gaspe Bay in lat. 48° 44' N., near Cape Rosiers, the south cape of the river St Lawrence.--E.]
On our return to the ships, we convened a council of all the officers and experienced mariners, to have their opinion of what was best for us to do in the farther execution of our instructions. The general opinion was, considering that the east winds seemed now set in, and that the currents were so much against us, we could not expect to advance to any purpose in exploring the coast; and as storms and tempests began to prevail in Newfoundland, where we were so far from home, we must resolve either to return to France immediately, or to remain where we were during the winter. Having duly weighed the various opinions, we resolved to return home. The place where we now were, we named St Peters Straits[36], in which we found very deep water; being in some places 150 fathoms, in others 100, and near the shore 60, with clear ground. From thence for some days we had a prosperous gale of wind, so that we trended the said north shore east, south-east, west-north-west[37], for such is the situation of it, except one cape of low land, about 25 leagues from St Peters Strait, which bends more towards the south-east. We noticed smoke on that cape, made by the natives; but as the wind blew fresh toward the coast, we did not venture to approach them, and twelve of the savages came off to us in two canoes. They came freely on board, and gave us to understand that they came from the great gulf under a chief named Tiennot, who was then on the low cape, and were then about to return loaded with fish to their own country, whence we had come with our ships. We named the low head land Cape Tiennot, after the name of their chief. The land in this place was all low and pleasant, with a sandy beach for about 20 leagues, intermixed with marshes and shallow lakes. After this it turned from west to E.N.E. everywhere environed with islands two or three leagues from shore; and as far as we could see, many dangerous shelves extended above four or five leagues out to sea.
[Footnote 36: Cartier seems now to have returned to the south coast of Newfoundland, but the relation of his voyage is too vague to be followed with any tolerable certainty.--E.]
[Footnote 37: The sentence in italics is given in the precise words of Hakluyt, probably signifying that the coast extended from E.S.E. to W.N.W.--E.]
During the three following days we had a strong gale from the S.W. which obliged us to steer E.N.E. and on the Saturday we came to the eastern part of Newfoundland, between the Granges and Double Cape[38]. The wind now blew a storm from the east, on which account we doubled that cape to the N.N.W. to explore the northern part, which is all environed with islands, as already stated. While near these islands and the land, the wind turned to the south, which brought us within the gulf, so that next day, being the 9th of August, we entered by the blessing of God within the White Sands. Thus ended our discoveries in this voyage. On the feast of the Assumption of our Lady, being the 15th of August, after hearing divine service, we departed from the White Sands with a prosperous gale, directing our course across the sea which lies between Newfoundland and Brittany. In this passage we were much tossed during three days by a heavy tempest from the east, which we weathered by the blessing of God. After this we had fair weather, and arrived on the 5th of September in the port of St Maloes.
[Footnote 38: Probably that now called Mistaken Points, near Cape Race, which latter is the south-eastern point of Newfoundland--E.]
Specimen of the language of Newfoundland.
The sun, isnez Heaven, camet Night, aiagla Water, ame Sand, estogaz A sail, aganie The head, agonaze The throat, conguedo The nose, hehonguesto The teeth, hesangue The nails, agetascu The feet, ochedasco The legs, anoudasco A dead man, amocdaza A skin, aionasca That man, yca A hatchet, asogne A cod fish, gadagoursere Good to be eaten, guesande Almonds, anougaza Figs, asconda Gold, henyosco An arrow, cacta A green tree, haveda An earthen dish, undaco Brass, aignetaze The brow, ausce A feather, yco The moon, casmogan The earth, conda Wind, canut Rain, ocnoscon Bread, cacacomy The sea, amet A ship, casaomy A man, undo The hairs, hoc hosco Red cloth, caponeta The eyes, ygata A knife, agoheda The mouth, heche A mackarel, agedoneta The ears, hontasco Nuts, caheya The arms, agescu Apples, honesta A woman, enrasesco Beans, sahe A sick man, alouedeche A sword, achesco Shoes, atta
SECTION II.
The second voyage of Jacques Cartier, to Canada, Hochelega, Saguenay, and other lands now called New France; with the Manners and Customs of the Natives.
On Whitsunday, the 16th of May 1535, by command of our captain, Jacques Cartier, and by common consent, we confessed our sins and received the holy sacrament in the cathedral of St Maloes; after which, having all presented ourselves in the Quire, we received the blessing of the lord bishop, being in his robes. On Wednesday following, the 19th of that month, we set sail with a favourable gale. Our squadron consisted of three ships. The great Hermina of an hundred to an hundred and twenty tons, of which Jacques Cartier was captain and general of the expedition, Thomas Frosmont chief master, accompanied by Claudius de Pont Briand, son to the lord of Montceuell cupbearer to the Dauphin, Charles de Pomeraies, John Powlet, and other gentlemen. In the second ship of sixty tons, called the Little Hermina, Mace Salobert and William Marie were captains under the orders of our general. The third ship of forty tons, called the Hermerillon, was commanded by William Britton and James Maingare. The day after we set sail, the prosperous gale was changed into storms and contrary winds, with darksome fogs, in which we suffered exceedingly till the 25th of June, when our three ships lost sight of each other, and never rejoined again till after our arrival at Newfoundland. We in the generals ship continued to be tossed about by contrary winds till the 7th of July, when we made the island of Birds[39], 14 leagues from the main of Newfoundland. This island is so full of birds that our ships might have been loaded with them, and the quantity taken away not missed. We took away two boat loads, to increase our sea stores. The Isle of Birds is in lat. 49° 40' N.
[Footnote 39: Already supposed to be that now called Funk Island, in lat. 50° N.--E.]
We left this island with a fair wind on the eighth of July, and came to the harbour of White Sands, or Blanc Sablon, in the Grand Bay or Baye des Chateaux, where the rendezvous of the squadron had been appointed. We remained here till the 26th of July, when both of the other ships joined us, and we then laid in a stock of wood and water for enabling us to proceed on our voyage. Every thing being in readiness, we set sail from the White Sands early in the morning of the 29th, and sailing along the northern coast, which runs from S.W. to N.E. we passed by two islands, lying farther out than the others, which we named St Williams Islands, being twenty leagues or more from the port called Brest. All the coast from the Bay of Castles to that place, lies E. and W.--N.E. and S.W. off which there are sundry small islands, the whole being stony and barren, without soil or trees, except in a few narrow vallies. Next day, we sailed twelve leagues and a half westwards, in search of other islands, among which there is a great bay towards the north, all full of islands and great creeks, among which there seemed to be many good harbours. We named these the Islands of St Martha, off which, about a league and a half farther out to sea, there is a dangerous shallow, and about seven leagues from the islands of St Martha, on the east and on the west, as you pass to these islands, there are five rocks. We passed these about one in the afternoon; and from that time till midnight, we sailed about 15 leagues, passing to the south-eastwards of a cape of the lower islands, which we named St Germans Islands; about three leagues from which cape there is a very dangerous shallow. Likewise between Cape St Germans and Cape St Martha, about two leagues from the before-mentioned islands, there is a bank of sand on which the water is only four fathoms deep. On account of the dangerous nature of this coast, we struck sail and came to anchor for the rest of the night.
Next day, being the last of July, we went along all that part of the coast which runs east and west, or somewhat south-easterly, all of which is beset with islands and dry sands, and is consequently of very dangerous navigation. The distance from Cape St Germans to these islands is about 17-1/2 leagues, beyond which is a goodly plot of ground[40], surrounded by large tall trees; but all the rest of the coast is encompassed with sand-banks, without any appearance of harbours till we come to Cape Thiennot, about 7 leagues north-west from these islands. Having noted this cape in our former voyage, we sailed on all this night to the west and west-north-west till day; and as the wind then became contrary, we looked out for a harbour in which to shelter our ships, and found one for our purpose which we named Port St Nicholas. This port lies amid four islands off the main-land, and we set up a cross on the nearest of these islands as a land-mark or beacon. In entering Port St Nicholas, this cross must be brought to bear N.E. and passed on the left hand of the steersman, by which means you find six fathom water in the passage, and four within the port. Care must be taken however to avoid two shelves which stretch out about half a league to seawards.
[Footnote 40: From the context, I suspect the author here means that there was good anchorage at this place.--E.]
The whole of this coast is full of dangerous shoals, yet having the deceitful appearance of many good havens. We remained at Port St Nicholas till Sunday the 7th of August, when we made sail and approached the land southwards by Cape Rabart, which is twenty leagues from Port St Nicholas S.S.W. Next day the wind became boisterous and contrary, and as we could not find any haven to the southward, we coasted along northward about ten leagues beyond Port St Nicholas, where we found a goodly great gulf, full of islands, passages and entrances, answerable for any wind whatever. This gulf may easily be known by a great island resembling a cape, stretching somewhat farther out than the other islands, and about two leagues inland there is a hill which resembles a corn rick. We named this the Gulf of St Lawrence. On the 12th of the month, we sailed westwards from this gulf, and discovered a cape of land toward the south, about 25 leagues W. and by S. from the Gulf of St Lawrence. The two savages whom we took with us on our former voyage, informed us that this cape formed part of the great southern coast; and that, by the southern part of an island which they pointed out, was the way to Canada from Honguedo, whence we took them last year. They said farther, that at two days journey from this cape and island the Kingdom of Saguenay began. On the north shore of this island, extending towards Canada, and about three leagues off this cape, there are above 100 fathoms water; and I believe there never were as many whales seen at once as we saw that day around this cape. Next day, the 15th of August, having passed the strait, we had notice of certain lands which we had left towards the south, which are full of extensive high hills. We named the before-mentioned cape the Island of Assumption; from which one cape of the before-mentioned high country trends E.N.E. and W.S.W. distant 25 leagues. The northern country, for more than thirty leagues in length, is obviously higher than that which is to the southwards. We coasted along the southern lands till noon of the 17th, when the wind came round to the west; after which we steered for the northern coast which we had before seen, and found it low toward the sea, and the northern range of mountains within this low land stretch from east to west one quarter south. Our two savages informed us that Saguenay began here, which is an inhabited land producing copper, which they call caignetdaze. The distance between the southern and northern lands is about 30 leagues, and the gulf between is above 200 fathoms deep. The savages informed us likewise that the great river Hochelega[41] began here, by which was the direct way to Canada; and which river becomes always narrower as we approach towards Canada, where the water is fresh. They said farther that it penetrates so far inland that they had never heard of any one who had reached its head. On considering their account, our captain resolved to proceed no farther at this time, more especially as they said there was no other passage, meaning to examine in the first place the northern coast between the Gulf of St Lawrence and this great river, to see if any other passage could be discovered.
[Footnote 41: The river now called the St Lawrence.--E.]
We accordingly turned back on Wednesday the 18th of August along the northern coast, which trends from N.E. to S.W. like half of a bow, and is very high land, yet not so high as the southern coast. Next day we came to seven high round islands, which we named the Seven Isles, which stretch 3 or 4 leagues out to sea, and are 40 leagues from the southern shore of the gulf. Over against these, the northern shore consists of good low grounds full of fine trees, having various sand-banks almost dry at low water, and reaching two leagues from shore. At the farther extremity of these low lands, which, continue for ten leagues, there is a river of fresh water which runs with such rapidity into the sea that the water is quite fresh a league from its mouth. Entering this river with our boats, we had about a fathom and half water at its mouth. In this river we found many fishes resembling horses, which our savages told us lay all day in the water and went on shore at night. We set sail at day-break of the 21st, continuing our progress along the northern coast of the gulf which we traced the whole of that day to the north-east, and then stood over to the Island of Assumption[42], being assured that no passage was to be found in that direction. Returning to the harbour at the Seven Islands, which has 9 or 10 fathoms water, we were detained there by mists and contrary winds till the 24th, when we stood over to the southern coast, and came to a harbour about 80 leagues from these islands. This harbour is over against three flat islands in the middle of the river, between which islands and the harbour there is a very great river which runs between high and low lands. For more than three leagues out to sea there are many dangerous shelves, leaving not quite two fathoms water, so that the entrance is very dangerous; yet near these shelves the water is from 15 to 20 fathoms deep from shore to shore. All the northern[43] coast runs from N.E. and by N. to S.W. and by S. This haven is but of small value, as it is only formed by the tide of flood, and is inaccessible at low water. We named the three small flat islets St Johns Isles, because we discovered them on the day of St John the Baptists decapitation. Before coming to this haven, there is an island about 5 leagues to the eastward, between which and the land there is no passage except for small boats. The best station for ships in this harbour is to the south of a little island and almost close to its shore. The tide here flows at least two fathoms, but ships have to lie aground at low water.
[Footnote 42: The island here called Assumption, certainly is that now called Anticosti, a term formed or corrupted from the native name Natiscotec.--E.]
[Footnote 43: It is probable that we should here read the southern coast.--E.]
Leaving this harbour on the 1st of September, we proposed sailing for Canada; and at about 15 leagues W.S.W. we came to three islands, over against which is a deep and rapid river, which our two savages told as leads to the country and kingdom of Saguenay[44]. This river runs between very high and steep hills of bare rock, with very little soil; yet great numbers of trees grow among these rocks, as luxuriantly as if upon level and fertile land, insomuch that some of them would make masts for vessels of 30 tons. At the mouth of this river we met four canoes full of savages, who seemed very fearful of us, and some of them even went away. One of the canoes however, ventured to approach within hail, when one of our savages spoke to the people, telling his name, on which they came to us. Next day, leaving that river we proceeded on for Canada; and in consequence of the rapidity of the tide, we found the navigation very dangerous; more especially as to the southward of that river there are two islands, around which for above three leagues there are many rocks and great stones, and only two fathoms water. Besides the direction of the tide among these islands and rocks is very uncertain and changeable; so that if it had not been for our boats, we had been in great danger of losing our pinnace. In coasting along, we found above 30 fathoms water just off shore, except among these rocks and islands. About 5 leagues beyond the river Saguenay, to the S.W. there is another island on the north side containing high land, where we proposed to have come to anchor in waiting for the next tide of flood, but we had no ground with a line of 120 fathom only an arrow-shot from shore; so that we were obliged to return to that island, where we had 35 fathoms. We set sail again next morning to proceed onwards; and this day we got notice of a strange kind of fish which had never been seen before, which are called Adhothuys by the natives. They are about the bigness of a porpoise, but no way like them, having well proportioned bodies and heads like a greyhound, their whole bodies being entirely white without spot. There are great numbers of them in this river, and they always keep in the water, the natives saying that they are very savoury and good eating, and are nowhere else to be found but in the mouth of this river. On the 6th of September we proceeded about 15 leagues farther up the river, where we found an island having a small haven towards the north, around which there were innumerable large tortoises. There are here likewise vast numbers of the fish called Adhothuys, already mentioned; and the rapidity of the tide at this place is as great as it is at Bourdeaux in France. This island is about three leagues long and two broad, all of rich fertile soil, having many fine trees of various kinds; among which were many filbert trees, full of nuts, which we found to be larger and better than ours but somewhat harder, on which account we named it Isle aux Condres, or Filbert Island.
[Footnote 44: The Saguenay river runs into the north-west side of the St Lawrence, in lat. 48° 7' N. long. 69° 9' W.--E.]
On the 7th of the month we went seven or eight leagues up the river from Filbert Island to 14 other islands, where the country of Canada begins. One of these islands is ten leagues long and five broad, thickly inhabited by natives who live entirely by fishing in the river[45]. Having cast anchor between this island and the northern coast, we went on shore accompanied by our two savages, whose names were Taignoagny and Domagaia. At first the inhabitants of the island avoided us, till at length our two savages got speech of some of them, telling who they were, on which the natives seemed much rejoiced, dancing and singing and shewing many other ceremonies; many of their chief men came now to our boats, bringing great numbers of eels and other fishes, likewise two or three burdens of great millet or maize, and many very large musk-melons. On the same day many canoes filled with natives, both men and women, came to visit our two savages, all of whom were received in a kindly manner by our captain, who gave them many things of small value with which they were much gratified. Next day the lord of Canada came to our ships with twelve canoes and many people; but causing ten of his canoes to go back again, he came up to our ships with only two canoes and sixteen men. The proper name of this person was Donnacona, but his dignified name, as a lord or chief, was Agouhanna. On coming near the smallest of our ships, he stood up in his canoe and made a long oration, moving his body and limbs in an extraordinary manner, which among them pass for signs of friendship and security. He then came up towards the generals ship, in which were Taignoagny and Domagaia, with whom he entered into conversation. These men related to him all that they had seen in France, and what good treatment they had received in that country, at all which Agouhanna seemed much pleased, and desired our captain to hold out his arm for him to kiss. Our captain now went into Agouhannas canoe, and made bread and wine be handed down to him, which he offered to the chief and his followers, with which they were much gratified. When all this was over, our captain came again on board, and the chief went with his canoes to his own abode.
[Footnote 45: Obviously the Isle of Orleans.--E.]
The captain ordered all the boats to be made ready, in which we went up the river against the stream for ten leagues, keeping close to the shore of the island, at which distance we found an excellent sound with a small river and haven, in which there is about three fathoms water at flood tide. As this place seemed very pleasant and safe for our ships, we brought them thither, calling it the harbour of St Croix, because discovered on Holy Cross Day. Near this is a village named Stadacona, of which Donnacona is lord, and where he resides. It stands on a piece of as fine fertile ground as one would wish to see, full of as goodly trees as are to be seen in France, such as oaks, elms, ashes, walnut-trees, maples, cydrons, vines, and white thorns which bear fruit as large as damson plumbs, and many other sorts of trees. Under these there grows great abundance of fine tall hemp, which springs up spontaneously without cultivation. Having examined this place and found it fit for the purpose, the captain proposed returning to the ships to bring them to this port; but we were met, when coming out of the river, by one of the chiefs of Stadacona, accompanied by many men, women, and children. This chief made a long oration to us, all the women dancing and singing for joy up to the knees in water. The captain caused the canoe to come along side of his boat, and presented them all with some trifles, such as knives, glass beads, and the like, with which they were so much delighted that we could hear them singing and dancing when we were three leagues off.
After returning to the ships, the captain landed again on the island to examine and admire the beauty, variety, and luxuriance of its trees and vegetables. On account of the great number of vines which it produced everywhere in profusion, he named it the Island of Bacchus, but it is now called the Isle of Orleans. It is in length twelve leagues, exceedingly pleasant and fruitful, and everywhere covered with trees, except in some places where there are a few huts of fishers, around which some small patches are cleared and cultivated. We departed with our ships next day, and on the 14th of September we brought them up to Port St Croix, and were met on the way by the lord Donnacona, accompanied by our two savages, Taignoagny and Domagaia, with 25 canoes full of natives; all of whom came to our ships with every sign of mirth and confidence, except our own two savages, who would on no account come on board though repeatedly invited, on which we began to suspect some sinister intentions. On the next day, the captain went on shore to give directions for fixing certain piles or stakes in the water for the greater security of our ships, and Donnacona with a considerable number of the natives came to meet him; but our two savages kept aloof under a point or nook of land at some distance, and would on no account join our company. Understanding where they were, our captain went towards them, accompanied by some of our men; and, after the customary salutations, Taignoagny represented that Donnacona was much dissatisfied because the captain and his men were always armed, while the natives were not. To this the captain answered, that he was sorry this should give offence; but as they two who had been in France knew that this was the custom of their country, he could not possibly do otherwise. Yet Donnacona continued to converse with our captain in the most friendly manner, and we concluded that Taignoagny and Domagaia had invented this pretence of their own accord; more especially as Donnacona and our captain entered into the strictest bonds of friendship, on which all the natives set up three horrible yells, after which the companies separated, and we went on board. On the following day, we brought the two largest of our ships into the harbour within the mouth of the small river, in which there are three fathoms water at flood tide, and only half a fathom at the ebb. The pinnace, or smallest vessel, was left at anchor without the harbour, as we intended to use her for exploring the Hochelega.[46] As soon as our ships were placed in safety, we saw Donnacona coming towards us, accompanied by Taignoagny, Domagaia, and above 500 natives, men, women, and children. Donnacona and ten or twelve of the principal persons came on board the captains ship, where they were courteously received by the captain and all of us, and many gifts of small value were given them. Then Taignoagny informed our captain, that Donnacona was dissatisfied with our intention of exploring the Hochelega, and would not allow any one to go with us. The captain said in reply, that he was resolved to go there if possible, as he had been ordered by his sovereign to penetrate the country in that direction as far as was practicable: That if Taignoagny would go along with him, as he had promised, he should be well used, and should be rewarded to his satisfaction on their return. This was refused by Taignoagny, and the whole of the savages immediately retired.
[Footnote 46: The native name of the river St Lawrence is Hoshelega or Hochelega, sometimes called the river of Canada.--E.]
Next day, the 17th September, Donnacona and his company came back to us, bringing many eels and other fishes, which they procure in great abundance in the river. On their arrival at the ships, all the savages fell a dancing and singing as usual, after which Donnacona caused all his people to stand off on one side; then, making our captain and all our people stand within a circle which he drew on the sand, he made a long oration, holding a female child of ten or twelve years old by the hand, whom he presented to our captain at the end of his speech; upon which all his people set up three loud howls, in token of joy and friendship, at least so we understood them. Donnacona afterwards presented two boys successively, who were younger than the girls, accompanied by other ceremonies, among which were very loud shrieks or yells as before. For these presents our captain gave many hearty thanks. Then Taignoagny told the captain that one of the boys was his own brother, and that the girl was daughter to a sister of Donnacona; and that the presents had been given on purpose to induce him not to go to Hochelega. To this the captain answered, that he would certainly return the children, if that were the purpose of the gift; as he could on no account desist from going where he had been commanded by his king. But Domagaia, the other savage who had been in France, told the captain that the children had been presented as a token of friendship and security, and that he Domagaia was willing to accompany us to Hochelega. On this high words arose between Taignoagny and Domagaia, by which we inferred that the former was a crafty knave, and intended to do us some treacherous act of mischief as indeed sufficiently appeared from his former conduct. The captain sent the children to our ships, whence he caused two swords and two brass basons to be brought, which he presented to Donnacona, who was much gratified and expressed great thankfulness, commanding all his people to sing and dance. The chief then expressed a desire to have one of our cannons fired off, as our two savages had told him many wonderful things respecting them. He accordingly ordered twelve cannons, loaded with ball, to be fired off into the woods close by, at which all the savages were greatly astonished, as if heaven had fallen upon them, and ran away howling, shrieking and yelling, as if all hell had broke loose. Before we went on board, Taignoagny informed us that our people in the pinnace, which we had left at anchor without the harbour, had slain two men by a shot from one of their cannons, on which all the natives had fled away. This we afterwards found to be false, as our men had not fired any that day.
The savages still endeavoured to hinder us from going to Hochelega, and devised the following stratagem to induce us not to go. They dressed up three men like devils, in black and white dogs skins, having their faces blackened, and with horns on their heads a yard long. These men were put secretly into a canoe, while all the savages lay hid in the wood waiting the tide to bring the canoe with the mock devils. On the approach of that canoe, all the savages came out of the wood, but did not come so near us as usual. Taignoagny came forwards to salute our captain, who asked if he would have a boat sent to bring him on board; but he declined to do so then, saying he would come on board afterwards. At this time the canoe with the three devils made its appearance, and on passing close by the ships, one of these men stood up and made a long oration, without ever turning round to look at us. The boat floated past us towards the land, on which Donnacona and all his people pursued them and laid hold of the canoe, on which the three devils fell down as if dead, when they were carried out into the wood, followed by all the savages. We could hear them from our ships in a long and loud conference above half an hour; after which Taignoagny and Domagaia came towards us, holding their hands joined above their heads, and carrying their hats under their upper garments, as if in great astonishment. Taignoagny, looking up to heaven, exclaiming three times Jesus! Jesus! Jesus! Domagaia in the same manner cried out, Jesus Maria! Jacques Cartier! On seeing these gestures and ceremonies, our captain asked what was the matter, and what had happened. They answered that they had very ill news to tell, saying in French Nenni est il bon, or it is not good. On being again asked what all this meant; they said, that their god Cudruaigny had spoken in Hochelega, and had sent these three men to say there was so much ice and snow in that country, that who ever ventured there would surely die. On this we laughed mocking them, saying that their god Cudruaigny was a fool, and knew not what he said; and desired them to shew us his messengers, saying that Christ would defend them from all cold if they believed in him. They then asked the captain if he had spoken with Jesus; who answered no, but the priests had, who had assured him of fair weather. They then thanked the captain for this intelligence, and went into the wood to communicate it to the rest, who all now rushed from the wood as if glad of the news, giving three great shouts, and then fell to dancing and singing as usual. Yet our two savages declared that Donnacona would not allow any one to accompany us to Hochelega, unless some hostage was left for his safe return. The captain then said, if they would not go willingly they might stay, and he would go without them.
On the 19th of September, we hoisted sail in the pinnace accompanied by two of our boats, the captain taking most of his officers and fifty mariners along with him, intending to go up the river towards Hochelega with the tide of flood. Both shores of the river, as far as the eye could see, appeared as goodly a country as could be desired, all replenished with fine trees, among which all along the river grew numerous vines as full of grapes as they could hang, which, though quite natural, seemed as if they had been planted. Yet, as they were not dressed and managed according to art, their bunches were not so large, nor their grapes so sweet as ours. We also saw many huts along the river, inhabited by fishers, who came to us with as much familiarity and kindness as if we had been their countrymen, bringing us great quantities of fish and such other things as they had, for which we paid them in trifles to their great contentment. We stopped at the place named Hochelay, 25 leagues above Canada,[47] where the river becomes very narrow with a rapid current, and very dangerous on account of certain stones or rocks. Many canoes came off to us, in one of which came the chief man of the place, who made us a long oration, explaining by signs and gestures that the river became more dangerous the higher we went, and advising us to take good care of ourselves. This chief presented two of his own children to our captain, one of which only he received, being a girl of 7 or 8 years old, returning the boy who was too young, being only 2 or 3 years of age. The captain entertained this chief and his company as well as he could, presenting them all with some trifles, with which they returned to the shore well pleased. This chief and his wife came down afterwards to Canada to visit their child, and brought with them some small presents for our captain.
[Footnote 47: By Canada in the text, the lordship belonging to Donnacona seems meant, which appears to have been what is now called the Isle of Orleans.--E.]
From the 19th to the 28th of September, we sailed up this great river, never losing an hour of time, finding the whole land on both sides as pleasant a country as could be desired, full of fine tall trees, as oak, elm, walnut, cedar, fir, ash, box, willow, and great store of vines loaded with grapes, so that when any of our people went on shore, they brought back as many as they could carry. There were likewise, cranes, swans, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, thrushes, blackbirds, finches, redbreasts, nightingales, sparrows, and many other birds like those of France in vast abundance. On the 28th of September we came to a wide lake, or enlargement of the river, 5 or 6 leagues broad and 12 long, which we called the Lake of Angoulesme[48], all through which we went against the tide, having only two fathoms water. On our arrival at the upper extremity of the lake, we could find no passage, as it seemed entirely shut up, and had only a fathom and a half water, a little more or less. We were therefore obliged to cast anchor here with our pinnace, and went with our two boats to seek out some passage; and in one place we found four or five branches which seemed to come from the river of Hochelega into the lake; but at the mouths of these branches, owing to the great rapidity of the currents, there were bars or shallows having only six feet water. After passing these shallows, we had 4 or 5 fathoms at flood tide, this being the season of the year when the water is lowest; for at other times the tide flows higher by three fathoms. All these four or five branches of the river surround five or six very pleasant islands, which are at the head of the lake; and about 15 leagues higher up, all these unite into one. We landed on one of these islands, where we met five natives who were hunting wild beasts, and who came as familiarly to our boats as if they had always lived amongst us. When our boats were near the shore, one of these men took our captain in his arms, and carried him to the land with as much ease as if he had been a child of five years old. We found that these people had taken a great number of wild rats which live in the water, which are as large as rabbits and very good to eat. They gave these to our captain, who gave them knives and glass-beads in return. We asked them by signs if this were the way to Hochelega, to which they answered that it was, and that we had still three days sail to go thither.
[Footnote 48: Now called St Peters Lake, between which and Trois Rivieres, the St Lawrence river is narrow with a rapid current.--E.]
Finding it impossible to take the pinnace any higher, the captain ordered the boats to be made ready for the rest of the expedition, taking on board as much ammunition and provisions as they could carry. He departed with these on the 29th September, accompanied by Claudius de Pont Briand, Charles de Pommeraye, John Govion, and John Powlet, with 28 mariners, intending to go up the river as far as possible. We sailed with prosperous weather till the 2d of October, when we arrived at Hochelega, which is 45 leagues above the head of the lake of Augoulesme, where we left the pinnace. At this place, and indeed all the way up, we met with many of the natives, who brought us fish and other provisions, always dancing and singing on our arrival. To gratify them and keep them our friends, the captain always rewarded them on these occasions with knives, beads, and such trifles to their full satisfaction. On approaching Hochelega above 1000 natives, men, women and children came to meet us, giving us as friendly and hearty welcome as if we had been of their own nation come home after a long and perilous absence, all the men dancing in one place, the women in another, and the children in a third; after which they brought us great abundance of fish and of their bread made of maize, both of which they threw into our boats in profusion. Observing their gentle and friendly dispositions, our captain went on shore well accompanied, on which the natives came clustering about us in the most affectionate manner, bringing their young children in their arms, eager to have them touched and noticed by the captain and others, and shewing every sign of mirth and gladness at our arrival. This scene lasted above half an hour, when the captain got all the women to draw up in regular order, to whom he distributed many beads and baubles of tin, and gave some knives among the men. He then returned to the boats to supper and passed the night on board, all the people remaining on the shore as near as possible to the boats, dancing merrily and shouting out aguiaze, which in their language is an expression of joy and satisfaction.
Very early next morning, 3d October, having dressed himself splendidly, our captain went on shore to see the town in which these people dwelt, taking with him five of the principal officers and twenty men, all well armed, leaving the remainder of the people to take care of the boats. The city of Hochelega is six miles from the river side, and the road thither is as well beaten and frequented as can be, leading through as fine a country as can be seen, full of as fine oaks as any in France, the whole ground below being strewed over with fine acorns. When we had gone four or five miles we were met by one of the chief lords of the city accompanied by a great many natives, who made us understand by signs that we must stop at a place where they had made a large fire, which we did accordingly. When we had rested there some time, the chief made a long discourse in token of welcome and friendship, shewing a joyful countenance and every mark of good will. On this our captain presented him with two hatchets and two knives, and hung a cross from his neck, which he made him kiss, with all which the chief seemed much pleased. After this we resumed our march, and about a mile and a half farther we found fine large fields covered with the corn of the country, resembling the millet of Brasil, rather larger than small pease. In the midst of these cultivated fields the city of Hochelega is situated, near and almost joined to a great mountain, which is very fertile and cultivated all round, to which we gave the name of Mount Royal[49].
[Footnote 49: Montreal, whence the island and city of the same name.--E.]
The city of Hochelega is circular, and encompassed all round with three rows of ramparts made of timber, one within the other, "framed like a sharp spire but laid across above, the middlemost is made and built as a direct line but perpendicular, the ramparts are framed and fashioned with pieces of timber laid along the ground, well and cunningly joined together[50]." This inclosure is about two roods high, and has but one gate of entrance, which is shut when necessary with piles, stakes, and bars. Over the gate, and in many other parts of the wall, there are scaffolds having ladders up to them, and on these scaffolds there are large heaps of stones, ready for defending the place against an enemy. The town consisted of about fifty large houses, each of them about fifty paces long and twelve broad, all built of wood and covered with broad strips of bark, like boards, nicely joined. These houses are divided within into many rooms, and in the middle of each there is a court or hall, in which they make their fire. Thus they live in communities, each separate family having a chamber to which the husband, wife, and children retire to sleep. On the tops of their houses they have garrets or granaries, in which they store up the maize of which their bread is made, which they call caracouny, and which is made in this manner. They have blocks of wood hollowed out, like those on which we beat hemp, and in these they beat their corn to powder with wooden beetles. The meal is kneaded into cakes, which they lay on a broad hot stone, covering it up with other heated stones, which thus serve instead of ovens. Besides these cakes, they make several kinds of pottage from their maize, and also of beans and pease, both of which they have in abundance. They have also a variety of fruits, such as musk-melons and very large cucumbers. They have likewise large vessels in all their houses, as big as butts or large hogsheads, in which they store up their fish for winter provision, having dried them in the sun during summer for that purpose, and of these they lay up large stores for their provision during winter. All their victuals, however, are without the smallest taste of salt. They sleep on beds made of the bark of trees spread on the ground, and covered over with the skins of wild beasts; with which likewise their garments are made.
[Footnote 50: This description of the manner in which the ramparts of Hochelega were constructed, taken literally from Hakluyt, is by no means obvious or intelligible. Besides it seems rather ridiculous to dignify the village of a horde of savages with the name of city.--E.]
That which they hold in highest estimation among all their possessions, is a substance which they call esurgny or cornibotz, which is as white as snow, and which is procured in the following manner. When any one is adjudged to death for a crime, or when they have taken any of their enemies during war, having first slain the person, they make many deep gashes on the buttocks, flanks, thighs, and shoulders of the dead body, which is then sunk to the bottom of the river, in a certain place where the esurgny abounds. After remaining 10 or 12 hours, the body is drawn up, and the esurgny or cornibotz is found in the gashes. Of this they make beads, which they wear about their necks as we do chains of gold and silver, accounting it their most precious riches. These ornaments, as we have proved by experience, have the power to staunch bleeding at the nose[51]. This nation devotes itself entirely to husbandry and fishing for subsistence, having no care for any other wealth or commodity, of which they have indeed no knowledge, as they never travel from their own country, as is done by the natives of Canada and Saguenay; yet the Canadians and the inhabitants of eight or ten other villages on the river, are subject to the people of Hochelega.
[Footnote 51: It is impossible to give any explanation of this ridiculous account of the esurgny, any farther than that the Frenchmen were either imposed upon by the natives, or misunderstood them from not knowing their language. In a subsequent part of the voyages of Cartier, this substance is called Esnoguy.--E.]
When we came near the town, a vast number of the inhabitants came out to meet us, and received us in the most cordial manner, while the guides led us to the middle of the town, in which there is a large open square, a good stones throw from side to side, in which they desired us by signs to remain. Then all the women and girls of the place gathered together in the square, many of whom carried young children in their arms; as many of them as could get forwards came up and rubbed our faces, arms, and bodies, giving every token of joy and gladness for having seen us, and requiring us by signs to touch their children. After this, the men caused the women to withdraw, and all sat down on the ground round about us, as if they meant to represent some comedy or shew. The women came back, each of them carrying a square matt like a carpet, which they spread out on the ground and caused us to sit down on them. When this was done, Agouhanna, the king or lord of the town, was brought into the square on the shoulders of nine or ten men. He sat upon a large deer skin, and was set down on one of the matts near our captain, all the people signifying to us by signs that this was their king. Agouhanna was apparently about fifty years old, and no way better clothed than any of the rest, except that he had a kind of red wreath round his head instead of a crown, which was made of the skins of hedgehogs. He was full of palsy, and all his limbs were shrunk and withered. After he had saluted our captain and all the company, welcoming us all to his town by signs and gestures, he shewed his shrunk legs and arms to the captain, desiring him to touch them, which he did accordingly, rubbing them with his hands. Then Agouhanna took the crown or fillet from his own head, and gave it to our captain; after which several diseased men were brought before the captain, some blind and others cripple, lame or impotent of their limbs, that he might touch them, as they seemed to think that God had come down from heaven to heal them. Some of these men were so old that the hair of their eyebrows grew down over their cheeks. Seeing the misery and devotion of these ignorant people, our captain recited the commencement of the gospel of St John, "In the beginning was the word," &c. touching all the diseased persons, and prayed to God that he would open the hearts of these deluded people, making them to know his holy word, and to receive baptism and the Christian faith. He then opened a service-book, and read over the passion of Christ with an audible voice; during which all the natives kept a profound silence, looking up to heaven and imitating all our gestures. He then caused all the men to stand orderly on one side, the women on the other, and the young people on a third, giving hatchets to the chiefs, knives to the others, beads and other trifles to the women, and rings, counters, and broaches of tin to the children. He then caused our trumpets and other musical instruments to be sounded, which made the natives very merry. We then took leave of them to return to our boats, on which the women placed themselves in our way, offering us of their provisions which they had made ready for us, such as fish, pottage, beans, and other things; but, as all their victuals were dressed without salt, we did not like them, and gave them to understand by signs that we were not hungry.
When we left the town, many of the men and women followed us, and conducted us to the top of Mount Royal, which is about a league from the town, and whence we had a commanding view of the country for thirty leagues round. To the north we saw many hills stretching east and west, and a similar range to the south, between which the whole country was exceedingly pleasant, being level and fit for husbandry. In the midst of these pleasant plains, we could see the river a great way farther up than where we had left our boats; and at about fifteen leagues from us, as far as we could judge, it came through the fair round mountains to the south in a great rapid fall, the largest, widest, and swiftest that ever was seen. The natives informed us that there were three such falls besides; but as we did not understand their language, we could not learn the distance between these. They likewise informed us by signs, that after passing above these three falls, a man might sail three months continually up the river, and that along the hills to the north, there is another great river coming from the west, which we believed to be that which runs through the country of Saguenay. One of the natives, without any sign or question made to him, took hold of the silver chain of our captains whistle, and the dagger haft of one of the mariners, which was of gilt brass, giving us to understand that such metals came from that river, where there were evil people named Agouionda, armed even to their finger ends, shewing us the way in which their armour was made, being wrought of cords and wood very ingeniously. They gave us also to understand that these Agouionda were continually at war among themselves, but we could not learn how far their country lay, for want of understanding their language. Our captain shewed them some copper, which they call caignetadize, and asked them by signs if any came from thence. They answered no, shaking their heads, but intimated that it came from Saguenay, which is in quite a different direction. We now proceeded towards our boats, accompanied by great numbers of the people, some of whom, when they noticed any of our men weary, took them up on their shoulders and carried them along. As soon as we got to the boats, we set sail to return to our pinnace, being afraid lest any accident might have happened in our absence. Our departure seemed to grieve these friendly natives, who followed us along the shore as far as they were able. We went so fast down the river, that we came to our pinnace on Monday the 4th October; and set off next day with the pinnace and boats to return to the port of the Holy Cross in the province of Canada, where our ships lay. On the 7th of the month we came to a river running from the north, having four small islands at its mouth, overgrown with fine large trees, which we named the Fouetz River. Entering this river, we found one of the islands stretched a great way up. Our captain caused a large cross to be set up at the point of this river, and went up the river with the tide as far as possible; but finding it very shallow and of no importance, we soon returned and resumed our voyage down the Great River.
On Monday the 11th October, we came to the port of the Holy Cross, where we found that the masters and mariners who were left there had constructed a stockade before the ships, of large timber set upright and well fastened together, having likewise planted several cannon, and made all other needful preparations for defence against the natives, in case of any attack. As soon as Donnacona heard of our return, he came to visit us, accompanied by Taignoagny and Domagaia and many others, pretending to be very glad of our arrival, and making many compliments to our captain, who entertained them in a friendly manner, although they had not so deserved by their former conduct. Donnacona invited our captain to come and see Canada, which he promised to do next day, being the 13th of the month. He accordingly went, accompanied by all the gentlemen and fifty mariners well armed. Their place of abode, named Stadacona, was about a league from the ships; and when we were arrived within a stones throw of the place, many of the inhabitants came to meet us, drawing up in two ranks, the men on one side and the women on the other, all dancing and singing. After mutual salutation, the captain distributed knives and other trifles among them, giving a tin ring to each of the women and children, with which they were much pleased. After this, Donnacona and Taignoagny conducted the captain to see the houses, which were very well provided with victuals for winter use. Among other things, they shewed us the scalps of five men spread on boards as we do parchment, which Donnacona told us were taken from a people called Toudamani, dwelling to the south, who are continually engaged in war against his nation. They told us that, about two years ago, as they were going to war in Hognedo, having 200 persons, men, women, and children, and were all asleep in a fort which they had made in an island over against the mouth of the Saguenay River, they were assaulted during the night by the Toudamans, who set their fort on fire, and as they endeavoured to come out, their enemies slew the whole party, five only making their escape. They were greatly grieved at this loss, but signified by signs that they hoped to be amply revenged at some future opportunity.
This nation has no knowledge of the true God, but believe in one whom they call Cudruaigni, who they say often informs them of future events, and who throws dust into their eyes when angry with them[52]. They believe that they go to the stars after death, and thence descend gradually towards the earth, as the stars do to the horizon; after which they inhabit certain pleasant fields, abounding in precious trees, sweet flowers, and fine fruits. We endeavoured to convince them, of their erroneous belief, telling them that Cudruaigni was only a devil or evil spirit, who deceived them; and affirmed that there is only one God of heaven, the creator of all, from whom we have all good things, and that it is necessary to be baptised, otherwise they would all be damned. They readily acquiesced in these and other things concerning our faith, calling their Cudruaigni agouiada, or the evil one, and requested our captain that they might be baptised; and Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and all the people of the town came to us hoping to receive baptism. But as we could not thoroughly understand their meaning, and there was no one with us who was able to teach them the doctrines of our holy religion, we desired Taignoagny and Domagaia to tell them that we should return to them at another time, bringing priests and the chrysm along with us, without which they could not be baptised. All of this was thoroughly understood by our two savages, as they had seen many children baptised when in Brittany, and the people were satisfied with these reasons, expressing their great satisfaction at our promise.
[Footnote 52: This seems a figurative expression, implying that he keeps them in ignorance of what is to happen when displeased.--E.]
These savages live together in common, as has been already mentioned respecting the inhabitants of Hochelega, and are tolerably well provided with those things which their country produces. They are clothed in the skins of wild beasts, but in a very imperfect and wretched manner. In winter they wear hose and shoes made of wild beasts skins, but go barefooted in summer. They observe the rules of matrimony, only that every man has two or three wives, who never marry again if their husbands happen to die, wearing all their lives after a kind of mourning dress, and smearing their faces with charcoal dust and grease, as thick as the back of a knife, by which they are known to be widows. They have a detestable custom with regard to their young women, who are all placed together in one house as soon as they are marriageable, where they remain as harlots for all who please to visit them, till such time as they may find a match. I assert this from experience, having seen many houses occupied in this manner, just as those houses in France where young persons are boarded for their education; and the conduct of the inhabitants of these houses is indecent and scandalous in the extreme. The men are not much given to labour, digging the ground in a superficial manner with a wooden implement, by which they cultivate their corn resembling that which grows in Brazil, and which they call effici. They have also plenty of melons, pompions, gourds, cucumbers, and pease and beans of various colours, all different from ours. They have likewise a certain kind of herb of which they lay up a store every summer, having first dried it in the sun. This is only used by the men, who always carry some of this dried herb in a small skin bag hanging from their necks, in which they also carry a hollow piece of stone or wood like a pipe. When they use this herb, they bruise it to powder, which they put into one end of the before-mentioned pipe, and lay a small piece of live coal upon it, after which they suck so long at the other end that they fill their bodies full of smoke, till it comes out of their mouth and nostrils, as if from the chimney of a fire-place. They allege that this practice keeps them warm and is conducive to health, and they constantly carry some of this herb about with them for this purpose. We have tried to use this smoke, but on putting it to our mouths it seemed as hot as pepper. The women among these savages labour much more than the men, in tilling the ground, fishing, and other matters; and all of them, men, women, and children, are able to resist the extremity of cold better even than the wild beasts; for we have seen them in the extremest cold, which is most amazingly severe, come stark naked to our ships over the ice and snow, which must appear incredible to those who have not witnessed such hardiness. During winter, when the whole country is covered with ice and snow, they take great numbers of wild beasts; such as stags, fauns, bears, martins, hares, foxes, and many other kinds, the flesh of which they eat almost raw, being only dried in the sun or in smoke, as they do their fish. So far as we were acquainted with these people, it were an easy matter to civilize them and to teach them any thing whatever: May God of his great mercy give a blessing to this, in his good time. Amen!
SECTION III.
Wintering of Jacques Cartier in Canada in 1536, and return to France in 1537.
The great river of Canada or Hochelega, begins at the sea or gulf of St Lawrence below the Island of Assumption, or Anticosti. Over against the high mountains of Hognedo and the Seven Islands, the breadth of this river is from 35 to 40 leagues, being 200 fathoms deep in the mid channel. The surest way to sail up this river is on the south side[53]. On the north side, at about seven leagues distance from the Seven Islands, there are two considerable rivers which come from the hills of Saguenay, and occasion several very dangerous shoals. At the entrance of these rivers we saw vast numbers of whales and sea-horses; and near these islands a small river runs in through marshy grounds, which is frequented by immense numbers of water-fowl. From these Seven Islands to Hochelega or Montreal, the distance is about 300 leagues[54]. The original beginning of this great river may be considered as at the mouth of the Saguenay river, which comes from high and steep hills, from whence upwards is the province of Canada on the north side. That river is high, deep, and straight, wherefore it is dangerous for any vessel to navigate it. Beyond that river upwards is the province of Canada, in which are abundance of people who inhabit villages or open towns. In this river there are many islands great and small, among which is one ten leagues long[55], full of large tall trees and many vines. This island maybe passed on both sides, but the safest way is on its south side. To the westwards, on the shore or bank of the river there is an excellent and pleasant bay or creek, in which ships may safely ride. Near this, one part of the river for about the third part of a league is very narrow and deep with a swift current, opposite to which is a goodly piece of high land on which a town stands. The country around is of excellent soil and well cultivated. This place is called Stadacona, and is the abode of Donnacona and of the two men we took in our first voyage, Domagaia and Taignoagny. Before coming up to it there are four other towns, named Ayraste, Starnatay, Tailla on a hill, and Scitadin. And near Stadacona to the north is the harbour of St Croix, in which we wintered from the 15th September 1535 to the 16th May 1536, during all which time our ships remained dry. Beyond Stadacona, going up the river, is the habitation of the people called Teguenondahi, on a high mountain, and the valley or champain country of Hochelay, all of which for a great extent on both sides of the river is as fine a plain as ever was seen. There are mountains to be seen at a distance from the great river, whence several rivers descend to join the Hochelay. All the country is over-grown with many different kinds of trees and many vines, except around the towns, where the inhabitants have grubbed up the trees to admit of cultivating the ground, and for the purpose of building their houses. This country abounds in stags, deer, bears, rabbits, hares, martins, foxes, otters, beavers, weasels, badgers, and rats of vast size, besides many other kinds of wild beasts, in the skins of which the inhabitants clothe themselves, having no other materials. It abounds also in a variety of birds, as cranes, swans, bustards, geese both white and grey, ducks, thrushes, black-birds, turtles, wild-pigeons, linnets, finches, redbreasts, stares, nightingales, and many others. No part of the world was ever seen producing greater numbers and varieties of fish, both these belonging to the sea and to fresh water, according to their seasons. Among these many whales, porpoises, sea-horses, and a kind named Adhothuis which we had never seen or heard of before. These are as large as porpoises, as white as snow, having bodies and heads resembling grey-hounds, and are accustomed to reside between the fresh and salt water about the mouth of the Saguenay river.
[Footnote 53: Modern navigators prefer the north side, all the way from the Seven Islands to the Isle of Orleans, where they take the southern channel to Point Levi, at which place they enter the bason of Quebec.--E.]
[Footnote 54: The distance does not exceed 135 marine leagues.--E.]
[Footnote 55: The Isle of Orleans, the only one which can be here alluded to, is only 6 1/2 marine leagues in length; Cartier seems to use the small French league of about 12 furlongs, and even not to have been very accurate in its application.--E.]
After our return from Hochelega or the Isle of Montreal, we dwelt and trafficked in great cordiality with the natives near our ships, except that we sometimes had strife with certain ill-disposed people, much to the displeasure of the rest. From Donnacona and others, we learnt that the river of Saguenay is capable of being navigated by small boats for a distance of eight or nine days journey; but that the most convenient and best way to the country of Saguenay is to ascend the great river in the first place to Hochelega, and thence by another river which comes from Saguenay, to which it is a navigation of a month[56]. The natives likewise gave us to understand that the people in that country of Saguenay were very honest, were clothed in a similar manner to us Frenchmen, had many populous towns, and had great store of gold and red copper. They added, that beyond the river of Hochelega and Saguenay, there is an island environed by that and other rivers, beyond which and Saguenay the river leads into three or four great lakes, and a great inland sea of fresh water, the end whereof had never been found, as they had heard from the natives of Saguenay, having never been there themselves. They told us likewise that, at the place where we left our pinnace when we went to Hochelega or Montreal, there is a river which flows from the south-west, by which in a months sailing they reach a certain other land having neither ice nor snow, where the inhabitants are continually at war against each other, and which country produces abundance of oranges, almonds, nuts, apples, and many other kinds of fruit, the natives being clad in the skins of beasts. On being asked if there were any gold or red copper in that country, they answered no. So far as I could understand their signs and tokens, I take this country to be towards Florida[57].
[Footnote 56: The meaning of these routes are not explicable, as we are unacquainted with what is meant by Saguenay. The river of that name flows into the north-west side of the St Lawrence 150 miles below Quebec, in a nearly east course of about 150 miles from the lake of St John. The other river, said in the text to come from Saguenay, is probably that of the Utawas; but there does not appear to be any common direction or object attainable by the navigation of these two rivers. The subsequent account of the inhabitants of Saguenay is obviously fabulous, or had been misunderstood by the French adventurers.--E.]
[Footnote 57: The river from the south-west must have been the Chambly, and its series of lakes towards Hudson river. The rest of these vague indications refer to the great Canadian lakes.--E.]
In the month of December, we learnt that the inhabitants of the neighbouring town of Stadacona were infected by a pestilential disease by which above fifty of them had been cut off before we got the intelligence. On this account we strictly enjoined them not to come to our fort or ships, or to have any intercourse with us; notwithstanding which precaution this unknown sickness began to spread among us in the strangest manner that ever was seen or heard of. Some of our men lost their strength so completely that they could not stand, their legs being excessively swelled and quite black, and their sinews shrunk up. Others also had their skins spotted all over with spots of a dark purple or blood colour; which beginning at the ankles, spread up their knees, thighs, shoulders, arms and neck: Their breath did stink most intolerably; their gums became so rotten that the flesh fell off even to the roots of their teeth, most of which fell out[58]. So severely did this infection spread among us, that by the middle of February, out of 110 persons composing the companies of our three ships, there were not ten in perfect health to assist the rest, so that we were in a most pitiable case, considering the place we were in, as the natives came every day to the outside of our fort and saw but few of us. Eight were already dead, and fifty more so extremely ill that we considered them past all hopes of recovery. In consideration of our misery, our captain commanded all the company to prepare by devout prayer in remembrance of Christ our Saviour, and caused his holy image to be set upon a tree about a musquet-shot from the fort, giving us to understand that divine service was to be performed there on the Sunday following, every one who could possibly do so attending in solemn procession, singing the seven psalms of David and other litanies, and praying most heartily to our Lord Christ Jesus to have compassion upon our wretched state. Service being accordingly performed as well as we could, our captain made a vow, if it should please God to permit his return into France, that he would go on pilgrimage to the shrine of our Lady of Rocquemado.
[Footnote 58: The author clearly describes the scurvy, long so fatal to mariners on long voyages, now almost unknown in consequence of superior attention to articles of diet and cleanness.--E.]
On that day Philip Rougement died, being 22 years old; and because the nature of the sickness was utterly unknown, the captain caused his body to be opened, to see if by any means the cause of the disease could be discovered, or any thing found out by which to preserve the rest of the people. His heart was found to be white, but rotten, with more than a quart, of red water about it. The liver was tolerably sound; but the lungs were black and mortified. The blood was all collected about the heart; so that a vast quantity of rotten blood issued from thence when opened. The milt or spleen was rough and somewhat perished, as if it had been rubbed against a stone. One of his thighs being very black was opened, but it was quite sound within. The sickness increased, to such a pitch that there were not above three sound men in the whole company; all the rest being unable to go below hatches to bring up victuals or drink for themselves or others. We were sometimes obliged to bury such as died under the snow, being unable to dig graves for them, as the ground was frozen quite hard, and we were all reduced to extreme weakness. To add to our distress, we were sore afraid that the natives might discover our weakness and misery. To hide this, our captain, whom it pleased God always to keep in health, used to make his appearance with two or three of the company, some sick and some well, whenever any of the natives made their appearance, at whom he threw stones, commanding them to go away or he would beat them: And to induce the natives to believe that all the company were employed in work about the ships, he caused us all to make a great noise of knocking, with sticks, stones, hammers, and such like, as if caulking and repairing the ships. At this time we were so oppressed with this horrible sickness that we lost all hope of ever returning to France, and we had all died miserably, if God of his infinite goodness and mercy had not looked upon us in compassion, and revealed a singular and most excellent remedy against our dreadful sickness, the best that was ever found on earth, as shall be related hereafter.
From the middle of November till the middle of March, we were dwelling among ice above two fathoms in thickness, and the snow lay above four feet thick on our decks; and so great was the frost that all our liquors were frozen. Even the inside of our ships below hatches was covered with ice above the thickness of a hand-breadth. In that period twenty-five of our best men died, and all the rest were so exceedingly ill, three or four only excepted, that we had not the smallest hopes of their recovery. At this time it pleased God to cast an eye of pity upon our forlorn state, and to send us knowledge of a remedy which restored us to health in a most wonderful manner. Our captain happened one day to walk out upon the ice beyond the fort, when he met a company of Indians coming from Stadacona, among whom was Domagaia, who only ten or twelve days before had his knees swollen like the head of a child two years old, his sinews all shrunk, his teeth spoiled, his gums all rotten and stinking, and in short in a very advanced stage of this cruel disease. Seeing him now well and sound, our captain was much rejoiced, being in hopes to learn by what means he had healed himself, so that he might in the same manner cure our sick men. Domagaia informed him, that he had taken the juice of the leaves of a certain tree, which was a sovereign remedy against that disease. Our captain then asked him if that tree was to be found thereabout, and desired him to point it out, that he might cure one of his servants who had got the disease when up at Canada with Donnacona. He said this that it might not be known how many of us were sick. Domagaia sent immediately two women, who brought ten or twelve branches of that tree, and shewed the manner of using it; which was to boil the bark and leaves of the tree in water, to drink of this decoction every other day, and to put the dregs upon the legs of the sick. He said likewise that this tree was of great efficacy in curing many other diseases. This tree is called Ameda or Hanneda in their language, and is thought to be that which we call Sassafras. Our captain immediately caused some of that drink to be prepared for his men; but at first only one or two would venture to use it, who were followed by the rest, and in a short time they were all completely cured, not only of this dreadful sickness, but even of every other with which any of them were at that time afflicted. Some even who had been four or five years diseased with the Lues became quite cured. After this medicine was found to be effectual, there was so much eagerness to get it that the people were ready to kill each other as to who should be first served. Such quantities were used, that a tree as large as a well grown oak was completely lopped bare in five or six days, and the medicine wrought so well that if all the physicians of Montpelier or Louvain had been to attend us, with all the drugs of Alexandria, they could not have done so much for us in a whole year as that tree did in six days, all who used it recovering their health by the blessing of God.
While the disease lasted among us, Donnacona, Taignoagny, and many others of the natives went from home, pretending that they went to catch stags and deer, called by them Aiounesta and Asquenoudo. They said that they were only to be away a fortnight, but they staid away above two months, on which account we suspected they had gone to raise the country against us while we were so weak. But we had used so much diligence in fortifying ourselves, that the whole power of the country could only have looked at us, without being able to have done us any harm. While they were away, many of the natives used to come daily to our ships with fresh meat, such as stags, deer, fishes and other things; but held them at a high price, and would often take them away again, rather as sell them moderately. It must be allowed however that the winter that year was uncommonly long, and there was even some scarcity of provisions among the natives.
On the 21st of April 1536, Domagaia came to the shore accompanied by several strong men whom we had not seen before, and told us that the lord Donnacona would come next day to visit us, and was to bring abundance of venison and other things along with him. Next day Donnacona came to Stadacona with a great number of men, for what purpose we know not; but as the proverb says, "He who takes heed of all men may hap to escape from some." Indeed we had great cause to look about us, being much diminished in numbers, and those who remained being still very weak; insomuch that we were under the necessity to leave one of our ships at the port of St Croix. Our captain was informed of the arrival of that great number of men along with Donnacona, as Domagaia came to tell him, yet dared not to cross the river between us and Stadacona as he used to do, which circumstance made us suspect some intended treachery. Upon this our captain sent one of his servants along with John Poulet, who was much in favour among the natives, to endeavour to discover their intentions towards us. Poulet and his companion pretended only to come on a visit to Donnacona, to whom they carried some presents; but as soon as Donnacona heard of their approach he went to bed, feigning himself very sick. After visiting the chief, they went to the house of Taignoagny, and wherever they went they saw a prodigious number of people, so that they could hardly stir for each other, most of whom they had not been used to see before. Taignoagny would not allow our men to go into any other house in the town, always keeping company with them wherever they went; and while accompanying them back to the ships, desired them to ask our captain to carry off with him to France, a native chief named Agouna, from whom he had received some injury, and that if our captain was pleased to do him this service he would esteem it a great favour and would do in return whatever he was desired; requesting that the servant might be sent back next day with the answer.
When our captain learnt that so great a number of natives were collected apparently with some evil intentions towards us, he proposed to make prisoners of Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia and some others of the principal men, that he might carry them into France, to shew them to our king along with other rarities from this western part of the world. Donnacona had formerly told us that he had been in the country of Saguenay, in which were infinite riches in rubies, gold, and other precious things. He said also that there were white men in that country, whose dresses were of woollen cloth like that we wore. He likewise said that he had been in another country inhabited by a people called Picquemians[59], and other tribes. Donnacona was an old man, who even from his childhood had been accustomed to travel into distant regions, both by means of the rivers and by land. When Poulet and the other told their message to our captain from Taignoagny, he sent back the servant desiring Taignoagny to come and visit him, promising him good entertainment, and a compliance with his request. Taignoagny sent back word that he would wait upon our captain next day, bringing Donnacona and Agouna along with him; yet he staid away two days, during which time none of the natives came from Stadacona to our ships as they were wont, but seemed anxiously to avoid us, as if we had meant to slay them, which added much to our suspicions.
[Footnote 59: A tribe named Picquagamies still inhabits around Lake St John at the head of the Saguenay river. The people in woollen dresses, with the rubies and gold, must be fabulous, or misunderstood by the French.--E.]
At this time the natives of Stadacona, understanding that we were visited by the inhabitants of Sidatin, and that we were pulling one of our ships to pieces to get out the old nails and other iron work, meaning to leave it behind, came to visit us on the third day, crossing the river in their skiffs and seeming to have laid aside their former shyness. Taignoagny and Domagaia remained however above an hour on the other side of the river, conversing across the stream, before they would come over. At length they came to our captain, whom they requested to order the before mentioned chief, Agouna, to be apprehended and carried over to France. The captain refused to do this, saying that he had been expressly forbidden by the king to bring over any men or women; being only permitted to take over two or three young boys to learn French that they might serve as interpreters, but that he was willing to carry Agouna to Newfoundland and leave him there. Taignoagny was much rejoiced at this, being satisfied that he was not to be carried back to France, and promised to bring Donnacona and all the other chiefs with him to the ships next day. Next day being the 3d of May or Holyrood Day, our captain caused a goodly fair cross to be erected in honour of the day, thirty-five feet in height, under the cross tree of which he hung up a shield of the arms of France, with this inscription in antique letters,
Franciscus primus Dei gratia Francorum Rex.
About noon, according to the promise of Taignoagny, a great number of men, women, and children came from the town of Stadacona, saying that their lord Donnacona was coming to visit our captain attended by Taignoagny and Domagaia. They came accordingly about two o'clock in the afternoon, and when near our ships, our captain went to salute Donnacona, who endeavoured to assume a cheerful countenance, yet his eyes were ever and anon bent towards the wood as if in fear. As Taignoagny endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going on board, our captain ordered a fire to be kindled in the open air; but at length Donnacona and the others were prevailed upon to go on board, when Domagaia told the captain that Taignoagny had spoken ill of him and had endeavoured to dissuade Donnacona from going to the ships. Seeing likewise that Taignoagny was sending away the women and children, and that the men only remained, which indicated some hostile intentions, our captain gave a signal to his men who immediately ran to his assistance, and laid hold on Donnacona, Taignoagny, Domagaia, and two more of the principal natives. On seeing their lord taken, the Canadians immediately ran away, some crossing the river towards Stadacona and others taking to the woods; whereupon we retired within our bulwarks, and placed the prisoners under a secure guard. During the ensuing night great numbers of the natives came to the river side near our ships, crying and howling like so many wolves, and continually calling upon Agouhanna, being the name of office or dignity of Donnacona, whom they wished to speak with, but our captain would not allow of this. Next day about noon the natives indicated by signs that they supposed we had killed their chief. About this time, the natives in the neighbourhood of the ships were in prodigious numbers, most of them skulking about the edge of the forest, except some who continually called with a loud voice on Donnacona to come and speak to them. Our captain then commanded Donnacona to be brought up on high to speak to his people, and desired him to be merry, assuring him that when he had spoken to the king of France, and told him all that he had seen in Saguenay and other countries through which he had travelled, that he should be sent back to his own country in ten or twelve months with great rewards. Donnacona rejoiced at this assurance, and communicated the intelligence to his people, who made three loud cheers in token of joy. After this Donnacona and his people conversed together for a long time; but for want of interpreters we could not know the subjects of their discourse. Our captain then desired Donnacona to make his people come over to our side of the river, that they might talk together with more ease, and desired him to assure them of being in perfect safety; which Donnacona did accordingly, and a whole boatful of the principal people came, over close to the ships, where they renewed their conversation, giving great praise to our captain, to whom they presented twenty-four chains esurgney[60], as the most precious thing they possess, and which they hold in higher estimation than gold or silver. After a long talk, as Donnacona saw that there were no means of avoiding the voyage to France, he commanded his people to bring him some victuals to serve him during the passage. At this time our captain gave Donnacona two frying pans of copper, eight hatchets, with several knives, strings of beads, and other trifles, with which he seemed highly pleased, and sent them to his wives and children. Our captain also made similar presents to the chiefs who had come to speak with Donnacona, who thanked him for the gifts and retired to their town.
[Footnote 60: A very unintelligible account of the manner in which this article, so precious in the eyes of the Canadians, is procured, has been already given in this chapter; but there are no data on which even to conjecture what it is. Belts of wampum, a kind of rudely ornamented ribbons or girdles, are universally prized among the North American Indians, of which frequent mention will occur in the sequel of this work.--E.]
Very early on the 5th of May, a great number of the people came back to speak with their lord, on which occasion they sent a boat, called casnoni in their language, loaded with maize, venison, fish, and other articles of provision after their fashion, and lest any of their men might be detained, this boat was navigated by four women, who were well treated at our ships. By the desire of Donnacona, our captain sent a message on shore by these women, to assure the natives that their chief would be brought back by him to Canada at the end of ten or twelve months: They seemed much pleased at this intelligence, and promised when he brought back Donnacona that they would give him many valuable presents, in earnest of which each of the women gave him a chain of esurgney. Next day, being Saturday the 6th of May 1536, we set sail from the harbour of St Croix, and came to anchor at night in another harbour about twelve leagues down the river, a little below the Isle of Orleans. On Sunday the 7th we came to the Island of Filberts, or Coudres, where we remained till the 16th of the month, waiting till the great flood in the river had spent its force, as the current was too violent to be safely navigated. At this time many of the subjects of Donnacona came to visit him from the river Saguenay, who were much astonished upon being told by Domagaia that Donnacona was to be carried to France, but were reassured by Donnacona who informed them he was to come back next year. They gave their chief on this occasion three packs of beaver skins and the skins of sea wolves or seals, with a great knife made of red copper which is brought from Saguenay, and many other things. They also gave our captain a chain of esurgney, in return for which he presented them with ten or twelve hatchets, and they departed well pleased. On the 16th of May we departed from the Isle of Filberts, and came to another island about fifteen leagues farther down the river, which is about five leagues in length, where we remained the rest of that day and the following night, meaning to take advantage of the next day to pass by the river Saguenay, where the navigation is very dangerous. That evening we went ashore on the island, where we took such numbers of hares that we called it Hare Island. But during the night the wind became quite contrary and blew so hard that we were forced back to the Isle of Filberts, where we remained till the 21st of the month, when fine weather and a fair wind brought us down the river. On this occasion we passed to Honguedo, which passage had not been seen before. Passing Cape Prat, which is at the entrance into the bay of Chaleur; and having a fair wind we sailed all day and night without stopping, and came next day to the middle of Brions Islands. These islands lie north-west and south-east, and are about fifty leagues asunder, being in lat. 47-1/2° N[61]. On Thursday the 26th of May, being the feast of the Ascension, we coasted over to a land and shallow of low sands, about eight leagues south-west from Brions Island, above which are large plains covered with trees, and likewise an enclosed lake or sea into which we could find no entrance. On Friday following, being the 27th of the month, in consequence of the wind becoming foul, we returned to Brions Island, where we remained till the beginning of June. To the south-east of this island we saw land which we supposed another island, which we coasted for two or three leagues, and had sight of three other high islands towards the sands, after which we returned to the cape of the said land, which is divided into two or three very high capes[62]. At this place the water is very deep and runs with a prodigiously swift current. That day we came to Cape Lorain which is in 47 1/2 degrees toward the south. This cape is low land, and has an appearance as of the mouth of a river, but there is no harbour of any worth. At a short distance we saw another head-land toward the south, which we named Cape St Paul.
[Footnote 61: These geographical indications are so obscure as not to be intelligible, unless perhaps the passage between Cape Breton Island and Newfoundland is here meant under the name of Honguedo.--E.]
[Footnote 62: The text here is either corrupt, or so vaguely expressed as not to admit of any reasonable explanation or conjecture.--E.]
Sunday following, being the 4th of June, we saw other lands at about twenty-two leagues east-south-east from Newfoundland, and as the wind was contrary we went into a harbour which we named the Bay of the Holy Ghost. We remained there till the Tuesday following, when we sailed along the coast to St Peters Islands, passing many very dangerous rocks and shoals, which lie east-south-east and west-north-west, stretching about twenty-three leagues out to sea. While at St Peters Islands, we saw many French and British ships, and remained there from the 11th to 16th of June, after, which we sailed to Cape Race, where we went into a harbour named Rognoso, where we took in a supply of wood and water to serve us on the voyage home, and at this place we left one of our boats. We left that harbour on Monday the 19th of June, and had such excellent weather and fair winds, that we arrived in the Port of St Maloes upon the 6th of July 1536.
In Hakluyts Collection, III. 286-289, there is a short imperfect fragment of a third voyage by Jacques Cartier to Canada, Hochelega, and Saguenay in 1540; but as it breaks off abruptly and gives hardly any additional information respecting the country and its inhabitants or productions, beyond what is contained in the two voyages already inserted, it has not been deemed necessary to adopt it into the present collection.--E.
Specimen of the language of Hochelega and Canada.
1. Secada. 2. Tigneni. 3. Hasche. 4. Hannaion. 5. Ouiscon.
6. Indahir. 7. Aiaga. 8. Addigue. 9. Madellan. 10. Assem.
Aggonzi, the head. Atha, shoes.
Hegueniascon, the brow. Amgoua, a shirt.
Higata, the eyes. Castrua, a cap.
Abontascon, the ears. Osizi, corn.
Esahe, the mouth. Carraconny, bread.
Esgongay, the teeth, Sahe beans.
Osnache, the tongue. Ame, water.
Agonpon, the throat. Quahouascon, flesh.
Hebelim, the beard. Honnesta, damsons.
Hegouascon, the face. Absconda, figs.
Aganiscon, the hair. Ozoba, grapes.
Aiayascon, the arms. Quahoya, nuts.
Aissonne, the flanks. Esgueny, an eel.
Aggruascon, the stomach. Undeguezi, a snail.
Eschehenda, the belly. Hueleuxima, a tortoise.
Hetnegradascon, the thighs. Sahomgahoa, a hen.
Agotschinegodascon, the knees. Zisto, a lamprey.
Agouguenehondo, the legs. Ondacon, a salmon.
Onchidascon, the feet. Ainne-honne, a whale.
Aignoascon, the hands. Sadeguenda, a goose.
Agenuga, the fingers. Aionnesta, a stag.
Agedascon, the nails. Asquenondo, a sheep.
Aguehum, a man. Saurkanda, a hare.
Agrauste, a woman. Agaya, a dog.
Addegesta, a boy. Achide, to-morrow.
Agniaquesta, a girl. Cudragny, God.
Exiasta, a child. Quenhia, heaven.
Conda, woods. Damga, the earth.
Hoga, leaves. Ysmay, the sun.
Cabata, a gown. Assomaha, the moon.
Caioza, a doublet. Stagnehoham, the stars.
Hemondoha, stocking. Copoha, the wind.
Adogne, a hatchet
Ahencu, a bow.
Quaetan, a dart.
Canada, a town.
Agogasy, the sea.
Coda, the waves.
Cohena, an island.
Agacha, a hill.
Hounesca, ice.
Camsa, snow.
Athau, cold.
Odazani, hot.
Azista, fire.
Quea, smoke.
Canoca, a house.
Addathy, my father.
Adauahoe, my mother.
Addagrim, my brother.
Adhoasseue, my sister.
Quaza hoa quea, Give me some drink.
Quaza hoa quascaboa, Give me my breakfast.
Quaza hoa quatfriam, Give me my supper.
Casigno agnydahoa, Let us go to bed.
Casigno donnascat, Let us go a hunting.
Casigno caudy, Let us go to play.
Casigno casnouy, Let us go in the boat.
Assigni quaddadia, Come speak with me.
Quagathoma, Look at me.
Aignag, Good morrow.
Aista, Hold your peace.
Buazahca agoheda, Give me a knife.
[BOOK III.]
CONTINUATION OF THE DISCOVERIES AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN THE EAST; TOGETHER WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE EARLY VOYAGES OF OTHER EUROPEAN NATIONS TO INDIA.
[CHAPTER I.]
DISCOVERIES, NAVIGATIONS, AND CONQUESTS OF THE PORTUGUESE IN INDIA, FROM 1505 TO 1539, BOTH INCLUSIVE: RESUMED FROM BOOK I. OF THIS PART[63].
We have formerly in the First BOOK of this Second PART of our general arrangement, given a historical account of the Portuguese Discoveries along the Coast of Africa, with their Discovery of and early Conquests in India, from the glorious era of DON HENRY prince of Portugal in 1412, down to the year 1505. Necessarily called off from that interesting subject, to attend to the memorable Discovery of the NEW WORLD by the immortal COLUMBUS, we have detailed at considerable, yet we hope not inconvenient length, in the III. IV. and V. Volumes of our Collection, the great and important Discovery of America, and the establishment of the principal Spanish colonies in that grand division of the world, with some short notices of the earliest American Discoveries by the Portuguese, English, and French nations. We now return to a continuation of the early Discoveries and Conquests in India, taking that word in its most extensive signification as comprehending the whole of southern Asia, from the Persian Gulf to Japan and Eastern China. In the present portion of our Collection, we propose chiefly to direct our attention to the transactions of the Portuguese; adding however such accounts as we may be able to procure of the early Voyages to India made by other European nations.
[Footnote 63: Portuguese Asia, by Manuel de Faria y Sousa-Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, I. 58. et sequ.]
It is not necessary to particularize the various sources from which the different articles to be contained in this Book or division of our work has been collected, as these will be all referred to in the several chapters and sections of which it is composed. Indeed as the introductions we prefix, on the present and other similar occasions, are necessarily written previous to the composition of the articles to which they refer, contrary to the usual practice, it would be improper to tie ourselves too strictly on such occasions, so as to preclude the availment of any additional materials that may occur during our progress, and therefore we here beg leave to notify that we reserve a power of including the earliest voyages of other European nations to the Atlantic and eastern coasts of Africa, together with Arabia and Persia, among the early voyages to India, if hereafter deemed necessary; which is strictly conformable to what has been already done in PART II. BOOK I, and what must necessarily be the case on the present occasion. It may be proper however to mention, that the present chapter, containing a continuation of the early Discoveries, Navigations, and Conquests of the Portuguese in India, is taken from the PORTUGUESE ASIA, of Manuel de Faria y Sousa, taking that author up in 1505, where we had to lay down Castaneda at the end of our Second BOOK. Faria[64], who is designated as a member of the Portuguese military order of Christ, was a celebrated historian among his countrymen, and his work, entitled ASIA PORTUGUEZA, contains an account somewhat in the form of Annals, of the Transactions of his countrymen in India, from their first going there in 1497, to the year 1646. This work contains all the Portuguese Voyages and Discoveries, from their first attempt to extend along the western coast of Africa, to their final discovery of the farthest parts of China and Japan: All their battles by sea and land, with their expeditions, sieges, and other memorable actions: The whole interspersed with descriptions of the places and countries they discovered, visited, or conquered; including accounts of the manners, customs, government, and religion of the natives. This author is remarkable for a concise and clear narrative, and for judicious reflections on the conduct of the Portuguese kings, ministers, governors, and commanders, as well as for his remarks on many other occasions. These are always just, and have often an air of freedom that might not have been expected under an arbitrary government: But in matters regarding religion, he often discovers a surprising reverse of character, full of weak and puerile credulity, the never-failing consequence of education and publication under the influence of that eternal and abominable stain of the peninsula, the Inquisition.
[Footnote 64: Astley, I. 87.]
This work of De Faria has gone through various impressions in Portugal, where it is esteemed a curious and accurate performance, though on some occasions it is alleged that he has placed too much reliance on Mendez Pinto, a dealer in bare-faced fiction. The first impression of the Portuguese Asia was printed at Lisbon in 1666, in 3 vols. small folio, and it has been often reprinted, and translated into Spanish, Italian, French, and English.
The English translation used on the present occasion, and we know of no other or later edition, was made by Captain John Stevens, and published at London in 1695, in 3 vols. 8vo. dedicated to Catherine of Portugal, Queen Dowager of England. In his Preface, Mr Stevens informs the reader, that he had reduced the work to considerably less size than the Spanish original, yet without omitting any part of the history, or even abridging any material circumstances; having cut off long speeches, which were only added by the author as rhetorical flourishes, and omitted many tedious lists of the names of officers who were present at the principal actions, and extended reflections of the author which were only useful to increase the size of the work. In this account of the work by the translator, the Spanish is mentioned as the original. Indeed the Portuguese and Spanish original editions appear to have both appeared contemporaneously in 1666.[65]
[Footnote 65: Bibl. Univ. des Voy. IV. 576.]
In the employment of Faria we have followed the example of Astleys Collection of Voyages and Travels, of which Mr John Green is said to have been the Editor. But although in that former Collection, published at London in 1745, an absolutely verbal and literal transcript is used so far as the Editor has been pleased to follow the translation of Stevens, many very curious and important particulars contained in that author are omitted, or slurred over by a hasty and careless abridgement. From where we take up Faria, in consequence of the loss of Castaneda, we have given his work nearly entire, only endeavouring to reduce the language of Captain Stevens to the modern standard, and occasionally using the freedom to arrange incidents a little more intelligibly, and to curtail a few trifling matters that seemed to possess no interest for modern readers. We have however availed ourselves of many valuable notes and illustrations of the text by the Editor of Astleys Collection, all of which will be found acknowledged and referred to in their proper places. And we have adopted from the same source some valuable additions to the text of Faria, intimately connected with the subject, which are likewise carefully acknowledged. Thus, like many former articles in this Collection, we trust that the present, as being greatly fuller, will be found more satisfactory and informing than any similar account in former Collections of Voyages and Travels.
After so considerable an interval employed on the Discoveries in America, it may be proper to remark that the former Account of the Discovery of the maritime route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, and the commencement of the Portuguese Conquests in the East, as contained in the Second Volume of this Work, Part II. Chap. VI. Sections I. to IX. pp. 292-505, comprises only a period of nine years, from the setting out of Vasco de Gama in July 1497, on his adventurous Voyage, by which he completed the discovery of the way by sea to India from Europe, projected by Prince Henry in 1412, eighty-five years before. On that former occasion, following the narrative of Hernan Lopez de Castaneda, we brought down the Transactions of the Portuguese in India to the year 1505; including the almost incredible defence of Cochin by the intrepid Pacheco against the immensely more numerous forces of the Zamorin of Calicut; the relief of the chivalric besieged, by the arrival of Lope Suarez de Menezes in September 1505; and the voyage of Suarez back to Portugal in 1505, leaving Manuel Telez de Vasconcelles as captain-general of the Portuguese possessions in India. It has been formerly mentioned, Vol. II. p.500, note 5, that Castaneda names this person Lope Mendez de Vasconcelles, and that he is named Manuel Telez de Barreto by the editor of Astleys Collection, in which we now find that he had followed the author of the Portuguese Asia. The difference between these authorities is irreconcileable, but is quite immaterial to the English reader.--E.
SECTION I.
Course of the Indian Trade before the Discovery of the Route by the Cape of Good Hope, with some account of the settlement of the Arabs on the East Coast of Africa[66].
Before the Discovery of the Route to India by the Cape of Good Hope, formerly related in PART II. CHAPTER VI. the spices and other productions of India were brought to Europe with vast trouble and at great expence, so that they were necessarily sold at very high prices. The cloves of the Moluccas, the nutmegs and mace of Banda, the sandal-wood of Timor, the camphor of Borneo, the gold and silver of Luconia, with all the other and various rich commodities, spices, gums, perfumes, and curiosities of China, Japan, Siam, and other kingdoms of the continent and islands of India, were carried to the great mart of Malacca, a city in the peninsula of that name, which is supposed to have been the Aurea Chersonesus of the ancients. From that place the inhabitants of the more western countries between Malacca and the Red Sea procured all these commodities, dealing by way of barter, no money being used in this trade, as silver and gold were in much less request in these eastern parts of India than foreign commodities. By this trade, Calicut, Cambaya, Ormuz, Aden, and other cities were much enriched. The merchants of these cities, besides what they procured at Malacca as before mentioned, brought rubies from Pegu, rich stuffs from Bengal, pearls from Calicare[67], diamonds from Narsinga[68], cinnamon and rich rubies from Ceylon, pepper, ginger, and other spices, from the coast of Malabar and other places where these are produced. From Ormuz these commodities were conveyed up the Persian gulf to Basorah at the mouth of the Euphrates, and were thence distributed by caravans through Armenia, Trebisond, Tartary, Aleppo, and Damascus; and from these latter cities, by means of the port of Barat in Syria, the Venetians, Genoese, and Catalonians carried them to their respective countries, and to other parts of Europe. Such of these commodities as went up the Red Sea, were landed at Tor or Suez at the bottom of that gulf, whence they were conveyed over land to Cairo in Egypt, and thence down the Nile to Alexandria, where they were shipped for Europe.
[Footnote 66: De Faria, Portuguese Asia, I. 82.]
[Footnote 67: Named Kalekare by Astley; and probably alluding to some place in the neighbourhood of the great pearl fishery in the Gulf of Manar, between Ceylon and the Carnatic.--E.]
[Footnote 68: Now called Golconda. But the dominions of Narsinga seem then to have included the whole southern peninsula of India, except the coasts of Canara and Malabar, from Visiapour and the Deccan to Cape Comorin.--E.]
Many princes apprehending vast loss to their revenues, by this new course which the Portuguese had discovered for carrying on a direct trade by sea between Europe and India, used their endeavours to drive them from that country. For this purpose, the Soldan of Egypt[69], who was principally affected by this new trade, gave out that he would destroy the holy places in Jerusalem, if the Portuguese persisted in trading to Malabar. Believing him in earnest, Maurus, a monk of Mount Sinai, went to Rome with a letter from the Soldan to the pope, signifying his intention to destroy those places, sacred in the estimation of the Christians, in revenge for the injury done to his trade by the Portuguese. The pope sent Maurus into Portugal, where the purport of his message was known before his arrival, and such preparations made for driving the Moors from the trade of India, that Maurus returned to Cairo with more alarming intelligence than he had brought. The king of Portugal informed his holiness by letter, that his intentions in prosecuting these eastern discoveries were to propagate the holy faith, and to extend the papal jurisdiction over the countries of the heathen, by which the pope was entirely reconciled to his proceedings.
[Footnote 69: This last mameluke Soldan of Egypt was Almalec al Ashraf Abul Nasr Sayf oddin Kansu al Gauri, commonly called Campson Gauri, the 24th of the Circassian dynasty, who reigned from 1500 to 1516, when he was slain in battle near Aleppo by Selim Emperor of the Turks.--Astley, I. 58. b.]
Along the eastern coast of Africa, the Moors or Arabs had several settlements. From Cape Guardafu, the most eastern point of Africa, to Mozambique, is a hollow coast like a bent bow, extending 550 leagues. From Cape Mozambique to Cape Corrientes is 170 leagues, and thence to the Cape of Good Hope 340 leagues. Hence turning again to the northwards and a little towards the west, the western coast of Africa reaches to Congo. Drawing a line east across the continent, there remains a large peninsula or promontory, to which the Arabs have given the name of Kafraria, naming the inhabitants Kafrs or unbelievers; an appellation bestowed by the Mahometans on all who are not of their religion, but chiefly those who worship images, whence they call most of the Christians by the opprobrious name of Kafrs. To the north of this line on the east coast of Africa is the maritime country of Zanguebar, or more properly Zenjibar, so named from a Negro nation called the Zenji, who had formerly conquered all that coast before the settlement of the Arabs. From Zanguebar all the way to Cape Guardafu and the mouth of the Red Sea, the coast is called Ajam or Ajen, signifying in Arabic the country of the barbarians; the maritime parts being occupied by the Arabs, and the inland country by heathen Negroes. Most of this coast is very low, covered by impenetrable woods, and subject to inundations, so that it is excessively hot and unwholesome. The Negroes of this country are black with crisp curled hair, and are wonderfully addicted to superstition, being all idolaters; insomuch that upon the most frivolous motives they will give over the most important enterprises: Thus the king of Quiloa failed to meet Don Francisco de Almeyda, because a black cat crossed his way when going out. The cattle, fruit, and grain are answerable to the wildness of the country. The Moors or Arabs, who inhabit this coast and the adjacent islands, seldom cultivate the ground, and mostly subsist on wild beasts and several loathsome things. Such as live more towards the interior, and have intercourse with the barbarous Kafrs, use milk as a part of their diet.