THE PROTOCOLS
THE PROTOCOLS AND
WORLD REVOLUTION
INCLUDING A
TRANSLATION AND ANALYSIS
OF THE
“PROTOCOLS OF THE MEETINGS
OF THE ZIONIST MEN
OF WISDOM”
BOSTON
SMALL, MAYNARD & COMPANY
PUBLISHERS
Copyright, 1920
By Small, Maynard & Company
All rights reserved
Translation
IT IS NEAR, AT THE DOOR
- Matt. XXIV, 33
- Mark XIII, 29
- Luke XXI, 31
- Rev. I, 3. XXII, 10
- Dan. XII, 4
CONCERNING SOMETHING PEOPLE DO NOT WISH
TO BELIEVE
AND WHICH IS SO NEAR
FOURTH EDITION OF THE BOOK, “NEAR IS THE COMING
OF ANTI-CHRIST AND THE KINGDOM OF THE DEVIL ON
EARTH,” REVISED AND CONSIDERABLY AUGMENTED BY
LATER RESEARCHES AND INVESTIGATION
SERGE NILUS
Dedicated to the small herd of Christ
“Ye, brethren, do not remain in the dark so that the day (of the Lord) shall not catch ye as thieves.” (I Sol. 5, 4.)
“He who suffers to the end shall be saved.” (Matt. 24, 13.)
THE TOWN OF SERGIEV
Part One
Introductory Statement
The world is in the midst of a crisis not less serious than that of the great war. While it was inevitable that the period following the war should be fraught with grave problems for civilization, these problems have been made much more difficult by the presence of a new danger, namely, the destructive force of Bolshevism. Russia was the first victim of what proves to be a movement of an international character, Russia being used as the base of operations. While powerful Bolshevist armies are overrunning Asia and menacing the European countries to the West, an equally dangerous force of Red propagandists, directed from Moscow, is operating on several continents, spreading its social poison throughout the world and threatening the destruction of the social and industrial morale of civilized nations.
With the triumph of the Bolshevist revolution in Russia, a group of internationalists, most of whom were members of the Jewish race, seized the machinery of government and have held it ever since.
The complete destruction of Russian civilization, which for centuries had been essentially a Christian civilization, and the reduction of the great majority of the Russian people to a state of abject misery and ruin, are accomplished facts. The Bolshevist leaders, however, not content with this destruction and the establishment of a cruel despotism in Russia, are making every effort to extend their revolution and their control to other countries.
The Communist revolution in Hungary, under Bela Cohen (alias Kuhn), a confessed ally and agent of Trotzky, was not terminated until it had wrought great havoc in that country. The same is true of the Spartacan revolt in Germany, where recently the struggle broke out anew and assumed the character of a formidable civil war. Holland and Italy are to-day seriously threatened with uprisings inspired by the Bolsheviki, while in France the government has been compelled to expel the Bolshevist agents in large numbers. In the United States revolutionary agitation directly guided and fomented by agents of Lenin and Trotzky and subsidized with ample funds, recently reached such proportions that the Federal Government was forced to take strong measures, including hundreds of arrests and deportations. The enemy is in our midst. In this country, as elsewhere, alien agitators who are either Bolshevists themselves or emissaries of the Bolsheviki have wormed their way into some of the loyal labor organizations or put themselves at the head of the Socialist or other radical political parties artificially stimulating social unrest and seeking to turn industrial strikes into political upheavals, leading to revolution and anarchy.
Shall America be as slow to realize the real danger of international Bolshevism as she was to recognize the menace of German imperialism? Shall America again be unprepared?
We must be ready to meet the danger at our doors and, if necessary, to suppress it in our midst with physical force, just as was necessary in the struggle with Prussian militarism. It has been said, however, and perhaps truly, that Bolshevism cannot be met by force alone. Certainly to meet it effectively its nature must be understood. To this end it is necessary to analyze the movement carefully and to discover its underlying causes—if possible the predominating cause.
From the very beginning there was an element of mystery in the Bolshevist revolution in Russia. Was it, essentially, an attempt to put into effect the principles of international socialism as promulgated by Karl Marx? Was it a disguised form of proletarian imperialism? Did it aim at the complete destruction of Christian civilization? Or, finally, was it a long planned, gigantic revolt of the Jewish race against Christendom and its institutions?
From the very start there was a terrible method in the madness of Trotzky and those in league with him. Many of their moves which at the time seemed inexplicable afterwards appeared logical enough when their objects became apparent.
The world was puzzled by Trotzky’s famous remark at Brest-Litovsk, “No peace, no war.” Later, however, the real meaning became known: “No war on Germany, no peace for Russia or the rest of the world.”
That the Bolshevist revolution was from the beginning almost entirely led and controlled by Jews is a fact which has gradually thrust itself upon the attention of the world. The Jews in many instances have admitted the dominating rôle which members of their race have played in international Bolshevism and have sought to defend it. Some of their recognized leaders have proclaimed their pride in Trotzky.
The fact that the Jewish race has taken such an active part in the Russian Bolshevist movement, with its international ramifications, has been attributed in some quarters to the motive of revenge on the part of the Jews for what they regard as a long era of persecution. If this be so, is it impossible that Jews in various parts of the world imagine that now is their chance not only for revenge but for world domination?
The air of confidence with which Trotzky and other Jewish leaders are proceeding with their drastic program in Russia is significant. Significant, also, is the enthusiastic support which is being given to the Soviet rule by various Jewish elements and groups outside of Russia. Whether this co-related movement of the Jews in support of Bolshevism is not being carried out on some concerted plan is a question of importance which warrants careful study and investigation. No facts which can possibly throw light upon this question should be disregarded. For this reason it is timely to consider the contents and origin of a document of extraordinary interest which, though made public in Russia some fifteen years ago, is generally unknown elsewhere.
The document referred to is entitled, “Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom,” and was published for the first time in 1905 at Tsarskoje Selo in a Russian book entitled “The Great in the Little,” written by Serge Nilus, a well-known Russian author. The Protocols set forth a comprehensive program for the substantial destruction of all Christian states, and propose certain practical methods for achieving world domination by the Jewish nation. So far as is known, the Protocols have never been repudiated publicly by recognized Jewish authorities. Quite recently the well-known firm of Eyre & Spottiswoode, Ltd., printers for the British Government, published a pamphlet under the title, “The Jewish Peril, Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion.” In the preface of this pamphlet it is explained that the Protocols referred to were translated from the Russian into English from Serge Nilus’s book which appeared in Russia in 1905. While the editors do not give the title of Nilus’s book, they say:
“A copy of the original may be seen at the British Museum Library, under No. 3926-d-17, stamped British Museum, 10th August, 1906.”
They state also that the publication of the English pamphlet at present is justified by the growing menace of Bolshevism throughout the world. The pamphlet concludes with the warning:
“Gentiles, Beware!”
It seems obvious that the publishers, Eyre & Spottiswoode, Ltd., have used Nilus’s book “The Great in the Little,” published in Russia in 1905.
A specific reference to the Protocols is to be found also in the French weekly magazine La Vieille-France, No. 160, published in February, 1920. In the editorial article entitled “The Jews Have Created Bolshevism” (pages 10-13) the following extract from the Zionist Protocols, as published by Nilus, is given in French:
“A nous, son Peuple d’élection, Dieu a donné le pouvoir d’expansion, et ce qui semble être notre faiblesse a été notre force. Nous sommes au seuil de la domination universelle. Il reste peu à construire sur ces bases,” etc. etc.
The article asserts that Bolshevism is nothing but a phase of Judaism, and also states that the Jewish Bolshevist leaders in Russia were subsidized by Jewish banking houses in the United States and Germany.
In January, 1917, Mr. Nilus published another book under the title “It is Near, At the Door,” and in this book the Protocols were again published in full. A reproduction of the title page of this book is inserted at the beginning of this volume.
While the Protocols are generally unknown here, it is worthy of note that on October 27-28, 1919, the Philadelphia Public Ledger printed long excerpts from them in an article calling the attention of the American people to the document and to the terrible program which it presents. The article in the Ledger was somewhat misleading, however, since it was published under the captions “Red Bible” and “Bolshevist Propaganda.” All words in the text itself indicating that the Protocols were of Jewish origin were omitted. The Hebrew word “Goys,” signifying “Gentiles,” used in the Protocols, nowhere appears in the Ledger article. Furthermore, wherever in the Protocols the expressions “our people” or “we”—meaning the “Jewish people” or the “Jews”—are used, the author of the article makes it appear that the people thus referred to are the “Bolshevists,” and speaks of the Protocols as a “Russian document,” which clearly it is not. Mr. Nilus shows that the Protocols came into his hands in 1901. In 1901 the Bolshevist Party did not exist, for it was founded only in 1903 and was not really organized for work until several years later. Nowhere in the Protocols does the word “Bolshevist” appear, while the word “Jews” is used many times, although the writer more frequently uses the word “we” when speaking of the Jews. There is only one hypothesis upon which the Protocols could possibly be considered “Bolshevist,” namely, that the Bolshevist movement was of Jewish origin, in which case the plan outlined in the Protocols might have become “Bolshevist” by adoption.
The very fact that a document purporting to be written by a Jew for Jews could be so easily described as “Bolshevist Propaganda” is of interest.
Now, for the first time, the document entitled by Mr. Nilus “Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom” is published in full in the United States, correctly translated from the Russian. For this purpose we have used the Russian text as it appears in Mr. Nilus’s book, “It is Near, At the Door,” 1917, published in the printing office of the Sviato-Troitzky Monastery.
Before proceeding to examine the contents of the Protocols, let us briefly give Mr. Nilus’s account of the way in which they came into his possession and of his views in regard to their origin.
Mr. Nilus, at pages 86 to 92 of his book, “It is Near, At the Door,” states that he received the manuscript containing the Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom in 1901 from Mr. Alexis Nikolajevich Souchotin, at one time Marshal of Nobility in the District of Chern, Central Russia, and later Vice Governor of the Government of Stavropol, South Russia, and that when giving the manuscript to Mr. Nilus, Mr. Souchotin said:
“Take it into your full possession. Read it. Become inspired and make out of it something useful to the Christian soul. Otherwise it might remain with me unused. From a political standpoint it is useless, for it is too late to act on it. From a spiritual standpoint, however, it might be otherwise. In your hands, with God’s help, it will bear fruit.”
Mr. Nilus states that Mr. Souchotin told him that the manuscript was originally obtained by a lady whose name is not given and who, he said, obtained it in a mysterious way. Mr. Nilus showed it to several Russians of high standing, one of whom said:
“Slavdom has not yet spoken its last word and, therefore, no matter how cunning and strong the Zionist Men of Wisdom may be, their efforts are doomed to failure, and for this reason there is no need to despair.”
Mr. Nilus states that prior to 1905 he submitted the Protocols to Grand Duke Serge Alexandrovitch, who, having examined them, sent him a message of two words only: “Too late.”
Subsequently, Mr. Nilus made several attempts to call the attention of the proper officials to the contents of this document but without result. In 1905 he published the second edition of his book, “The Great in the Little.” In this edition the Protocols were for the first time incorporated.
In his last book Mr. Nilus writes:
“These Protocols produced a scarcely noticeable impression upon the world outside of the Christian church. The periodical press, which in the main is in Jewish hands, or under the guidance and influence of the Jews, sought to conceal their publication, scarcely mentioning them or referring to them as a fallacious invention or a fairy tale. Among loyal Christians, however, the Protocols bore fruit and created a success for my book far greater than could have been anticipated, for they spread the knowledge of the hidden mysteries of our time in a wide circle of those belonging to the Christian family. Since then my book, with all the Protocols, has appeared in its fourth edition; but only now I learn authoritatively from Jewish sources that these Protocols are nothing else than a strategic plan for the conquest of the world, putting it under the yoke of Israel, the struggler-against-God, a plan worked out by the leaders of the Jewish people during the many centuries of their dispersion, and finally presented to the Council of Elders by “The Prince of Exile,” Theodor Hertzl, at the time of the first Zionist Congress, summoned by him at Basle in August, 1897.”
Again he writes:
“In what way these documents, constituting the Holy of Holies of the hopes of Israel, the century-old mystery of its leaders, reached the general mass of the uninitiated has not been ascertained. As already mentioned, they were given to me in 1901. In that year, in circular No. 18, as well as in others dispatched to the Zionists on behalf of the Zionist ‘Actions Committee,’[1] Theodor Hertzl stated that certain confidential information, notwithstanding the admonition, has not been kept secret, and has been given undesirable publicity.”
Finally Mr. Nilus declares:
“The Protocols are signed by the Zionist Representatives of the 33rd (highest) Degree of Initiation. These Protocols were secretly removed from the complete file of Protocols which, as we now know, pertained to the first Zionist Congress, held in Basle in August, 1897. All this was taken from the secret vaults at the main Zionist office which, at present, is located in French territory.”
In 1918 the “Protocols” were again published in Russian by a book publishing firm, “The Sentinel” at Novocherkassk, South Russia. The pamphlet referred to bears the title “Zionist Protocols. The plans for the Conquest of the Universe by the Judo-Masons.” In the introduction to the pamphlet it is stated: “The ‘Protocols’ are a program carefully worked out in all its details for the conquest of the universe by the Jews. The greater part of this program has already been realized, and if we will not come back to our senses, we are inevitably doomed.” In the concluding part of this introduction the publishers state as follows: “The ‘Protocols,’ indeed, are not only the key to our first unsuccessful revolution, but they are also the key to the second, in which Jewry played such a sinister rôle for Russia.... For us, who are witnesses of the self-destruction of Russia, for us who hope for her regeneration, this document is all the more significant as it discloses the means of the enemies of Christendom for our enslavement. Only after having obtained the knowledge of the means it may become possible to successfully combat the enemies of Christ and of Christian culture.”
There is not, and in the nature of the case there hardly can be, any direct evidence as to the authenticity of the Protocols. There is, however, a considerable body of facts having a bearing upon this question which the publishers of this book put before the reader, leaving him to draw his own conclusions.
The facts to which we refer may be roughly grouped under three heads:
(a) There is a remarkable similarity between the policies of destruction outlined in the Protocols and the actual measures of destruction put into effect by the Bolshevist régime in Russia, and there is evidence that this régime is under the control of Jewish leaders.
(b) There is also a striking parallelism between certain passages in the Protocols and the statements of recognized Jewish leaders, both religious and political, appearing in their published writings and speeches.
(c) Finally, certain Jewish activities outside of Russia coincide in a remarkable degree with certain parts of the Protocols.
In Part Two of this volume evidence under these various heads is set forth. This evidence, however, can be intelligently considered only after a careful study of the Protocols themselves, a translation of which appears in the following pages, preceded by a short summary prepared for the convenience of the reader.
SUMMARY OF THE PROTOCOLS
The title under which the Protocols are presented in Mr. Nilus’s text, according to the literal translation from the Russian, is:
“Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom”
The word “Protocols” can be used in several senses, but in the present case the context would indicate that the word means simply the written minutes of certain meetings—i.e. meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom. The arrangement is in twenty-four separate Protocols, each Protocol apparently recording the contents of an address to the meeting by one of its members. The context would also indicate that all the addresses were delivered by the same person, and it should also be noted that each Protocol deals with a more or less distinct part of one complete subject, like the chapter of a book.
In the first Protocol it is stated that the speaker undertakes to formulate “our system both from our point of view and from that of the Goys.” The word “Goys” or “Goyims” is an old Hebrew word signifying Gentiles, or persons who are not Jews. All of the following Protocols, whether they are the utterances of the same person who speaks in the first Protocol or not, are a continuation of the same general subject.
Taking the set of documents as a whole, they clearly purport to formulate a strategic plan for united action of the Jews as a nation, or a people, to obtain certain ends. These ends are nothing less than complete political and religious domination of the world. The means by which this universal domination is to be achieved are set forth with great clearness and considerable elaboration.
The document as a whole is of the most extraordinary character, and while to some readers it may seem fanatical or visionary, others will be more impressed with its profound cleverness, with the cold logic of the reasoning, and with the general orderliness of statement and argument, indicating that the work, whatever the underlying motive may be, is the result of careful thought and mature deliberation.
The strategic plan of action is Machiavellian and ruthless in the extreme, and is expressly founded on the propositions that “might is right” and that “politics have nothing in common with morals.” It is also explicitly stated that the end in view is to “subjugate all government to our super-government,” and the Jewish super-government is to be an autocracy with a Jewish Sovereign at its head.
Briefly summarized, the means by which this world domination is to be achieved are as follows:
1. The national power of non-Jewish states is to be broken down by the fomenting of internal revolutions through appeals to class hatred, and by pretended efforts to obtain greater freedom and privileges for certain classes of the people, using the words “liberty, equality, and fraternity” merely as catchwords to gain recruits for the Jewish cause. Autocratic governments, which alone are strong, must be weakened in the first instance by the introduction of liberalism, which will pave the way to anarchy.
2. All wars must be “shifted to an economic basis,” allowing no territorial advantages to result from war, and thus tending to make the Jewish control of wealth the determining factor in war.
3. The Jewish international rights are to be strengthened at the expense of the national rights of the several Gentile nations.
4. The non-Jewish states are to be further weakened by promoting false and conflicting political policies; by obtaining secret control over the actions of public officials; by manipulation of the press, and by the gradual elimination of free speech.
5. The authority of governments where liberalism prevails is to be weakened by the destruction of religion (other than the Jewish religion), since it is the conservative and moral force which makes liberal governments possible.
6. In order to overcome the resistance of those states which are unwilling to make submission to the new Jewish power, there must be no hesitation in resorting to violence, cunning, hypocrisy, bribery, fraud, and treason, or to the seizure of the property of others.
7. The destruction of the social and economic structure of Christian states will also be brought about by the destruction of industrial prosperity, through speculation and constant strikes, “throwing masses of workmen out of employment,” artificially raising wages, thus increasing the cost of the necessaries of life, and finally by bringing about a general economic crisis and the disorganization of financial systems. The financial strength of the various non-Jewish states will also be undermined by causing them to overburden themselves with foreign and national loans on an ever increasing scale, which will ultimately lead to bankruptcy.
8. Upon the social and political chaos created by these various means a Jewish dictatorship is to be gradually built up, principally through the “terrible” Jewish power of the purse and through the other great Jewish powers of control over the press and over the revolutionary labor movement.
9. During the period of transition from Gentile to Jewish political control in every state there will be a secret government by the Jews, brought about through the manipulation of the press, misleading public opinion, mass terror, weakening the initiative of the Gentiles, misdirecting their education, and sowing discord among them.
Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom
Protocol No. I
Let us put aside phraseology and discuss the inner meaning of every thought; by comparisons and deductions let us illuminate the situation. In this way I will describe our system, both from our own point of view and from that of the Goys.[2]
It must be remembered that people with base instincts are more numerous than those with noble ones; therefore, the best results in governing are achieved through violence and intimidation and not through academic discussion. Every man seeks power; every one would like to become a dictator if he possibly could; and rare indeed are those who would not sacrifice the common good in order to attain personal advantage.
What has restrained the wild beasts we call men?
What has influenced them heretofore?
In the early stages of social life they submitted to brute and blind force; afterwards—to the Law, which is the same force but disguised. I deduce from this that according to the laws of nature, right lies in might.
Political freedom is not a fact but an idea. One must know how to employ this idea when it becomes necessary to attract popular forces to one’s party by mental allurement if it plans to crush the party in power. The task is made easier if the opponent himself has contradicted the idea of freedom, the so-called liberalism, and for the sake of the idea yields his power. It is precisely here that the triumph of our theory becomes apparent: the relinquished reins of power are, according to the laws of nature, immediately seized by a new hand because the blind force of the people cannot remain without a leader even for one day, and the new power merely replaces the old, weakened by liberalism.
In our day the power of gold has replaced liberal rulers. There was a time when faith ruled. The idea of freedom cannot be realized because no one knows how to make reasonable use of it. Give the people self-government for a short time and it will become corrupted. From that very moment strife begins and soon develops into social struggles, as a result of which states are set aflame and their authority is reduced to ashes.
Whether the state is exhausted by internal convulsions, or whether civil wars deliver it into the hands of external enemies, in either case it can be regarded as hopelessly lost: it is in our power. The despotism of capital, which is entirely in our hands, holds out to it a straw which the state must grasp, although against its will, or otherwise fall into the abyss.
To him who, because of his liberal inclinations, would contend that arguments of this kind are immoral, I would propound the question: If a state has two enemies, and if against the external enemy it is permitted and it is not considered immoral to use all methods of warfare, and as a protective measure not to acquaint the enemy with the plans of attack, such as night attacks or attacks with superior forces, then why should the same methods be regarded as immoral when applied to a worse foe, a transgressor against social order and prosperity?
How can a sound and logical mind hope successfully to guide the masses by means of reasonable persuasion or by arguments if there is a possibility of contradiction, even though unreasonable, but which may appear more attractive to the superficially thinking masses? Guided entirely by shallow passions, superstitions, customs, traditions, and sentimental theories, the people in and of the mob become embroiled in party dissensions which prevent all possibility of an agreement, even though it be on a basis of perfectly sound reasoning. Every decision of the mob depends upon the accidental or prearranged majority, which, owing to its ignorance of political secrets, pronounces absurd decisions, thus introducing the seeds of anarchy into the government.
Politics have nothing in common with morals. The ruler guided by morality is not a skilled politician, and consequently he is not firm on his throne. He who desires to rule must resort to cunning and hypocrisy. The great popular qualities—honesty and frankness—become vices in politics, as they dethrone more surely and more certainly than the most powerful enemy. These qualities must be the attributes of Goy countries; but we by no means should be guided by them.
Our right lies in might. The word “right” is an abstract idea, unsusceptible of proof. This word means nothing more than: Give me what I desire so that I may have evidence that I am stronger than you.
Where does right begin? Where does it end?
In a state with a poorly organized government and where the laws are insignificant, and the ruler has lost his dignity as the result of the accumulation of liberal rights, I find a new right, namely, the right of might to destroy all existing order and institutions, to lay hands on the law, to alter all institutions, and to become the ruler of those who have voluntarily, liberally renounced for our benefit the rights to their own power.
With the present instability of all authority our power will be more unassailable than any other, because it will be invisible until it is so well rooted that no cunning can undermine it.
From temporary evil to which we are now obliged to have recourse will emerge the good of an unshakable government, which will reinstate the orderly functioning of the mechanism of popular existence now interrupted by liberalism. The end justifies the means. In laying our plans we must turn our attention not so much to the good and moral as to the necessary and useful. Before us lies a plan in which a strategic line is shown, from which we must not deviate on pain of risking the collapse of many centuries of work.
In working out an expedient plan of action it is necessary to take into consideration the meanness, vacillation, changeability of the mob, its inability to appreciate and respect the conditions of its own existence and of its own well-being. It is necessary to realize that the power of the masses is blind, unreasoning, and void of discrimination, prone to listen to right and left. The blind man cannot guide the blind without bringing them to the abyss; consequently, members of the crowd, upstarts from the people, even were they men of genius but incompetent in politics, cannot step forward as leaders of the mob without ruining the entire nation.
Only the person prepared from childhood to autocracy can understand the words which are formed by political letters.
The people left to themselves, that is to upstarts from among them, are ruined by party dissensions created by greed for power and honors, and by the disorders resulting therefrom. Is it possible for the masses of the people to direct the affairs of the state without rivalry, and without interjecting personal interests? Are they capable of protecting themselves against external enemies?—This is impossible, since a plan divided into as many parts as there are minds in a mob loses its unity, and consequently, becomes incomprehensible and unworkable.
Only an autocrat can outline great and clear plans which allocate in an orderly manner all the parts of the mechanism of the government machinery. From this it is concluded that the government which is the most efficient for the benefit of a country must be concentrated in the hands of one responsible person. Civilization cannot exist without absolute despotism, for government is carried on not by the masses, but by their leader, whoever he may be. A barbarous crowd shows its barbarism on every occasion. The moment the mob grasps liberty in its hands it is speedily changed to anarchy, which is in itself the height of barbarism.
Look at those beasts, steeped in alcohol, stupefied by wine, the unlimited use of which is granted by liberty.
Surely you cannot allow our own people to come to this. The people of the Goys are stupefied by spirituous liquors; their youth is driven insane through excessive study of the classics, and vice to which they have been instigated by our agents—tutors, valets, governesses—in rich houses, by clerks, and so forth, and by our women in the pleasure places of the Goys. Among the latter I include the so-called “society women,” their volunteer followers in vice and luxury.
Our motto is Power and Hypocrisy. Only power can conquer in politics, especially if it is concealed in talents which are necessary to statesmen. Violence must be the principle; hypocrisy and cunning the rule of those governments which do not wish to lay down their crowns at the feet of the agents of some new power. This evil is the sole means of attaining the goal of good. For this reason we must not hesitate at bribery, fraud, and treason when these can help us to reach our end. In politics it is necessary to seize the property of others without hesitation if in so doing we attain submission and power.
Our government, following the line of peaceful conquest, has the right to substitute for the horrors of war less noticeable and more efficient executions, these being necessary to keep up terror, which induces blind submission. A just but inexorable strictness is the greatest factor of governmental power. We must follow a program of violence and hypocrisy, not only for the sake of profit, but also as a duty and for the sake of victory.
A doctrine based on calculation is as potent as the means employed by it. That is why not only by these very means, but by the severity of our doctrines, we shall triumph and shall enslave all governments under our super-government.
Even in olden times we shouted among the people the words “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity.” These words have been repeated so many times since by unconscious parrots, which, flocking from all sides to the bait, have ruined the prosperity of the world and true individual freedom, formerly so well protected from the pressure of the mob. The would-be clever and intelligent Goys did not discern the symbolism of the uttered words; did not notice the contradiction in the meaning and the connection between them; did not notice that there is no equality in nature; that there can be no liberty, since nature herself has established inequality of mind, character, and ability, as well as subjection to her laws. They did not reason that the power of the mob is blind; that the upstarts selected for government are just as blind in politics as is the mob itself, whereas the initiated man, even though a fool, is capable of ruling, while the uninitiated, although a genius, will understand nothing of politics. All this has been overlooked by the Goys.
Meanwhile dynastic government has been based upon this, that the father passed to his son the knowledge of the course of political evolution, so that nobody except the members of the dynasty could possess this knowledge, and no one could disclose the secrets to the governed people. In the course of time the meaning of the dynastic transmission of the true understanding of politics has been lost, thus contributing to the success of our cause.
In all parts of the world the words “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity” have brought whole legions into our ranks through our blind agents, carrying our banners with delight. Meanwhile these words were worms which ruined the prosperity of the Goys, everywhere destroying peace, quiet, and solidarity, undermining all the foundations of their states. You will see subsequently that this aided our triumph, for it also gave us, among other things, the opportunity to grasp the trump card, the abolition of privileges; in other words, the very essence of the aristocracy of the Goys, which was the only protection of peoples and countries against us.
On the ruins of natural and hereditary aristocracy we built an aristocracy of our intellectual class—the money aristocracy. We have established this new aristocracy on the qualification of wealth, which is dependent upon us, and also upon science, which is promoted by our wise men.
Our triumph was also made easier because, through our connections with people who were indispensable to us, we always played upon the most sensitive chords of the human mind, namely, greed, and the insatiable selfish desires of man. Each of these human weaknesses taken separately is capable of killing initiative and of placing the will of the people at the disposal of the buyer of their activities.
Abstract liberty offered the opportunity for convincing the masses that government is nothing but the manager representing the owner of the country, namely, the people, and that this manager can be discarded like a pair of worn-out gloves.
The fact that the representatives of the nation can be deposed, delivers them into our power and practically places their appointment in our hands.
Protocol No. II
It is necessary for us that wars, whenever possible, should bring no territorial advantages; this will shift war to an economic basis and force nations to realize the strength of our predominance; such a situation will put both sides at the mercy of our million-eyed international agency, which will be unhampered by any frontiers. Then our international rights will do away with national rights, in a limited sense, and will rule the peoples in the same way as the civil power of each state regulates the relation of its subjects among themselves.
The administrators chosen by us from among the people in accordance with their capacity for servility will not be experienced in the art of government, and consequently they will easily become pawns in our game, in the hands of our scientists and wise counselors, specialists trained from early childhood for governing the world. As you are aware, these specialists have obtained the knowledge necessary for government from our political plans, from the study of history, and from the observation of every passing event. The Goys are not guided by the practice of impartial historical observation, but by theoretical routine without any critical regard for its results. Therefore, we need give them no consideration. Until the time comes let them amuse themselves, or live in the hope of new amusements or in the memories of those past. Let that play the most important part for them which we have induced them to regard as the laws of science (theory). For this purpose, by means of our press, we increase their blind faith in these laws. Intelligent Goys will boast of their knowledge, and verifying it logically they will put into practice all scientific information compiled by our agents for the purpose of educating their minds in the direction which we require.
Do not think that our assertions are without foundation: note the successes of Darwinism, Marxism, and Nietzscheism, engineered by us. The demoralizing effects of these doctrines upon the minds of the Goys should be already obvious to us.
It is essential that we take into consideration the modern ideas, temperaments, and tendencies of peoples in order that no mistakes in politics and in guiding administrative affairs may be made. The triumph of our system, parts of whose mechanism must be adapted in accordance with the temperament of the peoples with whom we come in contact, cannot be realized unless its practical application is based upon a résumé of the past as related to the present.
There is one great force in the hands of modern states which arouses thought movements among the people. That is the press. The rôle of the press is to indicate necessary demands, to register complaints of the people, and to express and foment dissatisfaction. The triumph of free babbling is incarnated in the press; but governments were unable to profit by this power and it has fallen into our hands. Through it we have attained influence, while remaining in the background. Thanks to the press, we have gathered gold in our hands, although we had to take it from rivers of blood and tears.
But it cost us the sacrifice of many of our own people. Every sacrifice on our part is worth a thousand Goys before God.
Protocol No. III
To-day I can tell you that our goal is close at hand. Only a small distance remains, and the cycle of the Symbolic Serpent—the symbol of our people—will be complete. When this circle is completed, then all the European states will be enclosed in it as in strong claws.
The modern constitutional scales will soon tip over, for we have set them inaccurately, thus insuring an unsteady balance for the purpose of wearing out their holder. The Goys thought it had been sufficiently strongly made and hoped that the scales would regain their equilibrium, but the holder—the ruler—is screened from the people by his representatives, who fritter away their time, carried away by their uncontrolled and irresponsible authority. Their power, moreover, has been built up on terrorism spread through the palaces. Unable to reach the hearts of their people, the rulers cannot unite with them to gain strength against the usurpers of power. The visible power of royalty and the blind power of the masses, separated by us, have both lost significance, for separated, they are as helpless as the blind man without a stick.
To induce the lovers of authority to abuse their power, we have placed all the forces in opposition to each other, having developed their liberal tendencies towards independence. We have excited different forms of initiative in that direction; we have armed all the parties; we have made authority the target of all ambitions. We have opened the arenas in different states, where revolts are now occurring, and disorders and bankruptcy will shortly appear everywhere.
Unrestrained babblers have converted parliamentary sessions and administrative meetings into oratorical contests. Daring journalists, impudent pamphleteers, make daily attacks on the administrative personnel. The abuse of power is definitely preparing the downfall of all institutions and everything will be overturned by the blows of the infuriated mobs.
The people are shackled by poverty to heavy labor more surely than they were by slavery and serfdom. They could liberate themselves from those in one way or another, whereas they cannot free themselves from misery. We have included in constitutions rights which for the people are fictitious and are not actual rights. All the so-called “rights of the people” can exist only in the abstract and can never be realized in practice. What difference does it make to the toiling proletarian, bent double by heavy toil, oppressed by his fate, that the babblers receive the right to talk, journalists the right to mix nonsense with reason in their writings, if the proletariat has no other gain from the constitution than the miserable crumbs which we throw from our table in return for his vote to elect our agents. Republican rights are bitter irony to the poor man, for the necessity of almost daily labor prevents him from using them, and at the same time deprives him of his guarantee of a permanent and certain livelihood by making him dependent upon strikes, organized either by his masters or by his comrades.
Under our guidance the people have exterminated aristocracy, which was their natural protector and guardian, for its own interests are inseparably connected with the well-being of the people. Now, however, with the destruction of this aristocracy the masses have fallen under the power of the profiteers and cunning upstarts, who have settled on the workers as a merciless burden.
We will present ourselves in the guise of saviors of the workers from this oppression when we suggest that they enter our army of Socialists, Anarchists, Communists, to whom we always extend our help, under the guise of the rule of brotherhood demanded by the human solidarity of our social masonry. The aristocracy which benefited by the labor of the people by right was interested that the workers should be well fed, healthy, and strong.
We, on the contrary, are concerned in the opposite—in the degeneration of the Goys. Our power lies in the chronic malnutrition and in the weakness of the worker, because through this he falls under our power and is unable to find either strength or energy to combat it.
Hunger gives to capital greater power over the worker than the legal authority of the sovereign ever gave to the aristocracy. Through misery and the resulting jealous hatred we manipulate the mob and crush those who stand in our way.
When the time comes for our universal ruler to be crowned, the same hands will sweep away everything which may be an obstacle in our way.
The Goys are no longer accustomed to think without our scientific advice. Consequently, they do not see the imperative need of upholding that which we will sustain by all means when our kingdom is established, namely, the teaching in the schools of the only true science, the first of all sciences—the science of the construction of human life, of social existence, which requires the division of labor and, consequently, the separation of people into classes and castes. It is necessary that all should know that equality cannot exist, owing to the different nature of various kinds of work; that there cannot be the same responsibility before the law in the case of an individual who by his actions compromises an entire caste and another who does not affect anything but his own honor.
The correct science of the social structure, to the secrets of which we do not admit the Goys, would demonstrate to all that occupation and labor must be differentiated so as not to cause human suffering by the discrepancy between education and work. The study of this science will lead the masses to a voluntary submission to the authorities and to the governmental system organized by them. Whereas, under the present state of science, and due to the direction of our guidance therein, the people, in their ignorance, blindly believing the printed word, and owing to the misconceptions which have been fostered by us, feel a hatred towards all classes whom they consider superior to themselves, since they do not understand the importance of each caste.
This hatred will be still more accentuated by the economic crisis, which will stop financial transactions and all industrial life. Having organized a general economic crisis by all possible underhand means, and with the help of gold which is all in our hands, we will throw great crowds of workmen into the street, simultaneously, in all countries of Europe. These crowds will gladly shed the blood of those of whom they, in the simplicity of their ignorance, have been jealous since childhood and whose property they will then be able to loot.
They will not harm our people because we will know of the time of the attack and we will take measures to protect them.
We have persuaded others that progress will lead the Goys into a realm of reason. Our despotism will be of such a nature that it will be in a position to pacify all revolts by wise restrictions and to eliminate liberalism from all institutions.
When the people saw that they obtained concessions and license in the name of liberty, they imagined that they were the masters, and rushed into power; but like every blind person, they encountered innumerable obstacles; they rushed to seek a leader, with no thought of returning to the old one, and laid power at our feet. Remember the French Revolution, which we have called “great”; the secrets of its preparation are well known to us, for it was the work of our hands.
Since then we have carried the masses from one disappointment to another, so that they will renounce even us in favor of a despot sovereign of Zionist blood, whom we are preparing for the world.
At present, as an international force, we are invulnerable, because if we are attacked by one state we are supported by other states. The unlimited baseness of the Goy peoples, who grovel before force, who are pitiless towards weakness, who are merciless to misdemeanors and lenient to crimes, who are unwilling to tolerate the contradictions of a free social structure; patient unto martyrdom in bearing with the violence of daring despotism—this is what helps our independence. They tolerate and permit such abuses from their modern premiers—dictators—for the least of which they would behead twenty kings.
How can such a phenomenon be explained, such an illogical conception on the part of the mass of the people towards events of seemingly the same nature? This phenomenon can be explained by the fact that these dictators through their agents whisper to their people that by these abuses they injure the states for a supreme purpose, namely, for the attainment of the happiness of the people, their universal fraternity, solidarity, and equality. Of course, they are not told that this unification will be achieved only under our rule. Thus, the people condemn the just and acquit the unjust, more and more convinced that they can do what they please. Owing to this, the people destroy all stability and create disorder on every occasion.
The word “Liberty” brings all society into conflict with all authority, be it that of God or Nature. This is why, at the moment of our enthronement, we shall strike this word from the dictionary as being the symbol of brute power, which turns the masses into bloodthirsty beasts. It is true, however, that these beasts go to sleep as soon as they have drunk blood, and then it is easy to shackle them; but if the blood is not given to them they will not sleep and will struggle.
Protocol No. IV
Every republic passes through several stages. The first stage is like the early period of insane ravings of a blind man throwing himself right and left. The second is the demagogy which breeds anarchy, which inevitably leads to despotism, not of a legal and open character and, consequently, responsible, but an unseen and unknown despotism, no less effective because exercised by some secret organization, acting even less ceremoniously because it is hidden under the cover and behind the backs of different agents. The change of these agents will even help the secret organizations, as it will thus be able to rid itself of the necessity of spending money to reward employees of long terms of service.
Who and what can overthrow an unseen power? For such is the character of our power. External Masonry[3] acts as a screen for it and its aims, but the plan of action of this power, and its very headquarters, will always remain unknown to the people.
Liberty could also be harmless and remain on the state program without detriment to the well-being of the people if it were to retain the ideas of the belief in God and human fraternity, free from the conception of equality for such a conception is in contradiction to the laws of nature which establish subordination. With such a faith the people would be governed by the guardians of the parish and would thrive quietly and obediently under the guidance of their spiritual leader, accepting God’s dispensation on earth. It is for this reason that we must undermine faith, tearing from the minds of the Goys the very principal of God and Soul, and substituting mathematical formulas and material needs.
In order that the minds of the Goys may have no time to think and notice things, it is necessary to divert them in the direction of industry and commerce. Thus all nations will seek their own profit, and while engaged in the struggle they will not notice their common enemy. But in order that liberty should finally undermine and ruin the Goy’s society, it is necessary to put industry on a basis of speculation. The result of this will be that everything, absorbed by industry from the land, will not remain in the hands of the Goys, but will be directed towards speculation; that is, it will come into our coffers.
The intense struggle for supremacy, the shocks to economic life, will create, moreover have already created, disappointed, cold, and heartless societies. These societies will have complete disgust for high politics and religion. Their only guide will be calculation, i.e., gold, for which they will have a real cult because of the material delights which it can supply. It will be at that stage that the lower classes of the Goys, not for the sake of doing good, nor even for the sake of wealth, but solely because of their hatred towards the privileged, will follow us against our competitors for power, the intelligent Goys.
Protocol No. V
What form of government can be given to societies in which bribery has penetrated everywhere, where riches are obtained only by clever tricks and semi-fraudulent means, where corruption reigns, where morality is sustained by punitive measures and strict laws and not by voluntary acceptance of moral principles, where cosmopolitan convictions have eliminated patriotic feelings and religion? What form of government can be given to such societies other than a despotism such as I shall describe?
We will create a strong centralized government, so as to gather the social forces into our power. We will mechanically regulate all the functions of political life of our subjects by new laws. These laws will gradually eliminate all the concessions and liberties permitted by the Goys. Our kingdom will be crowned by such a majestic despotism that it will be able, at all times and in all places, to crush both antagonistic and discontented Goys.
We may be told that the despotism outlined by me is inconsistent with modern progress, but I will prove to you that the contrary is the case.
At the time when people considered rulers as an incarnation of the will of God, they subjected themselves without murmur to the autocracy of the sovereigns; but as soon as we inspired them with the thought of their personal rights, they began to regard the rulers as ordinary mortals. The holy anointment fell from the heads of sovereigns in the opinion of the people; and when we deprived them of their belief in God, then authority was thrown into the street, where it became public property and was seized by us. Moreover, the art of governing the masses and individuals by means of cunningly constructed theories and phraseology, by rulers of social life, and other devices not understood by the Goys, belongs, among other faculties, to our administrative mind, which is educated in analysis and observation, and is also based upon skillful reasoning in which we have no competitors, just as we have none in the preparation of plans for political action and solidarity. Only the Jesuits could be compared to us in this; but we were able to discredit them in the mind of the senseless mob as a visible organization, whereas we, with our secret organization, remained in the dark. After all, is it not the same to the world who will be its master—whether it be the head of Catholicism or our despot of Zionist blood? To us, however, the Chosen People, it is by no means a matter of indifference.
Temporarily, a world coalition of the Goys would be able to hold us in check, but we are insured against this by roots of dissension so deep among them that they cannot now be extracted. We have set at variance the personal and national interests of the Goys; we have incited religious and race hatred, nurtured by us in their hearts for twenty centuries. Owing to all this, no state will obtain the help it asks for from any side because each of them will think that a coalition against us will be disadvantageous to it. We are too powerful—we must be taken into consideration. No country can reach even an insignificant private understanding without our being secret parties to it.
Per me reges regnant—“Through me the sovereigns reign.” The prophets have told us that we were chosen by God himself to reign over the world. God endowed us with genius to enable us to cope with the problem. Were there a genius in the opposing camp, he would struggle against us, but a newcomer is not equal to an old inhabitant. The struggle between us would be of such a merciless nature as the world has never seen before; moreover their genius would be too late.
All the wheels of government mechanism move by the action of the motor which is in our hands, and that motor is gold. The science of political economy, invented by our wise men, has long ago demonstrated the royal prestige of capital.
To attain freedom of action, capital must obtain freedom to monopolize industry and trade; this is already being done by an unseen hand in all parts of the world. Such liberty will give political power to traders, and will aid in subjugating the people. At present it is more important to disarm peoples than to lead them to war; it is more important to utilize flaming passions for our purposes than to extinguish them; more important to grasp and interpret the thoughts of others in our own way than to discard them.
The most important problem of our government is to weaken the popular mind by criticism; to disaccustom it to thought, which creates opposition; to deflect the power of thought into mere empty eloquence.
At all times both peoples and individuals have mistaken words for deeds, as they are satisfied with the visible, rarely noticing whether the promise is performed in the fields of social life.
Therefore, we will organize ostensible institutions which will prove eloquently their good work in the direction of “progress.”
We will appropriate to ourselves the liberal aspect of all parties, of all shades of opinion, and we will provide our orators with the same aspect, and they will talk so much that they will exhaust the people by their speeches and cause them to turn away from orators in disgust.
To control public opinion it is necessary to perplex it by the expression of numerous contradictory opinions until the Goys get lost in the labyrinth, and come to understand that it is best to have no opinion on political questions.
Such questions are not intended to be understood by the people, since only he who rules knows them. This is the first secret.
The second secret necessary for the success of governing consists in so multiplying popular failings, habits, passions, and conventional laws that no one will be able to disentangle himself in the chaos, and consequently, people will cease to understand each other. This measure would help us to sow dissension within all parties, to disintegrate all those collective forces which still do not wish to subjugate themselves to us; to discourage all individual initiative which might in any degree hamper our work.
There is nothing more dangerous than individual initiative; if it has a touch of genius it can accomplish more than a million people among whom we have sown dissensions. We must direct the education of the Goy societies so that their arms will drop hopelessly when they face every task where initiative is required. The intensity of action resulting from individual freedom of action dissipates its force when it encounters another person’s freedom. This results in heavy blows at morale, disappointments and failures.
We will so tire the Goys by all this that we will force them to offer us an international power, which by its position will enable us conveniently to absorb, without destroying, all governmental forces of the world and thus to form a super-government. In lieu of modern rulers, we will place a monster which will be called the Super-Governmental Administration. Its hands will be stretched out like pincers in every direction so that this colossal organization cannot fail to conquer all the peoples.
Protocol No. VI
We will soon begin to establish great monopolies—reservoirs of huge wealth, upon which even the large fortunes of the Goys will depend to such an extent that they will be drowned, together with the governmental credits, on the day following the political catastrophe.
You economists, here present, will please carefully weigh the significance of this scheme!...
We must develop, by all means, the importance of our super-government by representing it as the protector and reward-giver of all those who willingly submit to us.
The aristocracy of the Goys as a political force is dead. We do not need to take it into consideration; but as land-owners they are harmful to us because they can be independent in their resources of life. For this reason we must deprive them of their land at any cost.
To attain this object, the best method is to increase land taxes—the indebtedness of the land. These measures will keep land ownership in subjection.
The aristocracy of the Goys, which as a matter of heredity is unable to be satisfied with small things, will soon be ruined.
At the same time it is necessary to patronize trade and industry vigorously, and more important, to encourage speculation, whose function is to act as a counterbalance to industry. Without speculation, industry will increase private capital and tend to the amelioration of land ownership by freeing it from indebtedness created by the loans granted by agricultural banks. It is necessary that industry should suck out of the land both labor and capital and through speculation deliver into our hands all the money of the world, thus throwing all the Goys into the ranks of the proletarians. Then the Goys will bow before us in order to obtain the mere right of existence.
To destroy Goy industry we will create among the Goys as an aid to speculation the strong demand for boundless luxury which we have already developed.
Let us raise wages, which, however, will be of no benefit to the workers, for we will simultaneously cause the rise in prices of objects of first necessity under the pretext that this is due to the decadence of agriculture, and of the cattle industry.
We will also artfully and deeply undermine the sources of production by teaching the workmen anarchy and the use of alcohol, at the same time taking measures to expel all the intelligent Goys from the land.
That the true situation should not be noticed by the Goys until the proper time, we will mask it by a pretended desire to help the working classes and great economic principles, an active propaganda of which principles is being carried on through the dissemination of our economic theories.
Protocol No. VII
The intensification of armament and the increase of the police force are essential to the realization of the above-mentioned plans. It is necessary that there should be besides ourselves in all countries only the mass of the proletariat, a few millionaires devoted to us, policemen, and soldiers.
We must create unrest, dissensions, and hatred throughout Europe and through European affiliations, also on other continents. In this there is a twofold advantage: First, we will hold all countries under our influence, since they will realize that we have the power to create disorders or to restore order whenever we wish. All countries have come to regard us as a necessary burden. Second, we will entangle by intrigues all the threads stretched by us into all the governmental bodies by means of politics, economic treaties, or financial obligations. To attain these ends we will worm our way into parleys and negotiations, armed with cunning, but in so-called “official language” we will assume the opposite tactics of seeming honest and reasonable. In this way the peoples and the governments of the Goys, taught by us to regard only the surface of that which we show them, will look upon us as benefactors and saviors of mankind.
We must be able to overcome all opposition by provoking a war by the neighbors of that country which dares to oppose us. Should, however, those neighbors, in their turn, decide to unite against us we must respond by a world war.
Chief success in politics lies in the secrecy of its undertakings. There must be inconsistency between the words and actions of diplomats.
We must influence the Goy governments to action beneficial to our broadly conceived plan, now approaching its triumphant goal, creating the impression that such action is demanded by public opinion which in reality is secretly organized by us with the help of the so-called “great power,” namely, the press; the latter, however, with few exceptions that need not be considered, is already entirely in our hands.
In short, to sum up our system of shackling the Goy governments of Europe, we will show our power to one of them by assassination and terrorism, and should there be a possibility of all of them rising against us, we will answer them with American, Chinese, or Japanese guns.
Protocol No. VIII
We must provide ourselves with the same arms our enemies can employ against us. We must seek the most subtle expressions and evasions of the legal dictionary to justify those cases in which we will be forced to announce decisions which may seem unnecessarily bold and unjust, for it is important that these decisions should be expressed in terms so forcible that they will appear as the highest moral rules of a legal character.
Our government must be surrounded by all the forces of civilization, in the midst of which it will have to function. It will surround itself with publicists, experienced lawyers, administrators, diplomats, and, finally, people educated along special lines in our special advanced schools.
These people will know all the secrets of social existence; they will know all languages composed of political letters and words; they will be familiar with the reverse side of human nature, with all its sensitive chords, upon which they must know how to play. These chords are the structure of the intellects of the Goys, their tendencies, their failings, their vices, and their virtues, the peculiarities of classes and castes. It is evident that the highly talented members of our government, to which I refer, will be recruited not from the ranks of the Goys, accustomed to performing their administrative duties without questioning their aim, and without thinking why they are necessary. The Goy administrators sign papers without reading them and work for profit or for pride.
We will surround our government by a whole world of economists. It is for this reason that economics is the chief science taught to the Jews. We will be surrounded by a crowd of bankers, traders, capitalists, and most important of all, by millionaires, because in essence everything will be decided by a question of figures.
Meanwhile, as it is not yet safe to give the responsible government posts to our brother Jews, we will give them to people whose record and whose character are such that there is an abyss between them and the people; also to people for whom, in case of disobedience to our orders, there will remain nothing but condemnation or exile—thus forcing them to protect our interests to their last breath.
Protocol No. IX
In applying our principles, turn your attention to the character of the people in whose countries you will be resident and among whom you will act, for a general similar application of them before the reëducation of a people according to our plan cannot be successful. But by advancing carefully in their application you will see that before ten years have passed the most obstinate character will have changed, and we can then count another people among those who already have submitted to us.
When we are enthroned we will substitute for the liberal words of our Masonic catchword, “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,” another group of words expressing simply ideas, namely, “the right of Liberty, the duty of Equality, the ideal of Fraternity.” Thus we will speak and ... we shall have the goat by the horns.... De facto, we have already destroyed all governments except our own, although de jure there are still many left. At present, if any of the governments raises a protest against us, it is done only as a matter of form, and at our desire, and by our order, because their anti-Semitism is necessary to enable us to control our smaller brothers. I will not further explain this, as it has already been the object of numerous discussions.
In reality there are no obstacles before us. Our super-government exists under such extra-legal conditions that it is common to designate it by an energetic and strong word—a Dictatorship.
I can honestly state that at the present time we are law-makers; we are the judges and inflict punishment; we execute and pardon; we, as the chief of all our armies, ride the leader’s horse. We rule by indomitable will because we hold in our hands the fragments of a once strong party now subject to us. We possess boundless ambition, burning greed for merciless revenge, and bitter hatred.
From us emanates an all-embracing terror. People of all opinions and of all doctrines are in our service; people who desire to restore monarchies, demagogues, socialists, communists, and other utopians. We have had to put all of them to work; every one of them is undermining the last remnant of authority, is trying to overthrow all existing order. All the governments have been tortured by this procedure; they beg for peace, and for the sake of peace are prepared to make any sacrifice, but we will not give them peace until they recognize our international super-government openly and with submission.
The masses have begun to demand the solution of the social problem by means of an international agreement. The division into parties has delivered all of them to us, because in order to conduct a party struggle money is required, and we have it all.
We might fear the union of the intelligent power of the Goys’ rulers with the blind power of the masses, but we have taken all measures against such a possibility. Between the two powers we have raised a wall in the form of mutual terror; thus the blind power of the people continues to be our support, and we alone will act as its leader and, naturally, we will direct it towards our goal.
To prevent the hand of the blind from freeing itself from our guidance, we must from time to time keep in close touch with the masses, if not through personal contact then through our most devoted brethren. When we become a recognized power we will personally address the masses in open places, and we will expound political problems in the desired direction.
How verify what is taught in village schools? But whatever the representative of the government or the ruler himself states will be immediately known to the entire nation, for it will rapidly spread by the voice of the people.
In order not prematurely to destroy Goy institutions, we have touched them with our efficient hands and grasped the ends of the springs of their mechanism. Formerly these springs were in rigid but just order; we have changed it to liberal, disorderly, and arbitrary lawlessness.
We have affected legal procedure, electoral law, the press, personal freedom, and, most important, education, the corner-stone of free existence.
We have misled, corrupted, fooled, and demoralised the youth of the Goys by education along principles and theories known by us to be false but which we ourselves have inspired.
Without changing substantially the existing law we have created stupendous results by distorting the laws through contradictory interpretations. These results first manifested themselves by the fact that interpretation has concealed the law itself, and thereafter has completely hidden it from the eyes of the governments by the impossibility of understanding such complicated jurisprudence.
Hence the theory of the court of conscience.[4]
You may say that there will be an armed rising against us if our plans are discovered prematurely; but in anticipation of this we have such a terrorizing manoeuver in the West that even the bravest soul will shudder.
Underground passages will be established by that time in all capitals, from where they can be exploded, together with all their institutions and national documents.
Protocol No. X
To-day I will begin by reiterating what has already been stated. I beg you to remember that the government and the masses are satisfied with visible results in politics. How can they examine the inner meaning of things when their representatives consider that pleasure is above everything? It is important to know one detail in our policy. It will help us in discussing division of authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion (faith), the right of assembly, equality before the law, inviolability of property and of the home, indirect taxes and the retrospective force of law. All such questions should never be directly and openly discussed before the masses. When it becomes necessary for us to discuss them, they should not be elaborated but merely mentioned, without going into details, pointing out that modern legal principles are being accepted by us. The significance of this reticence lies in the fact that a principle which has not been openly declared gives us freedom of action to exclude unnoticed one point or another, whereas if elaborated the principle becomes as good as established.
The people feel an especial love and admiration towards the political genius, and they always react to their acts of violence as follows:
“Yes, of course it is villainy, but how clever!—It is a trick but cleverly done! So majestically! so impudently!...”
We count upon attracting all nations to the construction of the foundations of the new edifice which has been planned by us. It is for this reason that it is necessary for us first of all to acquire that spirit of daring, enterprise, and force which, through our agents, will enable us to overcome all obstacles in our path.
When we accomplish our coup d’état, we will say to the peoples: “Everything went badly; all of you have suffered. We will abolish the cause of your sufferings, that is to say, nationalities, frontiers, and national currencies. Of course you are free to condemn us, but would your judgment be just if you were to pronounce it before giving a trial to what we will give you?” Thereafter they will exalt us with a sentiment of unanimous delight and hope. The voting system which we have used as a tool for our enthronement, and to which we have accustomed even the most humble members of humanity by organizing meetings and prearranged agreements, will have performed its last service and will make its last appearance in the expression of a unanimous desire to become more closely acquainted with us before having pronounced a judgment.
To attain this we must force all to vote, without class discrimination, to establish the autocracy of the majority, which cannot be obtained from the intellectual classes alone. Through this method of accustoming every one to the idea of self-determination, we will shatter the Goy family and its educational importance. We will not allow the formation of individual minds, because the mob, under our guidance, will prevent them from distinguishing themselves or even expressing themselves. The mob has become accustomed to listen only to us who pay it for obedience and attention. We will thus create such a blind power that it will be unable to move without the guidance of our agents, sent by us to replace their leaders.
The masses will submit to this régime because they will know that their earnings, perquisites, and other benefits depend upon these leaders.
The plan of government must emanate already formed from one head, as it would be impossible to put it together if disintegration by many minds into small pieces is allowed. That is why we only are allowed to know the plan of action; but we must not discuss it in order not to affect its ingenuity, the correlation between its component parts, the practical force of the secret meaning of its every clause. Were such a plan to be submitted to and altered by frequent voting, it would reflect the stamp of the misconceptions of every one who has not penetrated its depth and the correlation of its aims. For this reason our plans must be strongly and clearly conceived. Consequently, the inspired work of our leader must not be thrown to the mercy of the mob or even of a limited group.
These plans will not immediately upset contemporary institutions. They will only alter their organization, and consequently the entire combination of their development, which will thus be directed according to the plans laid down by us.
More or less the same institutions exist in different countries under different names, such as representative bodies, ministries, senate, state council, legislative and executive bodies. It is not necessary for me to explain to you the connecting mechanism of these different institutions, as it is well known to you. I only call to your attention that every one of the aforesaid institutions fulfills some important governmental function, and, moreover, I beg you to notice that the word “important” refers not to the institution but to the function. Consequently, it is not the institutions that are important but their functions. Such institutions have divided among themselves all the functions of government, namely, administrative, legislative, and executive powers; therefore, their functions in the state organism have become similar to those in a human body. If one part of the governmental machine is injured, the state itself falls ill, in the same way as the human body, and then it dies.
When we injected the poison of liberalism into the state organism, its entire political complexion changed; the states became infected with a mortal disease, namely, the decomposition of the blood. It is only necessary to await the end of their agony.
Constitutional governments were born of liberalism, which replaced the autocracy that was the salvation of the Goys, for the constitution, as you well know, is nothing more than a school for dispute, discussion, disagreement, fruitless party agitation, dissension, party tendencies—in other words, a school for everything which weakens the efficiency of government. The platform no less than the press condemned the authorities to inaction and impotency and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which reason they were overthrown in many countries. The rise of the republican era then became possible, and then we substituted for the ruler a caricature of government—a president chosen from the mob, from among our creatures, our slaves. This was the kind of mine we laid under the Goys, or, more correctly, under the Goy nations.
In the near future we will make the president a responsible officer, whereupon we will no longer stand on ceremony in carrying out the things for which our dummy will be responsible. What difference does it make to us that the ranks of those aiming at authority will thin out, that confusion will result from inability to find presidents, confusion which will definitely disorganize the country?
To accomplish our plan, we will engineer the election of presidents whose past record contains some hidden scandal, some “Panama”—then they will be faithful executors of our orders from fear of exposure, and from the natural desire of every man who has reached authority to retain the privileges, advantages, and dignity connected with the position of president. The Chamber of Deputies will elect, protect, and screen presidents, but we will deprive it of the right of initiating laws or of amending them, for this right will be granted by us to the responsible president, a puppet in our hands. Of course then the power of the president will become the target of numerous attacks, but we will give him the means of self-protection by giving him the right of directly applying to the people, for their decision, over the heads of their representatives. In other words, he will turn to the same blind slave—to the majority of the mob. Moreover, we will empower the president to proclaim martial law. We will justify this prerogative under the pretext that the president, as chief of the national army, must control it in order to protect the new republican constitution, which he, as a responsible representative of this constitution, is bound to defend.
It is obvious that under such conditions the keys to the shrine will be in our hands, and nobody except ourselves will be able to guide the legislative power.
We will also take away from the Chamber, with the introduction of the new republican constitution, the right of interpellation in regard to governmental measures, under the pretext that political secrets must be preserved. With the aid of this new constitution we will reduce the number of representatives to the minimum, thus also reducing to the same extent political passions and passion for politics. If, in spite of this, those remaining are recalcitrant, we will abolish them completely by appealing to the majority of the people.
The appointment of the president and vice presidents of the Chamber and Senate will be the prerogative of the president. Instead of continuous parliamentary sessions, we will shorten them to a few months. Moreover, the president, as chief executive, will have the right to convene or dissolve parliament, and in the case of dissolution, defer the appointment of a new parliament. But to prevent the president from being held responsible before our plans are matured for the results of all these essentially illegal actions inaugurated by us, we will give the ministers and other high administrative officials surrounding the president the idea of circumventing his orders by issuing instructions of their own. Consequently, they will be made responsible instead of him. We recommend that the execution of this plan be given especially to the Senate, State Council, or Council of Ministers, and not to individuals. Under our guidance the president will interpret in ambiguous ways such existing laws as it is possible so to interpret. Moreover, he will annul them when the need is pointed out to him by us: he will also have the right to propose temporary laws and even modifications in the constitutional work of government, alleging as the motive for so doing the exigencies of the welfare of the country.
By such measures we will be able to destroy gradually, step by step, everything that, upon entering into our rights, we were obliged to introduce into government constitutions as a transition to the imperceptible abolition of all constitutions, when the time comes to convert all government into our autocracy.
The recognition of our autocrat may come even before the abolition of the constitution; the moment for this recognition will come when the people, tormented by dissension and the incompetency of their rulers, incited by us, will exclaim: Depose them, and give us one universal sovereign who will unite us and abolish the causes of dissension—national frontiers, religion, state indebtedness—and who will give us the peace and quiet which we cannot find with our rulers and representatives.
But you know well that to render such a universal expression of desire possible, it is necessary continuously to disturb the relationship between the people and the government in all countries, and so to exhaust everybody by the dissension, hostility, struggle, hatred, and even martyrdom, hunger, inoculation of diseases, and misery, as to make the Goys see no other solution than an appeal to our money and complete rule.
Should we give the people a rest, however, the longed for moment will probably never arrive.
Protocol No. XI
The Council of State will tend to accentuate the power of the ruler; in the capacity of an ostensible legislative body, it will act as a committee for the drawing up of laws and statutes on behalf of the ruler.
The following is the program of the new constitution which we are preparing. We will make laws and control the courts in the following manner:
1. By suggestions to the legislative body.
2. By means of orders issued by the president as general statutes, decrees of the Senate, and decisions of the Council of State, as regulations passed by the ministries.
3. And when the opportune moment arrives—in the form of a coup d’état.
Having thus roughly outlined the modus agendi, we will now take up in detail those measures by which we will complete the development of the governmental mechanism in the above direction. By these measures, I mean the freedom of the press, the right of assembly, religious freedom, electoral rights, and many other things which must disappear from the human repertoire, or must be fundamentally altered on the day following the declaration of the new constitution. It is only at this moment that it will become possible for us to announce all our decrees, for at any time in the future every perceptible change would be dangerous, and this for the following reasons: If these changes should be introduced and rigidly enforced, it might cause despair by creating the fear of further changes in a similar direction; if, however, they are made with a tendency to subsequent leniency, then it might be said that we have recognized our mistakes, which would undermine the faith in the infallibility of the new authority; it might also be said that we were frightened, and that we were forced to make concessions for which nobody would be thankful since they would be considered as legitimately due.
Any of these impressions would be detrimental to the prestige of the new constitution. It is necessary for us that, from the first moment of its proclamation, when the people are still dumbfounded by the accomplished revolution and are in a state of terror and surprise, they should realize we are so strong, so invulnerable, and so mighty that we shall in no case pay attention to them, and not only will we ignore their opinions and desires, but be ready to and capable of suppressing at any moment or place any sign of opposition with indisputable authority. We shall want the people to realize that we have taken at once everything we wanted, and that we shall under no circumstances share our power with them. Then they will close their eyes to everything out of fear and will await further developments.
The Goys are like a flock of sheep—we are wolves.
Do you know what happens to sheep when wolves get into the fold?
They will also close their eyes to everything because we will promise to return to them all their liberties after the enemies of peace have been subjugated and all the parties pacified.
Is it necessary to say how long they would have to wait for the return of their liberties?
Why have we conceived and inspired this policy for the Goys without giving them an opportunity to examine its inner meaning if not for the purpose of attaining by a circuitous method what is unattainable for our scattered race by a direct road?
This constituted a base for our organization of secret masonry which is not known to and whose aims are not even suspected by these cattle, the Goys. They have been decoyed by us into our numerous ostensible organisations, which appear to be Masonic lodges, so as to divert the attention of their co-religionists.
God has given us, his chosen people, the power to scatter, and what to all appears to be our weakness, has proved to be our strength, and has now brought us to the threshold of universal rule.
Little remains to be built on these foundations.
Protocol No. XII
The word “Liberty” can be differently interpreted. We will define it as follows:
Liberty is the right to do that which is permitted by law. Such a definition of this word will eventually serve us, because liberty will be in our power; and also because the laws will either destroy or construct only what we desire in accordance with the above mentioned program.
We will deal with the press in the following manner: What is the present rôle of the press? It serves to arouse furious passions or egotistic party dissensions which may be necessary for our purpose. It is empty, unjust, inaccurate, and most people do not understand what end it serves. We will shackle it and keep a tight rein on it. We will also do the same with other printed matter, for what use would it be for us to rid ourselves of attacks on the part of the periodical press if we remain open to criticism through pamphlets and books? We will convert the products of publicity, now so expensive, owing to the need of censorship, into a source of income for our state. We will impose a special stamp tax. When a newspaper printing shop is started, bonds will have to be deposited, which will guarantee our government from all attacks on the part of the press. In case of an attack, we will mercilessly impose fines. Such measures as stamps, bonds, and fines, the payment of which is guaranteed by the bonds, will bring a huge income to the government. It is true that party papers might not fear the loss of money, so we will suppress these after the second attack on us. No one shall touch the prestige of our political infallibility and remain unpunished. The pretext for stopping a publication will be that the publication in question excites public opinion without cause or reason. I ask you to bear in mind that among those who attack us there will be also organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively those points which we plan to change.
Not one notice will be made public without our control. This is already being done by us, since the news from all parts of the world is received through several agencies in which it is centralized.
These agencies will then be completely in our power and they will publish only such news as we will permit.
If we have already managed to subjugate the minds of the Goys to such an extent that almost all of them see world events through colored glasses which we put over their eyes; if, even at present, there is not one state which bars our access to state secrets, so termed by the stupid Goys, then what will it be when we, in the person of our universal sovereign, are the recognized rulers of the world?
Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody who wishes to become an editor, a librarian, or a printer, will be obliged to obtain a diploma, which in case of disobedience will be immediately revoked.
With such measures, thought will become an educational instrument in the hands of our government, which will not allow the people to be led astray into realms of fancy and dreams about beneficent progress. Who of us does not know that these fantastic blessings are the direct road to baseless hopes which lead to anarchistic relations between the people and the government? Progress, or better still the idea of progress, has led to the creation of different modes of emancipation without setting any limit to it. All so-called liberals are essentially anarchists in thought if not in action. Each one of them pursues the phantom of liberty, becoming self-willed, that is to say, falling into a state of anarchy by protesting for the mere sake of protesting.
We will now again refer to the question of the press. We will place stamp taxes secured by bonds on each page of all printed matter, while on books containing less than four hundred and eighty pages we will place a double tax. We will classify them as pamphlets, so as to lessen the number of magazines, which represent the worst printed poison—and on the other hand, to force writers to prepare such long works that they will be little read, especially as they will be expensive. Our own publications, guiding public opinion in the direction we desire, will be cheap and rapidly bought. The tax will discourage the writing of mere leisure literature, whereas punishment will make the writers dependent upon us. Even if there were writers who would like to attack us, they would find no publishers for their works. Before printing any work, the editor or printer will have to apply to the authorities for permission. We will then know beforehand of the attacks that are being prepared against us, and we will destroy them by coming out with advance statements on the subject.
Literature and journalism are the two most important educational forces; for this reason our government will become the owner of most of the periodicals. This will neutralize the injurious influence of the private press and have great influence on the people. If we permit ten periodicals, we ourselves will print thirty, and so forth. This, however, must not be suspected by the public. All the periodicals published by us will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, inviting trust in us, thus attracting to us unsuspecting enemies, and in this way they will be caught in our trap and made harmless.
The predominant place will be held by periodicals of an official character. They will always stand guard over our interests and consequently their influence will be comparatively limited.
In the second category we will place semi-official organs, whose aim will be to attract the indifferent and little interested.
The third category will be our ostensible opposition, which at least in one of its publications will represent the opposition to us. Our real enemies will mistake this seeming opposition as belonging to their own group and will thus show us their cards.
All our newspapers will represent different tendencies, namely, aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchistic, so long of course as the constitution lasts. Like the Indian God Vishnu, these periodicals will have one hundred arms, each of which will reach the pulse of every group of public opinion. When the pulse beats faster, these arms will guide opinion toward our aims, since the excited person loses the power of reasoning and is easily led. Those fools who believe that they repeat the opinions expressed by the newspapers of their party will be repeating our opinions or those which we desire them to have. Imagining that they are following the press of their party, they will follow the flag which we will fly for them.
In order that our newspaper militia may carry out our program, we must organize the press with great care. Under the title of the Central Department of the press, we will organize literary meetings at which our agents unnoticed will give the passwords and countersigns. Discussing and contradicting our policies, although always superficially, without touching their essence, our press will conduct an empty fire against official newspapers so as to give us only an opportunity to express ourselves in greater detail than we were able to in our preliminary declarations. This, of course, will be done when it is useful to us.
These attacks against us will also seem to convince the people that complete liberty of the press still exists, and it will give our agents the opportunity to declare that the papers opposing us are mere wind-bags, since they are unable to find any real ground to refute our orders.
Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention, will be the most successful means of guiding the public mind and of inspiring confidence in our government. Thanks to them, we will as the need arises excite or pacify the public mind on political questions. We will be able to persuade or confuse them, sometimes printing the truth, sometimes lies, referring to facts or contradicting them according to the way they are received by the public, always carefully sounding the ground before stepping on it. We will surely conquer our enemies, because they will not have the press at their disposal in which to express themselves in full. Moreover, with the above mentioned plans against the press, we will not even need to refute them seriously.
The trial balloons thrown out by us in the third category of our press, we will deny energetically, in case of need, in our semi-official organs.
In French journalism there already exists the Masonic solidarity of a password; all organs of the press are bound by professional secrecy; like the ancient augurs, not one member will disclose his secret if he is not ordered to do so. Not one journalist will dare to disclose this secret, for not one of them is admitted to literary headquarters unless he has a disgraceful action in his past record. The fact would immediately be made public. While these disgraceful actions are known only to a few, the prestige of the journalist attracts opinion throughout the country—he is admired.
Our plans must extend chiefly to the provincial districts. There we must excite hopes and ambitions opposed to those of the capitals, by means of which we may always attack them, presenting such ambitions to the capitals as the inspired views and aims of provincial districts. It is obvious that their source will be ours. It is necessary for us that while we are not yet in full power, the capital should be under the influence of provincial public opinion; that is under the influence of the majority prearranged by our agents. It is necessary for us that at the critical psychological moment the capitals should not discuss an accomplished fact, for the mere reason that it had been accepted by the provincial majority.
When we reach the phase of the new régime, which is transitory to our accession to power, we must not allow the press to expose social corruption. It must be thought that the new régime has satisfied everybody to such an extent that even criminality has stopped. Cases of criminal activity must only be known to their victims or their accidental witnesses, and to these alone.
Protocol No. XIII
The need of daily bread forces the Goys to silence and compels them to remain our obedient servants. The agents taken from among them for our press will discuss the facts they are ordered to publish, when it is inconvenient for us to publish statements openly in official documents. While discussion and dispute are taking place, we will simply pass the measures we desire and present them to the public as an accomplished fact. Nobody will dare to demand the rejection of measures thus passed, and the more so as they will be interpreted as an improvement. At this point the press will divert the thoughts of the people to new problems (we having accustomed the people always to seek new emotions). Those brainless creators of destiny, who heretofore have been unable to understand and do not now understand that they are ignorant of matters which they undertake to discuss, will also hasten to discuss these new problems. Political questions are meant to be understood only by those who have created them and have been directing them for many centuries.
From all this you will realize that by aiming to control the opinion of the mob we will only facilitate the functioning of our mechanism, and you will also notice that we seek approbation, not for actions but for words uttered by us on various occasions. We always declare that we are guided in all our policies by the hope and certainty of serving the general good.
To divert the over-restless people from discussing political problems, we now make it appear that we provide them with new problems, namely, those pertaining to industry. Let them become excited over this subject as much as they like. The masses will consent to remain inactive, to rest from so-called political activity (to which we ourselves accustomed them for the purpose of helping us in our struggle against the Goy government), only on condition of a new occupation in which we can show them supposedly the same political background.
To prevent them from reaching any independent decisions, we will divert their minds by amusements, games, pastimes, passions, and cultural centers for the people. We will soon begin to offer prize contests, through the press, in the field of art, and sports of all kinds. Such attractions will definitely deflect the mind from problems over which we would otherwise have to fight with the people. By losing more and more the custom of independent thought, they will begin to talk in unison with us, because we alone will provide new lines of thought through persons with whom of course we will presumably have no connection.
The rôle of liberal Utopians will be definitely terminated when our government is recognized. Until that time, they will do us good service. For this reason we will still direct thought towards different fantastic theories which will appear to be progressive. For it was by the word “progress” that we have successfully turned the brains of the stupid Goys. There are no brains among the Goys to realize that this word is but a cover for digression from the truth, unless it is applied to material inventions, since there is but one truth and there is no room for progress. Progress, being a false conception, serves to conceal the truth so that nobody may know it except ourselves, God’s elect, who are its guardians.
When our kingdom is established, our orators will discuss the great problems which have stirred humanity for the purpose of bringing it finally under our blessed rule.
Who will then suspect that all these problems were instigated by us, according to a political plan which has not been disclosed by any one during so many centuries.
Protocol No. XIV
When we become rulers we will not tolerate the existence of any other religion except our own, which proclaims one God, with whom our fate is bound up because we are the Chosen People, and our fate has determined the fate of the world. For this reason we must destroy all other religions. If the result of this produces modern atheists, as a transitory step, this will not interfere with our plans but will act as an example to those generations which will listen to our teaching of the religion of Moses, which, owing to its solid and thoughtful system, will eventually lead to the domination of all nations by us. We will also lay stress on the mystical truth of Masonic teaching which, we will assert, is the foundation of its whole educative power.
On every possible occasion we will then publish articles in which we will compare our beneficial rule with that of the past. The benefits of peace, although attained through centuries of unrest, will serve to demonstrate the beneficial character of our rule. The mistakes made by the Goys during their administration will be pictured by us in the most vivid colors. We will cause such disgust towards the administration of the Goys that the masses will prefer the peace of serfdom to the rights of the much lauded liberty which has so cruelly tortured them and drained from them the very source of human existence, and by which they were exploited by a mass of adventurers, ignorant of what they were doing. The useless changes of government, to which we ourselves prompted the Goys, when we were undermining their governmental apparatus, will become such a nuisance to the people by that time, that they will prefer to endure anything from us rather than risk a repetition of former unrest and hardships. We will, moreover, lay particular stress on the historical mistakes made by the Goy governments, which caused humanity to suffer for many centuries for lack of understanding of all matters pertaining to its true welfare, and because of their search for fantastic schemes of social welfare. The Goys did not notice that such schemes instead of improving mutual relationship, which is the basis of human existence, have only made it worse.
The whole force of our principles and measures will lie in the fact that they are put forward and interpreted by us as being in sharp contrast to the decayed social order of former times.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the Goy religion, but nobody will ever discuss our religion in the light of its true aspect, and nobody will ever thoroughly understand it, except our own people, who will never dare to disclose its secrets.
In countries so-called advanced we have created insane, dirty, and disgusting literature. For a short time after our entrance into power we will encourage its publication in order that the contrast between it and the speeches and programs which will be heard from our heights should be more pointedly marked. Our wise men, trained as guides to the Goys, will prepare speeches, plans, memoranda, and articles, by which we will influence the minds and direct them towards the conceptions and the knowledge which we wish them to have.
Protocol No. XV
When we finally become rulers by means of revolutions, which will be arranged so that they shall take place simultaneously in all countries and immediately after all existing governments shall have been officially pronounced as incapable (which may not happen soon, perhaps not before a whole century), we will see to it that no plots are hatched against us. To effect this, we will kill heartlessly all who take up arms against the establishment of our rule.
The establishment of any new secret society will be met by the death penalty, and those societies which now exist and are known to us and either work or have worked for us, will be disbanded and their members exiled to continents far removed from Europe.
We will deal in the same manner with those Masons among the Goys who know too much. The Masons whom we may pardon for any reason will be kept under continual fear of exile. We will pass a law whereby all members of secret organizations will be exiled from Europe, that being the center of our government. The decisions of our government will be final and there will be no right of appeal.
In the Goy society, where we have planted such deep roots of dissension and protest, order can only be restored by merciless measures which will serve as evidence that our power cannot be infringed. There is no necessity for regard towards the victims sacrificed for the future good. To attain good, even though by the sacrifice of life, is the duty of every government which realizes that its existence depends not upon privileges alone, but upon the exercise of its duties as well.
The most important means for erecting a stable government is to strengthen the prestige of authority. This is only obtained by its majestic and unshakable power, which will convey the impression that it is inviolable because of its mystical nature, namely, because chosen by God. Such until recently has been the Russian Autocracy—our only dangerous enemy throughout the world, with the exception of the Pope. Remember Italy drowning in blood; she did not touch a hair on the head of Sulla who had shed that blood. Sulla had become powerful in the eyes of the people, although they were tortured by him; his manly return to Italy placed him beyond persecution. The people do not touch those who hypnotize them by bravery and steadfastness of spirit.