WORKS ISSUED BY
The Hakluyt Society.

THE
OBSERVATIONS OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS.
M.DCCC.XLVII.

THE
OBSERVATIONS
OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, K^NT
IN HIS
VOYAGE INTO
THE SOUTH SEA
IN THE YEAR
1593.
REPRINTED FROM THE EDITION OF 1622.

EDITED BY
C. R. DRINKWATER BETHUNE,
CAPTAIN R.N.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.
M.DCCC.XLVII.

RICHARDS, 100, ST. MARTIN’S LANE.

THE HAKLUYT SOCIETY.

Council. SIR RODERICK IMPEY MURCHISON, G.C.St.S., F.R.S., Corr. Mem. Inst. Fr.; Hon. Mem. Imp. Acad. Sc. St. Petersburg, &c. &c., President.

WILLIAM DESBOROUGH COOLEY, Esq. F.R.G.S., Secretary.

EDITOR’S PREFACE.

Many of the early voyages to the Spanish possessions in South America, are open to the charge of having been conducted more upon buccaneering principles, than on those that should guide nations in their intercourse with each other.

Even Sir Francis Drake, on his return from one of the most memorable, endured the mortification of being considered little better than a pirate, and it required all the honors conferred on him by Queen Elizabeth, to set him right in public opinion.

This is not the proper place to discuss the question, whether England was justified in allowing such expeditions to leave her shores; it is sufficient to state, that our author is not liable to any animadversion, as his voyage was undertaken under the authority of the Queen’s commission; and his conduct was marked throughout by humanity and benevolence.

We can hardly appreciate too highly the adventurous daring of these early navigators; but while we give due credit to them for attempting such long voyages into almost unknown seas, in vessels of small burthen, we must not imagine that they were utterly unprovided for the nature of the expected service: on the contrary, great care seems have been taken both in selecting proper crews, and in providing them with everything needful.

Sir Richard Hawkins, at page 12, alludes generally to his own preparations; and we read in the accounts of Sir Francis Drake’s expedition, “that his vessels were plentifully furnished with all manner of provisions and necessaries for so long and dangerous a voyage; and such as served only for ornament and delight were likewise not forgotten. For this purpose he took with him very expert musicians for several instruments. His furniture of all kinds was rich and sumptuous; all the vessels for his table, and many in the cook-room, being of pure silver, curiously wrought, and many other things whereby the magnificence of his native country might be displayed.”

We find even more detail in the North West Fox, or Fox from the North-west passage, London, 1635: a work professing to give an account of all Northern voyagers, commencing with King Arthur, and ending with Captain Luke Fox. We quote from the preface to the latter voyage:—

“The ship of his Majesties, was (of my own chusing, and the best for condition and quality, especially for this voyage, that the world could afford), of burthen eighty tonnes, the number of men twenty, and two boyes, and by all our cares was sheathed, cordaged, builded, and repaired; all things being made exactly ready against an appointed time. My greatest care was to have my men of godly conversation, and such as their years, of time not exceeding thirty-five, had gained good experience, that I might thereby be the better assisted, especially by such as had been upon those frostbiting voyages, by which they were hardened for indurance, and could not so soone be dismayed at the sight of the ice. For beardless younkers, I knew as many as could man the boate was enough; and for all our dependances was upon God alone, for I had neither private ambition or vaine glory.

“And all these things I had contractedly done by the master, wardens, and assistants of the Trinity House. For a lieutenant I had no use; but it grieved me much that I could not get one man that had been on the same voyage before, by whose counsaile or discourse I might better have shunned the ice. I was victualled compleatly for eighteene months; but whether the baker, brewer, butcher, and other, were master of their arts, or professors or no, I know not; but this I am sure of, I had excellent fat beefe, strong beere, good wheaten bread, good Iceland ling, butter and cheese of the best, admirable sacke and aqua-vitæ, pease, oatmeale, wheat-meale, oyle, spice, sugar, fruit, and rice; with chyrugerie, as sirrups, julips, condits, trechisses, antidotes, balsoms, gummes, unguents, implaisters, oyles, potions, suppositors, and purging pills; and if I wanted instruments, my chyrugion had enough. My carpenter was fitted from the thickest bolt to the pumpe nayle, or tacket. The gunner, from the sacor to the pistol. The boatswaine, from the cable to the sayle twine. The steward and cooke, from the caldron to the spoone.

“And for books, if I wanted any I was to blame, being bountifully furnisht from the treasurer with money to provide me, especially for those of study there would be no leisure, nor was there, for I found work enough.”

Besides this abundant preparation of all things needful for the body, rules for good discipline were not wanting, which we also transcribe, considering they have some relation to the matter in hand.

“May 7, anno 1631.—The voyage of Captaine Luke Fox, in his Majesties pinnace the Charles, burthen seventy tonnes, twenty men, and two boyes, victuals for eighteen months, young Sir John Wolstenholme being treasurer.

“Orders and articles for civill government, to be duly observed amongst us in this voyage.

“Forasmuch as the good successe and prosperity of every action doth consist in the due service and glorifying of God, knowing that not only our being and preservation, but the prosperity of all our actions and enterprizes doe immediately depend upon His Almighty goodness and mercy; of which this being none of the least, eyther of nature or quality. For the better governing and managing of this present voyage, in his Majesties ship the Charles, bound for the North-west Passage, towards the South Sea, May 7, 1631, as followeth:—

“1. That all the whole company, as well officers as others, shall duly repaire every day twice, at the call of the bell, to heare publike prayers to be read (such as are authorized by the Church), and that in a godly and devout manner, as good Christians ought.

“2. That no man shall swear by the name of God, nor use any prophane oath, or blaspheme his holy name, upon pain of severe punishment.

“3. That no man shall speak any vile or unbeseeming word, against the honour of his Majestie, our dread soveraigne, his lawes or ordinances, or the religion established and authorized by him here in England, but as good subjects shall duly pray for him.

“4. That no man shall speake any doubtfull or despairing words against the good successe of the voyage, or make any doubt thereof, eyther in publique or private, at his messe, or to his watch-mate, or shall make any question of the skill and knowledge eyther of superiour or inferior officer, or of the undertakings; nor shall offer to combine against the authority thereof, upon the paine of severe punishment, as well to him that shall first heare and conceale the same, as to the first beginner.

“5. That no man do offer to filch or steale any of the goods of the ship or company, or doe offer to breake into hould, there to take his pleasure of such provisions as are layd in generall for the whole company of the ship; nor that any officer appointed for the charge and oversight thereof, doe other wayes than shall be appointed him, but shall every man bee carefull for the necessary preservation of the victuall and fuell conteyned in the hould; and that also every officer be so carefull of his store, as hee must not be found (upon examination) to deserve punishment.

“6. That no man doe grumble at his allowance of victuall, or steale any from others, nor shall give cross language, eyther to superior or equal, in reviling words or daring speeches, which do tend to the inflaming of blood or inraging of choller; remembering this also, that a stroke or a blow is the breach of his Majesties peace, and may not want his punishment therefore, as for other reasons.

“7. That at the boatswaine’s call, all the whole company shall appeare above decke, or else that his mate fetch up presently all such sloathfull persons, eyther with rope or cudgell, as in such cases deserves the same. The quarter-masters shall look into the steeridge, while the captains, masters, and mates are at dinner, or at supper.

“8. That all men duely observe the watch, as well at anchor as under sayle, and at the discharge thereof, the boatswaine or his mate shall call up the other; all praising God together, with psalme and prayer. And so committing our selves, both soules and bodies, ship and goods, to God’s mercifull preservation, wee beseech him to steere, direct, and guide us, from the beginning to the end of our voyage: which hee make prosperous unto us. Amen.”

Sir Richard Hawkins followed the profession of a seaman from an early age. Brought up in stirring times, under the eye of his father, one of the most experienced naval commanders of his time, he appears to have inherited a knowledge of sound principles of discipline, and to have become imbued with that indomitable courage, tempered with prudence, essential to the character of a good sea officer. In 1588, Captain Hawkins commanded the Swallow, a Queen’s ship of three hundred and sixty tons, and assisted in her at the destruction of the Spanish armada. He appears at that period to have attained a certain consideration, as he was employed as Queen’s Commissioner, to settle some prize claims. He next undertook the voyage the history of which is recounted in the following pages. After his return from his detention in the South Seas, we find him, in 1620, in the Vanguard, of six hundred and sixty tons, vice-admirall of Sir Robert Mansel’s expedition against the Algerines. He died suddenly shortly afterwards.

Admiral Burney, in his History of Voyages and Discoveries in the South Seas, alluding to this work, says, “it might with propriety have been entitled a book of good counsel; many of his observations being unconnected with the voyage he is relating, but his digressions are ingenious and entertaining, and they frequently contain useful or curious information”: and Mr. Barrow, in his Memoirs of the Naval Worthies of Queen Elizabeth, thinks that the “Observations must take their station in the very first rank of our old sea voyages.”

Similar considerations led the council of the Hakluyt Society to select it, though not exactly a rare work, for early publication; and it is submitted to the Members, with a confident hope that it will repay an attentive perusal.

The editor has confined his labours to reproducing the text of the original, with only such slight alterations as were necessary where the sense of the author had been obviously marred by a misprint; giving such explanations of obsolete words and technical terms as might embarrass an unprofessional reader; identifying the places visited with their modern appellation, where practicable; and adding such remarks as occurred to him while correcting the proof sheets.

C. R. D. B.

Nov. 1847.

THE
OBSERVATIONS
OF
S^IR RICHARD HAWKINS
KNIGHT, IN HIS
VOIAGE INTO THE
South Sea.
Anno Domini, 1593.

Per varios Casus, Artem Experientia fecit,
Exemplo monstrante viam.—Manil. li. 1.

LONDON
Printed by I. D. for Iohn Iaggard, and are to be
sold at his shop at the Hand and Starre in Fleete-streete,
neere the Temple Gate. 1 6 2 2.

TO THE
MOST ILLUSTRIOUS AND MOST EXCELLENT
PRINCE CHARLES, PRINCE OF WALES,
DUKE OF CORNEWALL, EARLE OF CHESTER, ETC.

Amongst other neglects prejudiciall to this state, I have observed, that many the worthy and heroyque acts of our nation, have been buried and forgotten: the actors themselves being desirous to shunne emulation in publishing them, and those which overlived them, fearefull to adde, or to diminish from the actors worth, judgement, and valour, have forborne to write them; by which succeeding ages have been deprived of the fruits which might have beene gathered out of their experience, had they beene committed to record. To avoyd this neglect, and for the good of my country, I have thought it my duty to publish the observations of my South Sea Voyage; and for that unto your highnesse, your heires, and successors, it is most likely to be advantagious (having brought on me nothing but losse and misery), I am bold to use your name, a protection unto it, and to offer it with all humblenes and duty to your highnesse approbation, which if it purchase, I have attained my desire, which shall ever ayme to performe dutie.

Your Highnesse humble
And devoted servant,
RICHARD HAWKINS.

TO THE READER.

Had that worthie knight, the author, lived to have seen this his Treatise published, he would perhaps himselfe have given the account thereof: for by his owne directions it was put to the presse, though it pleased God to take him to his mercy during the time of the impression. His purpose was to have recommended both it and himselfe unto our most excellent Prince Charles, and himselfe wrote the Dedication, which being imparted unto me, I conceited that it stood not with my dutie to suppresse it.

Touching the discourse it selfe, as it is out of my element to judge, so it is out of my purpose to say much of it. This onely I may boldly promise, that you shall heere find an expert seaman, in his owne dialect, deliver a true relation of an unfortunat voyage; which howsoever it proved lamentable and fatall to the actors, may yet prove pleasing to the readers: it being an itch in our natures to delight in newnes and varietie, be the subject never so grievous. This (if there were no more) were yet worthy your perusall; and is as much as others have with good acceptance afforded in relations of this nature. Howbeit besides the bare series and context of the storie, you shall heere finde interweaved, sundry exact descriptions of Countries, Townes, Capes, Promontories, Rivers, Creeks, Harbours, and the like, not unprofitable for navigators; besides many notable observations, the fruites of a long experience, that may give light touching marine accidents, even to the best captaines and commaunders: who if they desire to learn by precepts, shall here find store: but if examples prevaile more with them, here are also aliena pericula. If you believe mee not, reade and judge. Farewell.

THE OBSERVATIONS
OF
SIR RICHARD HAWKINS, KNIGHT,
IN HIS
VOYAGE INTO THE SOUTH SEA.

SECTION I.

WITH the counsels consent, and helpe of my father, Sir John Hawkins,[1] knight, I resolved a voyage to be made for the Ilands of Japan, of the Phillippinas, and Molucas, the kingdomes of China, and East Indies, by the way of the Straites of Magelan, and the South Sea.

The necessary use of discoveries.

Of travaile.

The principall end of our designements, was, to make a perfect discovery of all those parts where I should arrive, as well knowne as unknowne, with their longitudes, and latitudes; the lying of their coasts; their head-lands; their ports, and bayes; their cities, townes, and peoplings; their manner of government; with the commodities which the countries yeelded, and of which they have want, and are in necessitie.

Of shipping.

For this purpose in the end of anno 1588, returning from the journey against the Spanish Armado, I caused a ship to be builded in the river of Thames, betwixt three and foure hundred tunnes, which was finished in that perfection as could be required; for shee was pleasing to the eye, profitable for stowage, good of sayle, and well conditioned.

The day of her lanching being appoynted, the Lady Hawkins (my mother-in-law) craved the naming of the ship, which was easily granted her: who knowing what voyage was pretended to be undertaken, named her the Repentance: what her thoughts were, was kept secret to her selfe; and although many times I expostulated with her, to declare the reason for giving her that uncouth name, I could never have any other satisfaction, then that repentance was the safest ship we could sayle in, to purchase the haven of Heaven. Well, I know, shee was no prophetesse, though a religious and most vertuous lady, and of a very good understanding.[2]

Yet too propheticall it fell out by Gods secrete judgementes, which in his wisdome was pleased to reveale unto us by so unknowne a way, and was sufficient for the present, to cause me to desist from the enterprise, and to leave the ship to my father, who willingly tooke her, and paid the entire charge of the building and furnishing of her, which I had concorted[3] or paid. And this I did not for any superstition I have in names, or for that I thinke them able to further or hinder any thing; for that all immediately dependeth upon the Providence of Almightie God, and is disposed by him alone.

Improper names for shipping.

Yet advise I all persons ever (as neere as they can) by all meanes, and in all occasions, to presage unto themselves the good they can, and in giving names to terestriall workes (especially to ships), not to give such as meerly represent the celestial character; for few have I knowne, or seen, come to a good end, which have had such attributes. The Revenge As was plainely seene in the Revenge, which was ever the unfortunatest ship the late queenes majestie had during her raigne; for coming out of Ireland, with Sir John Parrot, shee was like to be cast away upon the Kentish coast. After, in the voyage of Sir John Hawkins, my father, anno 1586, shee strucke aground coming into Plimouth, before her going to sea. Upon the coast of Spaine, shee left her fleete, readie to sinke with a great leake: at her returne into the harbour of Plimouth, shee beate upon Winter stone; and after, in the same voyage, going out of Portsmouth haven, shee ranne twice aground; and in the latter of them, lay twentie-two houres beating upon the shore, and at length, with eight foote of water in hold, shee was forced off, and presently ranne upon the Oose: and was cause that shee remained there (with other three ships of her majesties) six months, till the spring of the yeare; when coming about to bee decked,[4] entring the river of Thames, her old leake breaking upon her, had like to have drowned all those which were in her. In anno 1591, with a storme of wind and weather, riding at her moorings in the river of Rochester, nothing but her bare masts over head, shee was turned topse-turvie, her kele uppermost: and the cost and losse shee wrought, I have too good cause to remember, in her last voyage, in which shee was lost, when shee gave England and Spain just cause to remember her. For the Spaniards themselves confesse, that three of their ships sunke by her side, and See Master Hacluits Relations. was the death of above 1500 of their men, with the losse of a great part of their fleete, by a storme which suddainly tooke them the next day. What English died in her, many living are witnesses: amongst which was Sir Richard Greenfeild,[5] a noble and valiant gentleman, vice-admirall in her of her majesties fleete. So that, well considered, shee was even a ship loaden, and full fraught with ill successe.

The Thunderbolt of London.

The like wee might behold in the Thunderbolt, of London, who, in one voyage (as I remember), had her mast cleft with a thunderbolt, upon the coast of Barbary. After in Dartmouth, going for admirall of the Whaftage,[6] and guard of the fleete for the river of Bourdieux, had also her poope blown up with fire sodainly, and unto this day, never could be knowne the cause, or manner how: and lastly, shee was burned with her whole companie in the river of Bourdieux, and Master Edward Wilson, generall in her, slaine by his enemies, having escaped the fire.

The Jesus of Lubeck. The Repentance.

The suceesse of the Jesus of Lubecke, in Saint John de Vlua, in the Nova Spania, infamous to the Spaniardes;[7] with my Repentance, in the South Sea, taken by force, hath utterly impoverished, and overthrowne our house.

The Journey of Spaine.

The Journey of Spaine, pretended for England, anno 1587, called the Journey of Revenge, left the principall of their men and ships on the rocks of Cape Finister, and the rest made a lamentable end, for the most part in the Groyne.[8] No more for this poynt, but to our purpose.

SECTION II.

The Repentance being put in perfection, and riding at Detford, the queenes majestie passing by her, to her pallace of Greenwych, commanded her bargemen to row round about her, and viewing her from post to stemme, disliked nothing but her name, and said, that shee would christen her anew, and that henceforth shee should be called the Daintie; which name she brooked as well for her proportion and grace, as for the many happie voyages shee made in her majesties service; having taken (for her majestie) a great Bysten,[9] of five hundred tunnes, loaden with iron and other commodities, under the conduct of Sir Martin Furbusher; a caracke bound for the East Indies, under my fathers charge, and the principall cause of taking the great caracke, brought to Dartmouth by Sir John Borrow, and the Earl of Cumberlands shippes, anno 1592, with others of moment in her other voyages.[10] To us, shee never brought but cost, trouble, and care. Therefore my father resolved to sell her, though with some losse, which he imparted with me: and for that I had ever a particular love unto her, and a desire shee should continue ours, I offered to ease him of the charge and care of her, and to take her, with all her furniture at the price he had before taken her of me; with resolution to put in execution the voyage for which shee was first builded; although it lay six months and more in suspence, partly, upon the pretended voyage for Nombrededios and Panama, which then was fresh a foote; and partly, upon the caracke at Dartmouth, in which I was imployed as a commissioner; but this businesse being ended, and the other pretence waxing colde, the fift of March I resolved, and beganne to goe forward with the journey, so often talked of, and so much desired.

Considerations for pretended voyages.

And having made an estimate of the charge of victualls, munition, imprests,[11] sea-store, and necessaries for the sayd ship; consorting another of an hundred tunnes, which I waited for daily from the Straites of Giberalter, with a pynace of sixtie tunnes, all mine owne: and for a competent number of men for them; as also of all sorts of marchandises for trade and traffique in all places where wee should come; I began to wage men, to buy all manner of victualls and provisions, and to lade her with them, and with all sorts of commodities (which I could call to minde) fitting; and dispatched order to my servant in Plimouth, to put in a readinesse my pynace;[12] as also to take Provisions better provided at Plimouth, then at London. up certaine provisions, which are better cheape in those parts then in London, as beefe, porke, bisket, and sider. And with the diligence I used, and my fathers furtherance, at the end of one moneth, I was ready to set sayle for Plimouth, to joyne with the rest of my shippes and provisions. But the expecting of the coming of the lord high admirall, Sir Robert Cecill, principall secretary to her majestie, and Sir Walter Rawley, with others, to honour my shippe and me with their presence and farewell, detayned me some dayes; and the rayne and untemperate weather deprived me of the favour, which I was in hope to have received at their hands. Whereupon, being loath to loose more time, and the winde serving according to my wish, the eight of April, 1593, I caused the pilot to set sayle from Blackwall, and to vayle[13] down to Gravesend, whether that night I purposed to come.

Having taken my unhappy last leave of my father Sir John Hawkins, I tooke my barge, and rowed down the river, and coming to Barking, wee might see my ship at an anchor in the midst of the channell, where ships are not wont to more themselves: this bred in me some alteration. And coming aboord her, one and other began to recount the perill they had past of losse of ship and goods, which was not little; for the winde being at east north-east, when they set sayle, and vered out southerly, it forced them for the doubling of a point to bring their tacke aboard, and looffing up; the winde freshing, sodenly the shipp began to make a little hele; and for that shee was very deepe loaden, and her ports open, the water began to enter in at them, which no bodie having regard Note. unto, thinking themselves safe in the river, it augmented in such maner as the waight of the water began to presse downe the side, more then the winde: at length when it was seene and the shete flowne, shee could hardly be brought upright. But God was pleased that with the diligence and travell of the company, shee was freed of that danger; which may be a gentle warning[14] to all such as take charge of shipping, even before they set sayle, eyther in river or harbour, or other part, to have an eye to their ports, and to see those shut and callked, which may cause danger; for avoyding the many mishaps which dayly chance for the neglect thereof, and have beene most lamentable spectacles and examples unto us: experiments in the Great Harry, admirall[15] of England, which was over-set and suncke at Portsmouth, with her captaine, Carew, and the most part of his company drowned in a goodly summers day, with a little flawe of winde; for that her ports were all open, and making a small hele, by them entred their destruction; where if they had beene shut, no wind could have hurt her, especially in that place.

In the river of Thames, Master Thomas Candish had a small ship over-set through the same negligence. And one of the fleete of Syr Francis Drake, in Santo Domingo harbour, turned her keele upward likewise, upon the same occasion; with many others, which we never have knowledge of.

And when this commeth to passe, many times negligence is cloaked with the fury of the winde: which is a double fault; for the truth being knowne, others would bee warned to shun the like neglects; for it is a very bad ship whose masts crackt not asunder, whose sayles and tackling flie not in peeces, before she over-set, especially if shee be English built. And that which over-setteth the ship is the waight of the water that presseth down the side, which as it entreth more and more, increaseth the waight, and the impossibilitie of the remedie: for, the water not entring, with easing of the sheate, or striking the sayles, or putting the ship before the winde or sea, or other diligences, as occasion is offered (and all expert mariners know) remedie is easily found.[16]

With this mischaunce the mariners were so daunted, that they would not proceede with the ship any further, except shee was lighted, which indeede was needelesse, for many reasons which I gave: but mariners are like to a stiffe necked horse, which taking the bridle betwixt his teeth, forceth his rider to what him list, mauger his will; so they having once concluded, and resolved, are with great difficultie brought to yeelde to the raynes of reason; and to colour their negligence, they added cost, trouble, and delay. In fine, seeing no other remedie, I dispatched that night a servant of mine to give account to my father of that which had past, and to bring mee presently some barke of London, to goe along with me to Plimouth; which not finding, he brought me a hoye, in which I loaded some sixe or eight tunnes, to give content to the company; and so set sayle the 13th of Aprill, and the next day wee put in at Harwich, for that the winde was contrary, and from thence departed the 18th of the sayd moneth in the morning.

When wee were cleere of the sands, the winde veered to the south-west, and so we were forced to put into Margat Roade, whether came presently after us a fleete of Hollanders of above an hundreth sayle, bound for Rochell, to loade salt; and in their companie a dozen shippes of warre; their wafters very good ships and well appointed in all respects. All which came alongst by our ship, and saluted us, as is the custome of the sea, some with three, others with five, others with more peeces of ordinance.

The next morning the winde vering easterly, I set sayle, and the Hollanders with me, and they with the flood in hand, went out at the North-sands-head, and I through the Gulls to shorten my way, and to set my pilate ashore.

Comming neere the South-fore-land, the winde began to vere to the south-east and by south, so as we could not double the point of the land, and being close abourd the shore, and puting our ship to stay, what with the chapping sea, and what with the tide upon the bowe, shee mist staying, and put us in some danger, before we could flatt Note. about; therefore for doubling the point of any land better is ever a short bourd, then to put all in perill.[17]

Being tacked about, wee thought to anchor in the Downes, but the sayles set, we made a small bourd, and after casting about agayne, doubled the foreland, and ran alongst the coast till we came to the Isle of Wight: where being becalmed, wee sent ashore Master Thomson, of Harwich, our pilot, not being able before to set him on shore for the perversnes of the winde.

Being cleere of the Wight, the winde vered southerly, and before we came to Port-land, to the west, south-west, but with the helpe of the ebbe wee recovered Port-land-roade, where we anchored all that night; and the next morning with the ebbe, wee set sayle againe, the winde at west south-west; purposing to beare it up, all the ebbe, and to stop the flood being under sayle.

SECTION III.

The providence of the Dutch.

The fleete of Flemings which had beene in our company before, came towring into the road, which certainly was a thing worth the noting, to behold the good order the masters observed in guard of their fleete.

The admirall headmost, and the rest of the men of warre, spread alongst to wind-ward, all saving the vice-admirall and her consort, which were lee-most and stern-most of all; and except the admirall, which was the first, that came to an anchor, none of the other men of warre anchored, before all the fleete was in safetie; and then they placed themselves round about the fleete; the vice-admirall seamost and leemost; which we have taught unto most nations, and they observe it now a dayes better then we, to our shame, that being the authors and reformers of The English authors of sea discipline. the best discipline and lawes in sea causes, are become those which doe now worst execute them.

And I cannot gather whence this contempt hath growne, By them againe neglected. except of the neglect of discipline, or rather in giving commands for favour to those, which want experience of what is committed to their charge: or that there hath beene little curiositie in our countrey in writing of the discipline of the sea; which is not lesse necessary for us, then that of the law; and I am of opinion, that the want of experience is much more tollerable in a generall by land, then in a governour by sea: for in the field, the lieutenant generall, the sergeant major, and the coronels supply what is wanting in the generall, for that they all command, and ever there is place for counsell, which in the sea by many accidents is denied; and the head is he that manageth all, in whom alone if there be defect, all is badly governed, for, by ignorance how can errors be judged or reformed? And therefore I wish all to take upon them that which they understand, and refuse the contrary.

The modesty of Sir Henry Palmer.

As Sir Henry Palmer, a wise and valiant gentleman, a great commander, and of much experience in sea causes, being appoynted by the queens majesties counsell, to goe for generall of a fleete for the coast of Spaine, anno 1583, submitting himselfe to their lordships pleasure, excused the charge, saying, that his trayning up had beene in the narrow seas; and that of the other he had little experience: and therefore was in dutie bound to intreate their honours to make choice of some other person, that was better acquainted and experimented in those seas; that her majestie and their lordships might be the better served. His modestie and discretion is doubtlesse to be had in remembrance and great estimation; for the ambition of many which covet the command of fleetes, and places of government (not knowing their compasse, nor how, nor what to command) doe purchase to themselves shame; and losse to those that employ them: being required in a Parts required in a commander at sea. commander at sea, a sharpe wit, a good understanding, experience in shipping, practise in management of sea business, knowledge in navigation, and in command. I hold it much better to deserve it, and not to have it, then to have it not deserving it.

SECTION IV.

The fruits and inconveniences of the latter we daily partake of, to our losse and dishonor. As in the fleete that The losse of the Burdieux fleete anno 1592. went for Burdieux, anno 1592, which had six gallant ships for wafters. At their going out of Plimouth, the vice-admirall, that should have beene starnmost of all, was the headmost, and the admirall the last, and he that did execute the office of the vice-admirall, lanching off into the sea, drew after him the greater part of the fleete, and night comming on, and both bearing lights, caused a separation: so that the head had a quarter of the bodie, and the fleete three quarters, and he that should goe before, came behinde. Whereof ensued, that the three parts meeting with a few Spanish men of warre, wanting their head, were a prey unto them. For the vice-admirall, and other wafters, that should be the shepheards to guard and keepe their flocke, and to carry them in safetie before them, were headmost, and they the men who made most The cause. hast to flie from the wolfe. Whereas if they had done as they ought, in place of losse and infamie, they had gained honor and reward.

This I have beene enformed of by the Spanish and English, which were present in the occasion. And a ship of mine, being one of the starnmost, freed her selfe, for that shee was in warlike manner, with her false netting, many pendents and streamers, and at least sixteen or eight-teen peeces of artillery; the enemie thinking her to be a wafter, or ship of warre, not one of them durst lay her aboord: and this the master and company vaunted of at their returne.

In the same voyage, in the river of Burdieux (as is credibly reported), if the six wafters had kept together, they had not onely not received domage, but gotten much The weakness of the enemy. honour and reputation. For the admirall of the Spanish armado, was a Flemish shippe of not above 130 tunnes, and the rest flie-boates[18] and small shipping, for the most part.

And although there were twenty-two sayle in all, what manner of ships they were, and how furnished and appoynted, is well knowne, with the difference.

The voyage of Sir John Hawkins anno 1590.

In the fleete of her majestie, under the charge of my father Sir John Hawkins, anno 1590, upon the coast of Spaine, the vice-admirall being a head one morning, where his place was to be a sterne, lost us the taking of eight men of warre loaden with munition, victuals, and provisions, for the supplie of the souldiers in Brittaine: and although they were seven or eight leagues from the shore, when our vice-admirall began to fight with them, yet for that the rest of our fleete were some four, some five leagues, and some more distant from them, when we beganne to give chase, the Spaniards recovered into the harbour of Monge, before our admirall could come up to give direction; yet well beaten, with losse of above two hundreth men, as they themselves confessed to me after.

And doubtlesse, if the wind had not over-blowne, and that to follow them I was forced to shut all my lower ports, the ship I undertooke doubtles had never endured to come to the port; but being doubble fli-boates, and all of good sayle, they bare for their lives, and we what we could to follow and fetch them up.

Sir Richard Greenfield at Flores.

In this poynt, at the Ile of Flores, Sir Richard Greenfield got eternall honour and reputation of great valour, and of an experimented souldier, chusing rather to sacrifice his life, and to passe all danger whatsoever, then to fayle in his obligation, by gathering together those which had remained a shore in that place, though with the hazard of his ship and companie; and rather we ought to imbrace an honourable death, then to live with infamie and dishonour, by fayling in dutie; and I account, that he and his country got much honor in that occasion; for one ship, and of the second sort of her majesties, sustained the force of all the fleete of Spain, and gave them to understand, that they be impregnible, for having bought deerely the boording of her, divers and sundry times, and with many joyntly, and with a continuall fight of fourteen or sixteen houres, at length leaving her without any mast standing, and like a logge in the seas, shee made, notwithstanding, a most honourable composition of life and libertie for above two hundreth and sixtie men, as by the pay-booke appeareth: which her majestie of her free grace, commanded, in recompence of their service, to be given to every one his six moneths wages. All which may worthily be written in our chronicles in letters of gold, in memory for all posterities, some to beware, and others, by their example in the like occasions, to imitate the true valour of our nation in these ages.

Captaine Vavisor.

In poynt of Providence, which captaine Vavisor, in the Foresight,[19] gave also good proofe of his valour, in casting about upon the whole fleete, notwithstanding the greatnesse and multitude of the Spanish armado, to yeeld that succour which he was able; although some doe say, and I consent with them, that the best valour is to obey, and to follow the head, seeme that good or bad which is commanded. For God himselfe telleth us, that obedience is better than sacrifice. Yet in some occasions, where there is difficultie or impossibilitie to know what is commanded, many times it is great discretion and obligation, judiciously to take hold of the occasion to yeeld succour to his associats, without putting himselfe in manifest danger. But to our voyage.

SECTION V.

Being cleare of the race of Portland, the wind began to suffle[20] with fogge and misling rayne, and forced us to a short sayle, which continued with us three dayes; the wind never veering one poynt, nor the fogge suffering us to see the coast.

The third day in the fogge, we met with a barke of Dartmouth, which came from Rochell, and demanding of them if they had made any land, answered, that they had onely seene the Edie stone that morning, which lyeth thwart of the sound of Plimouth, and that Dartmouth (as they thought) bare off us north north-east: which seemed strange unto us; for we made account that we were thwart of Exmouth. Within two houres after, the weather beganne to cleare up, and we found ourselves thwart of the Berry, and might see the small barke bearing into Torbay, having over-shot her port; which error often happeneth to those that make the land in foggie weather, and use not good diligence by sound, by lying off the land, and other circumstances, to search the truth; and is cause of the losse of many a ship, and the sweet lives of multitudes of men.[21]

That evening we anchored in the range of Dartmouth, till the floud was spent; and the ebbe come, wee set sayle againe. And the next morning early, being the 26th of Aprill, wee harboured our selves in Plimouth.

My ship at an anchor, and I ashore, I presently dispatched a messenger to London, to advise my father, Sir John Hawkins, what had past: which, not onely to him, but to all others, that understood what it was, seemed strange; that the wind contrary, and the weather such as it had beene, wee could be able to gaine Plimouth; but doubtlesse, the Daintie was a very good sea ship, and excellent by the winde; which with the neap streames, and our diligence to benefit our selves of all advantages, made fezible that which almost was not to be beleeved.

Parts requisite in a good mariner.

And in this occasion, I found by experience, that one of the principall parts required in a mariner that frequenteth our coastes of England, is to cast his tydes, and to know how they set from poynt to poynt, with the difference of those in the channell from those of the shore.[22]

SECTION VI.

Now presently I began to prepare for my dispatch, and to hasten my departure; and finding that my ship which I expected from the Straites, came not, and that shee was to goe to London to discharge, and uncertaine how long shee might stay, I resolved to take another of mine owne in her place, though lesser, called the Hawke, onely for a victualler; purposing in the coast of Brasill, or in the Straites,[23] to take out her men and victualls, and to cast her off.

SECTION VII.

With my continuall travell, the helpe of my good friends, and excessive charge (which none can easily beleeve, but those which have prooved it), towardes the end of May, I was readie to set sayle with my three ships, drawne out into the sound, and began to gather my company aboord.

The 28th of May (as I remember) began a storme of winde, westerly; the two lesser shippes presently harboured themselves, and I gave order to the master of the Daintie (called Hugh Cornish), one of the most sufficientest men of his coate, to bring her also into Catt-water, which he laboured to doe; but being neere the mouth of the harbour, and doubting least the anchor being weighed, the ship might cast the contrary way, and so run on some perill, entertained himselfe a while in laying out a warpe, and in the meane time, the wind freshing, and the ship riding by one anchor, brake the flooke of it, and so forced them to let fall another; by which, and by the warpe they A cruell storme. had layd out, they rydd. The storme was such, as being within hearing of those upon the shore, we were not able by any meanes to send them succour, and the second day of the storme, desiring much to goe aboord, there joined with me captaine William Anthony, captaine John Ellis, And therein the effects of courage and advice. and master Henry Courton, in a light horsman[24] which I had: all men exercised in charge, and of valour and sufficiencie, and from their youth bred up in businesse of the sea: which notwithstanding, and that wee laboured what we could, for the space of two houres against waves and wind, we could finde no possibilitie to accomplish our desire; which seene, we went aboord the other shippes, and put them in the best securitie wee could. Thus busied, we might see come driving by us the mayne mast of the Daintie, which made me to feare the worst, and so hasted a shore, to satisfie my longing.

And comming upon Catt-downe, wee might see the ship heave and sett, which manifestly shewed the losse of the mast onely, which was well imployed; for it saved the ship, men, and goods. For had shee driven a ships length more, shee had (no doubt) beene cast away; and the men in that place could not chuse but run into danger.

The losse of the pynace.

Comming to my house to shift me (for that we were all wett to the skinne), I had not well changed my clothes, when a servant of mine, who was in the pynace at my comming ashore, enters almost out of breath, with newes, that shee was beating upon the rocks, which though I knew to be remedilesse, I put my selfe in place where I might see her, and in a little time after shee sunk downe right. These losses and mischances troubled and grieved, but nothing daunted me; for common experience taught me, that all honourable enterprises are accompanied with difficulties and daungers; Si fortuna me tormenta; Esperança me contenta:[25] of hard beginnings, many times come prosperous and happy events. And although, a well-willing friend wisely foretold me them to be presages of future bad successe, and so disswaded me what lay in him with effectual reasons, from my pretence, yet the hazard of my credite, and danger of disreputation, to take in hand that which I should not prosecute by all meanes possible, was more powerfull to cause me to goe forwardes, then his grave good counsell to make me desist. And so the storme ceasing, I beganne to get in the Daintie, to mast her a-new, and to recover the Fancy, my pynace, which, with the helpe and furtherance of my wives father, who supplyed all my wants, together with my credit (which I thanke God was unspotted), in ten dayes put all in his former estate, or better. And so once againe, in Gods name, I brought my shippes out into the sound, the wind being easterly, and beganne to take my leave of my friends, and of my dearest friend, my second selfe, whose unfeyned teares had wrought me into irresolution, and sent some other in my roome, had I not considered that he that is in the daunce, must needs daunce on, though he doe but hopp, except he will be a laughing stocke to all the lookers on: so remembering that many had their eyes set upon me, with diverse affections, as also the hope of good successe (my intention being honest and good), I shut the doore to all impediments, and mine eare to all contrary counsell, and gave place to voluntary banishment from all that I loved and esteemed in this life, with hope thereby better to serve my God, my prince, and countrie, then to encrease my tallent any way.[26]

Abuses of some sea-faring men.

And so began to gather my companie aboord, which occupied my good friends and the justices of the towne two dayes, and forced us to search all lodgings, tavernes, and ale-houses. (For some would be ever taking their leave and never depart):[27] some drinke themselves so drunke, that except they were carried aboord, they of themselves were not able to goe one steppe: others, knowing the necessity of the time, fayned themselves sicke: others, to be indebted to their hostes, and forced me to ransome them; one, his chest; another, his sword; another, his shirts; another, his carde[28] and instruments for sea: and others, to benefit themselves of the imprest given them, absented themselves, making a lewd living in deceiving all, whose money they could lay hold of; which is a scandall too rife amongst our sea-men; by it they committing three great offences: 1, Robbery of the goods of another person; 2, breach of their faith and promise; 3, and hinderance (with losse of time) unto the voyage; all being a common injury to the owners, victuallers, and company; which many times hath beene an utter overthrow and undoing to all in generall. An abuse in our common-wealth necessarily to be reformed; and as a person that hath both seene, and felt by experience, these inconveniences, I wish it to be remedied; for, I can but wonder, that the late lord high admirall of England, the late Earle of Cumberland; and the Lord Thomas Howard, now Earle of Suffolke, being of so great authoritie, having to their cost and losse so often made experience of the inconveniences of these lewd proceedings, have not united their goodnesses and wisedomes to redress this dis-loyall and base absurditie of the vulgar.[29]

Master Thomas Candish.

Master Thomas Candish,[30] in his last voyage, in the sound of Plimmouth, being readie to set sayle, complained unto me, that persons which had absented themselves in imprests, had cost him above a thousand and five hundred pounds: these varlets, within a few dayes after his departure, I saw walking the streets of Plimouth, whom the justice had before sought for with great diligence; and without punishment. And therefore it is no wonder that others presume to doe the like. Impunitas peccandi illecebra.

Master George Reymond.

The like complaint made master George Reymond; and in what sort they dealt with me is notorious, and was such, that if I had not beene provident to have had a third part more of men then I had need of, I had beene forced to goe to the sea unmanned; or to give over my voyage. And many of my company, at sea, vaunted how they had cosoned the Earle of Cumberland, master Candish, master Reymond, and others; some of five poundes, some of ten, some of more, and some of lesse. And truely, I thinke, my voyage prospered the worse, for theirs and other lewd persons company, which were in my ship; which, I thinke, might be redressed by some extraordinary, severe, and present justice, to be executed on the offenders by the justice in that place where they should be found. And for finding them, it were good that all captaines, and masters of shippes, at their departure out of the port, should give unto the head justice, the names and signes of all their runnawayes, and they presently to dispatch to the nigher ports the advise agreeable, where meeting with them, without further delay or processe, to use martial law upon them. Without doubt, seeing the law once put in execution, they and all others would be terrified from such villanies.

The inconvenience of imprests.

It might be remedied also by utter taking away of all imprests, which is a thing lately crept into our common-wealth, and in my opinion, of much more hurt then good unto all; and although my opinion seeme harsh, it being a deed of charitie to helpe the needy (which I wish ever to be exercised, and by no meanes will contradict), yet for that such as goe to the sea (for the most part) consume that money lewdly before they depart (as common experience teacheth us): and when they come from sea, many times come more beggerly home then when they went forth, having received and spent their portion before they imbarked themselves; and having neither rent nor maintenance more then their travell, to sustaine themselves, are forced to theeve, to cozen, or to runne away in debt. Besides, many times it is an occasion to some to lye upon a voyage a long time; whereas, if they had not that imprest, they might perhaps have gayned more in another imployment, and have beene at home agayne, to save that which they waite for. For these, and many more weightie reasons, I am still bold, to maintaine my former assertions.

The true use of imprests.

Those onely used in his majesties shippes I comprehend not in this my opinion: neither the imprests made to married men, which would be given to their wives monethly in their absence, for their reliefe. For that is well knowne, that all which goe to the sea now a-dayes, are provided of foode, and house-roome, and all things necessary, during the time of their voyage; and, in all long voyages, of apparell also: so that nothing is to be spent during the voyage. That money which is wont to be cast away in imprestes, might be imployed in apparell, and necessaries at the sea, and given to those that have need, at the price it was bought, to be deducted out of their shares or wages at their returne, which is reasonable and charitable. This course taken, if any would runne away, in God’s name fare him well.

Some have a more colourable kinde of cunning to abuse men, and to sustaine themselves. Such will goe to sea with all men, and goe never from the shore. For as long as boord wages last, they are of the company, but those taking end, or the ship in readinesse, they have one excuse or other, and thinke themselves no longer bound, but whilst they receive money, and then plucke their heads out of the coller. An abuse also worthie to be reformed.[31]

SECTION VIII.

The greater part of my companie gathered aboord, I set sayle the 12th of June 1593, about three of the clocke in the afternoon, and made a bourd or two off and in, wayting the returne of my boat, which I had sent a-shore, for dispatch of some businesse: which being come aboord, and all put in order, I looft[32] near the shore, to give my farewell to all the inhabitants of the towne, whereof the most part were gathered together upon the Howe, to shew their gratefull correspondency, to the love and zeale which I, my father, and predecessors, have ever borne to that place, as to our naturall and mother towne. And first with my noyse of trumpets, after with my waytes,[33] and then with my other musicke, and lastly, with the artillery of my shippes, I made the best signification I could of a kinde farewell. This they answered with the waytes of the towne, and the ordinance on the shore, and with shouting of voyces; which with the fayre evening and silence of the night, were heard a great distance off. All which taking The consequence of instructions at departure. end, I sent instructions and directions to my other ships. Which is a poynt of speciall importance; for that I have seene commanders of great name and reputation, by neglect and omission of such solemnities, to have runne into many inconveniences, and thereby have learnt the necessitie of it. Whereby I cannot but advise all such as shall have charge committed unto them, ever before they depart out of the port, to give unto their whole fleete, not onely directions for civill government, but also where, when, and how to meete, if they should chance to loose company, and the signes how to know one another a-far off, with other poynts and circumstances, as the occasions shall minister matter different, at the discretion of the wise commander.[34]

But some may say unto me, that in all occasions it is not convenient to give directions: for that if the enemy happen upon any of the fleete, or that there be any treacherous person in the company, their designments may be discovered, and so prevented.

To this I answere, that the prudent governour, by good consideration may avoyde this, by publication of that which is good and necessarie for the guide of his fleete and people; by all secret instructions, to give them sealed, and not to be opened, but comming to a place appoynted (after the manner of the Turkish direction to the Bashawes, who are their generalls); and in any eminent perill to cast them by the boord, or otherwise to make away with them. For he that setteth sayle, not giving directions in writing to his fleete, knoweth not, if the night or day following, he may be separated from his company; which happeneth sometimes: and then, if a place of meeting be not knowne, he runneth in danger not to joyne them together agayne.

And for places of meeting, when seperation happeneth, I am of opinion, to appoynt the place of meeting in such a height, twentie, or thirtie, or fortie leagues off the land, or iland. East or west is not so fitting, if the place affoord it, as some sound betwixt ilands, or some iland, or harbour.

Objections against meeting in harbours.

It may be alleged in contradiction, and with probable reason, that it is not fit for a fleete to stay in a harbour for one ship, nor at an anchor at an iland, for being discovered, or for hinderance of their voyage.

Answered.

Yet it is the best; for when the want is but for one or two ships, a pynace or ship may wayte the time appoynted and remaine with direction for them. But commonly one ship, though but a bad sayler, maketh more haste then a whole fleete, and is at the meeting place first, if the accident be not very important.

The place of meeting, if it might be, would be able to give, at the least, refreshing of water and wood.

SECTION IX.

Lanching out into the channell, the wind being at east and by south, and east south-east, which blowing hard, and a flood in hand, caused a chapping sea, and my vice-admirall bearing a good sayle made some water, and shooting off a peece of ordinance, I edged towardes her, to know the cause; who answered me, that they had sprung a great leake, and that of force they must returne into the sound; which seeing to be necessary, I cast about, where anchoring, and going aboord, presently found, that betwixt False calking. wind and water, the calkers had left a seame uncalked, which being filled up with pitch only, the sea labouring that out, had been sufficient to have sunk her in short space, if it had not beene discovered in time.

And truely there is little care used now adaies amongst our countrimen in this profession, in respect of that which was used in times past, and is accustomed in France, in Spaine, and in other parts. Which necessitie will cause to be reformed in time, by assigning the portion that every workeman is to calke; that if there be damage through his default, he may be forced to contribute towards the losse occasioned through his negligence.

For prevention thereof.

And for more securitie I hold it for a good custome used in some parts, in making an end of calking and pitching the ship, the next tide to fill her with water, which will undoubtedly discover the defect, for no pitcht place without calking, can suffer the force and peaze[35] of the water. In neglect whereof, I have seene great damage and danger Example. to ensue. The Arke Royall of his majesties, may serve for an example: which put all in daunger at her first going to the sea, by a trivuell hole left open in the post,[36] and covered only with pitch. In this point no man can be too circumspect, for it is the security of ship, men and goods.[37]

SECTION X.

This being remedied, I set sayle in the morning, and ran south-west, till we were cleere of Ushent; and then south south-west, till we were some hundred leagues off, where wee met with a great hulke, of some five or six hundred tunnes, well appointed, the which my company (as is naturall to all mariners), presently would make a prize, and loaden with Spaniard’s goods; and without speaking to her, wished that the gunner might shoote at her, to cause her Advise for shooting at sea. to amaine.[38] Which is a bad custome received and used of many ignorant persons, presently to gun at all whatsoever they discover, before they speake with them; being contrary to all discipline, and many times is cause of dissention betwixt friends, and the breach of amitie betwixt princes; the death of many, and sometimes losse of shippes and all, making many obstinate, if not desperate; whereas in using common courtesie, they would better bethinke themselves, and so with ordinarie proceeding (justified by reason, and the custome of all well disciplined people) might perhaps many times breede an increase of amitie, a succour to necessity, and excuse divers inconveniencies and sutes, which have impoverished many: for it hath chanced Sundry mischances for neglect thereof. by this errour, that two English ships, neither carrying flag for their perticular respects, to change each with other a dozen payre of shott, with hurt to both, being after too late to repent their follie. Yea a person of credit hath told mee, that two English men of warre in the night, have layed each other aboord willingly, with losse of many men and dammage to both, onely for the fault of not speaking one to the other; which might seeme to carrie with it some excuse, if they had beene neere the shore, or that the one had beene a hull,[39] and the other under sayle, in feare shee should have escaped, not knowing what shee was (though in the night it is no wisedome to bourd with any ship), but in the maine sea, and both desiring to joyne, was a sufficient declaration that both were seekers: and therefore by day or night, he that can speake with the ship hee seeth, is bound, upon payne to bee reputed voyd of good government, to hayle her before hee shoote at her. Some man Object. may say, that in the meanetime, shee might gaine the winde: in such causes, and many others, necessity giveth Answer. exception to all lawes; and experience teacheth what is fit to be done.

Master Thomas Hampton.

Master Thomas Hampton, once generall of a fleete of wafters, sent to Rochell, anno 1585, with secret instructions, considering (and as a man of experience), wisely understanding his place and affaires, in like case shut his eare to the instigations and provocations of the common sort, preferring the publique good of both kingdomes before his owne reputation with the vulgar people: and as another Fabius Maximus, cunctando restituit rem, non ponendo The French and English fleete salute one another. rumores ante salutem. The French kings fleete comming where he was, and to winde-ward of him, all his company were in an uproare; for that hee would not shoote presently at them, before they saw their intention: wherein had beene committed three great faults: the first and principall, the breach of amitie betwixt the princes and kingdomes: the second, the neglect of common curtesie, in shooting before hee had spoken with them: and the third, in shooting first, being to lee-wards of the other.

Besides, there was no losse of reputation, because the French kings fleete was in his owne sea; and therefore for it to come to winde-ward, or the other to go to lee-ward, was but that which in reason was required, the kingdomes being in peace and amitie. For every prince is to be acknowledged and respected in his jurisdiction, and where hee pretendeth it to be his.

The French generall likewise seemed well to understand what he had in hand; for though he were farre superiour in forces, yet used hee the termes which were required; and comming within speech, hayled them, and asked if there were peace or warre betwixt England and France: whereunto answere being made that they knew of no other but peace, they saluted each other after the maner of the sea, and then came to an anchor all together, and as friends visited each other in their ships.

The English carry up their flag in the French seas.

One thing the French suffered (upon what occasion or ground I know not), that the English alwayes carried their flag displayed; which in all other partes and kingdomes is not permitted: at least, in our seas, if a stranger fleete meete with any of his majesties ships, the forraigners are bound to take in their flags, or his majesties ships to force them to it, though thereof follow the breach of peace or whatsoever discommodity. And whosoever should not be jealous in this point, hee is not worthy to have the commaund of a cock-boat committed unto him: yea no The honour of his majesties ships. stranger ought to open his flag in any port of England, where there is any shipp or fort of his majesties, upon penaltie to loose his flagg, and to pay for the powder and shott spend upon him. Yea, such is the respect to his majesties shippes in all places of his dominions, that no English ship displayeth the flagge in their presence, but runneth the like daunger, except they be in his majesties service; and then they are in predicament of the kings ships. Which good discipline in other kingdomes is not in that regard as it ought, but sometimes through ignorance, sometimes of malice, neglect is made of that dutie and acknowledgement which is required, to the cost and shame of the ignorant and malicious.

Practised at the comming in of King Philip into England.

In queen Maries raigne, king Philip of Spaine, comming to marry with the queene, and meeting with the royall navie of England, the lord William Haward, high admirall of England, would not consent, that the king in the narrow seas should carrie his flagge displayed, untill he came into the harbour of Plimouth.

I being of tender yeares, there came a fleete of Spaniards And in the passage of Dona Anna de Austria. of above fiftie sayle of shippes, bound for Flaunders, to fetch the queen, Donna Anna de Austria, last wife to Philip the second of Spaine, which entred betwixt the iland and the maine, without vayling their top-sayles, or taking in of their flags: which my father, Sir John Hawkins, (admirall of a fleete of her majesties shippes, then ryding in Catt-water), perceiving, commanded his gunner to shoot at the flagge of the admirall, that they might thereby see their error: which, notwithstanding, they persevered arrogantly to keepe displayed; whereupon the gunner at the next shott, lact[40] the admirall through and through, whereby the Spaniards finding that the matter beganne to grow to earnest, tooke in their flags and top-sayles, and so ranne to an anchor.

The generall presently sent his boat, with a principall personage to expostulate the cause and reason of that proceeding; but my father would not permit him to come into his ship, nor to heare his message; but by another gentleman commanded him to returne, and to tell his generall, that in as much as in the queenes port and chamber, he had neglected to doe the acknowledgment and reverence which all owe unto her majestie (especially her ships being present), and comming with so great a navie, he could not but give suspition by such proceeding of malicious intention, and therefore required him, that within twelve houres he should depart the port, upon paine to be held as a common enemy, and to proceed against him with force.

Which answere the generall understanding, presently imbarked himselfe in the same boat, and came to the Jesus of Lubecke, and craved licence to speake with my father; which at the first was denyed him, but upon the second intreatie was admitted to enter the ship, and to parley. The Spanish generall began to demand if there were warres betwixt England and Spaine; who was answered, that his arrogant manner of proceeding, usurping the queene his mistresses right, as much as in him lay, had given sufficient cause for breach of the peace, and that he purposed presently to give notice thereof to the queene and her counsell, and in the meane time, that he might depart. Whereunto the Spanish generall replyed, that he knew not any offence he had committed, and that he would be glad to know wherein he had misbehaved himselfe. My father seeing he pretended to escape by ignorance, beganne to put him in mind of the custome of Spaine and Fraunce, and many other parts, and that he could by no meanes be ignorant of that, which was common right to all princes in their kingdomes; demanding, if a fleete of England should come into any port of Spaine (the kings majesties ships being present), if the English should carry their flags in the toppe, whether the Spanish would not shoot them downe; and if they persevered, if they would not beate them out of their port. The Spanish generall confessed his fault, pleaded ignorance not malice, and submitted himselfe to the penaltie my father would impose: but intreated, that their princes (through them) might not come to have any jarre. My father a while (as though offended), made himselfe hard to be intreated, but in the end, all was shut up by his acknowledgement, and the auncient amitie renewed, by feasting each other aboord and ashore.

As also in her repassage.

The self same fleete, at their returne from Flaunders, meeting with her majesties shippes in the Channell, though sent to accompany the aforesaid queene, was constrained during the time that they were with the English, to vayle their flagges, and to acknowledge that which all must doe that passe through the English seas.[41] But to our voyage.

SECTION XI.

Comming within the hayling of the hulke, wee demanded whence shee was? Whether shee was bound? And what her loading? Shee answered, that shee was of Denmarke, comming from Spaine, loaden with salt; we willed her to strike her top-sayles, which shee did, and shewed us her charter-parties, and billes of loading, and then saluted us, as is the manner of the sea, and so departed.

SECTION XII.

The next day the wind became southerly, and somewhat too much, and my shipps being all deepe loaden, beganne to feel the tempest, so that wee not able to lye by it, neither a hull nor a try, and so with an easie sayle bare up before the wind, with intent to put into Falmouth; but God was pleased that comming within tenne leagues of Sylly, the wind vered to the north-east, and so we went on in our voyage.

Thwart of the Flees of Bayon,[42] wee met with a small ship of master Wattes, of London, called the Elizabeth, which came out of Plimouth some eyght dayes after us; of whom wee enformed ourselves of some particularities, and wrote certaine letters to our friends, making relation of what had past till that day, and so tooke our farewell each of the other. The like we did with a small carvell[43] of Plimouth, which wee mett in the height of the rocke in Portingall.[44]

From thence wee directed our course to the ilands of Madera; and about the end of June, in the sight of the ilands, we descryed a sayle some three leagues to the east-wards, and a league to windward of us, which by her manner of working, and making, gave us to understand, that shee was one of the kings frigatts; for shee was long and snugg, and spread a large clewe, and standing to the west-wards, and wee to the east-wards to recover her wake, when we cast about, shee beganne to vere shete, and to goe away lasking;[45] and within two glasses, it was plainely seene that shee went from us, and so we followed on our course, and shee seeing that, presently stroke her top-sayles, which our pynace perceiving, and being within shot continued the chase, till I shot off a peece and called her away; which fault many runne into, thinking to get thereby, and sometimes loose themselves by being too bold to venture from their fleete; for it was impossible for us, being too leeward, to take her, or to succour our owne, shee being a ship of about two hundreth tunnes.

The dutie of pynaces.

And pynaces to meddle with ships, is to buy repentance at too deare a rate. For their office is, to wayte upon their fleete, in calmes (with their oares) to follow a chase, and in occasions to anchor neere the shore, when the greater ships cannot, without perill; above all, to be readie and obedient at every call. Yet will I not, that any wrest my meaning; neither say I, that a pynace, or small ship armed, may not take a great ship unarmed; for daily experience teacheth us the contrary.[46]

The Madera Ilands.

The Madera Ilands are two: the greater, called La Madera, and the other, Porto Santo; of great fertilitie, and rich in sugar, conserves, wine, and sweet wood, whereof they take their name. Other commodities they yeeld, but these are the principall. The chiefe towne and port is on the souther side of the Madera, well fortified; they are subject to the kingdome of Portingall; the inhabitants and garrison all Portingalles.

Canarie Ilands.

The third of July, we past along the Ilands of Canaria, which have the name of a kingdome, and containe these seaven ilands: Grand Canaria, Tenerifa, Palma, Gomera, Lancerota, Forteventura, and Fierro. These ilands have abundance of wine, sugar, conserves, orcall,[47] pitch, iron, and other commodities, and store of cattell, and corne, but Gorgosho. that a certaine worme, called gorgosho, breedeth in it, which eateth out the substance, leaving the huske in manner whole. The head iland, where the justice, which they call Audiencia, is resident, and whither all sutes have their appealation and finall sentence, is the grand Canaria, although the Tenerifa is held for the better and richer iland, and to have the best sugar; and the wine of the Palma is reputed for the best. The pitch of these ilands melteth not with the sunne, and therefore is proper for the higher works of shipping. Betwixt Forteventura and Lancerota is a goodly sound, fit for a meeting place for any fleete; where is good anchoring and aboundance of many sorts of fish. There is water to be had in most of these ilands, but with great vigilance. For the naturalls of them are venturous and hardie, and many times clime up and downe the steepe rockes and broken hills, which seeme impossible, which I would hardly have beleeved, had I not seene it, and that with the greatest art and agilitie that may be. Their armes, for the most part, are launces of nine or ten foote, with a head of a foote and halfe long, like unto boare-spears, save that the head is somewhat more broad.

Two things are famous in these ilands, the Pike of Tenerifa, which is the highest land in my judgement that I have seene, and men of credit have told they have The description of Tenerifa. seene it more than fortie leagues off.[48] It is like unto a sugar loafe, and continually covered with snow, and placed in the middest of a goodly vallie, most fertile, and temperate round about it. Out of which, going up to the Pike, the colde is so great, that it is insufferable, and going downe to the townes of the iland, the heate seemeth most extreame, till they approach neere the coast. The other Of a tree in Fierro. is a tree in the iland of Fierro, which some write and affirme, with the dropping of his leaves, to give water for the sustenance of the whole iland, which I have not seene, although I have beene on shoare on the iland;[49] but those which have seene it, have recounted this mysterie differently to that which is written; in this manner: that this tree is placed in the bottome of a valley, ever florishing with broad leaves, and that round about it are a multitude of goodly high pynes, which over-top it, and as it seemeth were planted by the divine providence to preserve it from sunne and wind. Out of this valley ordinarily rise every day great vapours and exhalations, which by reason that the sunne is hindered to worke his operation, with the heighte of the mountaines towards the south-east, convert themselves into moysture, and so bedewe all the trees of the valley, and from those which over-top this tree, drops down the dewe upon his leaves, and so from his leaves into a round well of stone, which the naturalls of the land have made to receive the water, of which the people and cattle have great reliefe; but sometimes it raineth, and then the inhabitants doe reserve water for many days to come, in their cisternes and tynaxes,[50] which is that they drinke of, and wherewith they principally sustaine themselves.

The citty of the Grand Canaria, and chiefe port, is on the west side of the iland; the head towne and port of Tenerifa is towards the south part, and the port and towne of the Palma and Gomera, on the east side.

In Gomera, some three leagues south-ward from the towne, is a great river of water, but all these ilands are perilous to land in, for the seege[51] caused by the ocean sea, which always is forcible, and requireth great circumspection; whosoever hath not urgent cause, is either to goe to the east-wards, or the west-wards of all these ilands, as well to avoyd the calmes, which hinder sometimes eight or ten dayes sayling, as the contagion which their distemperature is wont to cause, and with it to breed calenturas, The first discoverers of these Ilands. which wee call burning fevers. These ilands are sayd to be first discovered by a Frenchman, called John de Betancourt, about the year 1405.[52] They are now a kingdome subject to Spaine.

SECTION XIII.

Being cleare of the ilands, wee directed our course for Cape Black,[53] and two howres before sunne set, we had sight of a carvell some league in the winde of us, which seemed to come from Gynea, or the ilands of Cape de Verde, and for that hee, which had the sery-watch,[54] neglected to look out, being to lee-ward of the ilands, and so out of hope of sight of any shipp, for the little trade and contrariety of the winde, that though a man will, from few places hee can recover the ilands. Comming from the south-wards, wee had the winde of her, and perhaps the possession also, Note. whereof men of warre are to have particular care; for in an houre and place unlookt for, many times chance accidents contrary to the ordinary course and custome; and to have younkers in the top continually, is most convenient and necessary, not onely for descrying of sayles and land, but also for any sudden gust or occasion that may be offered.[55]

Exercises upon the southwards of the countries.

Seeing my selfe past hope of returning backe, without some extraordinary accident, I beganne to set in order my companie and victuals. And for that to the south-wards of the Canaries is for the most part an idle navigation, I devised to keepe my people occupied, as well to continue them in health (for that too much ease in hott countries is neither profitable nor healthfull), as also to divert them from remembrance of their home, and from play, which breedeth many inconveniences, and other bad thoughts and workes which idleness is cause of;[56] and so shifting my companie, as the custome is, into starboord and larboord men, the halfe to watch and worke whilest the others slept and take rest; I limited the three dayes of the weeke, which appertayned to each, to be imploied in this manner; the one for the use and clensing of their armes, the other for roomeging, making of sayles, nettings, decking,[57] and defences for our shippes; and the third, for clensing their bodies, mending and making their apparell, and necessaries, which though it came to be practised but once in seaven dayes, for that the Sabboth is ever to be reserved for God alone, with the ordinary obligation which each person had besides, was many times of force to be omitted. And thus wee entertained our time with a fayre wind, and in few dayes had sight of the land of Barbary, some dozen leagues to the northwards of Cape Blacke.

Before wee came to the Cape, wee tooke in our sayles, and made preparation of hookes and lines to fish. For in all that coast is great abundance of sundry kinds of fish, but especially of porgus, which we call breames; many Portingalls and Spaniards goe yearely thither to fish, as our country-men to the New-found-land, and within Cape Blacke have good harbour for reasonable shipping, where they dry their fish, paying a certaine easie tribute to the kings collector. In two houres wee tooke store of fish for that day and the next, but longer it would not keepe goode: and with this refreshing set sayle again, and Cape de Verd. directed our course betwixt the ilands of Cape de Verd and the Maine. These ilands are held to be scituate in one of the most unhealthiest climates of the world, and therefore it is wisedome to shunne the sight of them, how much more to make abode in them.

The unwholsomnesse thereof.

In two times that I have beene in them, either cost us the one halfe of our people, with fevers and fluxes of sundry kinds; some shaking, some burning, some partaking of both; some possesst with frensie, others with sloath, and in one of them it cost me six moneths sicknesse, with no small hazard of life; which I attribute to the distemperature of the ayre, for being within fourteene degrees of the equinoctiall lyne, the sunne hath great force all the yeare, and the more for that often they passe, two, three, and four yeares without rayne; and many times the earth burneth in that manner as a man well shodd, cannot endure to goe where the sunne shineth.

The heate.

With which extreame heate the bodie fatigated, greedily desireth refreshing, and longeth the comming of the The breze. breze, which is the north-east winde, that seldome fayleth in the after-noone at foure of the clocke, or sooner; which comming cold and fresh, and finding the poores of the body open, and (for the most part) naked, penetrateth the very bones, and so causeth sudden distemperature, and sundry manners of sicknesse, as the subjects are divers whereupon they worke.

Departing out of the calmes of the ilands, and comming into the fresh breeze, it causeth the like, and I have seene within two dayes after that we have partaked of the fresh ayre, of two thousand men, above a hundred and fiftie have beene crazed in their health.

The remedie.

The inhabitants of these ilands use a remedie for this, which at my first being amongst them, seemed unto me ridiculous; but since, time and experience hath taught to be grounded upon reason. And is, that upon their heads they weare a night-capp, upon it a montero,[58] and a hat over that, and on their bodies a sute of thicke cloth, and upon it a gowne, furred or lyned with cotton, or bayes, to defend them from the heate in that manner, as the inhabitants of cold countries, to guard themselves from the extreamitie of the colde. Which doubtlesse, is the best diligence that any man can use, and whosoever prooveth it, shall find himselfe lesse annoyed with the heate, then if he were thinly cloathed, for that where the cold ayre commeth, it peirceth not so subtilly.

The influence of the moone in hot countries.

The moone also in this climate, as in the coast of Guyne, and in all hott countries, hath forcible operation in the body of man; and therefore, as the plannet most prejudiciall to his health, is to be shunned; as also not to sleepe in the open ayre, or with any scuttle or window open, whereby the one or the other may enter to hurt.

For a person of credit told me, that one night, in a river of Guyne, leaving his window open in the side of his cabin, the moone shining upon his shoulder, left him with such an extraordinary paine and furious burning in it, as in above twentie houres, he was like to runne madde, but in fine, with force of medicines and cures, after long torment, he was eased.

Some I have heard say, and others write, that there is a starre which never seperateth it self from the moone, but a small distance; which is of all starres the most beneficiall to man.[59] For where this starre entreth with the moone, it maketh voyde her hurtfull enfluence, and where not, it is most perilous. Which, if it be so, is a notable secret of the divine Providence, and a speciall cause amongst infinite others, to move us to continuall thankesgiving; for that he hath so extraordinarily compassed and fenced us from infinite miseries, his most unworthie and ungratefull creatures.

Of these ilands are two pyles:[60] the one of them lyeth out of the way of trade, more westerly, and so little frequented; the other lyeth some fourscore leagues from the mayne, and containeth six in number, to wit: Saint Iago, Fuego, Mayo, Bonavisto, Sal, and Bravo.

They are belonging to the kingdome of Portingall, and inhabited by people of that nation, and are of great trade, by reason of the neighbour-hood they have with Guyne and Bynne;[61] but the principall is the buying and selling of negroes. They have store of sugar, salt, rice, cotton wool, and cotton-cloth, amber-greece, cyvit, oliphants teeth, brimstone, pummy stone, spunge, and some gold, but little, and that from the mayne.

Saint Iago.

Saint Iago is the head iland, and hath one citie and two townes, with their ports. The cittie called Saint Iago, whereof the iland hath his name, hath a garrison, and two fortes, scituated in the bottome of a pleasant valley, with a running streame of water passing through the middest of it, whether the rest of the ilands come for justice, being the seat of the Audiencia, with his bishop.

The other townes are Playa, some three leagues to the eastwards of Saint Iago, placed on high, with a goodly bay, whereof it hath his name; and Saint Domingo, a small towne within the land. They are on the souther part of the iland, and have beene sacked sundry times in anno 1582, by Manuel Serades, a Portingall, with a fleete Sacked by Manuel Serades, Sir Francis Drake, and Sir Anthony Shyrley. of French-men; in anno 1585, they were both burnt to the ground by the English, Sir Francis Drake being generall; and in anno 1596, Saint Iago was taken and sacked by the English, Sir Anthony Shyrley being generall.[62]

Fuego.

The second iland is Fuego; so called, for that day and night there burneth in it a vulcan, whose flames in the night are seene twentie leagues off in the sea. It is by nature fortified in that sort, as but by one way is any accesse, or entrance into it, and there cannot goe up above two men a brest. The bread which they spend in these ilands, is brought from Portingall and Spaine, saving that which they make of rice, or of mayes, which wee call Guynne-wheate.

Bravo.

The best watering is in the ile of Bravo, on the west part of the iland, where is a great river, but foule anchoring, as is in all these ilands, for the most part. The fruits are few, but substantiall, as palmitos, plantanos, patatos, and coco-nutts.

The Palmito.

The palmito is like to the date tree, and as I thinke a kinde of it, but wilde. In all parts of Afrique and America they are found, and in some parts of Europe, and in divers parts different. In Afrique, and in the West Indies they are small, that a man may cut them with a knife, and the lesser the better: but in Brazill, they are so great, that with difficultie a man can fell them with an axe, and the greater the better; one foote within the top is profitable, the rest is of no value; and that which is to be eaten is the pith, which in some is better, in some worse.[63]

The plantane.

The plantane is a tree found in most parts of Afrique and America, of which two leaves are sufficient to cover a man from top to toe. It beareth fruit but once, and then dryeth away, and out of his roote sprouteth up others, new. In the top of the tree is his fruit, which groweth in a great bunch, in the forme and fashion of puddings, in some more, in some lesse. I have seene in one bunch above foure hundred plantanes, which have weighed above fourescore pound waight. They are of divers proportions, some great, some lesser, some round, some square, some triangle, most ordinarily of a spanne long, with a thicke skinne, that peeleth easily from the meate; which is either white or yellow, and very tender like butter, but no conserve is better, nor of a more pleasing taste. For I never have seene any man to whom they have bred mis-like, or done hurt with eating much of them, as of other fruites.[64]

The best are those which ripen naturally on the tree, but in most partes they cut them off in braunches, and hange them up in their houses, and eate them as they ripe. For the birds and vermine presently in ripning on the tree, are feeding on them. The best that I have seene are in Brasill, Placentia. in an iland called Placentia, which are small, and round, and greene when they are ripe; whereas the others in ripning become yellow. Those of the West Indies and Guynne are great, and one of them sufficient to satisfie a man; the onely fault they have is, that they are windie. In some places they eate them in stead of bread, as in Panama, and other parts of Tierra Firme. They grow and prosper best when their rootes are ever covered with water; they are excellent in conserve, and good sodden in different manners, and dried on the tree, not inferior to suckett.[65]

The cocos, and their kindes.

The coco nutt is a fruit of the fashion of a hassell nutt, but that it is as bigge as an ordinary bowle, and some are greater. It hath two shells, the uttermost framed (as it were) of a multitude of threeds, one layd upon another, with a greene skinne over-lapping them, which is soft and thicke; the innermost is like to the shell of a hassell nutt in all proportion, saving that it is greater and thicker, and some more blacker. In the toppe of it is the forme of a munkies face, with two eyes, his nose, and a mouth. It containeth in it both meate and drinke; the meate white as milke, and like to that of the kernell of a nutt, and as good as almonds blancht, and of great quantitie: the water is cleare, as of the fountaine, and pleasing in taste, and somewhat answereth that of the water distilled of milke. Some say it hath a singular propertie in nature for conserving the smoothnesse of the skinne; and therefore in Spaine and Portingall, the curious dames doe ordinarily wash their faces and necks with it. If the holes of the shell be kept close, they keepe foure or six moneths good, and more; but if it be opened, and the water kept in the shell, in few dayes it turneth to vineger.

They grow upon high trees, which have no boughes; onely in the top they have a great cap of leaves, and under them groweth the fruite upon certaine twigs. And some affirme that they beare not fruite before they be above fortie yeares old, they are in all things like to the palme trees, and grow in many parts of Asia, Afrique, and America.[66] The shels of these nuts are much esteemed for drinking cups, and much cost and labour is bestowed upon them in carving, graving, and garnishing them, with silver, gold, and precious stones.

In the kingdome of Chile, and in Brasill, is another kinde of these, which they call coquillos, (as wee may interpret, little cocos) and are as big as wal-nuts; but round and smooth, and grow in great clusters; the trees in forme are all one, and the meate in the nut better, but they have no water.

Another kinde of great cocos groweth in the Andes of Peru, which have not the delicate meate nor drinke, which the others have, but within are full of almonds, which are placed as the graines in the pomegrannet, being three times bigger then those of Europe, and are much like them in tast.

Cyvet catts.

In these ilands are cyvet-cats, which are also found in parts of Asia, and Afrique; esteemed for the civet they yeelde, and carry about them in a cod in their hinder parts, which is taken from them by force.

Monkeyes.

In them also are store of monkies, and the best proportioned Parrots. that I have seene; and parrots, but of colour different to those of the West Indies; for they are of a russet or gray colour, and great speakers.

SECTION XIV.

With a faire and large winde we continued our course, till we came within five degrees of the equinoctiall lyne, where the winde tooke us contrary by the south-west, about the twentie of Julie, but a fayre gale of wind and a smooth sea, so that wee might beare all a taunt:[67] and to advantage ourselves what wee might, wee stoode to the east-wards, being able to lye south-east and by south. The next day about nine of the clocke, my companie being gathered together to serve God, which wee accustomed to doe every morning and evening, it seemed unto me that the coulour of the sea was different to that of the daies past, and which is ordinarily where is deepe water; and so calling the captaine, and master of my ship, I told them that to my seeming the water was become very whitish, and that it made shewe of sholde water. Whereunto they made answere, that all the lynes in our shippes could not fetch ground: for wee could not be lesse then threescore and tenne leagues off the coast, which all that kept reckoning in the ship agreed upon, and my selfe was of the same opinion. And so wee applyed ourselves to serve God, but all the time that the service endured, my heart could not be at rest, and still me thought the water beganne to waxe whiter and whiter. Our prayers ended, I commanded a lead and a lyne to be brought, and heaving the lead in fourteene fathoms, wee had ground, which put us all into a maze, and sending men into the toppe, presently discovered the land of Guynne, some five leagues from us, very low land. I commanded a peece to be shott, and lay by the lee, till my other shippes came up. Which hayling us, wee demanded of them how farre they found themselves off the land; who answered, some threescore and tenne, or fourescore leagues: when wee told them wee had sounded and found but foureteene fathomes, and that we were in sight of land, they began to wonder. But having consulted what was best to be done, I caused my shalop to be manned, which I towed at the sterne of my ship continually, and sent her and my pynace a head to sound, and followed them with an easie sayle, till we came in seaven and six fathome water, and some two leagues from the shore anchored, in hope by the sea, or by the land to find some refreshing. The sea we found to be barren of fish, and my boates could not discover any landing place, though a whole day they had rowed alongst the coast, with great desire to set foote on shore, for that the sedge was exceeding great and dangerous. Which experienced, wee set sayle, notwithstanding the contrarietie of the winde, sometimes standing to the west-wards, sometime to the east-wards, according to the shifting of the wind.

SECTION XV.

Note.

Here is to be noted, that the error which we fell into in our accompts, was such as all men fall into where are currants that set east or west, and are not knowne; for that there is no certaine rule yet practised for triall of the longitude, as there is of the latitude, though some curious and experimented of our nation, with whom I have had conference about this poynt, have shewed me two or three manner of wayes how to know it.[68]

The losse of the Edward Cotton.

This, some years before, was the losse of the Edward Cotton, bound for the coast of Brasill, which taken with the winde contrary neere the lyne, standing to the east-wards, and making accompt to be fiftie or sixtie leagues off the coast, with all her sayles standing, came suddenly a ground upon the sholes of Madre-bomba, and so was cast away, though the most part of their company saved themselves upon raffes; but with the contagion of the countrie, and bad entreatie which the negros gave them, they died; so that there returned not to their country above three or foure of them.

But God Almightie dealt more mercifully with us, in shewing us our error in the day, and in time that wee might remedie it; to him be evermore glory for all.

This currant from the line equinoctiall, to twentie degrees northerly, hath great force, and setteth next of any thing east, directly upon the shore; which we found by this meanes: standing to the westwards, the wind southerly, when we lay with our ships head west, and by south, we gayned in our heith[69] more then if wee had made our way good west south-west; for that, the currant tooke us under the bow; but lying west, or west and by north, we lost more in twelve houres then the other way we could get in foure and twentie. By which plainly we saw, that the currant did set east next of any thing. Whether this currant runneth ever one way, or doth alter, and how, we could by no meanes understand, but tract of time and observation will discover this, as it hath done of many others in sundry seas.

The currant that setteth betwixt New-found-land and Spaine, runneth also east and west, and long time deceived many, and made some to count the way longer, and others shorter, according as the passage was speedie or slowe; not knowing that the furtherance or hinderance of the currant was cause of the speeding or flowing of the way. And in sea cardes I have seene difference of above thirtie leagues betwixt the iland Tercera, and the mayne. And others have recounted unto me, that comming from the India’s, and looking out for the ilands of Azores, they have had sight of Spaine. And some have looked out for Spaine, and have discovered the ilands.

The selfe same currant is in the Levant sea, but runneth trade betwixt the maynes, and changeable sometimes to the east-wards, sometimes to the west-wards.

In Brasill and the South sea, the currant likewise is changeable, but it runneth ever alongst the coast, accompanying the winde: and it is an infallible rule, that twelve or twentie foure houres before the winde alters, the currant begins to change.

In the West Indies onely the currant runneth continually one way, and setteth alongst the coast from the equinoctiall lyne towards the north. No man hath yet found that these courrants keepe any certaine time, or run so many dayes, or moneths, one way as another, as doth the course of ebbing and flowing, well knowne in all seas; only neere the shore they have small force; partly, because of the reflux which the coast causeth, and partly for the ebbing and flowing, which more or lesse is generall in most seas.[70]

When the currant runneth north or south, it is easily discovered by augmenting or diminishing the height; but how to know the setting of the currant from east to west in the mayne sea, is difficult; and as yet I have not knowne any man, or read any authour, that hath prescribed any certaine meane or way to discover it.[71] But experience teacheth that in the mayne sea, for the most part, it is variable; and therefore the best and safest rule to prevent the danger (which the uncertainty and ignorance heereof may cause), is carefull and continuall watch by day and night, and upon the east and west course ever to bee before the shipp, and to use the meanes possible to know the errour, by the rules which newe authours may teach; beating off and on, somtimes to the west-wards, sometimes to the east-wards, with a fayre gale of winde.

SECTION XVI.

The scurvey.

Being betwixt three or foure degrees of the equinoctiall line, my company within a fewe dayes began to fall sicke, of a disease which sea-men are wont to call the scurvey: and seemeth to bee a kind of dropsie, and raigneth most in this climate of any that I have heard or read of in the world; though in all seas it is wont to helpe and increase the miserie of man; it possesseth all those of which it taketh hold, with a loathsome sloathfulnesse, even to eate: they would be content to change their sleepe and rest, which is the most pernicious enemie in this sicknesse, that is knowne. It bringeth with it a great desire to drinke, and causeth a generall swelling of all parts of the body, especially of the legs and gums, and many times the teeth fall out of the jawes without paine.

The signes.

The signes to know this disease in the beginning are divers: by the swelling of the gummes, by denting of the flesh of the leggs with a man’s finger, the pit remayning without filling up in a good space. Others show it with their lasinesse: others complaine of the cricke of the backe, etc., all which are, for the most part, certaine tokens of infection.

The cause.

The cause of this sicknes some attribute to sloath; some to conceite; and divers men speake diversly: that which I have observed is, that our nation is more subject unto it then any other; because being bred in a temperate clymate, where the naturall heate restrayned, giveth strength to the stomacke, sustayning it with meates of good nourishment, and that in a wholesome ayre; whereas comming into the hot countries (where that naturall heate is dispersed through the whole body, which was wont to be proper to the stomache; and the meates for the most part preserved with salt, and its substance thereby diminished, and many times corrupted), greater force for digestion is now required then in times past; but the stomache finding less virtue to doe his office, in reparting to each member his due proportion in perfection, which either giveth it rawe, or remayneth with it indigested by his hardnes or cruditie, infeebleth the body, and maketh it unlusty and unfit for any thing; for the stomache being strong (though all parts els be weake), there is ever a desire to feede, and aptnes to perform whatsoever can be required of a man; but though all other members be strong and sound, if the stomache be opprest, or squemish, all the body is unlustie, and unfit for any thing, and yeeldeth to nothing so readily as sloathfulnes, which is confirmed by the common answere to all questions: as, will you eate? will you sleepe? will you walke? will you play? The answere is, I have no stomache: which is as much as to say, no, not willingly: thereby confirming, that without a sound and whole stomache, nothing can bee well accomplished, nor any sustenance well digested.[72]

Seething of meat in salt water.

The seething of the meate in salt water, helpeth to cause this infirmitie, which in long voyages can hardly be avoyded: but if it may be, it is to be shunned; for the water of the Corruption of victuall. sea to man’s body is very unwholesome. The corruption of the victuals, and especially of the bread, is very pernicious; Vapours of the sea. the vapours and ayre of the sea also is nothing profitable, especially in these hot countries, where are many calmes. And were it not for the moving of the sea by the force of windes, tydes, and currants, it would corrupt all the world.

The experience I saw in anno 1590, lying with a fleete Azores. of her majesties ships about the ilands of the Azores, almost six moneths; the greatest part of the time we were becalmed: with which all the sea became so replenished with several sorts of gellyes, and formes of serpents, adders, and snakes, as seemed wonderfull: some greene, some blacke, some yellow, some white, some of divers coulours; and many of them had life, and some there were a yard and halfe, and two yards long; which had I not seene, I could hardly have beleeved. And hereof are witnesses all the companies of the ships which were then present; so that hardly a man could draw a buckett of water cleere of some corruption.[73] In which voyage, towards the end thereof, many of every ship (saving of the Nonpereil, which was under my charge, and had onely one man sicke in all the voyage), fell sicke of this disease, and began to die apace, but that the speedie passage into our country was The remedies. remedie to the crazed, and a preservative for those that were not touched. The best prevention for this disease (in my judgement) is to keepe cleane the shippe; to besprinkle her ordinarily with vineger, or to burne tarre, and some sweet savours; to feed upon as few salt meats in the hot country as By dyet. may be; and especially to shunne all kindes of salt fish, and to reserve them for the cold climates; and not to dresse any meate with salt water, nor to suffer the companie to wash their shirts nor cloathes in it, nor to sleepe in their cloaths when they are wett. For this cause it is necessarily required, that provision be made of apparell for the company, By shift. that they may have wherewith to shift themselves; being a common calamitie amongst the ordinary sort of mariners, to spend their thrift on the shore, and to bring to sea no more cloaths then they have backes. For the bodie of man is not refreshed with any thing more then with shifting cleane cloaths; a great preservative of health in hott countries.

The second antidote is, to keepe the companie occupied By labour. in some bodily exercise of worke, of agilitie, of pastimes, of dauncing, of use of armes; these helpeth much to banish By early eating and drinking. this infirmitie. Thirdly, in the morning, at discharge of the watch, to give every man a bit of bread, and a draught of drinke, either beere or wine mingled with water (at the least, the one halfe), or a quantitie mingled with beere, that the pores of the bodie may be full, when the vapours of the sea ascend up.[74]

The morning draught should be ever of the best and choysest of that in the ship. Pure wine I hold to be more hurtfull then the other is profitable. In this, others will be of a contrary opinion, but I thinke partiall. If not, then leave I the remedies thereof to those physitions and surgeons who have experience; and I wish that some learned man would write of it, for it is the plague of the sea, and the spoyle of mariners. Doubtlesse, it would be a meritorious worke with God and man, and most beneficiall for our countrie; for in twentie yeares, since that I have used the sea, I dare take upon me to give accompt of ten thousand men consumed with this disease.

By sower oranges and lemons.

That which I have seene most fruitfull for this sicknesse, is sower oranges and lemmons,[75] and a water which amongst others (for my particular provision) I carryed to the sea, By Doctor Stevens water. called Dr. Stevens his water, of which, for that his vertue was not then well knowne unto me, I carryed but little, and it tooke end quickly, but gave health to those that used it.

By oyle of vitry.

The oyle of vitry[76] is beneficiall for this disease; taking two drops of it, and mingled in a draught of water, with a little sugar. It taketh away the thirst, and helpeth to clense and comfort the stomache. But the principall of By the ayre of the land. all, is the ayre of the land; for the sea is naturall for fishes, and the land for men. And the oftener a man can have his people to land, not hindering his voyage, the better it is, and the profitablest course that he can take to refresh them.[77]

SECTION XVII.

The company sicke and dismayed.

Having stood to the westwards some hundreth leagues and more, and the wind continuing with us contrarie, and the sicknesse so fervent, that every day there dyed more or lesse,—my companie in generall began to dismay, and to desire to returne homewards, which I laboured to hinder by good reasons and perswasions; as that to the West Indies we had not above eight hundreth leagues, to the ilands of Azores little lesse, and before we came to the ilands of Cape de Verde, that we should meete with the breze; for every night we might see the reach goe contrary to the winde which wee sayled by; verifying the old proverbe amongst mariners,—that he hath need of a long mast, that will sayle by the reach: and that the neerest land and speediest refreshing we could look for, was the coast of Brasill; and that standing towards it with the wind we had, we shortned our way for the Indies; and that to put all the sicke men together in one shippe, and to send her home, was to make her their grave. For we could spare but few sound men, who were also subject to fall sicke, and the misery, notwithstanding, remedilesse. With which they were convinced, and remayned satisfied. So leaving all to their choyse, with the consideration of what I perswaded, they resolved, with me, to continue our course, till that God was pleased to looke upon us with his Fatherly eyes of mercie.

Brasill.

As we approached neerer and neerer the coast of Brasill, the wind began to vere to the east-wardes; and about the Cape S. Augustine. middle of October, to be large and good for us; and about the 18th of October, we were thwart of Cape Saint Augustine, which lyeth in sixe degrees to the southwards of the Farnambuca. lyne; and the twenty-one in the height of Farnambuca, but some fourscore leagues from the coast; the twentie foure in the height of Bayea de Todos Santos; neere the end of October, betwixt seventeen and eighteen degrees, we were in sixteen fathomes, sounding of the great sholes, which lye alongst the coast, betwixt the bay of Todos Todos Santos. Pura de Vitoria. Santos, and the port of Santos, alias Pura Senora de Vitoria; which are very perilous.[78]

But the divine Providence hath ordayned great flockes of small birds, like snytes,[79] to live upon the rockes and broken lands of these sholes, and are met with ordinarily twentie leagues before a man come in danger of them.

It shall not be amisse here to recount the accidents which befell us during this contrary winde, and the curiosities to be observed in all this time. Day and night we had continually a fayre gale of winde, and a smooth sea, without any alteration; one day, the carpenters having Dangers of fire. calked the decke of our shippe, which the sunne with his extreame heate had opened, craved licence to heate a little pitch in the cook-roome; which I would not consent unto By heating of pitch. by any meanes; for that my cooke-roomes were under the decke, knowing the danger; until the master undertooke that no danger should come thereof. But he recommended the charge to another, who had a better name then experience. He suffered the pitch to rise, and to runne into the fire, which caused so furious a flame as amazed him, and forced all to flie his heate. One of my company, with a double payre of gloves, tooke off the pitch-pot, but the fire forced him to let slip his hold-fast, before he could set it on the hearth, and so overturned it, and as the pitch began to runne, so the fire to enlarge it selfe, that in a moment a great part of the shippe was on a light fire. I being in my cabin, presently imagined what the matter was, and for all the hast I could make, before I came the fire was above the decke: for remedie whereof, I commanded all my companie to cast their rugge-gownes into the sea, with ropes fastened unto them. These I had provided for my people to watch in; for in many hott countries the nights are fresh and colde; and devided one gowne to two men, a starboord and a larboord man; so that he which watched had ever the gowne: for they which watched not, were either in their cabins, or under the decke, and so needed them not. The gownes being well soked, every man that could, tooke one, and assaulted the fire; and although some were singed, others scalded, and many burned, God was pleased that the fire was quenched, which I thought impossible; and doubtlesse, I never saw my selfe in greater perill in all the dayes of my life. Let all men take example by us, not to suffer, in any case, pitch to be heate in the ship, except it be with a shotte heate in the fire, which cannot breed daunger; nor to permit fire to be kindled, but upon meere necessitie; for the inconvenience thereof is for the most part remedilesse.[80]

By taking tobacco.

With drinking of tobacco it is said, that the Roebucke was burned in the range of Dartmouth.

The Primrose, of London, was fired with a candle, at Tilbery-hope, and nothing saved but her kele.

And another ship bound for Barbary, at Wapping.

The Jesus of Lubecke had her gunner-roome set on fire with a match, and had beene burnt without redemption, if that my father, Sir John Hawkins, knight, then generall By hooping and scutling of caske. in her, had not commaunded her sloppers[81] to be stopt, and the men to come to the pumpes, wherof shee had two which went with chaynes; and plying them, in a moment there was three or foure inches of water upon the decke, which with scoopes, swabbles,[82] and platters, they threw upon the fire, and so quenched it, and delivered both ship and men out of no small danger.

Great care is to be had also in cleaving of wood, in hooping or scuttling[83] of caske, and in any businesse where violence is to be used with instruments of iron, steele, or stone: and especially in opening of powder, these are not to be used, but mallets of wood; for many mischances happen beyond all expectation.

I have beene credibly enformed by divers persons, that comming out of the Indies, with scuttling a butt of water, the water hath taken fire, and flamed up, and put all in hazard. And a servant of mine, Thomas Gray, told me, that in the shippe wherein he came out of the Indies, anno 1600, there happened the like; and that if with mantles they had not smothered the fire, they had bin all burned with a pipe of water, which in scutling tooke fire.

Master John Hazlelocke reported, that in the arsenall of Venice happened the like, he being present. For mine By nature of waters. own part, I am of opinion, that some waters have this propertie, and especially such as have their passage by mines of brimstone, or other mineralls, which, as all men know, give extraordinary properties unto the waters by which they runne. Or it may be that the water being in wine caske, and kept close, may retayne an extraordinary propertie of the wine.[84] Yea, I have drunke fountaine and river waters many times, which have had a savour as that of brimstone.

Three leagues from Bayon, in France, I have proved of a fountaine that hath this savour, and is medicinable for many diseases. In the South sea, in a river some five leagues from Cape Saint Francisco, in one degree and a halfe to the northwardes of the lyne, in the bay of Atacames, is a river of fresh water, which hath the like savour. Of this I shall have occasion to speake in another place, treating of the divers properties of fountaines and rivers; and therefore to our purpose.

SECTION XVIII.

By swearing.

We had no small cause to give God thankes and prayse for our deliverance; and so, all our ships once come together, wee magnified his glorious Name for his mercie towards us, and tooke an occasion hereby to banish swearing out of our shippes, which amongst the common sort of mariners and sea-faring men, is too ordinarily abused. So with a generall consent of all our companie, it was ordayned that in every ship there should be a palmer or ferula, which should be in the keeping of him who was taken with an oath; and that he who had the palmer should give to every other that he tooke swearing, in the palme of the hand, a palmada with it, and the ferula. And whosoever at the time of evening, or morning prayer, was found to have the palmer, should have three blowes given him by the captaine or master; and that he should be still bound to free himselfe, by taking another, or else to runne in daunger of continuing the penaltie: which executed, few dayes reformed the vice; so that in three dayes together, was not one oath heard to be sworne. This brought both ferulas and swearing out of use.[85]

And certainly, in vices, custome is the principall sustenance; and for their reformation, it little availeth to give good counsell, or to make good lawes and ordenances except they be executed.

SECTION XIX.

In this time of contrary wind, those of my company which were in health, recreated themselves with fishing, and beholding the hunting and hawking of the sea, and the battell betwixt the whale and his enemies, which truly are of no small pleasure. And therefore for the curious, I will spend some time in declaration of them.

Ordinarily such ships as navigate betweene the tropiques, are accompanied with three sorts of fish: the dolphin, which the Spaniards call dozado; the bonito, or Spanish makerell; and the sharke, alias tiberune.

The dolphin.

The dolphin I hold to be one of the swiftest fishes in the sea. He is like unto a breame, but that he is longer and thinner, and his scales very small. He is of the colour of the rayn-bow, and his head different to other fishes; for, from his mouth halfe a spanne, it goeth straight upright, as the head of a wherry, or the cut-water of a ship.[86] He is very good meate if he be in season, but the best part of him is his head, which is great. They are some bigger, some lesser; the greatest that I have seene, might be some foure foote long.

I hold it not without some ground, that the auncient philosophers write, that they be enamoured of a man; for in meeting with shipping, they accompany them till they approach to colde climates; this I have noted divers times. For disembarking out of the West Indies, anno 1583, within three or foure dayes after, we mett a scole[2] of them, which left us not till we came to the ilands of Azores, nere a thousand leagues. At other times I have noted the like.

But some may say, that in the sea are many scoles[87] of this kinde of fish, and how can a man know if they were the same?

Who may be thus satisfied, that every day in the morning, which is the time that they approach neerest the ship, we should see foure, five, and more, which had, as it were, our eare-marke; one hurt upon the backe, another neere the tayle, another about the fynnes; which is a sufficient proofe that they were the same; for if those which had received so bad entertainment of us would not forsake us, much less those which we had not hurt. Yet that which makes them most in love with ships and men, are the scrappes and refreshing they gather from them.

The bonito.

The bonito, or Spanish makerell, is altogether like unto a makerell, but that it is somewhat more growne; he is reasonable foode, but dryer then a makerell. Of them there are two sorts: the one is this which I have described; the other, so great as hardly one man can lift him. At such times as wee have taken of these, one sufficed for a meale for all my company. These, from the fynne of the tayle forwards, have upon the chyne seven small yellow hillocks, close one to another.

The dolphins and bonitos are taken with certaine instruments of iron which we call vysgeis,[88] in forme of an eel speare, but that the blades are round, and the poynts like unto the head of a broad arrow: these are fastened to long staves of ten or twelve foote long, with lynes tied unto them, and so shott to the fish from the beake-head, the poope, or other parts of the shippe, as occasion is ministered. They are also caught with hookes and lynes, the hooke being bayted with a redd cloth, or with a white cloth made into the forme of a fish, and sowed upon the hooke.