The Project Gutenberg eBook, The History of the City of Fredericksburg, Virginia, by S. J. (Silvanus Jackson) Quinn

The History of the
City of Fredericksburg
Virginia

The HISTORY
of the
City of Fredericksburg
Virginia

Prepared and printed by authority of the Common Council thereof, under the direction of its Committee on Publication, consisting of the following Councilmen: H. B. LANE, WM. E. BRADLEY and S. W. SOMERVILLE

S. J. QUINN, Historian

1908
The Hermitage Press, Inc.
Richmond, Va.

Copyright, 1908,
On all original matter herein,
By
H. B. Lane, Chairman of History Committee,
for the City of Fredericksburg, Va.

Dedication

TO THE MEMORY OF THOSE WHO BRAVED THE DANGERS OF LAND AND
WATER IN 1608, AND DISCOVERED THE SPOT UPON WHICH THE CITY OF
FREDERICKSBURG, VIRGINIA, NOW STANDS, AND TO THOSE WHO
WROUGHT SO HEROICALLY AND SUCCESSFULLY IN THE SETTLEMENT
AND PROSPERITY OF THE SAID CITY TO THE
PRESENT TIME, 1908, A PERIOD OF THREE HUNDRED
YEARS, THESE PAGES ARE RESPECTFULLY
AND AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED BY
THE PRESENT COMMON COUNCIL OF
THE CITY OF FREDERICKSBURG

PREFACE

To Messrs. H. B. Lane, Wm. E. Bradley and Prof. S. W. Somerville, Committee on History of the Common Council:

Gentlemen—When I was requested by your predecessors to write a history of Fredericksburg, I regarded it as quite an honor, and in the discharge of the duty I have found great pleasure. Not that the material needed was ready at hand and the task was easy, but because I found so many of the best of our citizens eager to assist in getting the material together, that had been laid away for ages, and placing it at my disposal. Moreover, their kind words very much encouraged me, and I wish I could here record their names, but as it might not be proper, I take much pleasure in extending to them my grateful thanks.

The records concerning the town reach back only to the close of the Revolutionary war. If Major Lawrence Smith, who constructed the fort and governed the settlers by military law or “as a county court might do,” ever kept any records of his acts, we have been unable to find them, and the same is true of the Trustees who had the management of the town from the time it was “laid out by law,” until it was chartered by the Legislature of Virginia. Therefore, much that is found in the following pages in reference to “the olden time,” came from families who had preserved it in various forms for many generations.

In presenting this history it is not claimed that all is said about Fredericksburg that could have been said or that incidents have not been related as others have heard them, but it is believed that all important events have been referred to and incidents given as they have been related to us by those well informed and who were regarded as authority on such matters. Nor is there any claim made for originality. The book is intended to be a history of Fredericksburg, and “history is a narration of facts and events which may be given chronologically or topically,” therefore we have written in the main what others have spoken and have disregarded chronology and even the arrangement of subjects. But it is believed that the arrangement herein is probably best adapted to impress the reader with the splendid history of the town and the magnificent achievements of her sons and those men of fame who sprang from her immediate vicinity.

It is believed this book will be welcomed by all citizens and their friends, whether those friends be former residents or descendants of such, or those veteran soldiers on either side of the late Civil Contest who performed such gallant deeds upon our hills and within our valleys. No soldier of either army—the Army of the Potomac or the Army of Northern Virginia—can ever forget Fredericksburg. It was in the four great battles fought in and around Fredericksburg that he won imperishable glory as an American soldier, that name which to-day is written on the highest pinnacle of military fame.

No living citizen, or the descendant of such noble sires, wheresoever dispersed, can ever forget the town or lineage from which he sprang. None such can ever fail to appreciate those citizens, who, in the most trying times, and under the most adverse circumstances, were conspicuous for their love and loyalty, suffering and sacrifice, daring and doing for home and country.

Let their deeds and sacrifices be preserved for imitation of future generations, which is one of the objects of this book.

Very respectfully,
S. J. Quinn.

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.

CONTENTS

HISTORY
OF THE
City of Fredericksburg, Virginia,
FROM ITS
Settlement to the Present Time

CHAPTER I

Capt. John Smith Explores the Rappahannock River—The Flight of Pocahontas—Maj. Smith’s Fort—Gov. Spotswood’s Miners at Germanna.

In what year the white man first set his foot upon the present site of Fredericksburg is not certainly known. The mind of man, of the present generation, does not run back to that time, and if the first white visitor to the place thought it of sufficient importance to make a note of it that note was not preserved; or, if it was, it is unknown to the present inhabitants of the town, unless that visitor was Captain John Smith.

It is stated that after John Smith was captured by the Indians, while on his trip exploring the Chickahominy, his captors marched him through the country, amid great rejoicing, visiting the Indian towns on the Pamunkey, Mattapony, Piankitank, Rappahannock and Potomac rivers, but it is not stated that he was taken as high up the Rappahannock as the falls. This trip through the country, however, while it was attended with hideous yells, cheers and all sorts of mournful noises by the excited throng, gave John Smith some idea of the rich and fertile valleys, the beautiful rivers that flowed from the mountains, and a desire to explore them if he should be fortunate enough to get back to the English settlement alive.

For soon after his release, in writing of the discoveries, having already explored the Chesapeake bay, he says:[1] “There is but one entrance by sea into this country, and that is at the mouth of a very goodly bay, the wideness whereof is near eighteen or twenty miles. The cape on the south is called Cape Henry, in honor of our most noble Prince. The show of the land there is a white hilly sand like unto the Downes, and along the shores great plenty of pines and firs. The north cape is called Cape Charles, in honor of the worthy Duke of York.

“Within is a country that may have the prerogative over the most pleasant places of Europe, Asia, Africa or America and for large and pleasant navigable rivers, heaven and earth never agreed better to frame a place for man’s habitation, being of our constitutions, were it fully manured and inhabited by industrious people. Here are mountains, hills, plains, valleys, rivers and brooks, all running most pleasantly to a fair bay, compassed, but for the mouth, with fruitful and delightsome land. In the bay and rivers are many isles, both great and small, some woody, some plain, most of them low and not inhabited. This bay lies north and south, in which the water flows near two hundred miles and has a channel for one hundred and forty miles of depth betwixt seven and fifteen fathoms, holding in breadth, for the most part, ten or fifteen miles. From the head of the bay at the north, the land is mountainous, and so in a manner from thence by a southwest line. So that the more southward, the further off from the bay are those mountains, from which fall certain brooks, which after come to five principal navigable rivers. These run from the northwest into the southeast, and so into the west side of the bay, where the fall of every river is within twenty or fifteen miles one of another.”

Early in the year of 1608, his life having been saved by Pocahontas, John Smith made a number of trips, exploring the rivers of this section of Virginia, entered the mouth of the Rappahannock and, but for an accident that befell him, might have continued his trip to the falls.

They found fish in abundance in all the streams and, “near the mouth of the Rappahannock, Smith plunged his sword into a singular fish like a ‘thornback,’ with a long tail and from it a poisoned sting. In taking it off it drove the sting into his wrist, producing a torturing pain, and in a few hours the whole hand, arm and shoulder had swollen so fearfully that death seemed inevitable. He pointed out a place for his grave, and his men, with heavy hearts, prepared it. But Dr. Russell applied the probe and used an oil with such success that Smith was soon well and ate a part of the same fish for supper.”[2]

View of Fredericksburg from Marye’s Mansion, showing ground charged
over by Federals in battle 1862. Confederate line at fence.
(See [page 91])

View of Fredericksburg from Stafford Heights, where Federal guns
were located in 1862, showing the old Scott bridge.
(See [page 171])

Some writers contend that it was while on this trip that Smith came up the Rappahannock to the falls and had a battle with the Indians, but this is a mistake. This trip was commenced on the 20th of June, 1608, and it was directly after entering the mouth of the river that he saw so many fish in the clear stream and caught one on the point of his sword; for Russell, the physician, who accompanied him, says after Smith was thought to have been fatally poisoned, “having neither surgeon or surgery, but that preservative oil, we presently set sail for Jamestown. Passing the mouth of the Piankatank and Pamunkey rivers, the next day we safely arrived at Kecaughtan.”[3] If Smith had been very far up the Rappahannock he could not have passed the mouth of these two rivers the next day.

The voyage that Smith made, during which he explored the Rappahannock river to the falls, was commenced on the 24th of July, more than a month after he entered the mouth of the river and was stung by the fish which turned him back. As this trip up the river is of great interest, being the first made by white men, it is here given in full as narrated by Anthony Bagnall, Powell and Todkill, Smith’s companions, who wrote it down at the time. They say:

“In the discovery of this river, that some called Rappahannock, we were kindly entertained by the people of Moraughtacund. Here we encountered our old friend Mosco, a lusty savage of Wighconisco, upon the river Patawomeck [Potomac]. We supposed him some Frenchman’s son because he had a thick, black, bushy, beard, and the savages seldom have any at all, of which he was not a little proud to see so many of his countrymen. Wood and water he would fetch us, guide us any whether; nay, cause divers of his countrymen help us tow against wind or tide from place to place till we came to Patawomeck.

“The next morning we went up the river, [Rappahannock] and our friend Mosco followed us along the shore, and at last desired to go with us in our boat. But, as we passed by Pisacack, Matchopeak and Mecuppom, three towns situated upon high white cliffs; the other side all a low plain marsh, and the river there but narrow, thirty or forty of the Rapahanocks had so accommodated themselves with branches, as we took them for little bushes growing among the sedge, till seeing their arrows strike the targets and drop in the river; whereat Mosco fell flat in the boat on his face, crying, the Rapahanocks, which presently we espide to be the bushes, which, at our first volley fell down in the sedge: when we were near half a mile from them, they showed themselves dancing and singing very merrily.

“The kings of Pessassack, Nandtaughtacund and Cultatawoman, used us kindly, and all their people neglected not anything to Mosco to bring us to them.

“Betwixt Secobeck and Massawteck is a small isle or two which cause the river to be broader than ordinary; there it pleased God to take one of our company called Master Fetherstone [Richard Fetherstone, Gent.], that all the time he had been in this country, had behaved himself honestly, valiantly and industriously; where in a little bay, called Fetherstone’s bay, we buried him with a volly of shot: the rest, not withstanding their ill diet and bad lodging crowded in so small a barge, in so many dangers, never resting, but always tossed to and again, had all well recovered their healths.

“The next day we sailed so high as our boat would float; there setting up crosses and graving our names in the trees. Our sentinel saw an arrow fall by him, though we had ranged up and down more than an hour, in digging in the earth, looking of stones, herbs and springs, not seeing where a savage could well hide himself.

“Upon the alarm, by that we had recovered our arms there was about an hundred nimble Indians skipping from tree to tree, letting fly their arrows so fast as they could; the trees here served us as baricades as well as they. But Mosco did us more service than we expected; for having shot away his quiver of arrows he ran to the boat for more. The arrows of Mosco at the first made them pause upon the matter, thinking by his bruit and skipping, there were many savages. About half an hour this continued, then they all vanished as suddenly as they approached. Mosco followed them so far as he could see us, till they were out of sight. As we returned there lay a savage as dead, shot in the knee; but taking him up we found he had life: which Mosco seeing, never was dog more furious against a bear, than Mosco was to beat out his brains. So we had him to our boat where our Chirurgian [A. Bagnall], who went with us to cure our Captain’s hurt of the stingray, so dressed this savage that within an hour after he looked somewhat cheerfully and did eat and speak. In the mean time we contented Mosco in helping him to gather up their arrows, which were an armful; whereof he gloried not a little.

“Then we desired Mosco to know what he was and what countries were beyond the mountains; the poor savage mildly answered, he and all with him were of Hassininga, where there are three kings more, like unto them, namely the King of Stegora, the King of Tauxsintania and the King of Shakahonea, that were come to Mohaskahod, which is only a hunting town, and the bounds betwixt the Kingdom of the Mannahocks and the Nandtaughtacunds, but hard by where we were.

“We demanded why they came in that manner to betray us, that came to them in peace and to seek their loves; he answered, they heard we were a people come from under the world, to take their world from them.

“We asked him how many worlds he did know; he replied, he knew no more but that which was under the sky that covered him, which were the Powhatans, with the Monacans and the Massawomeks that were higher up in the mountains.

“Then we asked him what was beyond the mountains, he answered the sun; but of anything else he knew nothing because the woods were not burnt. [A foot note says ‘they cannot travel but where the woods are burnt.’]

“These and many such questions were demanded concerning the Massawomecks, the Monacans, their own country and where were the kings of Stegora, Tauxsintania and the rest. The Monacans, he said, were their neighbors and friends, and did dwell as they in the hilly countries by small rivers, living upon roots and fruits, but chiefly by hunting. The Massawomeks did well upon a great water, and had many boats, and so many men that they made war with all the world. For their kings, they were gone every one a several way with their men on hunting. But those with him came thither a fishing till they saw us, notwithstanding they would be all together at night at Mahaskahod.

“For his relation we gave him many toys, with persuations to go with us: and he as earnestly desired us to stay the coming of those kings that for his good usage should be friends with us, for he was brother to Hassininga. But Mosco advised us presently to be gone, for they were all naught; yet we told him we would not till it was night. All things we made ready to entertain what came, and Mosco was as diligent in trimming his arrows.

“The night being come we all embarked, for the river was so narrow, had it been light the land on the one side was so high they might have done us exceeding much mischief. All this while the King of Hassininga was seeking the rest, and had consultation a good time what to do. But by their spies seeing we were gone, it was not long before we heard their arrows dropping on every side the boat; we caused our savages to call unto them, but such a yelling and hallowing they made that they heard nothing, but now and then [we shot off] a piece, aiming so near as we could where we heard the most voices. Moor than twelve miles they followed us in this manner; then the day appearing, we found ourselves in a broad bay out of danger of their shot, where we came to an anchor, and fell to breakfast. Not so much as speaking to them till the sun was risen.

“Being well refreshed, we untied our targets that covered us as a deck, and all showed ourselves with those shields on our arms, and swords in our hands, and also our prisoner Amoroleck. A long discourse there was betwixt his countrymen and him, how good we were, how well we used him, how we had a Patawomek with us [who] loved us as his life that would have slain him had we not preserved him, and that he should have his liberty would they be his friends; and to do us any hurt it was impossible.

“Upon this they all hung their bows and quivers upon the trees, and one came swimming aboard us with a bow tied on his head, and another with a quiver of arrows, which they delivered our Captain as a present: the Captain having used them so kindly as he could told them the other three Kings should do the like, and then the great King of our world should be their friend; whose men we were. It was no sooner demanded than performed, so upon a low moorish point of land we went to the shore, where those four Kings came and received Amoroleck: nothing they had but bows, arrows, tobacco-bags and pipes: when we desired, none refused to give us, wondering at everything we had, and heard we had done: Our pistols they took for pipes, which they much desired, but we did content them with other commodities. And so we left four or five hundred of our merry Mannahocks singing, dancing and making merry and set sale for Moraughtacund.

“In our returns we visited all our friends, that rejoiced much at our victory against the Mannahocks, who many times had wars also with them, but now they were friends; and desired we should be friends with the Rapahanocks. Our Captain told them, they had twice assaulted him that came only in love to do them good, and, therefore, now he would burn all their houses, destroy their corn, and forever hold them his enemies till they made him satisfaction. They desired to know what that should be. He told them they should present him the King’s bow and arrows, and not offer to come armed where he was; that they should be friends with the Moraughtacunds, his friends, and give him their King’s son in pledge to perform it: and then all King James and his men should be their friends. Upon this they presently sent to the Rapahanocks to meet him at the place where they first fought where would be the Kings of Nantantacund and Pissassac: which according to their promise were there so soon as we; where Rapahanock presented his bow and arrows, and confirmed all we desired, except his son, having no more but him he could not live without him, but instead of his son he would give him the three women Moraughtacund had stolen. This was accepted: and so in three or four canoes so many as could went with us to Moraughtacund, where Mosco made them such relations, and gave to his friends so many bows and arrows, that they no less loved him than admired us. The three women were brought our Captain, to each he gave a chain of beads: and then causing Moraughtacund, Mosco and Rapahanock stand before him, bid Rapahanock take her he loved best, and Moraughtacund choose next, and to Mosco he gave the third. Upon this away went their canoes over the water, to fetch their venison, and all the provision they could; and they that wanted boats swam over the river. The dark [darkness] commanded us then to rest.

“The next day there was of men, women and children, as we conjectured, six or seven hundred, dancing and singing; and not a bow nor arrow seen amongst them. Mosco changed his name to Uttasantasough, which we interpret stranger, for so they call us. All promising ever to be our friends and to plant corn purposely for us; and we to provide hatchets, beads and copper for them, we departed; giving them a volley of shot, and they us as loud shouts and cries as their strengths could utter.”

This account of Capt. Smith’s exploration of the Rappahannock river, and the country bordering on the stream is highly interesting for three reasons. It shows beyond dispute, we think, that Capt. Smith and his little band were the first white men to tread the soil where is now located the city of Fredericksburg. It gives us a complete history of the voyage, so that we may become his travelling companions as he ascends the river, encounters the Indians, prospects for gold and other rich deposits in the earth about the falls; also as he descends the river and calls the Indian kings together, makes friends of them, settles differences between them and their tribes and sails out of the river loaded with provisions, carrying with him their promise that they will raise more for him in the future. It gives us the names of many of the tribes of Indians, on the Rappahannock, their kings, towns and other places, so that we may look at his map of Virginia and locate many of them. It informs us that Richard Fetherstone, who accompanied Smith, was taken sick and died while he was here and was buried in the vicinity of Fredericksburg, he being the first white man to find sepulture in this part of Virginia.

The locations of the following places, found on Smith’s map of Virginia, and mentioned in this work, will be of interest to many, and especially to those who are familiar with the country. They seem to be located as follows: Secobeck was just west of the city’s almshouse: Massauteck was located just back of Chatham; Fetherstone’s bay is in Stafford, opposite the upper end of Hunter’s Island; Accoqueck was near R. Innis Taylor’s residence; Sockbeck was in the neighborhood of J. Bowie Gray’s; Anasheroans were about Moss Neck; King Nandtaughtacund lived near Port Royal; King Cultatawoman was located in Stafford, just below Snowdon; King Pissassack was located in Westmoreland county, near Leedstown; King Tapahanock lived in the upper part of Lancaster county; Mahakahod was about the line of Stafford and Culpeper counties; Hassininga was about Indian Town in Orange county; Stegara was in the upper part of Orange, on the Rapid Ann river; and Tauxuntania was located near the foot of the Blue Ridge mountains.

The several towns at and near the falls of the river made it a general rendezvous of all tribes for this part of Virginia. It was a favorite place at which to meet for hunting, fishing and other sports, as was the case when Smith reached here. It is more than probable that the beautiful and fascinating Pocahontas, who saved the life of John Smith and who captivated the bold and fearless Rolfe, spent some time at this point, in her journeyings, resting here and feasting her youthful eyes upon the magnificent scenery of the Rappahannock falls, and engaging in the sports and pastimes of her distinguished father’s subjects.

We are told[4] that in 1611 she was entrusted by her father, Powhatan, to Chief Japazaws, who carried her to his home on the Potomac river, where she lived some time in retirement—that is, away from the stirring scenes around Jamestown. It is not, therefore, unreasonable to suppose that much of the time she was with Japazaws was spent at this point, the favorite gathering place of all the tribes at the different seasons of the year.

Why Pocahontas left her home for the protection of Japazaws is not positively known. Howe thinks Powhatan was preparing for a great war with the new settlers and wanted to get his daughter away from danger and the exposure and discomfort that would result from such a conflict. Stith gives no reason, “except it was to withdraw herself from being a witness to the frequent butcheries of the English, whose folly and rashness, after Smith’s departure, put it out of her power to save them.”

In the year 1612 Capt. Argall took a trip up the Potomac in search of corn and other supplies for the English settlers, fell in with the old chief and purchased the young princess from him, the price agreed upon being a copper kettle, which was readily given. This prize Argall took to Jamestown, where he hoped to receive a considerable sum from Powhatan for her redemption, but the old King became very angry and refused to pay anything, but declared he preferred to fight for her. The young princess afterwards married Capt. John Rolfe.

At what time the first settlement was made at Fredericksburg is unknown, but it must have been at a very early date. It is more than likely that it was one of the many plantations that dotted the banks of our principal rivers in the early settlement of the country, for, in 1622, John Smith proposed to the London Company “to protect all their planters from the James to the Potomac”[5] which territory must have included one or more plantations on the Rappahannock river, because it lies immediately between the James and Potomac rivers and is the largest stream between those two rivers. And if there was a plantation on the Rappahannock it was, no doubt, in the neighborhood of Fredericksburg. John Smith had visited the place twelve years before and had found it “beautiful and inviting” and an excellent place for a settlement, and possibly he recommended and procured the location of a plantation in this vicinity.

But, whether or not this supposition be true, we know that the Rappahannock falls some years afterwards became a point of considerable interest and steps were taken to fortify and defend it; and for that purpose a fort was ordered to be built here in 1676 to protect settlers from the incursions of the Indians, who continued troublesome, which was garrisoned by quite a number of men. “At a grand assemblie held at James cittie, between the 20th of September, 1674, and the 17th of March, 1675,” it was ordered that “One hundred and eleven men out of Gloucester be garrisoned at one ffort or place of defence, at or near the ffalls of Rappahannock River, of which ffort Major Lawrence Smith to be Captain or Chiefe Commander,” and that the fort be furnished with “ffour hundred and eighty pounds of powder and ffourteen hundred and fforty three pounds of Shott.”[6]

This fort, it seems, was not constructed that year, but in 1679, Major Lawrence Smith, upon his own suggestion, was authorized to settle or “seate down at or near said fort by the last day of March, 1681,” which we are informed he did, and to have in readiness, on all occasions at the beating of a drum, fifty able men, well armed, with sufficient ammunition, and two hundred more within the space of a mile along the river, prepared always to march twenty miles in any direction from the fort; and it was stipulated that should they be obliged to go more than twenty miles distance, they were to be paid for their time thus employed at the rate paid to other “soulders.” He was also empowered “to execute Martiall discipline” among the fifty “souldiers so put in arms,” both in times of war and peace, and with “two others of said privileged place,” he was to hear and determine all cases, civil and criminal, that should arise in said limits, as a county court might do, and to make by-laws for the same. These military settlers were privileged from arrest for any debts except those due the King and those contracted among themselves, and were free from taxes and levies except from those laid within their own limits.

This fort was not named by the act authorizing its construction, and if any was given it after its completion, it does not appear in the histories or records at our disposal. It is quite likely it had some designation, if nothing more than the Rappahannock fort—Smith’s fort on the Rappahannock—and it may have been known by one or the other until the place was laid out for a town and received its present name. Or it may have been known as “The Lease Land,” the designation it had when it was incorporated forty-six years afterwards.

It has been suggested, and believed by some few to be true, that this fort was built at Germanna, about eighteen miles above the Rappahannock falls, but this claim cannot be maintained. It is known that all of these plantations and military stations were located on navigable rivers and were reached and communicated with mostly, if not exclusively, by sail vessels, and it is not reasonable to suppose that this fort was located eighteen miles above tidewater, where it could not be reached by such vessels. In addition to this objection, it may be added that the “gallant cavalier, Governor Spotswood, at the head of the chivalry of Virginia,” never made his dash above the falls to the “blue ridge of mountains” until the year 1720[7] [1716 is the correct date], nearly fifty years after the construction of the fort at or near the falls.

Besides this, Governor Spotswood did not come to Virginia as Governor until the year 1710. After coming to this country he became possessed of lands on the Rappahannock, at the mouth of Massaponax run, and from there up the ridge, west of Fredericksburg, to the Rapidan river at Germanna. We do not know when he became possessed of these lands, but it is known that he built a wharf near the mouth of Massaponax run and opened the ridge road from there to Germanna, now called Mine Road, over which he hauled his iron ore for shipment. And so it was said, and it was true, that he could go from his wharf on the Rappahannock to Germanna on the Rapidan on his own lands without crossing a stream.

Germanna was settled in April, 1714, thirty-eight years after this fort was built and thirty-four years before Governor Spotswood came to Virginia. It was settled by twelve German families, who had been induced by Governor Spotswood to come over from Germany to develop the iron and silver mines he desired opened on his land, recently acquired by him, several miles above the falls. These were the first iron mines opened and operated in this new country, and being the first worker in iron gave him the honorable appellation of the “Tubal Cain of America.”

The Free Bridge over the Rappahannock River to Stafford Heights.
(See [page 171])

The City Court House and Clerk’s Office.
(See [page 142])

It has been a tradition held by some that the Germans, who settled Germanna, came to this country as paupers, and when they landed at Tappahannock, where their vessel anchored, they were unable to pay their passage and were virtually sold to Governor Spotswood for a term of years, he to pay the passage money and furnish the land upon which they were to settle. It is further said that he induced them to settle on the river, above Fredericksburg, where they built small huts, called the place Germanna and opened the mines which proved so remunerative to the Governor.

Much of this statement, however, is denied by the descendants of these pioneers, who resent the charge of pauperism and show that these first settlers were men of education, were skilled miners, and that they came to this country under contract with Governor Spotswood, bringing with them letters of commendation from gentlemen of influence and official position.

From a paper prepared, and left to posterity, by Rev. James Kemper, a grandson of the emigrant, John Kemper,[8] we are able to cull some interesting facts connected with these people, who became neighbors and friends of the early settlers of Fredericksburg, and many of whose descendants are now among us.

These Germans “did not ‘happen’ to come to Virginia, but came upon the invitation of the Baron de Graffureid, who was a friend to Governor Spotswood, and for the express purpose of developing the iron ore deposits discovered by the latter upon his lands in the present county of Spotsylvania. These people came from the town of Müsen, which was then in the old province of Nassau Siegen, Westphalia, Germany. At Müsen there is an iron mine which has been worked since the early part of the fourteenth century, and is operated to this day. They were skilled workers in iron and steel from the Müsen mines and built the old furnace in Spotsylvania county.”

These pioneers remained at Germanna until about 1720, when, owing to some difference with Governor Spotswood, they removed to what is now Fauquier county, then Stafford, later Prince William, and in 1759 the portion they settled became Fauquier. They settled about nine miles south of Warrenton on a small stream called Licking Run and named the place Germantown—thus keeping up the German identity,—which is one mile north of Madison station on the Southern railroad.

Rev. James Kemper, in the paper referred to, says the first year they were in Germantown they “packed all of their provisions from Fredericksburg on their heads and raised their first crop with their hoes, in both of which the women bore a part.” This shows that the village, afterwards called Fredericksburg, was the trading place of the country above the falls at that period.

The names of the twelve men who, with their families, settled Germanna, are John Kemper, John Huffman, Jacob Holtzclaw, Tillman Weaver, John Fishback, Harman Fishback, Harman Utterback, John Joseph Martin, Peter Hitt, Jacob Coons, —— Wayman and —— Hanback. The Rev. Henry Hagen was their minister.

These people were picked men for a special purpose, to do that which no one then in Virginia could do—manufacture iron. Their descendants are scattered all over this country and have filled high positions in the Army and Navy, as well as in State and Church. They did two things worthy of note: They laid the foundation of the German Reformed Church in the United States,[9] and also the iron and steel industry, which now requires billions of dollars to carry on successfully, and both of these were done at Germanna, in Spotsylvania county, Virginia.

It has also been contended that the fort, built near the falls of the Rappahannock river, was constructed on the north side of the river and that the place where Falmouth now stands was the center of the military district.[10] This assertion is not substantiated by any record we have seen, and we are not prepared, in the absence of proof, to accept it.

There are two reasons which may be given which, we think, will show that the site of Falmouth would have been an improper and unsafe location for the fort, both of which would have suggested themselves to the constructors of the fort. One is, that the place is on the bend of the river and is surrounded by high hills, now known as Stafford Heights. From the crest of these hills the fort could have been attacked by the enemy and captured by any small force. And if it had not been captured the elevation would have given the Indians great advantage over the garrison, making their arrows very effective. To have placed the fort on either one of the high hills would have thrown the garrison too far from the river to protect their sail vessels, and in case they had been compelled to give up the fort they could not have reached their vessels in the river, which, in the past, had proved a safer refuge than the poorly constructed forts of that day.

The other reason is, that to have constructed the fort on the north side of the river would have placed the almost impassable Rappahannock between the garrison and their remote friends on the south side, from whom alone they could look for relief in case they had been besieged, or if they had been compelled to retreat.

For these reasons, if for no other, we are satisfied that the fort was not located on the north side of the river, but on the south side and in the vicinity of where Fredericksburg now stands.

But this author, in speaking of the fort, says “not one stone or brick of the fort is left on another, but the terraces on the long hill back of the riverside houses still bear traces of ancient work.” But this does not prove the contention.

It should be remembered that forts were not constructed in those times of stones and bricks, nor even of earthen walls, as they have since been, but of wooden poles or logs, and very temporary at that. John Fontaine gives a minute description of the fort built by the Germans at Germanna in the year 1714, which will help us to understand what a fort was in those days.

“We walked about the town, which is palisaded with stakes stuck in the ground, and laid close the one to the other, and of substance to bear out a mussket-shot. There are but nine families, and they have nine houses, built all in a line; and before every house, about twenty feet distant from it, they have small sheds built for their hogs and hens, so that the hog-sties and houses make a street. The place that is poled in is a pentagon, very regularly laid out; and in the very center there is a block-house, made with five sides, which answer to the five sides of the great enclosure; there are loop holes through it, from which you may see all the inside of the enclosure. This was intended for a retreat for the people, in case they were not able to defend the palisadoes, if attacked by the Indians.”[11] Col. Byrd, in 1732, called this a fort.

CHAPTER II

THE KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN HORSE SHOE.

Governor Spotswood and Others Start on an Expedition over the Blue Ridge Mountains—They Pass Through what is now Fredericksburg—They Join Others at Germanna, where they make Extensive Preparations—The Country Rough and the Woods Dense—Bears, Deer, Turkeys, Squirrels and Snakes Plentiful—The Summit of the Mountain Reached—The Sublime Scene—The Health of the King Drank and the Country Taken Possession of in His Name—The Shenandoah River, &c.

Two years after the settlement of Germanna Governor Spotswood visited the place, in company with gentlemen and others who were to accompany him in his famous expedition over the Blue Ridge mountains, which has been the theme of the writers of song and story, and upon which has recently been founded a secret benevolent order. So much has been written about this expedition, in this country and in Europe, into which so much romance has been woven, and yet so little is known about it by the general public, at the expense of length and tediousness to the reader of the narrative, we propose to give John Fontaine’s[12] diary, written daily as they progressed on the journey, from the time he left Williamsburg with the Governor, until he returned to that city, that we may be thoroughly informed of all the particulars. The expedition was made in August and September, 1716, and the following is John Fontaine’s diary:

Williamsburg, 20th August, 1716.—In the morning got my horses ready, and what baggage was necessary, and I waited on the Governor who was in readiness for an expedition over the Appalachian mountains. We breakfasted and about ten got on horseback, and, at four came to the Brickhouse, upon York River, where we crossed the ferry and at six came to Mr. Austin Moore’s house[13] on Mattapony River, in King William County; here we lay all night and were well entertained.

21st.—Fair weather. At ten we set out from Mr. Moore’s, and crossed the river of Mattapony, and continued on the road, and were on horseback till nine of the clock at night, before we came to Mr. Robert Beverley’s house where we were well entertained, and remained this night.

22nd.—At nine in the morning we set out from Mr. Beverley’s. The Governor left his chaise here, and mounted his horse. The weather fair, we continued on our journey until we came to Mr. Woodford’s where we lay, and were well entertained. This house lies on Rappahannock River ten miles below the falls.

23rd.—Here we remained all this day, and diverted ourselves and rested our horses.

24th.—In the morning, at seven, we mounted our horses and came to Austin Smith’s house[14] about ten, where we dined, and remained till about one of the clock, when we set out, and about nine of the clock we came to the German-town, where we rested that night—bad beds and indifferent entertainment.

German-town, 25th.—After dinner we went to see the mines, but I could not observe that there was any good mine. The Germans pretend that it is a silver mine; we took some of the ore and endeavored to run it, but could get nothing out of it, and I am of opinion it will not come to anything, no, not as much as lead. Many of the gentlemen of the county are concerned in this work. We returned and to our hard beds.

26th.—At seven we got up, and several gentlemen of the country, that were to meet the Governor at this place for the expedition, arrived here, as also two companies of Rangers, consisting each of six men, and an officer. Four Meherrin Indians also came.[15] In the morning I diverted myself with other gentlemen shooting at a mark. At twelve we dined, and after dinner we mounted our horses and crossed the Rappahannoc River that runs by this place, and went to find out some convenient place for our horses to feed in, and to view the land hereabouts. Our guide left us, and we went so far in the woods that we did not know the way back again; and so we hallowed and fired our guns. Half an hour after sunset the guide came to us, and we went to cross the river by a ford higher up. The descent to the river being steep, and the night dark, we were obliged to dismount and lead our horses down to the river side, which was very troublesome. The bank being very steep, the greatest part of our company went into the water to mount their horses, where they were up to the crotch in the water. After we had forded the river and came to the other side, where the bank was steep also, in going up, the horse of one of our company slipped and fell back into the river on the top of his rider, but he received no other damage than being heartily wet, which made sport for the rest. A hornet stung one of the gentlemen in the face which swelled prodigiously. About ten we came to the town, where we supped, and to bed.

27th.—We got our tents in order, and our horses shod. About twelve I was taken with a violent headache and pains in all my bones, so that I was obliged to lie down, and was very bad that day.

28th.—About one in the morning I was taken with a violent fever, which abated about six at night, and I began to take the bark, and had one ounce divided into eight doses, and took two of them by ten of the clock that night. The fever abated, but I had great pains in my head and bones.

29th.—In the morning we got all things in readiness, and about one we left the German-town to set out on our intended journey. At five in the afternoon, the Governor gave orders to encamp near a small river, three miles from Germanna, which we called Expedition Run, and here we lay all night. The first encampment was called Beverley Camp, in honor of one of the gentlemen of our party. We made great fires, and supped, and drank good punch. By ten of the clock I had taken all of my ounce of Jesuit’s Bark, but my head was much out of order.

30th.—In the morning about seven of the clock, the trumpet sounded to awake all the company, and we got up. One Austin Smith, one of the gentlemen with us, having a fever, returned home. We had lain upon the ground under cover of our tents, and we found by the pains in our bones that we had not had good beds to lie upon. At nine in the morning, we sent our servants and baggage forward, and we remained, because two of the Governor’s horses had strayed. At half past two we got the horses, at three we mounted, and at half an hour after four, we came up with our baggage at a small river, three miles on the way, which we called Mine River, because there was an appearance of a silver mine by it. We made about three miles more, and came to another small river, which is at the foot of a small mountain, so we encamped here and called it Mountain Run, and our camp we called Todd’s Camp. We had good pasturage for our horses, and venison in abundance for ourselves which we roasted before the fire upon wooden forks, and so we went to bed in our tents. Made 6 miles this day.

31st.—At eight in the morning we set out from Mountain Run, and after going five miles we came upon the upper part of Rappahannoc River. One of the gentlemen and I, we kept on one side of the company about a mile, to have the better hunting. I saw a deer, and shot him from my horse, but the horse threw me a terrible fall and ran away; we ran after, and with a great deal of difficulty got him again; but we could not find the deer I had shot, and we lost ourselves, and it was two hours before we could come upon the track of our company. About five miles further we crossed the same river again, and two miles further we met with a large bear, which one of our company shot, and I got the skin. We killed several deer, and about two miles from the place where we killed the bear, we encamped upon Rappahannock River. From our encampment we could see the Appalachian Hills very plain. We made large fires, pitched our tents, and cut bows to lie upon, had good liquor, and at ten we went to sleep. We always kept a sentry at the Governor’s door. We called this Smith’s Camp. Made this day fourteen miles.

1st September.—At eight we mounted our horses, and made the first five miles of our way through a very pleasant plain, which lies where Rappahannock River forks. I saw there the largest timber, the finest and deepest mould, and the best grass that I ever did see.[16] We had some of our baggage put out of order, and our company dismounted, by hornets stinging the horses. This was some hindrance, and did a little damage, but afforded a great deal of diversion. We killed three bears this day, which exercised the horses as well as the men. We saw two foxes but did not pursue them; we killed several deer. About five of the clock, we came to a run of water at the foot of a hill, where we pitched our tents. We called the encampment Dr. Robinson’s Camp, and the river Blind Run. We had good pasturage for our horses, and every one was cook for himself. We made our beds with bushes as before. On this day we made 13 miles.

2nd.—At nine we were all on horseback and after riding about five miles we crossed Rappahannoc river,[17] almost at the head, where it is very small. We had a rugged way; we passed over a great many small runs of water, some of which were deep, and others very miry. Several of our company were dismounted, some were down with their horses, others under their horses, and some thrown off. We saw a bear running down a tree, but it being Sunday we did not endeavor to kill anything. We encamped at five by a small river we called White Oak River,[18] and called our Camp Taylor’s Camp.

3rd.—About eight we were on horseback, and about ten we came to a thicket, so tightly laced together, that we had a great deal of trouble to get through; our baggage was injured, our clothes torn all to rags, and the saddles and holsters also torn. About five of the clock we encamped almost at the head of James River,[19] just below the great mountains. We called this camp Colonel Robertson’s Camp. We made all this day but eight miles.

4th.—We had two of our men sick with the measles, and one of our horses poisoned with a rattlesnake. We took the heaviest of our baggage, our tired horses, and the sick men, and made as convenient a lodge for them as we could, and left people to guard them, and hunt for them. We had finished this work by twelve, and so we went out. The sides of the mountains were so full of vines and briers, that We were forced to clear most of the way before us. We crossed one of the small mountains this side of the Appalachian, and from the top of it we had a fine view of the plains below. We were obliged to walk up the most of the way, there being an abundance of loose stones on the side of the hill. I killed a large rattlesnake here, and the other people killed three more. We made about four miles and so came to the side of James River, where a man may jump over it, and there we pitched our tents. As the people were lighting the fire, there came out of a large log of wood a prodigious snake, which they killed; so this camp was called Rattlesnake Camp, but it was otherwise called Brook’s Camp.

5th.—A fair day. At nine we were mounted; we were obliged to have axe-men to clear the way in some places. We followed the windings of James River, observing that it came from the very top of the mountains. We killed two rattlesnakes during our ascent. In some places it was very steep, in others it was so that we could ride up. About one of the clock we got to the top of the mountain; about four miles and a half, and we came to the very head spring of James River, where it runs no bigger than a man’s arm, from under a large stone. We drank King George’s health and all the Royal Family’s at the very top of the Appalachian mountains. About a musket-shot from the spring is another, which rises and runs down on the other side; it goes westward, and we thought we could go down that way, but we met with such prodigious precipices, that we were obliged to return to the top again. We found some trees which had been formerly marked, I suppose, by the Northern Indians, and following these trees, we found a good, safe descent. Several of the company were for returning; but the Governor persuaded them to continue on. About five we were down on the other side, and continued our way for about seven miles further, until we came to a large river, by the side of which we encamped. We made this day fourteen miles. I, being somewhat more curious than the rest, went on a high rock on the top of the mountain, to see fine prospects, and I lost my gun. We saw, when we were over the mountains, the footing of elks and buffaloes, and their beds. We saw a vine which bore a sort of wild cucumber; and a shrub with a fruit like unto a currant. We eat very good wild grapes. We called this place Spotswood Camp, after our Governor.

“Mary Washington House,” home of Mary, the Mother of Washington, and
where she died in 1789; now the property of the A. P. of V. A.
(See [page 157])

“Federal Hill,” home of Thomas Reade Rootes, Gov. Brooke,
etc.; now the residence of Mrs. H. Theodore Wight.
(See [page 153])

6th.—We crossed the river, which we called Euphrates.[20] It is very deep; the main course of the water is North; it is fourscore yards wide in the narrowest part. We drank some healths on the other side, and returned; after which I went a swimming in it. We could not find any fordable place, except the one by which we crossed, and it was deep in several places. I got some grass hoppers and fished; and another and I, we caught a dish of fish, some perch, and a fish they called chub. The others went a hunting, and killed deer and turkeys. The Governor had graving irons, but could not grave anything, the stones were so hard, I graved my name on a tree by the river side; and the Governor buried a bottle with a paper enclosed, on which he writ that he took possession of this place in the name and for King George the First of England.[21] We had a good dinner, and after it we got the men together, and loaded all their arms, and we drank the King’s health in Champagne, and fired a volley—the Princess’s health in Burgundy, and fired a volley, and all the rest of the Royal Family in Claret, and a volley. We had several sorts of liquors, viz: Virginia red wine and white wine, Irish usquebaugh, brandy, shrub, two sorts of rum, champagne, canary, cherry, punch, water, cider, &c.

I sent two of the rangers to look for my gun, which I dropped in the mountains; they found it, and brought it to me at night, and I gave them a pistole for their trouble. We called the highest mountain Mount George, and the one we crossed over Mount Spotswood.

7th.—At seven in the morning we mounted our horses, and parted with the rangers, who were to go further on, and we returned homewards; we repassed the mountains, and at five in the afternoon we came to Hospital Camp, where we left our sick men, and heavy baggage and we found all things well and safe. We camped here, and called it Captain Clouder’s Camp.

8th.—At nine we were all on horseback. We saw several bears and deer, and killed some wild turkeys. We encamped at the side of a run, and called the place Mason’s Camp. We had good forage for our horses, and we lay as usual. Made twenty miles this day.

9th.—We set out at nine of the clock, and before twelve we saw several bears, and killed three. One of them attacked one of our men that was riding after him, and narrowly missed him; he tore his things that he had behind him from off the horse, and would have destroyed him, had he not had immediate help from the other men and our dogs. Some of the dogs suffered severely in this engagement. At two we crossed one of the branches of the Rappahannock River, and at five we encamped on the side of the Rapid Ann, on a tract of land that Mr. Beverley hath design to take up. We made, this day, twenty-three miles, and called this Captain Smith’s Camp. We eat part of one of the bears, which tasted very well, and would be good, and might pass for veal, if one did not know what it was. We were very merry, and diverted ourselves with our adventures.

10th.—At eight we were on horseback, and about ten, as we were going up a small hill, Mr. Beverley and his horse fell down, and they both rolled to the bottom; but there were no bones broken on either side. At twelve as we were crossing a run of water, Mr. Clouder fell in, so we called this place Clouder’s Run. At one we arrived at a large spring, where we dined and drank a bowl of punch. We called this Fontaine’s Spring. About two we got on horseback, and at four we reached Germanna. The Governor thanked the gentlemen for their assistance in the expedition. Mr. Mason left us here. I went at five to swim in the Rappahannock River, and returned to the town.

11th.—After breakfast all our company left us, excepting Dr. Robinson and Mr. Clouder. We walked all about the town, and the Governor settled his business with the Germans here, and accommodated the minister and the people, and then to bed.

12th.—After breakfast went a fishing in the Rappahannock, and took seven fish, which we had for dinner; after which Mr. Robinson and I, we endeavored to melt some ore in the Smith’s forge, but could get nothing out of it. Dr. Robinson’s and Mr. Clouder’s boys were taken violently ill with fever. Mr. Robinson and Mr. Clouder left us, and the boys remained behind.

13th.—About eight of the clock we mounted our horses, and went to the mine, where we took several pieces of ore; and at nine we set out from the mine, our servants having gone before; and about three we overtook them in the woods, and there the Governor and I dined. We mounted afterwards and continued on our road. I killed a black snake about five feet long. We arrived at Mr. Woodford’s[22] on Rappahannoc River, about six, and remained there all night.

14th.—At seven we sent our horses and baggage before us; and at ten we mounted our horses; we killed another snake, four feet nine inches long. At twelve we came to the church, where we met with Mr. Buckner, and remained till two, to settle some county business; then we mounted our horses, and saw several wild turkeys on the road; and at seven we reached Mr. Beverley’s house, which is on the head of the Mattapony River, where we were well entertained. My boy was taken with a violent fever, and very sick.

15th.—At seven my servant was some what better, and I sent him away with my horses, and about ten o’clock the Governor took his chaise, and I with him, and at twelve we came to a mill-dam, which we had great difficulty to get the chaise over. We got into it again, and continued on our way, and about five we arrived at Mr. Baylor’s, where we remained all night.

16th.—My servant was so sick, that I was obliged to leave him, and the Governor’s servants took care of my horses. At ten we sent the chaise over the Mattapony River, and it being Sunday, we went to church in King William County, where we heard a sermon from Mr. Monroe. After sermon we continued our journey until we came to Mr. West’s plantation, where Colonel Basset waited for the Governor with his pinnace, and other boats for his servants. We arrived at his house by five of the clock, and were nobly entertained.

17th.—At ten we left Colonel Basset’s, and at three we arrived at Williamsburg, where we dined together and went to my lodgings, and to bed, being well tired as well as my horses.

I reckon that from Williamsburg to the Euphrates River is in all 219 miles, so that our journey, going and coming, has been in all 438 miles.

CHAPTER III

Fredericksburg Incorporated by Law—Col. Byrd Walks About Town—Church Erected—Patrick Henry Rector—Augustine Washington a Trustee—Fairs Inaugurated—Limits of the Town Extended, &c.

Although the site upon which Fredericksburg now stands was settled by white men, possibly in 1622, in the location of plantations by the London Company referred to by Capt. John Smith, and certainly in 1681 by the construction of Major Lawrence Smith’s fort, yet the town was not incorporated for many years thereafter. That it was a trading station and a place of importance before its incorporation is admitted in the act of incorporation itself, besides earlier writers refer to it as such. If the inquiry should be made as to why the town was not incorporated earlier if it was a place of importance, it might be answered with the fact that prior to that time the authorities did not seem to think it was necessary, as neither Richmond, Petersburg, Norfolk nor Alexandria was incorporated for several years after Fredericksburg had a legal existence.

Fredericksburg was founded by law in 1727 and named for Frederick, Prince of Wales, son of George the Second, by which act the people of the town showed their attachment to the royal family of England. But this was not all; they emphasized that attachment by calling nearly every street in the original survey of the town after some member of the royal family or of some country to which English royalty was closely allied. Sophia street was named for the sister of George II; Caroline for his wife; Princess Anne for one of his daughters, and Prince Edward for his grandson. The cross streets were named, Princess Elizabeth for a daughter of George II; Frederick for his oldest son; William for his second son, and Amelia for a daughter. George was named for the King himself; Charlotte for the wife of George III; Hanover for the House of Hanover, and Prussia for the country of Prussia. This includes every street in the original survey except Charles and Wolfe. We do not know for whom these two streets were named, and we think the evidence is very clear that they were not laid out as streets at the time of the original survey.

The act of the House of Burgesses, establishing Fredericksburg, in which are preserved as near as possible the form, orthography, punctuation and capitalization, is as follows:

I. Whereas great Numbers of People have of late seated themselves and their Families upon and near the River Rappahannock, and the Branches thereof above the Falls, and great Quantities of Tobacco and other Commodities are every Year brought down to the upper Landings upon the said River to be shipped off and transported to other Parts of the Country and it is necessary that the poorer Part of the said Inhabitants should be supplied from thence with Goods and Merchandise in return for their Commodities, but for Want of some convenient Place, where Traders may cohabit and bring their Goods to, such Supplies are not to be had without great Disadvantages, and good Houses are greatly wanted on some navigable Part of said River, near the Falls for the Reception of safe keeping of such Commodities as are brought thither and for the Entertainment and Sustenance of those who repair thither from remote Places with Carriages drawn by Horses and Oxen; and forasmuch as the Inhabitants of the County of Spotsylvania have made humble Supplication to the General Assembly that a Town may be laid out in some convenient Place near the Falls of said River, for the cohabitation of such as are minded to reside there for the purposes aforesaid, whereby the peopling of that remote Part of the county will be encouraged, and Trade and Navigation may be increased:

II. BE it enacted, by the Lieutenant Governor, Council, and Burgesses, of this present General Assembly, and it is hereby enacted, by the Authority of the same, that within six Months after the passing of this Act fifty Acres of Land, Parcel of a Tract of Land belonging to John Royston and Robert Buckner, of the County of Gloucester, situate, lying and being upon the South Side of the River Rappahannock aforesaid in the County of Spotsylvania commonly called or known by the Name of the Lease Land, shall be surveyed and laid out, taking the whole Breadth of the Tract of Land upon the River, by the Surveyor of the said County of Spotsylvania; and the said fifty Acres of Land, so to be surveyed and laid out, shall be and is hereby vested in John Robinson, Esq; Henry Willis, Augustin Smith, John Taliaferro, Harry Beverley, John Waller, and Jeremiah Clowder, of the County of Spotsylvania, Gentlemen, and their Successors, in Trust, for the several purposes hereafter mentioned; and the said John Robinson, Henry Willis, Augustin Smith, John Taliaferro, Harry Beverley, John Waller and Jeremiah Clowder, are hereby constituted and appointed Directors and Trustees for designing, building, carrying on, and maintaining, a Town upon the said Land: And the said Directors and Trustees, or any four of them, shall have power to meet as often as they shall think necessary, and shall lay out the said fifty Acres in Lots and Streets, not exceeding Half an Acre of Ground in each Lot, and also to set apart such Portions of said Land for a Church and Church-Yard, a Market Place, and publick Key, and to appoint such Places upon the River for publick Landings, as they shall think most convenient, and, if the same shall be necessary, shall direct the making and erecting of Wharfs and Cranes at such publick Landings, for the publick Use. And when the said Town shall be so laid out the said Directors and Trustees shall have full Power and Authority to sell all the said Lots by publick Sale or Auction, from Time to Time, to the highest Bidder, so as no Person shall have more than Two Lots; and when such Lots shall be sold, any two of the said Trustees shall and may, upon Payment of the Purchase Money, by some sufficient Conveyance or Conveyances, Convey the Fee Simple, Estate of such Lot or Lots to the Purchaser or Purchasers: And he or they, or his or their Heirs and Assigns, respectively, shall and may for ever thereafter peaceably and quietly have, hold, possess, and enjoy, the same, freed and discharged of and from all Right, Title, Estate, Claim, Interest, and Demand whatsoever of the said John Royster and Robert Buckner and the Heirs and Assigns of them respectively, and of all Persons whatsoever claiming by, from, or under them or either of them.

III. PROVIDED nevertheless, that the said Directors and Trustees shall pay, or cause to be paid, unto the said John Royston and Robert Buckner, out of the Money to be raised by the Sale of the said Lots, as soon as the same shall be by them received, after the Rate of forty Shillings for every Acre of the said fifty Acres of Land, according to the Right which the said John Royston and Robert Buckner now respectively have to the same; and the said John Royston and Robert Buckner shall also have each of them two Lots, which shall be assigned to them by the said Directors and Trustees, and they shall respectively remain seized of such Lots of the same Estate whereof they were respectively seized in the said Land before the making of this Act.

IV. AND be it further enacted, by the Authority aforesaid, that after the said Lots shall be so laid out and disposed of, as aforesaid, the said Directors, or any four of them, shall have full Power and Authority to apply all the overplus Money which shall be raised by the Sale of the said Lots to such publick Use; for the common Benefit of the Inhabitants of the said Town, as to them shall seem best.

V. AND be it further enacted, by the Authority aforesaid, that the Grantee or Grantees of every such Lot or Lots, so to be conveyed and sold in the said Town, shall, within two Years next after the Date of the Conveyance for the same, erect, build, and finish, on each Lot so conveyed, one House, of Brick, Stone or Wood well framed, of the Dimensions of Twenty Feet square, and nine Feet Pitch at the least, or apportionably thereto, if such Grantee shall have two Lots contiguous; and the said Directors shall have full Power and Authority to establish such Rules and Orders, for the more regular placing the said Houses, as to them shall seem fit, from Time to Time. And if the Owner of any Lots shall fail to pursue and comply with the Directions herein prescribed, for the building and finishing one or more House or Houses thereon, then such Lots upon which such Houses shall not be so built and finished shall be revested in the said Trustees, and shall and may be sold and conveyed to any other Person or Persons whatsoever, in the Manner before directed, and shall revest, and be again sold, as often as the Owner or Owners shall fail to perform, obey, and fulfil, the Directions aforesaid; and if the Inhabitants of the said Town shall fail to obey and pursue the Rules and Orders of the said Directors, in repairing and amending the Streets, Landings, and publick Wharfs, they shall be liable to the same Penalties as are inflicted for not repairing the Highways of this Colony.

VI. AND for the continuing the Succession of the said Trustees and Directors, until the Governour of this Colony shall incorporate some other Persons by Letters Patents, under the Seal of this Colony, to be one Body Politick and Corporate, to whom the Government of the said Town shall be committed, Be it further enacted, that in Case of the Death of the said Directors, or of their Refusal to act, the surviving or other Directors, or the major Part of them, shall assemble, and are hereby Empowered, from Time to Time, by Instrument in Writing, under their respective Hands and Seals, to nominate some other Person or Persons, being an Inhabitant or Freeholder of the said Town, in the Place of him so dying or refusing; which new Director or Directors, so nominated and appointed, shall from thenceforth have the like Power and Authority, in all Things relating to the Matters herein contained, as if he or they had been expressly named and appointed in and by this Act, and every such Instrument and Nomination shall from Time to Time be recorded in the Books of the said Directors.

VII. AND whereas William Livingston is possessed of a Lease under the said John Royston, for certain Years to come, of Part of the said fifty Acres of Land, and hath erected buildings and made several Improvements thereon, which will be taken away when the said Town shall be laid out: For making Satisfaction for which,

VIII. BE it further enacted, that the two Lots to be assigned to the said John Royston, pursuant to this Act, shall include the Dwelling-House and Kitchen of the said William Livingston, and shall be held and enjoyed by him for the Residue of the said Term, and at the Expiration thereof shall revert unto, and be vested in, the said John Royston, as aforesaid; and, moreover, the said Trustees are hereby enjoined and required to pay unto the said William Livingston the Sum of twenty Pounds current Money out of the Monies arising by Sale of Lots, as a Consideration and Compensation for the said Lease.

IX. AND be it further enacted, that the Town aforesaid shall be called by the Name of Fredericksburg.

This act of incorporation which elevated the Lease Land into the town of Fredericksburg, was signed by William Gooch, Esq., Governor, and John Holliday, Speaker.

By the authority conferred upon the trustees of the town by the sixth section of the above act, the following paper was issued by the board of trustees, appointing Augustine Washington, the father of General George Washington, one of the trustees of the town. The original was presented to the town some years ago by one of the descendants of Augustine Washington, and is now preserved in the clerk’s office:

“Whereas, at a meeting of the Trustees of the town of Fredericksburg, April 6th 1742, according to directions of act of Assembly, Intitled an Act for erecting a Town in both of the counties of Spotsylvania and King George, To Supply the number of Trustees in the Room of those Gentlemen deceased, we have Unanimously made Choise of, and Elected, Augustine Washington, Gent., to be one of the Trustees or Feoffees for the town of Fredericksburg, in Spotsylvania county to fill up and compleat our full number and for confirming of the same We have according to Directions of the Sd Act, set our hands and seals, this 20th day of April, 1742.

John Taliaferro,
John Waller,
Ira Thornton,
John Allen,
Rob Jackson.”

In the year 1732 the seat of justice, which had been located at Germanna, where Governor Spotswood had settled, and where he started and operated the first iron works in this country, heretofore mentioned, was removed to Fredericksburg as a more convenient place. That change did not continue long, for, in 1749, the law was again changed and the court was moved back to Germanna, where it was held for several years, and until it was located at Holidays, thence to the old Courthouse and finally to Spotsylvania Courthouse, where it was held until abolished by the new Constitution.

Princess Anne Street looking East.

In 1732, five years after the town was established by law, Col. Byrd, then living on the James river, where Richmond now stands, made a visit to Fredericksburg. This visit was made at the time he made his trip to Germanna to see his old friend Governor Spotswood. While here Col. Byrd wrote a description of the new town to a friend as he saw it, as follows:

“Colonel Willis walked me about his new town of Fredericksburg. It is pleasantly situated on the south shore of the Rappahannock river, about a mile below the falls. Sloops may come and lie close to the wharf, within thirty yards of the public warehouse which is built in the figure of a cross. Just by the wharf is a quarry of white stone that is very soft in the ground, and hardens in the air, appearing to be as fair and fine grained as that of Portland. Besides that, there are several other quarries in the river bank, within the limits of the town, sufficient to build a large city. The only edifice of stone yet built is the prison, the walls of which are strong enough to hold Jack Sheppard, if he had been transported thither. Though this be a commodious and beautiful situation for a town, with the advantages of a navigable river, and wholesome air, yet the inhabitants are very few. Besides Colonel Willis, who is the top man of the place, there are only one merchant, a tailor, a smith, an ordinary-keeper, and a lady, Mrs. Livingston, who acts here in the double capacity of a doctress and a coffee-woman. It is said the courthouse and the church are going to be built here, and then both religion and justice will help to enlarge the place.”

The church spoken of was built soon after Col. Byrd’s visit. It was located on the lot where St. George’s church building now stands. It was a wooden structure, about thirty by forty feet, to which two additions were made as the town increased in population. The first addition was made to the side of the church, which gave the building the shape of a capital T, and the second one was made a few years afterwards on the opposite side, giving the building the form of a cross.

The first rector of the new church was Rev. Patrick Henry, uncle of the great Virginia orator, Patrick Henry. Mr. Henry remained rector for a short time, and was followed, in 1734, by Rev. James Marye, of Goochland county, who was the great great grandfather of our late honored fellow citizen, Gov. John L. Marye. Mr. Marye had charge of two churches within the parish, one located on the Po river and the other at Fredericksburg. His salary for the first year for the entire parish was discharged with sixteen thousand pounds of “farm tobacco.” St. George’s church is noticed more at length under the head of churches.

CATTLE AND MERCHANDISE FAIRS.

In the year 1738 a law was passed by the House of Burgesses authorizing and directing that “fairs should be held in Fredericksburg twice a year for the sale of cattle, provisions, goods, wares, and all kinds of merchandise whatever.” The act provided that all persons at such fairs, going to or from them, were privileged from arrest and execution during the fairs, and for two days before and two days after them, except for capital offences, breaches of the peace, or for any controversies, suits and quarrels that might arise during the time. These fairs were continued from time to time, by various acts and amendments, until 1769, when the right of holding them was made perpetual, they having proved a benefit to both town and county. We have no record as to when they ceased to be held and no citizen now living remembers to have attended one. They may have been changed into agricultural fairs, which are mentioned elsewhere.

ANOTHER SURVEY OF THE TOWN.

In March, 1739, the trustees of the town found it necessary to have another survey and plat of Fredericksburg made. This work was done by William Waller, Surveyor of Spotsylvania county. By this new survey it appears that the lots and buildings of the town had not only occupied the original fifty acres, but had also encroached upon the lands of Henry Willis and John Lewis; and, as this gave rise to controversies and threatened law suits, the Lieutenant-Governor, Council and Burgesses of the General Assembly passed an act in May, 1742, which was declared to be “for removing all doubts and controversies,” and which declared that these lands, belonging to the estate of Henry Willis and John Lewis, should be held and taken to be part of Fredericksburg and vested in the trustees, and purchasers claiming under them; provided, that the trustees should pay to the executors of Henry Willis five pounds, and to John Lewis fifteen pounds. The area of the town, as ascertained by this survey, was not quite fifty-three acres.

The irregularity of the buildings having necessitated an enlargement of the original fifty acres, the style of buildings must have caused serious apprehensions of danger from fire, as we find that, in 1742, it was represented to the General Assembly that the people were often in great and imminent danger of having their houses and effects burned by reason of the many wooden chimneys in the town, and, therefore, it was made unlawful to build any wooden chimneys in the town thereafter, and unlawful, after the expiration of three years, to use any wooden chimney already built; and, in case the owners did not, within three years, pull down and destroy these wooden chimneys, the sheriff was authorized to do so, at the expense of the owners thereof.

CHAPTER IV

Encouraging Home Industries—Further Extension of the Town—Tobacco Inspectors—Modes of Punishment—Prosperity—Military Ardor—Under the United States.

In 1759 an act was passed by the General Assembly to encourage the “Arts and Manufactures in the Colony,” but wine and silk making seemed to have predominated all others, wine having the decided preference as will readily be seen. In the act it was set forth that five hundred pounds should be paid as a premium to the person who should, in any one year, within eight years from the date of its passage, make the best wine in quantity not less than ten hogsheads, and one hundred pounds should be paid to the person making the second best. It was provided that the money for these premiums should be raised by the annual subscriptions of public-spirited gentlemen who were willing to encourage the undertaking; and it was further provided that, if the subscriptions would justify it, a handsome premium should be given for silk making. It was also stipulated that if there was an “overplus of money,” after the premiums on wine and silk making were provided for, it was to “be given for the encouragement of such other articles as should appear to the committee most advantageous to the colony.” Among those who contributed the first year for this purpose, who were then, or had been, citizens of Fredericksburg, were the following gentlemen who subscribed two pounds each: Robert Carter, Pressley Thornton, George Washington, James Mercer, William Bernard, David Ker, Philip Rootes, Thomas Reade Rootes, Alexander Ross, John Champ.

FURTHER EXTENSION OF THE TOWN.

In 1763 an act was passed by the General Assembly extending the corporate limits of the town, but to what extent we do not know, as we have been unable to find the act or any of its provisions.

REGULATING TOBACCO INSPECTORS.

In 1764 the General Assembly passed an act for “Amending the Staple of Tobacco and for Preventing Frauds in his Majesty’s Customs.” It was a very lengthy bill, having seventy-seven sections, ten more than any other act ever before passed by that body, and severe penalties were prescribed for its violation. The bill was necessarily long and severe penalties were prescribed because it had reference to the raising, curing, packing and sale of tobacco, which was one of the principal products of Virginia, and the duties and responsibilities of tobacco inspectors and their proper management of tobacco warehouses. Besides tobacco being one of the important crops raised in the colony, if not the most important one, large quantities of it were shipped to the old country and sold for good prices. In addition to this, tobacco was used in the colony as a substitute for money, as all debts between private individuals, as well as those due the colony, were paid in tobacco. The bill provided for public warehouses, for the proper inspection of tobacco and for public inspectors, appointed by the Governor and his Council, not less than two at each warehouse, who, besides taking an oath of office, were placed under heavy bonds with security, the penalty being five hundred pounds sterling for the faithful performance of their duties. One of these public warehouses was located in Fredericksburg, and may have been the old stone house on Water street, just below the free bridge. The oath required to be taken by these public inspectors was as follows:

“You shall swear that you will diligently and carefully view and examine all tobacco brought to any public warehouse or warehouses where you are appointed to be inspector, and that not separately and apart from your fellow, but in his presence; and that you will not receive any tobacco that is not in your judgment sound, well conditioned, merchantable and clear of trash, nor receive, pass or stamp any tobacco, hogshead or cask of tobacco, prohibited by one act of Assembly, entitled an act for amending the sample of tobacco, and preventing frauds in his Majesty’s customs; and that you will not change, alter or give out any tobacco, other than such hogsheads or casks for which the receipt to be taken was given; but that you will in all things well and faithfully discharge your duty in the office of inspector, according to the best of your skill and judgment and according to the directions of said act, without fear, favor, affection, malice or partiality. So help me God.”

The receipts given by the inspectors of the public warehouse in Fredericksburg, according to the provisions of the act, were to pass and be current in the town and county of Spotsylvania for the payment of all quit-rents, county and town levies and for officers’ fees. As this provision of law made them current for public dues, the public also adopted them as currency and they were used for the payment of all obligations. These receipts were protected by severe penalties against counterfeiting and forgery, and each one represented so many hundred pounds of tobacco deposited at the public warehouse.

MILITARY ARDOR OF THE TOWN.

Fredericksburg continued to grow in population and material prosperity, and also improve in the intelligence and public spirit of its inhabitants, until the year 1775, when the affairs between Great Britain and the American Colonies were verging to a crisis. Her leading citizens were among the very first in Virginia to adopt the principle that the American Colonies ought not only to be exempt from taxation by the Mother Country, but should be free and independent States. The battle of Lexington was fought on the 19th day of April, 1775, and on the 20th, the following day, Lord Dunmore secretly removed twenty barrels of gunpowder from the public magazine in Williamsburg to the Magdalen Man-of-war, which anchored off Yorktown. When the news of the battle of Lexington, and of the removal of the powder, reached Fredericksburg, great excitement prevailed. Over six hundred men armed themselves, from the town and surrounding country, assembled at the Courthouse in town and offered their services to George Washington, who was then in Williamsburg, to defend that city from Lord Dunmore’s threatened attack, and the country from his tyranny.

After assembling they dispatched delegates to Richmond and Williamsburg to ascertain the condition of affairs and to what point they should report for duty. In the meantime, those ardent patriots, George Washington, Peyton Randolph and Edmund Pendleton, transmitted their advice to the people of Fredericksburg, and especially those who had formed the military organization, to abstain for the present from hostilities until a congress, then called or soon to be called, should decide upon a general plan of resistance.

On the receipt of this advice, these patriots held a council, consisting of more than one hundred men, representing fourteen companies, who, by a majority of one vote, decided to disperse for the present. They were burning with indignation at the murderous attack made upon their brethren of Lexington, Mass., by the armed soldiers of Great Britain, and the unlawful arrests, and retention as prisoners, of some of the leading citizens of Massachusetts by British military officers. And this feeling of indignation was intensified when they saw that this outrage was followed the next day by another perpetrated in their own colony and by their own Governor; and when he threatened to return from Yorktown, whither he had fled for safety, and attack Williamsburg with a man-of-war they were convinced that the enemies of the Patriots, the British and Tories, understood each other and were acting in concert. Yet, upon the advice of those whose lead they were willing to follow, and whose commands they were ready to obey, they agreed to disband for the present. Before dispersing, however, they drafted an address, which was tantamount to a declaration of independence, in which they firmly resolved to resist all attempts against their rights and privileges, from whatever quarter they might be assailed.

They went further than to just pass resolutions; they pledged themselves, solemnly and firmly one to the other, to be in readiness, at a moment’s warning, to reassemble, and, by force of arms, to defend the laws, liberties and the rights of this or any sister colony, from unjust and wicked invasions. They then sent dispatches to patriots assembled in Caroline, Berkeley, Frederick and Dunmore counties, thanking them for their offer of service and acquainting them with the condition of public affairs and their determination to be ready at a moment’s notice to respond to any call that might be made by the patriotic leaders, who were then holding a council in Williamsburg. The resolutions and pledges were read at the head of each company of patriots encamped at Fredericksburg, and unanimously approved and adopted. The address concluded with the impressive words, “God, save the liberties of America,” which were a substitute for the off-repeated words, “God, save the King.”

These resolutions were passed twenty-one days before the celebrated Mecklenburg resolutions in North Carolina were, and more than a year before the Declaration of Independence by the American Congress, which showed the intense patriotic fervor of the people of Fredericksburg at that early period, many of whom bore a heroic part in the subsequent struggle of the Seven Years’ war that followed. Among the number assembled with these lovers of liberty, and most prominent, were Gen. Geo. Weedon, who served on Gen. Washington’s staff, commanded with distinction a division at the surrender of Yorktown, and afterwards for several terms served as mayor of the town; Gen. Hugh Mercer, who rose to the rank of Major-General and was killed at Princeton, New Jersey, on January 3, 1777, and Gen. Gustavus B. Wallace, who served gallantly through the war, attaining to the rank of Brigadier-General.

FREDERICKSBURG UNDER THE UNITED STATES.

The long tobacco act of the House of Burgesses was the last act passed by that body that affected the commercial interest of the town or the agricultural interest of the surrounding country that we have any knowledge of. The Revolutionary war soon followed and our independence and new government was the result. It is not considered necessary in this work to attempt to give the part Fredericksburg bore in that struggle—the generals she furnished to command the armies and navy of the country, the line officers and soldiers she sent forth to meet and repel the invader, the statesmen she gave to provide for the armies or to form the new government and to guide it to a successful, permanent and solid establishment. All of these things are told by the records and histories of the State and country more accurately and in a more pleasing style than we can narrate them. We therefore pass to the new order of things.

FREDERICKSBURG IN THE REPUBLIC.

The first act of the Legislature of Virginia in reference to Fredericksburg, after the establishment of the young republic, was to grant it a charter, which bill was passed in 1781. It provided for the town a Mayor, Recorder, Board of Aldermen and a Common Council, and required that all of them should be freeholders. They were made a body politic by the name and designation of Mayor and Commonalty of the town of Fredericksburg, and by that title were to have perpetual succession. The Mayor, Recorder and the four Aldermen were ex-officio Justices of the Peace, and had power to hold a court of hustings once a month, and to “hold pleas in all cases whatsoever originating within the limits” of the town and to “low water mark on the northwest side of the Rappahannock river and half a mile without and around the other limits of the said town.” They were given the sole authority and power of “licensing tavern keepers and settling their rates,” to appoint a sergeant with the powers of sheriffs, a “constable and other necessary officers of court and surveyors of the streets and highways.” A surveyor of the streets was appointed at the first hustings court held by the Mayor and his fellow magistrates, but he was known as the “Geographer” of the town for more than half a century, and was often so entered upon the court records.

In civil cases the hustings court was not to have jurisdiction where the amount in controversy exceeded one thousand pounds of leaf tobacco, or its value in money, unless both parties to the suit were citizens of the town when the suit was instituted.

The corporate authorities were authorized to assess the inhabitants and all property within the actual bounds of the town for all the charges of repairing the streets, and other matters of municipal expense. They were empowered to erect workhouses, houses of correction, prisons and other public buildings, and to pass all necessary ordinances for the good government of the town. They were to have two market days in each week, and appoint a clerk of the market, “who shall have assize of bread, wine, wood and other things,” and perform all the duties of Clerk of the Market. The market days were fixed by law on Wednesdays and Saturdays. It was also provided in the charter that if any person elected to an office failed or refused to serve, he was to be fined. The fines were regulated as follows: “For a Mayor-elect, fifty pounds; for the Recorder, forty pounds; for any Alderman, thirty pounds; for any Common Councilman, twenty-five pounds; for the City Sergeant, one hundred pounds; for the Constable, fifty pounds; for the Clerk of the Hustings Court and the Clerk of the Market, each fifty pounds; the Surveyor of Streets or Roads, each thirty pounds.” These several fines were to be imposed by the hustings court, and “to be levied by execution against the goods and chattles of the offender.”

The charter also provided that in case of “misconduct in the office of Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen or Common Councilmen, or either of them, the others, being seven at least, shall have power to remove the offenders,” and in case the other officers were guilty of misconduct, the power appointing them was clothed with the authority of revoking the appointment. It was provided that if the office of Mayor should become vacant, the Recorder was to succeed to the office, the oldest Alderman was to become Recorder, and “so on according to priority.”

It was further provided “that all the property, real and personal, now held and possessed by the trustees of the said town of Fredericksburg, in law or equity, or in trust, for the use and benefit of the inhabitants thereof, and particularly the charity donation of Archibald McPherson, deceased, now vested in the trustees of said town in trust, for the education of poor children, shall be and the same are hereby transferred and vested in the Mayor and Commonalty of said town, to and for the same uses, intents and purposes as the trustees of the town now hold the same.”

At the session of the Legislature in 1782 the charter of the town was amended and the jurisdiction of the hustings court was extended one mile without and around the former limits of the town on the south side of the Rappahannock river, and made a court of record and as such was authorized to receive probate of wills and deeds and grant administrations in as full and ample manner as the county courts could or might do. But no will was to be admitted to proof and no administration was to be granted unless the parties were citizens and residents of the town at the time of their death, and no deeds for conveyance of land were to be admitted to record unless the lands conveyed lay within the limits of the corporation. The court was empowered and authorized to appoint a person skilled in the law to prosecute for the Commonwealth and pay him a reasonable salary for his services, and when the Attorney for the Commonwealth was appointed for the town, it was to be exempt from paying any part of the salary of the Attorney for the Commonwealth of Spotsylvania county.

“Rising Sun Tavern,” kept by Gen. Geo. Weedon prior to 1775;
now the property of the A. P. of V. A.
(See [page 148])

Mary Washington Monument, erected by the Women of America;
Wm. J. Crawford, architect.
(See [page 157])

RAPID GROWTH OF THE TOWN.

On the petition of sixty-four of the leading citizens of the town, property owners and tax payers, complaining that certain provisions and requirements of the original charter of the town, granted in 1727, had not been enforced by the Council and complied with by lot owners, the Common Council, in 1782, passed an order which resulted in great benefit to the town in the way of improving vacant lots, erecting buildings and furnishing permanent homes for artisans, mechanics and laboring men. In the memorial submitted to the Council, these property owners complained of “being frequently subjected to the payment of many heavy Taxes and charges for the general benefit and improvement of the said Town of which many proprietors of unimproved Lotts pay no part, although their property is thereby daily rendered more valuable; That the proprietors of said Lotts, although wealthy, will neither build on them, nor sell to those who would, unless for exorbitant prices, by means whereof Rents are high and many useful tradesmen are prevented from residing in the said Town, to remedy which your petitioners pray that you, as Guardians of the said Corporation, will take into your consideration an Act of Assembly, passed in the year of our Lord One thousand, seven hundred and twenty seven, entitled an Act for erecting a Town in each of the counties of Spotsylvania and King George[23] or so much of the said Act as may relate to the said Town of Fredericksburg. A due execution of said Law, your petitioners Conceive, will be productive of many real and very essential advantages to the said corporation; by encouraging the peopling of it and increasing its Trade and Navigation. Your petitioners do not wish that any immediate advantage may be taken of failures or defaults already heretofore suffered, by noncompliance with the above mentioned Act, but that Public notice may be given to the proprietors of such unimproved Lotts that a strict execution of the above mentioned Act of Assembly will be observed with all such as shall, in future, fail to perform, fulfil and comply with the rules and directions therein set forth.”

In consideration of the complaints of these citizens and the wise suggestions made in their communication, as well as the requirements of the act referred to, the Council ordered “that notice be given to the Proprietors of unimproved Lotts within this corporation, by advertisement in the Public News Papers, that they immediately pay up the Taxes due on said Lotts within this Town and that they be informed that they must build on their unimproved Lotts, agreeable to the Act of Assembly, passed in One thousand seven hundred and Twenty-seven, for establishing a Town in the County of Spotsylvania, otherwise the Lotts will be sold agreeable to the said Act.”

In consequence of the enforcement of this order of the Common Council, both the taxable values, and the inhabitants of the town, increased rapidly. Instead of an empty treasury, as the town then had, and the necessity it found itself under of appealing to the public for subscriptions for money with which to repair and enlarge the church, to repair the market house, the courthouse and jail, so they could be used, the town soon had money for ordinary purposes, and also for repairing the public buildings, many of which had been used during the war by the soldiers of General Washington’s army, leaving a good balance in the treasury, after the work was done. Nor was that all; in 1791, under the “Domestic Loan Act” of Congress, the town loaned to the general government $3,500. This loan was evidenced by four certificates, issued by the “Loan office” of the Government in Washington and are duly recorded in the record book of the Common Council.

METHODS OF PUNISHMENT.

It may be interesting to note that in the olden times there were other methods resorted to for punishing criminals besides fines, jails and penitentiaries, which are not used in this day and time. The Common Council, in 1785, passed a resolution ordering Sergeant John Richards to “erect immediately a whipping post, stocks and ducking stool.” The whipping post was used mainly for the slaves who were guilty of small infractions of the law, but for aggravated offences, the penalty was “thirty-nine lashes on his bare back, well laid on,” to which was added “burning in the left hand, in the presence of the court.” The whipping post is said to have been used for habitual persistent absence from church, but it was very seldom used for that purpose, and never in Fredericksburg so far as we have discovered from the records.

The stocks were used to punish white persons for petty offences, such as vagrancy, trespassing and similar infractions of the law. The stocks consisted of a frame of timber, with holes in which the ankles and wrists of the offenders were confined. The stocks were erected in the public square and it is said the passers-by, and those who had gathered around them, through curiosity, would taunt and jeer at the criminals thus confined for punishment.

The ducking stool was used for punishing common scolds, refractory women and dishonest tradesmen, especially brewers and bakers. The ducking stool for Fredericksburg was erected on the bank of the Rappahannock river, at the foot of Wolfe street, near where the old Stafford bridge spanned the river. There are several of our old citizens now living who remember when it was in use, and when it was dispensed with, nearly seventy years ago. A “ducking” always brought together a large crowd, most of whom were rude and disorderly, and jeers at and ridicule of the party “ducked” would rend the air, while the sentence of the court was being carried out. It is said that some of the “scolding women,” as they would emerge from the water would send forth volumes of abuse at the disorderly crowd, while the officer waited for the next bath, and this was kept up until the order of the court was fully executed. It seemed to be the wish of the authorities that the whole population would turn out and witness these different modes of punishment, with the hope that it would deter others from committing similar offences.

CHAPTER V

The Lease of the Market-House Lots—The First Serious Fire—Fredericksburg an Important Center—An Act Concerning Elections—Half of the Town Destroyed by Fire—Fredericksburg an Important Postal Point—How the Mails were Carried—A Congressional Investigation—Amendatory Act of 1821—The Great Fire of 1822—The Trade of the Town—Contagious Diseases—The Town in 1841—Acts of Extension, 1851, 1852, 1858, 1861, &c.

In the year 1789 an enactment was passed by the Legislature empowering the Mayor and Commonalty of the town of Fredericksburg to lease for three lives, or twenty-one years, such unimproved parts of the market-house lots as to them shall seem most proper, and apply the rents arising therefrom for the benefit of the corporation. In the same year an act was passed authorizing the Trustees of the Fredericksburg Academy to raise, by way of lottery, the sum of four thousand pounds to defray the expenses of erecting a building on the academy lands for the purpose of accommodating the professors and the rapidly increasing number of students. We could not learn the result of this latter scheme.

THE FIRST SERIOUS FIRE.

In 1799 the first serious fire the town ever had occurred. It took place in the night time and quite a number of houses were destroyed. By many persons it was supposed to have been the work of an incendiary, but others believed that it was caused by a “wooden chimney or a stove pipe, run through a window or through the side of a wooden house, without being properly protected.” The Council decided to meet both views, and offered five hundred dollars for the arrest and conviction of the incendiary, and issued an emphatic condemnation against wooden chimneys and stove pipes projecting through windows or the sides of houses without having them “fire proof.” This nuisance was thereby abated.

FREDERICKSBURG AN IMPORTANT CENTER.

As early as 1796 Fredericksburg was an important commercial center, and manufactories of various kinds were in operation. Iron works and mills and other industries were successfully prosecuted, and the trade of the town, in the general merchandise department, was in the hands of public-spirited, energetic merchants; and it would no doubt surprise the merchants of the present day to read the advertisements and note the extent and variety of stocks of goods kept here at that period. The growth and development of the trade was gradual and decided in all departments, the leading article being tobacco, which up to and during the War of 1812 and 1814, was increased heavily and necessitated the employment of vessels of great tonnage to carry it. And, though strange as it may appear to our present population, in those days of prosperity in manufactories, farms and workshops, and when nearly all merchandise and supplies reached our town in said vessels, large three-masted ships were moored at our wharves; and, until large cities sprang up along the coast, that diverted trade by reason of railroad transportation, our leading merchants carried on a direct trade with the West India Islands, as well as with many of the European countries. Our wharves then were a scene of busy activity and the river was crowded with vessels from all quarters of the country.

AN ACT CONCERNING ELECTIONS.

In 1806 an act of the Legislature was passed providing that on the next annual election day for members of the “Common Hall of the Town,” which term was used to denote the Common Council, a Mayor and Recorder and eight persons should be elected by ballot to act as Justices of the Peace for the town, who should “continue in office during good behavior.” Three of these justices were empowered to hold a hustings court, except in cases of the examination or trial of free persons or slaves charged with felonies, in which case five of the eight justices were necessary to constitute the court. This court had the same power and jurisdiction that the hustings court had under the act of 1781, but the members were ineligible for the Common Council and they had no power to lay a tax for the support of a night watch.

At this election the voters were also to elect by ballot twelve persons as members of the Common Council of the town, who were to continue in office for one year and until their successors should be elected and qualified. The powers of the Common Council should be the same as had been previously conferred upon the Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and Common Council of the town “in Common Hall assembled.” The Common Council, at their first meeting, were to elect one of their number to the office of Mayor and another to the office of Recorder. It was the duty of the Mayor to preside over the deliberations of the body, and, in his absence, the Recorder was to discharge that duty. The Mayor, or in his absence, the Recorder, or any two members of the Council, could call a meeting of the body, but it required seven members present to constitute a quorum. After the Council assembled in the first meeting after the election of the members, and elected the proper officers, the body then consisting of the Mayor, Recorder and the other ten members elected as common councilmen, constituted the “Common Hall” of the town, and all ordinances were adopted by that body.

HALF OF THE TOWN DESTROYED BY FIRE.

In the year 1807 Fredericksburg was visited by a terrible conflagration which destroyed nearly one-half of the town. It was in October of that year, when the town was almost depopulated, the citizens, old and young, having left their homes to attend and witness the horse racing just below town, on “Willis’s Field” farm. The fire broke out in the dwelling house of Mr. Stannard, which was located on the lot where the residence of Mr. George W. Shepherd now stands, on the north corner of Princess Ann and Lewis streets. A high wind prevailed at the time, the house was inflammable, the weather very dry, and in a short time the fire swept down Main street, the flames leaping from house to house to Henderson’s store, on the south corner of Main and Amelia streets; thence down both sides of Main to George street, destroying every building in its track except Henderson’s corner, which alone escaped destruction. The Bank of Virginia, which stood on the spot where Shiloh Baptist church (old site) now stands, on Water street, although more than a quarter of a mile from where the fire originated, was the second house to take fire and was entirely consumed. Mr. Stannard, at whose residence the fire started, was lying a corpse in the house at the time of the fire, and his remains were rescued from the flames with great difficulty.

Preparations to rebuild the burnt district were at once commenced, and buildings of a more substantial character took the places of those destroyed and prosperity again smiled upon the town. Yet strange to say the square on the west side of Main street, from Lewis to Amelia, then in the business part of the town, and now in the residential part, although before the fire was lined with buildings, was without a building until some five years ago. A tool chest, saved from destruction in this fire, by the debris of the building falling upon it and covering it up, and which escaped the destruction wrought in town by the Federal soldiers in December, 1862, is now in the possession of Police Officer Charles A. Gore. It was the property of his grandfather, Jacob Gore, who had been working at Mr. Stannard’s a few days before the fire occurred and left it there temporarily.

FREDERICKSBURG AN IMPORTANT POSTAL POINT.

Fredericksburg, as early as 1820, was a very important point for mail distribution, and the mail matter of not less than five States was assorted here and sent on to its destination. About the breaking out of the War of 1812 mail matter to Fredericksburg rapidly increased, and continued to increase, for several years, which necessitated a change in the method of transporting the mails from Washington, an increase of pay, and finally scandalous reports were put in circulation which resulted in a congressional investigation.

A paper on this investigation, prepared by Henry Castle, Esq., Auditor, from the records in the Postoffice department, and kindly furnished us, will prove interesting.

“The year 1820 had arrived; James Monroe was President and Return J. Meiggs, Jr., of Ohio, was Postmaster General. There were then over three thousand post offices, and the revenues had increased to $1,000,000 per annum, a sum considerable in excess of the expenditures, a feature which seldom characterized the service after that date. It appears from the records that vague rumors of certain irregularities had been afloat throughout the country and in the ‘public prints’ for some time, and that they finally assumed such a tangible shape that a resolution was introduced into the United States Congress providing for an investigation of the charges.

“A committee of the House of Representatives, of which Hon. Elisha Phelps was chairman, proceeded in accordance with instructions of the House, in due form and great deliberation, to investigate the general conduct of the office under Postmaster General Meiggs, and especially the features which had been subjected to more immediate criticism. Mr. Meiggs’s service, as Postmaster General, extended from March 17th 1814, to June 26th 1823, a period of more than nine years. The gravest of the charges made against his administration were substantially as follows:

“First. That he had introduced an irregular financial system which had led to serious losses of the public funds.

“Second. That he had illegally and improperly increased the compensation of certain contractors for carrying the mail.

“With slow formality and tedious reiteration of assurances of distinguished consideration, the solemn committee of the Honorable House of Representatives, and the Honorable Postmaster General, finally reached a point where questions were asked and answered and a tolerably clear understanding of what had really occurred may be gained. The statement of the Postmaster General, divested of all its superfluities and reduced to its simplest form, showed no dereliction in either case, but read at this late day gives an almost ludicrous insight into the diminutive transactions which then sufficed for this great, free and intelligent Republic.

“Postmaster General Meiggs’s answer to the second charge was perhaps even more interestingly significant as a revelation of the day of small things. He admitted that he had increased the compensation of contractors for carrying the mails, but justified his action on the ground of an imperious necessity.

“The case as he explained it was this: His predecessor in office had about the year 1813, let a contract to certain parties for transporting mail from the Seat of Government at Washington to Fredericksburg, Virginia, a distance of seventy miles. This great mail route, which would now be termed a trunk line, carried substantially the mail for the five States of Virginia, Tennessee, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia. The contract provided that these mails should be carried by stage coach in summer and, as the roads were impassable in winter, they were to be carried on horseback.

“But,” says the Postmaster General, “by the increased popular interest in the war of 1812, correspondence was greatly stimulated and the circulation of the public journals was enormously increased. Consequently, it was found impracticable to transport all this heavy mail for five States, on horseback from Washington to Fredericksburg; therefore contractors were authorized to place a sulky, or curricle service thereon and the remuneration was increased accordingly.

“This explanation was apparently satisfactory to the Honorable Committee as it certainly appears very reasonable on its face, and will appeal to man’s inherent sense of justice even in this exacting era. The final action of Congress is not contained in the records, but it was no doubt exculpatory since, as shown above, Postmaster General Meiggs, continued to discharge the duties in his high office for several years thereafter.”

AMENDATORY ACT OF 1821.

Under the previous acts of the Legislature, extending the limits of the town and providing for laying out streets, and the amendments thereto, it was claimed that mistakes had occurred and irregularities had resulted therefrom. In order to correct these mistakes, and provide for the better government of the town, an amendatory act was passed by the Legislature in the year 1821. In that act the Common Council was authorized and empowered to elect the Mayor from their own number or from the body of the citizens, and in case he was elected from the Council, thus creating a vacancy in that body, it was to be filled by the Council. Under this act the Mayor was eligible to reëlection from year to year as long as the Council was pleased to elect him, was made custodian of the corporation seal, and was to keep an office in the town where he should transact the public business, and where the citizens could call upon him and present any grievance or complaint they might have to make.

The St. George’s Episcopal Church.
(See [page 203])

The Presbyterian Memorial Chapel.
(See [page 208])

When the hustings court was not in session the Mayor was to act as a Justice of the Peace and superintend and control the police and night watch. He was to qualify in ten days after his election, and was to preside at the sittings of the hustings court; and in his absence the Recorder, upon whom all the powers and authority of the Mayor were conferred, was authorized to perform his duties. The Common Council had to regulate and fix the salary of the Mayor, which could not be increased or diminished during his term of office. The same act extended the jurisdiction of the hustings court to high water mark on the Stafford side of the Rappahannock river, and exempted the citizens of the town from the assessment and payment of all taxes and levies to Spotsylvania county, to which they were subject under the former laws.

By the provisions of the act of 1821 the Common Council was authorized to assess and levy a tax on the inhabitants of, and property within, the town for the purpose of repairing and keeping in order the streets and alleys and for other purposes and charges as to them might seem right and proper, and for the improvement, convenience and well being of the town. They were authorized to provide a night watch for the protection of the town and for the “better execution of this duty the power and authority, now exercised by field officers of the militia concerning patrols, shall hereafter be vested in and exercised by the said Mayor, Recorder and Common Council over the militia of the said town,” and the militia of the town were, by the same act, exempted from patrol duty beyond the city limits.

In order to correct defects in laying out streets under the former acts, by this act a Commission, consisting of John W. Green, John Mundell, George Cox, Silas Wood and David Briggs, was appointed to survey and locate the streets of the town according to existing laws and authentic ancient surveys. This Commission was to locate the streets by metes and bounds, making such alterations as its members might think expedient, with the consent of the proprietors of lots effected by such alterations, but not otherwise. It was also required to mark the boundaries of the streets by stones or otherwise, which were to be designated on the map of the town made by it. These Commissioners were to report their plan, with explanatory notes, to the Common Council, and if approved by that body it was to be taken as the authentic plan of the town.

But in making this survey of the streets it was especially provided that if a house should be found, in whole or in part, in the street, it was not to be considered a nuisance or an illegal obstruction of the street, but if such building should perish, or in any manner be destroyed, it was not to be rebuilt so as to encroach upon or obstruct the street.

THE GREAT FIRE OF 1822.

After the great conflagration of 1807, a regular and decided increase in population is noted with a marked improvement in local trade. So things progressed with no unusual or startling calamities to disturb the usual serenity of a prosperous town—not bustling, but active—until the year 1822, when the quiet was disturbed by another serious conflagration. It was not as disastrous as its predecessor was, but it was of such a character as to cause great loss of property, and to retard, to a very great extent, the general prosperity of the town. This fire originated at the corner of Main and George streets, where Mr. Thomas N. Brent’s dry goods store now stands, and, curious enough, just where the great fire of 1807 was checked. It was then known as Wellford’s corner, because Mr. C. C. Wellford, for a great many years, kept store there. From that corner the fire made its way down Main street totally destroying every building on that side of the street from there to Hanover street, which square was then known as the “Commercial Block,” because of the large trade carried on there.

With the energy and enterprise so characteristic of the citizens of the town at that day, steps were at once taken to rebuild the burnt district. Soon the street was almost blocked up with building material, laborers were busily at work, clearing away the debris and preparing the foundations for the new buildings. Carpenters and brick masons were in great demand and large numbers flocked to the town from neighboring cities and villages. That part of the town was soon a busy scene and the music of the hammer, the saw and the trowel greeted the ear from early morning until late in the afternoon. And there were soon erected, with an occasional exception, the substantial block of brick buildings which now stand as monuments to the good judgment and excellent workmanship of that early day. The work of rebuilding was speedy and complete, and the character of the new buildings was an improvement upon the old ones they replaced. With the rebuilding of that portion of the town, and the resumption of business by the burnt-out merchants, came an unusual degree of prosperity, and for a long period the general peace and happiness of the people were undisturbed.

THE TRADE OF THE TOWN.

At this time the trade of the town was chiefly of a local character, except the products of the country extending even beyond the Blue Ridge mountains, as from the early years of the town, were brought to market in wagons, and it was no uncommon sight to see daily as many as fifty or sixty four and six-horse teams here at one time from that part of the country. The merchants were men of exalted character and fine business capacity, and the amount of business transacted was, considering the times and circumstances, simply enormous.

CONTAGIOUS DISEASES.

To the credit of the authorities of the town it can be truthfully said that, in all the past, they have been very watchful of and solicitous for the health of the people. At all times, upon reports, or even rumors, that contagious or infectious diseases were prevailing in contiguous communities, they were on the alert, taking every precaution to prevent their introduction here, and it may be said to their credit that such strict observance and enforcement of the laws of health, and temporary quarantines at the proper time, have prevented all kinds of epidemics in the past history of the town.

Before the first of the nineteenth century, in 1790, the people of the town were very much excited about the small pox. It was raging in Philadelphia as an epidemic, and the large trade carried on between the two places, altogether by water, made it necessary that numerous vessels should bear the merchandise. In order to prevent the small pox from reaching this place a strict quarantine was established at the mouth of Hazel Run, just below town, and a hospital was located at Sligo. Dr. Brooke and Dr. Ker, two skillful physicians of the town, agreed to attend the sick at the hospital without charge, whether sailors or citizens. The wise precaution taken in establishing the quarantine prevented any case from reaching the town, to the great relief of the citizens generally. In 1792 the same disease broke out in Baltimore and a quarantine was again established at Hazel Run and a hospital at Sligo. The citizens were greatly alarmed, fearing its introduction here either by land or water. The greatest precautions were taken by the health officers, who were nobly assisted by the town authorities, and the disease was kept out as it had been two years before, not a single case having made its appearance in the place.

In 1833, it is said by old citizens, a remarkable case of either fright or disease occurred in Fredericksburg, which proved fatal. In that year several parts of the United States were visited and scourged by the Asiatic cholera. The country generally was in great terror, and Fredericksburg came in for her share of excitement. In fact, she may have been more alarmed than other places which were as far removed from the seat of the scourge, because of a prediction that had previously been made, and which made its impression on many people. Rev. Lorenzo Dow, an able, but eccentric, itinerant Methodist minister, when on a visit to the town the year previous to the scourge, it was reported had predicted the appearance of cholera in Fredericksburg. Some people believed the disease would come because Mr. Dow had predicted it, and the excitement ran high, especially among those who believed the prophecy. A Mr. Shelton became dreadfully alarmed and whether from fright or from actually contracting the disease, died in the month of June and the cause of his death was pronounced sporadic or accidental cholera. His was the only case then, and to this day there has been no other, Fredericksburg having enjoyed singular and perfect immunity from epidemics of all kinds.

THE TOWN IN THE YEAR 1841.

In describing the town in 1841, an intelligent visitor says “Fredericksburg is regularly laid out and compactly built; many of its buildings are brick. The principal public buildings are a courthouse, clerk’s office, a jail, a market-house, an orphan asylum, one Episcopal, one Presbyterian, one Methodist, one Baptist and one Reform Baptist church. The town also contains two banks and one male and one female seminary of the higher class. It is supplied with water from the river[24] by subterraneous pipes and is governed by a Mayor and Common Council. A canal, extending from the town to Fox’s mill, a point on the Rappahannock, thirty-five miles above, has been commenced and partly completed.

“Fredericksburg enjoys considerable trade, chiefly in grain, flour, tobacco, maize, etc., and considerable quantities of gold are exported. Its exports have been computed at over four millions of dollars annually. The falls of the Rappahannock, in the vicinity, afford good water power. There were in 1840, by the United States statistics, seventy-three stores, with a capital of $376,961; two tanneries, paints, drugs, etc., with a capital of $37,000; one grist mill, two printing offices, four semi-weekly newspapers; capital in manufactures, $141,200; five academies, with 256 students, and seven schools, with 156 scholars. The population in 1830, whites, 1,797; slaves, 1,124; free blacks, 387—total, 3,308. The population in 1840 was 3,974.”

But the commercial prosperity of the town even in 1840 was not equal to its advantages, but it steadily grew and prospered during the next decade. The completion of a canal, extending from the town to a point on the Rappahannock river, a distance of forty miles, railroad facilities and river navigation by sail vessels and steamboats, greatly enlarged her commercial advantages and increased her export trade, and the beginning of the year 1850 found her enjoying a degree of material prosperity, presaging a glorious commercial future. Commencing the year 1850 under circumstances so encouraging, the next decade was expected to exceed in all departments of trade the preceding one.

The failure to build a railroad through the section of country from which the bulk of our trade was drawn, and the substitution therefor of a plank road, with the building of the Orange and Alexandria railroad, now the Western, and the advance of the Baltimore and Ohio railroad along the upper line of the Shenandoah Valley, greatly injured the trade of Fredericksburg by diverting from her a large amount of produce, which was formerly brought to town in wagons, and while in 1860 the population had somewhat increased, the general trade of the town was diminished.

THE CORPORATE LIMITS EXTENDED.

In the year 1851 the Legislature passed a bill extending the limits of the town, in accordance with a plan made by Commissioners appointed by the Common Council. That extension embraced the territory we now have within the corporate limits except a portion of the Water Power Company, the survey having been made by Mr. William Slaughter, City Surveyor, in 1850, and reported to the Council by Joseph Sanford, John Minor and John Pritchard, who were appointed a committee by the Council to “enquire into the expediency of extending the limits of the said town.” After making a thorough examination, this committee reported back to the body that it was both expedient and desirable that the extension should be made, which report and recommendation were adopted. To carry out this action, the Council appointed Hugh S. Scott, Wm. S. Barton, John James Chew, Joseph Sanford and John Pritchard, and they were instructed and empowered as a Commission, under the provisions of the act of the Legislature, to locate and lay out such streets in the part of the town annexed by the provisions of the bill, as they might think proper, and report back to the Council, with a full plan of their work. But it was provided that none of the new streets reported upon were to be opened unless the Council should decide it necessary, and in that event, if the owners of the lots did not relinquish their claims to the town, damages were to be paid by the Council in such sums as should be ascertained by three disinterested freeholders of Spotsylvania county, who should be appointed by the county court of said county for that purpose. The Commission performed the duties assigned them by the Council, and laid out the new portion of the town into streets, giving a name to each, but many of them were never opened, as they were not needed, and remain closed to this day.

The same act made it unnecessary for either the Mayor or Recorder of the town to be present and preside over the hustings court, but made it lawful for any three Justices of the Corporation to hold the court, except, as in the former act, where parties were to be examined or tried for felonies it required that five Justices should be present and preside. In consequence of this provision the court would convene with five Justices when felony cases were to be considered, and after they were disposed of, two of them would be excused and the other three would continue the session until the business of the court was completed. These Justices were appointed by the Governor, on the recommendation of the hustings court, and were among the best citizens and most successful businessmen of the town, and what they lacked in a knowledge of the law, it is generally agreed they more than made up in good common sense and unyielding integrity.

In the following year, 1852, the Legislature passed another amendment to the charter of the town, extending its limits, but this amendment was only made necessary to correct an error in the section of the act of the year before, extending the corporate limits. The metes and bounds were left the same as prescribed in the act of 1851.

In 1858 an act was passed by the Legislature enabling the Council to sell real estate for delinquent taxes due the town. It authorized the authorities to sell all real estate within the corporation returned delinquent for the non-payment of taxes and interest, and to make such regulations for affecting the sale and collecting the taxes as they might deem expedient. In case the sale was not made and the taxes remained unpaid, the taxes became a lien on the property and ten per centum was charged thereon until they were paid. The act also provided that if the taxes due on real estate were paid by the tenant, who was not the owner of the property, the amount might be deducted from the rents of the same in settlement with the owner. In cases where the property was owned by non-residents, and was vacant or unimproved, and no levy could be made to satisfy the taxes, the town was authorized to take summary proceedings before any court in the State, on ten days’ notice to the parties owning the delinquent property.

In 1861 another act was passed by the Legislature, extending the corporate limits of the town. This was done in order to bring certain property within the limits of the town for the purpose of city taxation, according to a previous agreement with the owners of the Fredericksburg Water Power. That agreement was that all mills and manufactories, using the water of that company for power, erected after the completion of the canal, should be liable for, and should pay, city taxes. The extension by this act is described as follows:

“Beginning at a point Sixty-seven feet North 64½ degrees east from the northeast cornerstone of the present boundary of said town; and running thence to the Rappahannock river twelve hundred and fifty feet to a stone; thence south 58½ degrees west, four hundred and sixty-six feet to a stone; thence south 13½ degrees west, three hundred and seventy feet to a stone; thence south 35½ degrees east, six hundred and eight feet to a stone; thence south 38¾ degrees, two hundred and eighty-five feet to a stone; thence south 25½ degrees east, one hundred and forty-four feet to a stone in a line with the present corporation line; thence with said line north 64½ degrees east six hundred and eighty feet to the point of beginning, and particularly set out and described in a survey and plat made by Carter M. Braxton, dated the 23rd day of January, 1861, and deposited in the clerk’s office of the corporation court of said town.”

CHAPTER VI

The War Clouds Gathering—Fredericksburg in the Confederacy—Troops Raised and Equipped—The Surrender of the Town to the Federal Authorities—Arrested and Held as Hostages—Citizens Flee from their Homes—The Bombardment of the Town, &c.

Notwithstanding the fact that Fredericksburg had been growing for so many years, and the further fact that she had enjoyed the prosperity which is claimed for her, and of which we have written, the town had attained at this time only to the moderate proportions of a population of about five thousand inhabitants. But it was a delightful place, nevertheless, with a salubrious climate, good water, charming society, picturesque surroundings and cheapness of living, and had about it a quiet and chastened dignity of age and respectability, both attractive and impressive. Such was Fredericksburg when the storm-cloud of war burst upon her in 1861.

FREDERICKSBURG IN THE CONFEDERACY.

We shall not attempt in these pages to fully portray the scenes enacted in the town, or narrate the part played by Fredericksburg in that terrible war. A true portrayal and narration of them is beyond the power of the tongue of the finished orator, the pen of the most gifted writer or the brush of the most skilled artist. No one can know them save those who endured them and were a part and parcel of them, and even they are unable to describe them with all of their horrible, bloody and destructive realities. It would take a pen almost inspired to truthfully describe the fiery scenes, the devastation, the trials, the privations, the sufferings of body and mind and the heroism of the inhabitants, who were then in town, in the terrible ordeal through which they passed, and the fortitude with which they stood the test.

A great change was now about to take place. The quiet of the staid and sober town was about to be broken by the sound of the drum and the tramp of armed men. The activity of commerce had ceased, a spirit of patriotism prevailed; and this patriotism was not demonstrative only, it was deep and real, and was afterwards sealed by the best blood of the town.

TROOPS RAISED AND EQUIPPED.

There was never any doubt as to the part the citizens of Fredericksburg would take in the war. It is true the town was always conservative and loyal to the government; it had sent a Union man to the State Convention, which was to consider and pass upon the question of union or disunion; he had received almost a two-thirds vote of the qualified voters of the town, but all this was done with a strong hope that the political differences of the two great sections of the country—North and South—could and would be settled without a separation. When it was ascertained that such a settlement could not be had, and when that assurance was followed by a call on the States from President Lincoln for seventy-five thousand troops to coerce the seceded Southern States back into the Union and that Virginia was expected to furnish her quota of that number, the sentiment of the entire population changed, and the most ardent Union men, with few exceptions, became strong sympathizers of the Southern movement and were ready to take up arms in defence of the South. The Constitutional Convention, that up to that time was supposed to be against the adoption of the ordinance of secession, rapidly changed front, and when the ordinance was submitted to a vote it was passed by a large majority, the delegate from Fredericksburg, Hon. John L. Marye, Sr., voting for its adoption.

The two volunteer militia companies, which had been in existence in town for many years, became the nucleus around which was formed the Thirtieth Regiment of Virginia Volunteers. This regiment, commanded successively by Colonel Milton Cary, Colonel Archibald Harrison and Colonel Robert S. Chew, immediately entered upon active duty and performed good service throughout the war. The Fredericksburg artillery, under Captain Carter M. Braxton, was organized at the beginning of the war, and under its gallant commanders, Captain Carter M. Braxton, Captain Edward Marye and Captain John G. Pollock, greatly distinguished itself.

Hon. Montgomery Slaughter,
“The War Mayor” of Fredericksburg.
(See [page 74])

It is claimed that this company fired the first shot at the battle of Fredericksburg and was honored with a like distinction at Gettysburg; and yet a greater honor awaited this heroic band than either of these or the two combined, which each member and his descendants will ever cherish with pride. Its members claim to have fired the last gun at Appomattox on the 9th of April, 1865, the day on which General Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia to General U. S. Grant, where and when the Star of the Southern Confederacy went down, never, never more to rise. All honor to such brave and heroic men! The following is a correct list of the members of the Fredericksburg artillery at the time of the surrender, furnished by a member of the company, most of whom are now living:

Captain John G. Pollock, Lieutenant A. W. Johnson, Lieutenant Clinton Southworth, Sergeant Henry G. Chesley, Sergeant L. T. Bunnell, Sergeant James Taylor, Sergeant Charles B. Fleet, Gunner M. C. Hall, Gunner Samuel H. Thorburn, Picket Sergeant J. L. Marye, Jr., H. P. Martin, Quarter Master Sergeant; Gunner J. R. Ferneyhough, Gunner P. V. D. Conway, Gunner W. F. Gordon, Gunner R. W. McGuire, Harrison Southworth, Guidon; Privates W. A. Anthony, John Scott Berry, John J. Berrey, Wm. E. Bradley, J. A. Bowler, Oscar Berry, James E. Berrey, Wm. Bowler, Robert C. Beale, J. H. Butzner, Henry Berry, C. B. Cason, L. P. Carter, Walter Carter, W. M. Chewning, J. S. Cannon, W. S. Chartters, Jacob Crowder, G. W. Clarke, J. H. Clarke, S. H. Crockford, A. P. Carneal, Charles Donahoe, James Donahoe, W. B. Dickinson, Elijah E. Fines, R. C. Fitzhugh, M. A. Ferneyhough, Duff Green (of Brooke), J. T. Goolrick, R. C. Grymes, J. R. Gouldman, Landon Gallahan, Henry Gallahan, John M. Garrett, James W. Hogans, George F. Harrison, George M. Harrison, John E. Harrison, Robert Haislip, Matthew Hudson, John S. Johnson, W. Stanfield Jones, J. Chester Jones, C. W. Jenkins, John T. Knight, David Corbin Ker, Hubbard M. Long, Charles Lyell, Alfred J. Marye, J. W. McWhirt, J. A. Marye, A. Stewart Marye, J. W. Mitchell, Frank A. Maddox, Thomas E. Maddex, Charles W. Manley, John McKay, W. Nelson Marye, George Oakes, M. B. Pollock, George B. Pearson, Joseph S. Payne, Harvey W. Proctor, Anthony Patton, John T. Roberts, Henry Robinson, W. T. Robinson, John D. Smith,[25] R. B. Semple, Warner L. Sisson, Lawrence Sanford, Charles H. Scott, John Sullivan, Peter Sullivan, H. Cabell Tabb, A. Byrd Waller, H. H. Wallace, Arthur Wallace, George Willis.

Many of the young men at the first opportunity entered the various branches of the service—the cavalry, infantry, navy, marine, and other positions necessary and honorable—where they served their country well and faithfully, and in many cases with distinguished ability. So rapid were these enlistments, that in less than twelve months the town was almost stripped of her youths and arms-bearing men, and of her former population—those remaining at home were the older men, the women and a few colored people.

THE SURRENDER OF THE TOWN TO THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES.

Gen. McDowell’s Forces Arrive.

On the 19th of April, 1862, the town first fell into the hands of the Federal Army. On that day a meeting of the Common Council was held, and a committee, consisting of Mayor Slaughter, Wm. A. Little, Esq., Thomas B. Barton, Esq., Dr. J. Gordon Wallace, Rev. William F. Broaddus, D. D., and Gov. John L. Marye, Jr., three members on the part of the Common Council and three representing the citizens, was appointed to confer with the commanding officer of the United States forces, relative to the surrender of the town. They were instructed to inform him that inasmuch as the forces of the Confederate States had evacuated the town no resistance would be made to its occupation by the United States troops, and to ask such protection for persons and property as was consistent with the rules of civilized warfare. They were also instructed to inform the Commanding General “that the population of this town have been in the past, and are now, in conviction and sentiment, loyal to the existing government of the State of Virginia and Confederate States.” This was an honest and frank statement, made by the Common Council of the threatened town to the Commanding General of the invading army, and there can be no doubt that this honest acknowledgment won the friendship and respect of the commandant of the post and saved much property from destruction and many of the inhabitants from indignities on the part of the garrison.

The United States forces took possession of the Stafford hills, which commanded the town, on the 19th day of April. The destruction of the bridges connecting the town with the Stafford shore delayed the actual presence of the troops in town for several days, and it was not until the morning of the 27th that General Marsena R. Patrick established his headquarters and took provost command of the town. Unlike many of the subordinate commanders Gen. Patrick was considered a generous man and a kind, humane officer, and many of the citizens who were at their homes, while he was here in command, unite in bearing testimony, that under his government military rule in Fredericksburg was kindly exercised and the people were not oppressed, and not a few of them conceived a sincere respect for his character, and to this day his acts of kindness and thoughtful consideration are gratefully referred to by them.

This state of things continued until after the disastrous result to General George B. McClellan’s army in the Seven Days’ battles around Richmond. After those engagements General McClellan was superseded in the command of the Army of the Potomac by General John Pope. General Pope was from the Western Army, and upon taking command of the army in Virginia issued a high-sounding, pompous order in which he belittled the valor of the Confederate soldiers of the west, asserting he had “only seen the backs of the enemy,” and his purpose in coming to this army was to lead it to victory and success. In that order he declared that he did not want to hear such phrases as “taking strong positions and holding them,” “lines of retreat” and “bases of supplies,” which he was told was common in the army. He declared that the glory of the soldier was in pushing the enemy and studying the lines of his retreat, which he then proposed to do.

He announced his purpose to subsist the invading army by enforced supplies from his enemies, and, in order to prepare the world and give it some idea of his rapid movements and brilliant feats, issued orders from “headquarters in the saddle.” This unique order, full as it was of boastings of what he had done and what he proposed to do, failed to frighten the Confederate commanders, as General Pope, no doubt, thought it would do. On the contrary, without loss of time they concentrated their forces, gave him battle and the Federal commander was ingloriously driven from the field, with great loss of men, arms and supplies. And so in less than sixty days from the time he took command of the army he was relieved by General McClellan, whom he superseded, having lost every engagement fought during the time. His advance through the counties of Fauquier and Culpeper to Fredericksburg, when he took command of the army, caused great consternation because of his unreasonable and cruel exactions. Many private citizens, who had never entered the Confederate service, were arrested upon their refusal to take the oath of allegiance to the United States government, and were ruthlessly dragged from their homes and confined in Northern prisons.

GEN. POPE TAKES POSSESSION OF THE TOWN—HELD AS HOSTAGES.

Finally the power of this pompous commander reached Fredericksburg, and many of her citizens shared the fate of the unfortunate citizens of Fauquier and Culpeper counties. By General Pope’s order nineteen of our most prominent and highly esteemed citizens were arrested and sent to Washington, where they were incarcerated in Old Capitol prison. These men were arrested in retaliation for the arrest of two Union men by the Confederate authorities—Major Charles Williams, of Fredericksburg, and Mr. Wardwell, of Richmond—and confined in prison at Richmond. Major Williams was a native of Fredericksburg and died here several years after the war, and Mr. Wardwell, we are informed was a northern man and was appointed superintendent of the penitentiary when Virginia was made “Military District No. 1, with headquarters at Richmond.”

These nineteen gentlemen were arrested in August, 1862, and confined in Old Capitol prison until the latter part of the following September, a period of about six weeks. It will be seen from the list of the names that they were the leading citizens of the town, exempt from military service by reason, either of age or official position, and were the natural guardians of the helpless women and children who were then in town. The list is as follows:[26] Rev. Wm. F. Broaddus, D. D., James McGuire, Charles C. Wellford, Thomas F. Knox, Beverley T. Gill, James H. Bradley, Thomas B. Barton, Benjamin Temple, Lewis Wrenn, Michael Ames, John Coakley, John H. Roberts, John J. Berrey, Dr. James Cooke, John F. Scott, Montgomery Slaughter, George H. C. Rowe, Wm. H. Norton, Abraham Cox.

The Christian Banner, then published in Fredericksburg by Rev. James W. Hunnicutt, of the Free Will Baptist denomination, himself a strong Union man, and who would not have written complimentary of these gentlemen beyond their respective merits, published the following short sketches of the “Fredericksburg prisoners”:

Thomas B. Barton is the oldest lawyer at the Fredericksburg bar and Attorney for the Commonwealth. He was originally an Old Line Whig and a member of the congregation of the Episcopal church.